SELIM02.pdf


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SPANISH REFERENCES IN THE CANTERBURY TALES

INTRODUCTION

Traditionally, a strong continental influence on Chaucer’s works, 
mainly Italian and French has been widely accepted. Some leading 
scholars (among them Professor Boitani’s and Professor Muscatine’s 
works can be cited as excellent samples) have devoted time and effort 
to demonstrate this foreign influence.

But we are not accustomed to hearing of any relationship
betweeen the great British genius and any Spanish influence.1 It 
would be of extraordinary importance for us, Spaniards and followers 
or students of Chaucer to realize that there indeed exists such a 
relationship. It is our endeavour in this article to pose the question of 
this possibility and to try to show a rational, fair foundation of our 
argumentation in favour of this relationship.

We shall limit our enquiry to The Canterbury Tales only for rea-
sons of space and time. The title of the article is indicative of our 
claim as we believe that through these textual references we have 
been able to track down this supposed influence.

1.- See, however, Patricia Shaw: “The Presence of Spain in Middle English Literature.” A 
paper read at the ESSE Inaugural Conference, Norwich, Sept. 1991, and to be published in 
Heft 1, Band 229 of the Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literatu ren,
1992.



111

Our starting point lies parallel with the Chaucerian assumption that 
many readers can interpret the same text in different ways as is 
explic itly suggested in Troilus and Criseyde, Book III, lines 1331-
1336; Book V, lines 1793-1798, i.e., we shall try to make this
underlying relationship transparent and relevant.

Following our hypothesis this article is divided into three parts. 
First, a list of quotations pointing out those words, by means of bold 
letters, which refer explicitly to Spanish persons, subjects, topics or 
circumstances. This list includes a total number of 62 quotations given 
per tale and each is accompanied by the line in which they occur in 
the Riverside Chaucer edition of 1991 as well as the corresponding
page. The second part consists of an attempt to search for this
Spanish influence in Chaucer while explaining most of the textual
references quoted. Apart from a brief introduction, the commentary is 
split up into three headings: Spanish historical events, Spanish
ge ographical places and Spanish Authorities. This last heading in-
cludes subject matters such as medicine, religion, classical literature 
and moral philosophy. The third and last part is dedicated to a brief 
summary of our hypothesis suggesting that the reader should be aware 
of any possible Spanish influence in Chaucer.

I.- QUOTATIONS

A.- Prologue

1.- " In Gernade at the seege eek hadde he be

Of Algezir, and riden in Belmarye." 1

2.- "Ther nas noon swich from Hulle to Cartage.

1.- The Riverside Chaucer,  edited by Larry D. Benson. 3rd edition. Oxford: O.U.P., 1991. 
V. 56-57. (P. 24). All the following quotations are from the same edition of The
Riverside Chaucer.



112

Hardy he was and wys to undertake;

With many a tempest hadde his berd  been shake.

He knew alle the havenes, as they were,

Fro Gootlond to the cape of Fynystere,

And every cryke in Britaigne and in Spayne.

His barge was the Maudelayne." V.404-410.(p. 30)

3.- "Wel knew he the olde Esculapius,

And Deyscorides, and eek Rufus,

Olde Ypocras, Haly, and Galyen

Serapion, Razis, and Avycen,

Averrois, Damascien, and Constantyn,

Bernard, and Gatesden, and Gilbertyn." 

V.429-434.(p. 30)

4.- "She hadde passed many a straunge strem;

At Rome she hadde been, and at Boloigne,

in Galicia at Seint-Jame, and at Coloigne." V.464-466.(p.31)

5.- "With hym ther rood a gentil PARDONER

Of Rouncivale, his freen and his compeer,

That streight was comen fro the court of Rome." 

V. 669-671. (p. 34)

B.- The Reeve’s Tale

6.- "For by that lord that called is Seint Jame ,

As I have thries in this shorte nyght

Swyvwed the milleres doghter bolt upright,

Whil thow hast, as a coward, been agast." V. 4264-4266. (p. 83)



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C.- Introduction to the Man of Law’s Tale

7.- "Wel kan Senec and many a philosophre

Biwaillen tyme moore than gold in cofre;

For ‘Los of catel may recovered be,

But los of tyme shendeth us,’quod he." V. 25-28. (p. 87) 

D.- The Man of Law’s Tale

8.- "Noght trowe I the triumphe of Julius,

Of which that Lucan maketh swich a boost,

Was roialler ne moore curius

Than was th’assemblee of this blisful hoost." V. 400-403. (p. 93)

9.- "Yeres and dayes fleet this creature

Thurghout the See of Grece unto the Strayte

Of Marrok, as it was hire aventure." V. 463-465. (p. 94)

10.- "Forth gooth hir ship thurghout the narwe mouth

Of Jubaltare and Septe, dryvynge ay

Somtyme est, ful many a wery day,

Til Cristes mooder -blessed be she ay!-

Hath shapen, thurgh hir endelces goodnesse,

To make an ende of al hir hevynesse." V. 944-952. (p. 100)

E.- The Wife of Bath’s Prologue

11.- "Now by that lord that called is Seint Jame ,

Thou shalt nat bothe, thogh that thou were wood,

Be maister of my body and of my good;

That oon thou shalt forgo, maugree thyne yen."

V. 412-415. (p. 109)



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F.- The Wife of Bath’s Tale

12.- "Reedeth Senek , and redeth ekk Boece;

Ther shul ye seen expres that it no drede is

That he is gentil that dooth gentil dedis." V. 1168-1170. (p. 120) 

13.- "Glad poverte is an honest thyng, certeyn;

This wole Senec and othere clerkes seyn." V. 1183-1184. (p. 121)

G.- The Friar’s Tale

14.- "Wel be we met, by God and by Seint Jame !"

V. 1443. (p. 125)

H.- The Summoner’s Tale

15.- "Whilom ther wa an irous potestat,

As seith Senek , that durynge his estaat," V. 2017-2018. (p. 133)

I.- The Merchant’s Tale

16.- "Ther nys no thyng in gree superlatyf,

As seith Senek , above an humble wyf." V. 1375-1376. (p. 155)

17.- "Senek , amonges othere wordes wyse,

Seith that a man oghte hym right wel avyse

To whom he yeveth his lond or his catel." V. 1523-1525. (p. 157)

18.- "Straw for thy Senek , and for thy proverbes!")

V. 1567. (p. 158)

J.- The Franklin’s Tale



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19.- "His tables Tolletanes forth he brought,

Ful wel corrected, ne ther lakked nought,

Neither his collect ne his expans yeeris,

Ne his ootes, ne his othere geeris,

As been his centris and his argumentz

And his proporcioneles convenientz

For his equacions in every thyng." V. 1273-1279. (p. 185)

K.- The Pardoner’s Tale

20.- "Senec seith a good word doutelees;

He seith he kan no difference fynde

Bitwix a man that is out of his mynde

And a man which that is dronkelewe,

But that woodnesse, yfallen in a shrewe,

Persevereth lenger than doth dronkenesse." V. 492-97. (p. 198)

21.- "Now kepe yow fro the white and fro the rede,

And namely fro the white wyn of Lepe

That is to selle in Fysshstrete or in Chepe.

