Microsoft Word - Jedeskog and Landstrom - ICT - an ally and an alien.doc


 

Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

 
 
ICT – an ally and an alien 

The role of ICT in Swedish popular adult education 
organisations 

Gunilla Jedeskog  

Associate Professor 
Department of Behavioural Sciences and Learning 
Linköping University 
Email: gunilla.jedeskog@liu.se  

Inger Landström 

Postdoctoral Research Fellow, PhD 
Department of Behavioural Sciences and Learning 
Linköping University 
Email: inger.landstrom@liu.se  

Abstract 

This article is focused on Swedish folk high schools and study associations as 
organisational settings (and not explicitly at teaching efforts and educational 
activities). It concerns results from a research project about introducing and 
implementing information and communication technology (ICT) in these 
value based organisations. Our research has mainly been conducted through 
interviews with people engaged on different organisational levels. In this 
article empirical results are analysed in relation to actor-network theory 
(ANT). Human and non-human actors are linked together in a web of 
relationships referred to as an actor-network. Interaction among actors, 
contradictory roles of ICT and relations to essential values in these 
organisations are discussed. 

 
Keywords: Information communication technology; popular adult education 
organizations 

Introduction 

The relationship between information and communication technology, ICT1, 

and organisation has been paid attention to by researchers during the last 
decades. In organisations, in general, ICT applications become more and more 
complex but also more tightly integrated. ICT is a crucial, powerful factor as it 
simultaneously is seen to have a transformative capacity that enables and 
facilitates restructuring or changing of organisations and their members, in 
particular related to organisational, economic and social consequences 
(Bloomfield et al., 1997; Monteiro, 2000). Furthermore, it has become 
increasingly apparent how new technologies play a key role in organisations 
(Lanzara & Morner, 2003). There also exists a mutual dependency between 



Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

2 

the use of technology and social context. If there is a need for information and 
communication the technological push is matched by the demanding pull in 
the organisation (Orlikowski & Robey, 1991; Bloomfield et al., 1997;). Thus the 
relationship between ICT and organisation can be seen as aspects of social 
structure that are mutually implicated. However, so far, there have only been 
two studies, a survey carried out in 2003, focusing the use of ICT in Swedish 
popular adult education organisations (Landström, 2004) and a follow-up 
(Mellberg, 2007). These studies were aimed to get knowledge about the use of 
ICT, organisational conditions and strategies, according to administration, 
communication and pedagogical settings. Accordingly there is a demand for 
research focusing the interaction between ICT and the organisational 
dimension in these settings.  
 
The aim of this article is to from an organisational point of view investigate 
and describe what happens in popular adult education organisations, such as 
folk high schools and study associations, when ICT is introduced. What is the 
role of ICT? What does the interaction between ICT and different employees in 
these organisations look like? The article concerns results from a research 
project2 about introducing and implementing ICT in these value based 
organisations.  

Swedish popular adult education 

In Sweden folk high schools and study associations constitute the ‘popular’, or 
‘liberal’, non-formal and voluntary educational system for adults, but finan-
cially supported by the state. 3 ’Folkbildning’ refers in turn to study circles, 
courses and cultural activities organised by these organisations. The term is 
difficult to translate in a good way. In Swedish ’folk’ means ’people’ and ’bild-
ning’ means ’enlightenment’. The term ’folkbildare’ refers to teachers, study 
circle leaders, administrators or project leaders who are working within folk 
high schools and study organisations. 
 
Swedish popular adult education has a long and strong tradition since the 19th 
century. What is unique in this sphere of educational activities compared to 
other educational institutions and working places, are the non-profit character 
of work and the organisational independence towards educational regulations 
for the public school system. Owners of folk high schools and study 
associations are county councils, popular movements and civic organisations 
with manifold interests. Often they declare particular values or political 
ideologies. About a third of the folk high schools have county councils as 
trustees connected to regional public sector organisations. All these 
educational organisations are traditionally value based and in their sphere of 
activities more or less oriented towards the civil society. Besides education 
they arrange a broad range of cultural activities. 
 