This wyn of Spaigne crepeth sbtilly 

In othere wynes, growynge faste by,

Of which ther ryseth swich fumositee

That whan a man hath dronken draughtes thre,

And weneth that he be at hoom in Chepe,

He is in Spaigne, right at the toune of Lepe-

Nat at the Rochele, ne at Burdeux toun -

And thanne wol he seye "Sampsoun, Sampsoun!"

V. 562-72. (p. 197)

22.- "But certes, I suppose that Avycen

Wrooth nevere in no canon, ne in no fen,



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Mo wonder signes of empoisonyng

Than hadde thise wrecches two, er hir endyng."
V. 889-92. (p. 201)

L.- The Shipman’s Tale

23.- "I thanke yow, by God and by Seint Jame !" V. 355. (p. 207)

M.- Sir Thopas

24.- "His heer, his berd was lyk saffroun,

That to his girdel raughte adoun;

His shoon of cordewane." V. 730-32. (p. 213)

N.- The Tale of Melibee

25.- "… for hir deeth, yourself to destroye./  Senek

seith: "The wise man shal nat take to agreet dis -

confort for the deeth of his children,/ but,

certes, he sholde suffren it in pacience as wel

as he abideth the deeth of his owene

propre persone." V. 984-85. (p. 217)

26.- "Mesure of wepyng sholde be consid -

ered after the loore thet techeth us Senek :/

‘Whan that thy frend is deed,’ quod he, ‘lat

nat thyne eyen to moyste been of teeris, ne

to muche drye; although the teeris como to

thyne eyen, lat hem nat falle;/ and whan thou

hast forgoon thy freen, do diligence to gete

another freend; and this is moore wysdom than

for to wepe for thy freend which that thou hast

lorn, for therinne is no boote.’/" V. 991-93. (p. 217)



117

27.- "yeveth me audience./ For Piers Alfonce seith,

Whoso that dooth to thee oother good or harm

haste thee nat to quiten it, for in this wise thy

freend wole abyde and thyn enemy shal the

lenger lyve in drede.’/" V. 1053. (p. 219-220)

28.- "…/Apres, le philosophere dit, en mauvais

conseil les femmes vainquet les hommes; et

par ces raisons je ne dois point user de ton conseil.]"/"

V. 1062. (p. 220)

29.- "…/ For the book

seith that ‘the wise man maketh no lesyng

whan he turneth his corage to the bettre.’/" V. 1067. (p. 220)

30.- "…/ And Senec seith that ‘whoso

wole have sapience shal no man dis -

preyse, but he shal gladly techen the science

that he kan withouten presumpcion or pride;/

and swiche thynges as he noght ne kan, he

shal nat been ashamed to lerne hem, and en-

quere of lasse folk than hymself.’/…" V. 1071-72. (p. 220)

31.- "…/ The thridde is this, that he that is

irous and wrooth, as seith Senec, ne may nat speke but blameful 

thynges,/…" V. 1127. (p. 222)

32.- "…/ The book seith, ‘Whil that thou

kepest thy conseil in  thyn herte, thou kepest

it in thy prisoun,/ and whan thou biwreyest

thy conseil to any wight, he holdeth



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thee in his snare.’/…" V. 1143-144. (p. 222)

33.- "…/ For Seneca seith: ‘If so be that thou

ne mayst nat thyn owene conseil hyde, how

darstou prayen any oother wight thy conseil

secrely to kepe?’/…" V. 1147. (p. 222)

34.- "…/ And Seneca telleth the cause why: 

‘It may nat be,’ seith he, ‘that where greet

fyr hath longe tyme endured, that ther

ne dwelleth som vapour of warmnesse.’/…" V. 1185. (p. 223)

35.- "…/ And Peter Alfonce seith, ‘Make no

felawshipe with thyne olde enemys, for if thou

do hem bountee, they wol perverten it into

wikkednesse.’/…" V. 1189. (p. 223-224)

36.- "…/ And Piers Alphonce seith, ‘If thou hast

myght to doon a thyng of which thou most

repente, it is bettre "nay" than "ye"/…" V. 1218. (p. 224)

37.- "…/ And Senec seith, ‘If thy

conseil is comen to the ceris of thyn en-

emy, chaunge thy conseil.’/…" V. 1226. (p. 225)

38.- "Piers Alfonce seith, ‘Ne taak no compaignye by

the weye of a straunge man, but if so be that

thou have knowe hym of a lenger tyme./ And

if so be that he falle into thy compaignye

paraventure, withouten thyn assent,/ en-

quere thanne as subtilly as thou mayst of



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his conversacion, and of his lyf bifore, and feyne

thy wey; seye that thou [wolt] thider as thou

wolt nat go;/ and if he bereth a spere, hoold

thee on the right syde, and if he bered a swerd,

holld thee on the lift syde.’/" V. 1309. (p. 227)

39.- "For Senec seith that ‘the wise man that

dredeth harmes, eschueth harmes,/ ne

he ne falletth into perils that perils eschueth.’/…"

V. 1319-320. (p. 227)

40.- "…/ Senec seith, ‘A man

that is well avysed, he dredeth his leste enemy.’/…"

V. 1324. (p. 227) 

41.- "…/ The

book seith that ‘somme folk han greet lust to

deceyve, but yet they dreden hem to be deceyved.’/"

V. 1328. (p. 227)

42.- "…/For

Senec seith thus: ‘That maister,’ he seith, is

good that proveth shrewes.’/…" V. 1437. (p. 230)

43.- "Certes," quod Prudence, "if ye wol werke

by my conseil, ye shul nat assaye Fortune by

no wey,/ ne ye shul nat lene or bowe unto

hire, after hte word of Senec;/ for ‘thynges that

been folily doon, and that been in hope of

Fortune, Shullen nevere come to good ende.’/

And, as the same Senec seith, ‘The moore cleer



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and the moore shynyng that Fortune is, the

moore brotil and the sonner broken is, she is.’/…"

V. 1446-449. (p. 230)

44.- "…/ For Senec seith, ‘What man that is

norissaed by Fortune, she maketh hym

a greet fool’/ …" V. 1455. (p. 230)

45.- "after the comune sawe, ‘it is a woodnesse a

man to stryve with a strenger or a moore

myghty man than he is hymself,/ and for to

stryve with a man of evene strengthe - that is

to seyn, with as strong a man as he is - it is

peril,/ and for to stryve with a weyker man, it

is a folie.’/" V. 1481-483. (p. 231)

46.- "…/ For Senec seith that ‘he putteth hym in

greet peril that stryveth with a greeter man

than he is hymself.’/…" V. 1488. (p. 231)

47.- "…/ And therfore seith Senec

that ‘a man shal nevere vengen shrewednesse by shrewed-

nesse.’/…" V. 1531. (p. 232)

48.- "And yet seith this Pamphilles

moreover that ‘they that been thralle and

bonde of lynage shullen been maad worthy and

noble by the richesses.’/" V. 1561. (p. 233)

49.- "Piers Alfonce, ‘Oon of the gretteste ad-

versitees of this world is/ whan a free man by



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kynde or of burthe is constreyned by poverte

to eten the almesse of his enemy.’/…"  V. 1566. (p. 233)

50.- "…/ For Seint Jame

seith in his Epistles that ‘by concord and

pees the smale richesses wexen grete,/ and by

debaat and discord the grete richesses fallen

doun.’/…" V. 1676-77. (p. 235)

51.- "…/For

Senec seith, ‘The is the remissioun and

foryifnesse, where as the confessioun is.’/… V. 1775. (p. 237)

52.- "…/For Senec seith

that ‘he taht overcometh his herte overcometh twies.’/…

V. 1857. (p. 239)

53.- "For Senec seith, ‘He overcometh in an

yvel manere that repenteth hym of his victorie.’/…

V. 1866. (p. 239)

O.- The Monk’s Tale

54.- "De Petro Rege Ispannie

O noble, O worthy Petro, glorie of Spayne,

Whom Fortune heeld so hye in magestee,

Wel oghten men thy pitous deeth compalyne

Out of thy land thy brother made thee flee,

And after, at a seege, by subtiltee,

Thou were bitraysed and lad unto his tente,

Where as he with his owene hand slow thee,

Succedynge in thy regne and in thy rente.



122

The feeld of snow, with th’egle of black therinne,

Caught with the lymrod coloured as the gleede,

He brew this cursednesse and al this synne.

The wikked nest was werker of this nede.

Noght Charles Olyver, that took ay heede

Of trouthe and honour, but of Armorike

Genylon-Olyver, corrupt for meede,

Brogthe this worthy kyng in swich a brike."

V. 2375-390. (p. 246-247)

55.- " In yowthe a maister hadde this emperour

To teche hym letteture and curteisye,

For of moralitee he was the flour,

As his tyme, but if bookes lye;

And whil this maister haddde of hym mais -tryr,

He maked hym so knnoyng and so sowple

That longe tyme it was er tirannye

Or any vice doste on hym uncowple.

This Seneca, of which that devyse,

By cause Nero hadde of hym swich drede,

For he fro vices wolde hym ay chastise

Discreetly, as by word and nat by dede-

"Sire," wolde he seyn, "an emperour moot nede

Be vertuos and hate tirannye-"

For which he in a bath made hym to blede

On bothe his armes, til he moste dye.

This Nero hadde eek of acustumaunce

In youthe agayns his maister for to ryse,

Which afterward hym thougthe a greet grev-aunce;



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Therefore he made hym dyen in this wisw.

But natheless this Seneca the wise

Chees in a bath to dye in this manere

Rather than another tormentise;

And thus hath Nero slayn his maister deere."

V. 2495-2518. (p. 248)

56.- "Lucan, to thee this storie I recomende,

And to Swetoun, and to Valerius also," V. 2719-720. (p. 251)

P.- The Manciple’s Tale

57.- "Reed Salomon, so wys and honourable;

Reed David in his psalmes; reed Senekke." V. 344-45. (p. 286)

Q.- The Parson’s Tale

58.- "For, as seith Seint Ysidre, "He is a japere and

a gabbere and no verray repentant that eft -

soone dooth thyng for which hym oghte repente."/" V. 88. (p. 288)

59.- "…/ And lo, what seith Seneca in this

matere? He seith thus: "Though I wiste that

neither God ne man ne sholde nevere knowe

it, yet wolde I have desdayn for to do synne."/

And the same Seneca also seith, "I am born 

to gretter thynges than to be thral to my body,

or than for to makes of my body a thral."/" V. 143-44. (p. 290)

60.- "…/ Another is to be benigne to his goode

subgetis; wherfore seith Senek , "Ther is no

thing moore covenable to a man of heigh es -



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taat than debonairetee and pitee./ And ther-

fore thise flyes that men clepen bees, whan

they maken hir kyng, they chesen oon that

hath no prikke wherwith he may stynge." /" V. 466-67. (p. 302)

61.- "…/ Ther is a maner

norice, as seith Seint Ysidre, That whan men

maken fir of thilke tree and covere the coles

of it with asshen, soothly the fir of it wol lasten

al a yeer or moore./ " V. 550. (p. 305)

62.- "…/ And therfore seith

Seneca, "Thy prudence sholde lyve benignely

with thy thralles."/" V. 759. (p. 314)

II.- COMMENTARY

Chaucer’s knowledge of some Spanish geographical places, some 
historical events, some merchandise made in Spain and some impor-
tant Spanish authorities in Astronomy, Literature, Philosophy and Re-
ligion does not need any proof, the best way of confirming it lies in 
reading his Canterbury Tales. It is true that the attitude of the reader 
is also very important in order to discover in the text all this Spanish 
world that we are seeking.

The quotations, made in our first part, are for us real evidence of 
the presence of this Spanish atmosphere that had an influence in a 
certain way on our beloved author. Certainly we can affirm that 
Chaucer was strongly influenced by Séneca and that he had a sound 
knowledge of Pero Alfonso and St. James and slighter knowledge of 
Lucan, St. Isidore of Seville, Averroes and Avycena.



125

We can easily guess that he was aware of fourteenth century
news from Spain related with political-historical events and with
Spanish merchandise familiar to his contemporaries. Thus, he knew 
about the siege of Algeciras in 1343, which was a famous event all 
over Europe, in which some English knights fought. His A Treatise on 
the Astrolabe and the references to astrological and astronomical
knowledge in The Canterbury Tales had a basic foundation in that 
time which was the Alphonsine Tables known by Chaucer.

All this background about Spain in the fourteenth century may have 
been acquired in two ways: indirect knowledge and direct knowledge. 
The first method involves two elements: news and means of
communication through which news can travel. Chaucer may have 
had three means: pilgrimage, books and the English intervention in the 
Spanish events of that time. The three most important shrines of 
pilgrimage then were Jerusalem, Rome and St. James of Compostela 
in Galicia. Many English pilgrims went along the pilgrims‘ road to St. 
James of Compostela following the French routes. It is important to 
remember that part of Western France (it should be borne in mind that 
the Black Prince was also the Prince of Aquitaine) was English in the 
period when the English took part in the Spanish fratricide fighting 
(Pedro I against Enrique II). Knowing Chaucer’s sensitivity and ca-
pacity for absorbing the events of his time, as can be seen in The
Canterbury Tales, it goes without saying that this event brought 
Chaucer in touch with the Spanish scene.

Books were another means of learning about Spain and the
Spaniards. Possesing a book at that time depended on the social class 
to which a person belonged. Chaucer’s status fitted into the right cate-
gory.