In practice the democratic intentions are manifested in the whole 
organisation, not just in teaching and learning settings where all members, 
working in groups and study-circles, are said to be equally taking part in the 
dialogue. The face-to-face interaction is an essential platform as well as active 
participation. The importance of dialogue is stressed in these contexts and as a 
consequence an electronic network, Folkbildning.net, has been built up to 
offer options to communicate virtually on net, meant as a complement to real 
face-to-face interaction (FBR, 2005, 2008). In 1996 the popular adult 
education was offered subsidies with the aim to develop and try out methods 
for the pedagogical activities in distance education, using ICT (Andersson, 
2002).  
 
There are no regulations from the state when it comes to course content or 
teaching methods. The folk high schools are free to create courses according to 
their particular interests and own profile. To attend a folk high school you 



Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

3 

have to be at least 18 years old. Normally people with short earlier schooling 
are preferred for admission. All schools have a general long-term course quali-
fying for studies at university, besides many long- and short-term specialised 
courses in music, media, arts, handicraft, theatre and languages, some of them  
vocational. Study associations organise mainly study circles, but also, for 
example, public cultural events. Every study association has more or less its 
own profile. The activities are very much the same as in the folk high schools, 
however, running more infrequently, mostly a couple of hours once a week 
(Laginder & Landström, 2005). 

Theoretical framework 

Focus is on the role of ICT as well as the interaction between ICT and 
employees in folk high schools and study associations, organisations with a 
traditionally strong anchorage in face-to-face interactions. Four different 
settings were selected and visited in 2005–2006. 
 
Concepts of the actor-network theory, ANT, are used as tools of analysis to 
understand the role of ICT in these contexts. The theory describes how actors 
mutually create and assign each other roles in constructing and working in 
networks. The interaction among actors involved is stressed. Actor and 
network constantly redefine each other; one is dependent on the other. The 
actor-network theory claims that any actor, whether person, object or 
organisation is equally important to a social network. Thus, human and non-
human actors are linked together in a web of relationships referred to as an 
actor network (Latour, 1987). Developed as an analysis of scientific and 
technological artefacts, ANT’s theoretical richness derives from its refusal to 
reduce explanations to either natural, social or discursive categories while 
recognizing the significance of each (Latour, 1993).  
 
Interaction between people and technology is looked upon as a socio-
technological whole, in which the human and the non-human are assigned 
equal value in terms of negotiations. An important component of the actor-
network theory among the actors is the negotiation of their roles with other 
actors when achieving their own positions by participating in the network. The 
whole process, e.g. the introduction of ICT, deals with processes of 
negotiations that include strategies to mobilize allies, actors who represent the 
initiators constituents properly, to get the innovation stabilized and 
institutionalized. Thus, from an ANT perspective, everything in social life can 
be seen as the result of successfully negotiated networks (Latour, 1987, 1998). 
In this approach, the role of technology, such as of ICT, is treated in the same 
way as that of the human actors, which means that even non-human actors can 
be assigned power to affect the setting. When developing technologies, 
interests of various actors will become embedded in the artefact, so-called 
inscriptions. Because technologies are social artefacts their material form and 
function will embody their sponsors’ and developers’ objectives, values, 
interests and knowledge of that technology. Social meaning but also power can 
be inscribed into any material or medium including formal texts and technical 
objects. That means that components of organised human agency and 
knowledge are inscribed into and delegated to technology. Non-human 
artefacts can be used as delegates for particular human interests as well as 
hide decision processes from view (Callon, 1991; Bloomfield et al., 1997; 
Lanzara & Morner, 2003). The way that technologies are shaped by actors and 
how in turn actors are shaped by technologies reflects the declaration of actor-
network theory that the world is full of hybrid entities containing both human 
and non-human elements whose analytic separation is difficult (Latour, 1993). 
In the networks that thereby emerge and in which both people and artefacts 
are integral parts, everyone is viewed as an actor whose influence is decided by 
the development process or the social context (Grint & Woolgar, 1997; Bigum, 
1998). The heterogeneous nature of actor networks also makes up the context 



Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

4 

under the influence of a wide range of surrounding factors (Akrich & Latour, 
1992). 
 
Interpretations of technology, the role of ICT and technological frames, are 
central to understanding technological development, use and change in 
organisations. Technological frames are cognitive structures or mental models 
that are held by individuals or by groups of individuals. The concept 
technological frame is used for examining the underlying assumptions, 
expectations and knowledge that people use to understand technology, here in 
organisations (Orlikowski & Gash, 1994). 
 