International relationship was possible for commercial, political and 
religious motivations. The third mechanism to obtain information in an 



126

indirect way was the English contribution to Spanish life of that time. 
The Black Prince helped Pedro I "The Cruel" in the war against his 
bastard brother Enrique "The Fratricide". The Duke of Lancaster 
married Constanza, one of Pedro’s daughters and claimed the crown 
of Castille and Leon. Chaucer was at their service. This is enough to 
understand the possible ways through which Chaucer may have had 
an acquaintance of Spanish affairs.

The direct way to acquire a kind of Spanish background may have 
been by means of Chaucer’s own experience. A safe-conduct was is-
sued by the king of Navarre from February 22nd to May 24th 1366 to 
allow Chaucer and some of his servants to go through the territory of 
Navarre.1 Neither Spanish nor English scholars recognize any Spanish 
influence in Chaucer’s works, although everybody agrees with a
community of ideas and mutual intellectual overlapping in Europe
recognizing a French and Italian but not a Spanish influence. Why? 
The answer is not only because Chaucer visited Italy and France sev-
eral times but also because some authors have devoted their time and 
energy to bring to the fore these foreign debts. If it is true that he 
came to Spain too, our effort only rests on showing this Spanish influ-
ence. This is our purpose, so let us consider these Spanish references 
in The Canterbury Tales thinking not only about their number and 
frequency but of what is implied by them.

1.- SPANISH HISTORICAL EVENTS

1.1.- The siege of Algeciras in Granada.(Quotation 1)

1.- HONORE-DUVERGE, Suzanne, "Chaucer en Espagne? 1366", Recueil de Travaux 
offert a M. Clovis Brunel. Paris: 1955, 9-13.



127

Henry of Lancaster, the Count of Salisbury and other English
knights took part in the siege of Algeciras, helping Alphonso XI,1 who 
had gathered troops from Germany, Italy, Navarre and France, against 
the Arabian invaders. The siege lasted from August of 1342 to March 
of 1344. This historical event was well known all over Europe.
Chaucer and his family were directly connected to the English royal 
family who took part in this event. His Knowledge was indirect as he 
had just been born.

This area of Spain was a polemical area at that time for political 
and economic reasons, the Straits of Gibraltar being an important 
commercial route: many kingdoms were interested in holding power in 
them.

We think that it is significant that Chaucer mentions nearly all the 
places in this area: Gibraltar, Algeciras, Granada and Ceuta. He was 
well informed because he was a man with diplomatic and commercial 
missions.

This allusion takes place in the introduction of the Knight. This 
character is so important to Chaucer (the knight belongs to the first 
stage, the nobility), from a social point of view, that he has the honour 
of opening his Tales.

The fact that this character had fought in Granada at the siege of 
Algeciras seems an important feature of his personality and it implies 
that this Spanish reference has a positive connotation for Chaucer 
himself. So we can deduce that our poet did not maintain any preju-
dice against Spanish affairs.

1.- Alphonso XI (Salamanca 1311-Gibraltar 1350) was king of Castile and León from 
1312 to 1350. He led the siege of Algeciras and not Alfonso IX as is written in The
Riverside Chaucer,  "Explanatory Notes", v. 57, p. 801. Alphonso IX (Zamora 1171-
Villanueva de Sarria 1230) was king of León from 1188 to 1230. Obviously he could not 
take part in the siege of Algeciras from 1342 to 1344.



128

As the Prologue is meant to appear as a kind of introductory
preparation for the reader/hearer, we can logically assume that this 
Spanish mention, with which any of Chaucer’s contemporaries were 
familiar, held a positive value.

Nothing particularly interesting in reference to this point is men-
tioned by the four translations into Spanish we have consulted. Two of 
these are by Prof. Guardia Masso, bilingual edition Bosch, 1978 and 
Ed. Cátedra, 1987; two by Juan G. de Luaces, one in ed. Iberia in two 
volumes, 1973 and the other in ed. Planeta, 1984.

1.2.- The Tragedy of Pedro I (Quotation 54)

Chaucer is one of the few writers who refers to this Spanish king 
by praising him. Most historians and chroniclers refer to him in rec-
ognizing his atrocities. Not in vain was his nickname Pedro el Cruel. 
Although the Black Prince was aligned with King Pedro at the battle 
of Najera they were not always in agreement with each other. Pero 
López de Ayala says:" …siempre ovo entre el rey don Pedro e el 
principe poca avenencia"1 Further on, he narrates how the king, called 
"the Cruel", wrongly killed his prisoners after the battle of Najera 
(1367) and the Black Prince answered: "Señor pariente, a mi parescer 
que nos tenede maneras mas fuertes agora para cobrar vuestro regno, 
e le registes en tal guisa que le ovistes a perder. E yo vos consejaría 
de cesar de facer estas muertes, e que buscásedes manera de cobrar 
las voluntades de los señores, e caballeros, e fijosdalgo, e cibdades e 
pueblos de este vuestro regno; e si de otra manera vos gobernásedes
segund primero lo faciades, estades en gran peligro de perder el vue-
stro regno, e vuestra persona, e llegarlo a tal estado, que mi señor e 
padre el rey de Inglaterra, nin yo aunque quisiéramos nos vos po-

1.- LOPEZ DE AYALA, Pero, Crónicas.  Barcelona: Planeta, 1991, p. 365.



129

dríamos valer."1 The Black Prince calls Pedro a "relative". This can 
be relevant in order to understand how Chaucer refers to this Spanish 
king with praise. But there is another important reason for understand-
ing Chaucer’s point of view: the marriage of the Duke of Lancaster to 
Constanza of Castille, Pedro’s daughter in 1371 and the Duke of Lan-
caster’s claim to the crown of Castilla and León after his father in 
law’s death.

López de Ayala writes about this event of 1374: "Ca el rey don 
Enrique se rescelaba del duque de Alencastre, porque casara con
doña Constanza, fija del rey don Pedro e de doña María de Padilla, 
allabase el dicho duque de Alencastre rey de Castilla e de León, e 
traía armas de castillos e leones…"2

The Spanish reference in the Monk’s Tale: "De Petro Rege Ispan-
nie" gives a clue to dating the tale. Pedro I was murdered by the bas-
tard Enrique II in 1369. The tale may have been written in the period 
from 1371 to 1388, when the Duke of Lancaster married Costanza 
and began to claim the crown of Castilla and León. Chaucer had to 
defend his lord’s claim. It was impossible to express the point of view 
of recognizing Pedro I as "the Cruel" and not as "the Just" as his few 
admirers called him. Chaucer could not write against his lord’s father 
in law.

The year 1388 appears to be a key date because Chaucer could 
not say Pedro I was a victim and his brother Enrique was the
murderer as Chaucer refers to them in the Monk’s tale because of a 
decisive and curious historical episode narrated by López de Ayala: 
"Otrosí que los dichos rey de Castilla e duque de alencastre e la 
duquesa doña Constanza, su mujer, farían sin ningún engaño que se 

1.- LOPEZ DE AYALA, Pero, op. ct. p. 367.
2.- LOPEZ DE AYALA, Pero, op. ct., p. 475.



130

ficiese casamiento por palabras de presente del infante don Enrique, 
fijo promogénito del rey don Juan de Castilla, con doña Catalina, fija 
de los dichos duque e duquesa; e que del día quel trato fuese jurado e 
firmado, fasta dos meses publicamente señelizarían el dicho
casamiento en faz de la Iglesia e que se consumaría lo más aina que 
ser pudiese.." And further on: "Otrosí, que fasta dos meses primeros 
siguientes del dicho trato ficieses el rey Cortes e jurara en ellos a los 
dichos infante don Enrique su fijo, e doña Catalina, así como su mujer, 
por herederos suyos de Castilla e de León."1

So Pedro’s I granddaughter, Catalina, and Enrique’s II grandson 
got married. All the fighting and claims were finished and sealed by a 
blood tie. Taking into consideration this event it does not seem proba-
ble to us that Chaucer wrote this Spanish reference, as with this mar-
riage bond neither was Pedro I "the Cruel" nor was Enrique II "the 
Fratricide". Obviously this period of time from 1371 to 1388 implies the 
date of the Monk’s Tale. We believe that the most suitable cir-
cumstances for writing this Tale were after the wedding and a claim 
to the crown of Castilla and León: 1371 or the following years.

Chaucer writes this catalogue of short stories, as he himself estab-
lishes in line 110, in order to learn. Our story "De Petro Rege Ispan-
nie" comes after Zenobia’s and it mainly consists of high praise of king 
Pedro.

2.- SPANISH GEOGRAPHICAL PLACES

Quotation number 1: Granada and Algeciras.

Quotation number 2: Cartagena and Finisterre.

Quotation number 4: St. James of Compostela

Quotation number 5: Rouncesval.

1.- LOPEZ DE AYALA, Pero, op. ct., p. 634-635.



131

Quotation number 9: Straits of Morocco.

Quotation number 10: Gibraltar and Ceuta.

Quotation number 19: Alphonsine Tables.

Quotation number 21: Lepe.

Quotation number 24: Shoes made in Córdoba.

There are nine references to twelve Spanish locations and, we 
think, they are highly relevant. All the places can be classified de-
pending on the reason why they are mentioned.

Four reasons seem to be the general explanation of these refer-
ences: political-economical reasons, trade between Spain and England,
the shrine of St. James and the astronomical scientific importance of 
the Alphonsine Tables.

2.1.- The Political-economical reasons have already been
pointed out above when explaining the Algeciras siege. Thus Gibraltar, 
Ceuta belong to this conflictive area.

2.2.- Trade between England and Spain. Chaucer’s knowledge 
of wines is obvious. References to wine appear in nearly all the tales.

Chaucer refers to the wine of Lepe and the shoes made in
Córdoba. Many Spanish products were imported to England in the 
Middle Ages, especially oil, cereals and wine.

Wine from Lepe was imported from early 1304. Wendy Childs 
writes about it: "Southern Shipping on the channel routes was even 
rarer but not missing altogether: ships from Seville called at England as 
early as 1304 and a few continued to come in the fourteenth and 



132

fifteenth centuries, supported in the latter half of the fifteenth by odd 
vessels from Sanlucar, Cádiz and Lepe"1

Andalusian ships went directly to England and "Buques ingleses 
que van a Andalucía: mucho más numerosos, llevan paños como pro-
ducto de exportación casi único, y vino como cargamento de re-
torno."2

Leather products made in Córdoba were famous from the Moorish 
invasion of Spain. "Andalucia era uno de los centros productores de 
cueros más importantes de España."3 In the translations into modern 
Spanish consulted we see that while professor Guardia translates our 
quotation number 24 as "sus botas eran de cuero español", J. G. de 
Luances says "usaba zapatos de cordobán".

Chaucer’s allusions can be explained by remembering two factors: 
his family connection with the wine trade and because in 1374 he was 
made Controller of the Customs and Subsidies on Wool for the port of 
London. In this sense Robinson says: "Furthermore the Customs
seems to have offered opportunities to enrichment beyond the actual 
salary. He may have received income from the flees, and sum as the 
value of a shipment of wool that had been confiscated when its han-
dlers tried to dispose of it without acquiring a license or paying the 
duty."4

1.- CHILDS, Wendy, Anglo -Castillian Trade in the Later Middle Ages.  Manchester: 
1978.
2.- FERREIRA PRIEGUE, Elisa Mª, "El papel de Galicia en la redistribución de productos 
andaluces visto a través de los archivos ingleses", Actas del II Coloquio de Historia 
Medieval Andaluza.Hacienda y Comercio. Sevilla: Exma. Diputación de Sevilla, 1982, p. 
243.
3.- OTTE, Enrique, "El comercio exterior andaluz a fines de la Edad Media", Actas del II 
Colo quio de Historia Medieval Andaluza. Hacienda y Comercio. Sevilla: Exma.
Diputación de Sevilla, 1982, p. 224.
4.- The Works of Chaucer,  edited by Robinson. P. 1024.



133

So it is clear that Chaucer knew the swindles mentioned in quota-
tion number 21 about the wine from Lepe which was mixed with
others, because of his occupation at that time trying to prevent such 
swindles.

In the case of quotation number 21, it is worth noting the strikingly 
contradictory versions in Spanish. Thus while Guardia Masso renders

"Por lo que manteneos apartados del vino, blanco o tinto, no im-

porta, y muy especialmente alejaos del vino blanco de Lepe que se 

vende en Fish Street y en Cheapside. Pues de un modo misterioso 

este vino español parece contaminar los vinos que se crian cerca 

de él y de la mezcla se desprenden vapores de tal fuerza que de-

spués de beber tres vasos un hombre que se cree en su casa de 

Cheapside se encuentra en España (no en la Rochela o en Burdeos, 

sino en la mismisima villa de Lepe) repitiendo "Sansón,Sansón"

Luaces says

"Así, guardaos del vino, blano y del tinto, y en particular del 

blanco de Lepe, que venden en Chepe y en Fish-Street. Porque 

este vino de España deslìzanlo sutilmente en otros vinos que cre -

cen aquí cerca, y de ellos emana tal aroma que basta que un hom-

bre beba tres tragos para que, cuando piensa estar en su casa de 

Chepe, se halle en España y en el mismo Lepe, que no en la 

Rochela o en Burdeos. Y entonces es cuando la nariz rurunea: 

"Sansón, Sansón".

Comparing these two versions we are delighted with the excellency 
and the misery of that difficult and exciting task of translation.

2.3.- The shrine of St. James of Compostela in Galicia



134

Pilgrimages must be considered one of the most important occupa-
tions in the Middle Ages, not only from a religious but a cultural, 
economical and political point of view. The shrine of St. James was 
the nearest one for English people, except, of course, Canterbury. 
Chaucer’s Spanish references about: Finisterre, St. James of Com-
postela, Galicia and Rouncesval imply that the pilgrims’ road to St. 
James of Compostela was one of the main meeting centres. This ar-
gument is strengthened by a continual invocation to St. James in The
Canterbury Tales for swearing. Nevertheless, Galicia was an impor-
tant focus for merchants and pirates at that time. Chaucer, by citing all 
the natural bays given in quotation number two, shows himself to be 
familiar with this fact.

Another important quotation is number five where Rouncesval is 
mentioned. Once again Spain and England are linked not only by the 
royal blood bond, trade and political relationships but by a religious 
organization. St. Mary Rouncesval at Charing Cross in London, de-
pended on the Agustinian Hospital of Our Lady of Roncesval in Spain 
on the pilgrims’ road to Compostela. Spanish and English connections 
are not few and not a coincidence. Chaucer as a good observer of his 
time knew this and Spanish references are necessarily present in his 
work.

On the other hand, the tradition of St. James was known early by 
English people. In the eighth century St. Adhelmo, abbot of Malmes-
bury (a municipal borough in Wiltshire, by the river Avon) and later on 
bishop of Sherbourne (in the County of Dorset, by the river Yed) 
wrote these verses: "Hic quoque Jacobus, cretus quitore vetusto/ 
Delebrum sancto defendet tegmine celsum;/qui clamante pio ponti de 
margine Crhisto/ Linquebat propium panda cum pupe parentem/
Primitus Hispanias convertit dogmate gentes, / Barbara divinis con-
vertents agmina dictis/ Quae priscos duodum ritus et lunda facia,/ 
Daemonis horrendi deceptae fande, colebant;/ Plurima hic praesul pa-



135

travit signa stupends/ Quae nunc in Chartis scribuntur rite quadratis/"1

The cult of St. James had grown in England a long time before 
Chaucer.

2.4.- The astronomical scientific importance of the
Alphonsine Tables was known by Chaucer. He liked Astronomy 
and Astrology. His A Treatise on Astrolabe and the abundant
references in The Canterbury Tales, including the Canon’s
Yeoman’s Tale are good evidence to make us think so.

Quotation number 19 about the Alphonsine Tables made in Toledo 
("tables Tolletanes") reveals Chaucer’s knowledge of them. Alphonso 
X, king of Castile and León (1221-1284) gathered to gether Christian 
and Arabian wise men and commanded them to make the famous 
Tables. They were finished in Toledo in 1252 and were adapted to the 
Oxford meridian and latitude in the fourteenth century.

This book and Libros del Saber de Astronomía, whose contents: 
"Libro del Astrolabio redondo y del Libro del Astrolabio llano" in the 
fourth book, were the foundation for everyone who was interested in 
learning these sciences.

Again the two versions into Spanish consulted differ. As Pedro 
Guardia says: "Sacó sus recien corregidas tabulas toledanas de as-
tronomía y todo lo que necesitaba…" Luances says: "Trajo sus Tablas 
Toledanas muy bien corregidas, sin que en ellas faltase nada…"

So Spanish scientific works in the Middle Ages were another con-
tribution linking Spain to England and Europe although it seems hard 
for people to recognize it.

3.- SPANISH AUTHORITIES

1.- Enciclopedia Uviversal. Madrid: Espasa y Calpe, 1973. Tomo LIV, p. 246.



136

Chaucer, as an educated man of his time, knew all the most impor-
tant Spanish authorities who were basic intellectual foundations of 
Western civilization. These Spanish authorities known by Chaucer 
were so important that they represented outstanding sources for the 
European civilization.

3.1- Medicine

3.1.1.- Avycena (Quotations 3, 22)

Avicenna was a philosopher and a physician, (980-1037). Although 
he was not born in Spain, Al Andalus was the most important place to 
spread his doctrine all over Europe. He was called "The Prince of the 
Physicians" at that time. Although his fundamental work was Book of 
the Canon of Medicine, he also wrote excellent treatises on
Mathematics, Astronomy, and other subjects.

Avycena is mentioned by Chaucer as a basic reference to an intel-
lectual man, with not only a knowledge of Literature but also of other 
Sciences. His mention corresponds to the same reason for quoting our 
next authority who happens to be a Spaniard from Córdoba.

3.1.2.- Averroes (Quotation 3)

Averroes was a Spanish Moslem philosopher, astronomer and
physician who was born in Córdoba in 1126. He was more famous as 
a philosopher than as a physician. Nevertheless, his medical works 
were spread widely from his time to the Renaissance. His most fa-
mous work was the KItab alKulliyat al.Tibb (A Treatise of the Uni-
versal Medicine)." Esta obra sería traducida al latín a mediados del 
siglo XIII por Bonacossa (1255) con el título de Colliget y editada en 
Venecia en 1482."1 Antonio Arjona says that there are three uncom-

1.- ARJONA CASTRO, Antonio, "La Medicina Andaluza durante los Reinos de Taifas y 
las Invasiones Africanas. Apogeo de la Medicina Arábigo -Andaluza", Axerquia. Revista de 



137

pleted manuscripts of the Hebrew translations, made in the fourteenth 
century, in Paris, Florence and Oxford. Probably Chaucer’s knowl-
edge of Averroes was not by reading his work but from oral informa-
tion. One way or another, the source was a translation in Latin. 
Medicine is a science and diseases are not caused by divine will. This 
is in Chaucer’s text:"He knew the cause of everich maladye."1 Notice
that "everich" is said which means that there are no possibilities for 
divine causes. And on the same page: "His studie was but litel on the 
Bible". So God has nothing to do with the causes of illness. Corrobo-
rating this text Antonio Arjona says: "Una respuesta ingenua e insufi-
ciente, dice Averroes, sería decir " que los días del hombre están con-
tados" y que una vida larga y breve no guardan relación con
regímenes buenos y malos. Pero no es así, es preciso conocer las 
causas."2 Further on Dr. Arjona says that Averroes followed Aristote-
les’ theory about the four "elemental qualities": hot, moist, cold and dry 
as we can find in Chaucer’s Prologue:"hoot or coold, or moyste, or 
drye."3

3.2.- RELIGION

3.2.1.- St. Isidore of Seville (Quotations 58, 61)

St. Isidore was archbishop of Seville, a scholar and the "Second 
Apostle of Spain". He lived during the V and VI centuries and died in 

Estu dios Cordobeses.  Córdoba: Exma. Diputación Provincial de Córdoba, 1989. Nº 19, p. 
206
1.- The Riverside Chaucer,  edited by Larry D. Benson. 3rd edition. Oxford: O.U.P: 1991. 
V. 419. (P. 30).
2.- ARJONA CASTRO, Antonio, op. ct., p. 209.
3.- Op. ct. V. 420. (P. 30).



138

636. He was not only a compiler of the Greek and Roman civilizations
but an original and productive writer like St. Bede in England.

There are two catalogues of his works: Prenotatio Librorum Divi 
Isidori by a contemporaneous friend called St. Braulius and De Viris 
Illustribus by St. Ildefonso.

Among the dogmatic works the best one is Sententiarum Libri 
Tres which was highly appreciated during the Middle Ages. Chaucer 
might have read it according to the quotations about penance
(quotation 56) and resentment (quotation 60).

Chronica Mundi, a historical work, in which he narrated the his-
tory of the world from the beginning to 615.It was a source for the 
Venerable Bede’s most important work.

His most outstanding work is Etimologias. St. Isidore starting from 
an etymologic point of view goes on dealing with all the wisdom about 
God, man, arts and the universe. Over one thousand manuscripts exist 
of this work.

Chaucer must have known St. Isidore’s works, at least, Etimolo-
gias and Sententiarum Libri Tres. That is why he mentioned St. 
Isidore as an authority when he refers to resentment and penance. It 
is relevant that Chaucer knew the first Apostle of Spain, St. James, 
and St. Isidore who is considered the "Second Apostle", in spite of not 
being one of the twelve apostles.

3.2.2.- St. James (Quotations 4, 6, 11, 14, 23)

When Chaucer mentions St. James he refers to three different 
aspects: the shrine of St. James of Compostela in Galicia, " St. James"
as a swearword and St. James as an apostle who wrote an epistle of 
the Christian doctrine. This ample range of possible references were 
common ground in the Middles Ages.



139

We have already referred to the first aspect about the shrine of 
St. James of Compostela at 2.3. Let us see the second possibility.

"St. James" as a swearword implies an analysis of human
speech. Through this we can discover the importance of Chaucer’s 
reference.1 Swearing is a suitable act for speaking and not for writing.
Chaucer was very concerned about the accuracy and impartiality of 
the text that he wrote. Apart from any possible irony here we have his 
own words: " Whoso shal felle a tale after a man,/ He moot reherce
as ny as evere he kan/ Everich a word, if it be in his charge, / Al 
speke he never so rudeliche and large, / Or ellis he moot telle his tale 
untrewe,/ Or feyne thyng, or fynde wordes newe."2

So Chaucer is merely a recorder of talk. He’s a truthful witness. 
Swearing is a habit, a repetitive action, almost carefree. It is related to 
feelings and passion. Most of the time it is a reflex action of speech. 
Therefore, swearwords (quotations 6, 11, 14, 23) imply a close rela tion
between the person and the meaning of the swearword, although
sometimes it is mainly in the speaker’s mind and not in the act of 
speaking itself. For example, if we say :"For God’s sake", the meaning
is not in the words but in the expression, the attitude to which the 
speaker and the listener are involved. Swearwords correspond much 
more to a functional, attitudinal message of language than to realistic 
semantic sense. These words are full of meaning in our minds but we 
say them not for the meaning but to show our feelings and attitude.

Chaucer’s speech, among others, contained Spanish swearwords 
or, at least, people of his time used them and he, as a good social no-
tary, shows them to us in his works. Usually, swearwords are not ex-

1.- We do not agree with the following opinion from The Riverside Chaucer: "… but
there seems no special significance in mentioning him here", in the "Explanatory 
Notes", v. 4264, p. 852.
2.- OP. ct. V. 731-736. (P. 35)



140

clusive to one person but to a social group or to more than one person. 
We have a record of "St. James" as a swearword. But the people who 
swore were not English, they were Spanish fighting against the English 
and Spanish in the battle of Nájera (1363). Pero López de Ayala 
narrated this episode: "E tan recio se juntaron los unos con los otros, 
que a los de la una parte e a los de la otra cayeron las lanzas en tierra: 
e juntarónse cuerpos con cuerpos, e luego se comenzaron a ferir de 
las espadas e hachas e dados, llamando los de la parte del rey don 
Pedro e del príncipe de Gales por su apellido, Guiana, Sant Jorge; e 
los de la parte del rey don Enrique, Castilla, Santiago."1

In The Canterbury Tales we find English people swearing by St. 
James: Chaucer himself or the wife of Bath (a temperamental charac-
ter); the summoner (another temperamental character) in the Friar’s
Tale; Alan (another one) in the Reeve’s Tale or the monk (a perfect 
rascal) in the Shipman’s Tale.

St. James as an apostle has nothing to do with Spain. He may be 
confused with St. James called "the Greater", St. John’s (the Evange-
list) brother, who is considered the patron saint of Spain. The one who 
wrote the epistle was called "The Minor" and was St. Judas’ brother.

3.3. Classical Literature

3.3.1. Lucan (Quotation 8, 56) 

He was born in Córdoba in 39 a. C. and was Seneca’s nephew. 
They had common characteristics as writers and as Nero’s
"servants". Both were accused of Pison’s conspiracy and both were 
ordered to commit suicide by the same method. Both were masters 

1.- PEREZ DE AYALA, Pero, op. ct., p. 352.



141

treating human tragedy in literature. Lucan was under his uncle’s 
influence, mainly in those episodes of his Pharsalia in which human 
horror is pathetic. The descriptions of the battle of Pharsalia and the 
Tesalian wizard’s spell are horrifyng scenes which might have been 
imitated from his uncle. A relevant factor is the positive treatment for 
Lucan when Chaucer wrote about Cesar’s triumph "Of which that 
Lucan maketh swich a boost,"1 Chaucer considered Lucan as a good 
"photographer" of the reality who knew how to emphasize that majes-
tic moment. This idea is corroborated in The Monk’s Tale  considering
Lucan as a historian "That of this storie writen word and ende."2

Chaucer’s importance is based on the fact that he is the first writer 
who mentioned the word "tragedy" at that time in English. Italian in-
fluence in the early 1370’s may be an explanation to his contribution 
but Seneca’s and Lucan’s influences must be taken into account be-
cause they were very important authors dealing with tragedy in litera-
ture. Let us not forget the fact that both were Spaniards and Chaucer 
was quite familiar with them.

3.4. Moral Philosophy

3.4.1. Pero Alfonso (Quotations 27, 32, 35, 36, 38, 48, 49)

He was a converted Jew, born in Huesca whose famous book Dis-
ciplina Clericalis was widely distributed in French, Italian, English 
and German. It was a typical work in the Middle Ages like the 
"exempla" books. It was the first collection of these books compiled in 
Spain.

1.- Op. ct. V. 401. (P. 93).
2.- Op. ct. V.2721 (P. 251).



142

This Spanish author "pasó algún tiempo en Inglaterra donde llegó a 
ser médico de Enrique I".(1.110)1 --another link between Spain and 
England--. Chaucer may have read this book in latin. Its appearance in 
The Canterbury Tales only corresponds to Melibee’s Tale. Seneca
and Pero Alfonso are the two Spanish authorities whom Chaucer 
mentioned repeatedly. There are references to Seneca in many tales. 
The fact that Pero Alfonso is cited only in this tale can be explained 
by the special characteristics of Melibee’s Tale: the need for moral 
examples and the plot where two persons are involved: the adviser 
(Prudence) and the one who is advised (Melibee). Disciplina
Clericalis contents "sententiae" and "examples", structured by a
narrative thread based on a dialogue: a father who is the adviser and 
his son who is advised. Pero Alfonso’s work is a suitable source for 
this tale. All the quotations show the same themes, except the one 
misattributed to Pamphilus in The Riverside Chaucer’Explanatory
Notes"2 and quotation 32.

The themes are: enemies, friendship and advice, i.e., the nuclear 
basis of the tale.

3.4.2. Seneca (Quotations 7, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 25, 26, 28, 29, 
30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 
55, 57, 59, 60, 62)

Seneca was, without any doubt, one of the most important classical 
authors who served as a source for many writers in the Middle Ages. 
There were many misattributions when writers quoted Seneca: they 
sometimes quoted Seneca where he was not the author and they
sometimes did not quote Seneca when he was. This meant that

1.- DEYERMOND, A.D., Historia de la literatura española. Tomo I. Barcelona: Ariel, 
1979, p. 177.
2.- Op. ct., v. 1561. (P. 927).



143

Seneca was considered a great philosopher, an important source of 
wisdom. That greatness itself made someone unable to know
Seneca’s works as well as being able to quote accurately. Besides 
when someone has not read Seneca’s original works but translations 
or mere compila tions it is easy to make mistakes.

Seneca’s moral philosophy was a continuous source for Chaucer. 
Although those misattributed quotations1 exist, Seneca’s name is
mentioned in them. It implies a recognition of the Spanish author’s 
relevance.

The recognition of this importance for Chaucer is easy to find in 
The Canterbury Tales. Chaucer told a Senecan tale in the
Summoner’s Tale  and Chaucer told more about Seneca than about 
Nero when he is writing about Nero in The Monk’s tale.

All the misattributed quotations are found in Melibee’s Tale as in 
this tale there are more than a hundred and sixty four quotations.

Seneca hs been an inspiration for many great English authors. We 
agree with Luis Astrana’s words :"Advirtamos el influjo decisivo que 
poco a poco ha ido ejerciendo nuestro Lucio Anneo Séneca sobre 
Shakespeare. Este influjo, patente desde las dos citas de Phedra en
Tito Andrónico (II,i, 133-5 y IV, i, 82-3) ha seguido manifestándose 
en infinitas semejanzas (situaciones, frases, pensamiento, metáforas) 
de diferentes comedias, singularmente en El mercader de Venecia
(IV, i, 189-90 y IV, i, 196-97), que rememora dos pasajes del tratado 
De Clementia (I, iii, 3 y I, ix, 9), y se intensifica en las grandes trage-
dias. La mención del inmortal filósofo y poeta trágico en Hamlet, por 

1.- These misattributed quotations are: 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 51, 
53. The quotation 37 is not identifified in Séneca. And the quotation 50 is not from St. 
James but from Séneca (Epistolae 94.46).



144

boca de Polonio: "Seneca canot be too heavy nor Plautus too light", 
indica lo muy presente de su lectura."1

In any case, and important as it is, a more detailed study of the vast 
Chaucerian debt to Seneca would exceed the space of this article. 
Threfore, we prefer to leave it for a future publication.

III.- CONCLUSIONS

Spain and England have been linked by many bonds, mainly in the 
Middle Ages. Chaucer’s work is a mirror in which we can easily find 
all these links interwoven in a real network of influences.

Traditionally there have never been a clear declaration about what 
is an evident fact: a Spanish and English mutual bond. Nobody, as far 
as we know up to now, has tied up all these Spanish and English con-
nections and relationships. And this is within anyone’s reach: just 
reading Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales.

Obviously all these bonds are not explicitly narrated by Chaucer 
because it was not his intention. But we think they are not difficult to 
discover for a good reader if he wants to do so.

Ties between Spain and England in The Canterbury Tales can be 
elicited from the already mentioned quotations:

* A royal blood bond: quotation number 54 about "De Petro Rege 
Ispannie" implies a historical background. Before Chaucer’s time,
Edward I was married to Leonor de Castilla. After Chaucer’s time, 
Henry VIII was married to Catherine of Aragon. In Chaucer’s time, 
Chaucer’s patron, John of Gaunt, married Constanza of Castile,

1.- SHAKESPEARE, William, Hamlet. Introducción de LUis Astrana Marín. Madrid: 
Afrodisio Aguado, 1957, p. 11-12.



145

"Petro’s" daughter. Later on, Enrique’s (Trastamara) grandson mar-
ried the Duke of Lancaster’s daughter. Aren’t these links enough?

* Trade bonds : quotations 21 and 24 show the commercial rela -
tions (wine and leather) which were usual and common at that time. 
Chaucer’s occupation as a Controller of Customs and Subsidies on 
Wool is historical relevant data. In fact, Chaucer himself told us about 
these bonds.

* Political bonds : quotations 1, 9 and 54 reveal an intense political
relationship at that time. They were mainly based on war treaties. 
English intervention in Spanish affairs affected Chaucer. The safe-
conduct (see note 2) shows Chaucer’s involvement in these political 
relations. We may think he was a pilgrim or a diplomat but in any case 
it seems to us evident that he was a beneficiary of the good Spanish
and English political relationship.

* Religious bonds: quotations 4, 5, 6, 11, 14 and 23 show two 
kind of bonds: the Spanish knowledge through the pilgrims road to St. 
James of Compostela and the Spanish religious organization, Agus-
tinian Hospital of Our Lady of Roncesval, which had a branch in
London, St. Mary Rouncesval at Charing Cross. Pilgrimage was a 
commercial, political, human, cultural and religious basis of relation-
ship. St. James of Compostela was the nearest and the most important 
shrine for English pilgrims excepting Canterbury.

* Cultural bonds : quotations 3, 7, 8, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 
25 and the following quotations from 26 to 62. Chaucer as a genius 
and as a scholar showed us the importance of the cultural relationship. 
Hence the numerous quotations. Not only Séneca who influenced
many other English writers like Shakespeare but Pero Alfonso main-
tained strong links between Spain and England. Pero Alfonso was in 
England as a scholar in the English royal court (see page 27). Even 
sciences like Astronomy or Medicine were bonds for both countries. 



146

All the human aspects in the western European civilization were 
present: political, economic, cultural, religious and royal consan-
guineous bonds. And links imply relationship. Relationship can imply 
reciprocal influence.

Let us hope that these reflections may have sparked off an interest 
in a possible Spanish influence on Chaucer’s works in you, friendly 
reader.

Antonio León Sendra

Jesús Serrano Reyes

University of Córdoba

* * *