There is no orthodoxy in ANT and different authors use the approach in 
substantially different ways (Latour, 1987). Hence, the way the theoretical 
frame, actor-network theory, is used in this article to some extent means a 
limitation of the theory as the concept actor is the main point. The interaction 
between the non-human actor, ICT, and human actors is the prominent figure. 
The concept network, certainly a part of the interaction, mostly constitutes the 
background, here actors at the organisational level in these popular adult 
education organisations. When analysing what happens in these organisations 
when ICT is introduced, interaction, negotiation, power, inscription and 
technological frames are the main concepts dealt with. 

Four case studies 

The empirical base is case studies involving two folk high schools with dis-
similar ownership, and two local study association settings, also grounded and 
run by various popular (or social) movements. It means that two folk high 
school settings and two study associations have been involved and similarly 
examined, in total four units. They are located in different parts of Sweden, to 
get geographical diffusion. These four are examples of organisations that 
constitute the popular non-formal and voluntary educational system for adults 
in Sweden. 
 
The research has mainly been conducted through interviews. In all 33 
interviews took place, each of them for the duration of 1–2 hours. Employees 
and decision makers engaged at different organisational levels, mainly local 
and regional, and with varying focus due to their differing tasks were 
interviewed. Typical assignments for employees within the organisations, 
beside educational activities, are supervising, course administration and 
market-oriented activities. The empirical data was accomplished by qualitative 
analysis (Starrin & Svensson, 1994) related to the actor network theory 
(Latour, 1987, 1993). 
 
 The four visited settings will be presented below.  

Character of the folk high schools and the study 
associations 

The first folk high school visited belongs to the trade union and is located in 
the countryside near a big city. It was started in the middle of the 20th century 
by the labour movement to recruit participants from the whole country to 
short-term trade union and political courses. In 2005, when visiting the 
school, a distance course concerning trade union and political issues was 
offered. In this context ICT appears as a natural tool at an organisational level 
but also in courses aiming at information and communication activities. The 
second folk high school, run by a county council, is still a typical boarding 
school with an aesthetic profile. This school was established at the end of the 
19th century to fulfil regional needs of education for the youth in a rural area. 
The school culture rests on a Grundtvigian and humanistic tradition. ICT is 



Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

5 

important, besides being an administrative tool, mainly for conducting a 
‘Writers (authors) course’ at distance. Both folk high schools also had one 
branch school each where most students were immigrants participating in 
general long-term courses. 
 
The two study associations are rooted in different popular movements. 
Traditional interests of the first one, a local setting of the Adult Education 
Association, are about rural areas and regional development. Target groups 
are immigrants, senior citizens and disabled youth. A lot of study circle 
activities concern aesthetic subjects and handicraft, but also relevant 
ICT/computer courses. The second local setting consists of two earlier study 
associations that some years ago joined together in the Census Study 
Association. With the fusion two different cultures were combined, a religious 
and social organisation and an organisation representing salaried employees. 
The offering of courses is fairly wide, sometimes with ICT support. There are 
courses concerning existential issues, language and music, as well as courses 
aimed at vocational certificates in ‘economic’ subjects. Target groups are 
mainly immigrants, senior citizens and employees needing further training 
due to their professions. 
 
Henceforth the four cases are generally not separated but looked upon as one 
institutional context of popular adult education. 

ICT – an actor of change  

A general conclusion drawn from our empirical data is that in the early 21st 
century computerising of the administration in these popular adult education 
organisations has turned out to be more and more common, as in other kinds 
of organisations (cf: Bloomfield et al., 1997; Monteiro, 2000). The greatest 
importance of ICT is connected to the central administrative system, dealing 
with economic matters. However, the role of ICT is not equally strong in all of 
the four organisations. The trade union school seems to be the most frequent 
ICT-user, probably because of its close relationship to the network of trade 
union organisations outside the folk high school. In trade union settings ICT 
was strategically introduced already in the 90s as an administrative tool. 
Furthermore, in this folk high school the use of ICT was early on regarded as a 
guarantee for “the quality of popular adult education”, with dialogue as a key 
word. One of the informants states that:  

 

Everyone was given the possibility to communicate with everyone else on 
the net. 

 
Any actor is looked upon as equally important to the network within the 
organisation. 
 
The popular adult education settings are not isolated but have to be regarded 
as a part of society, not only influenced by the implementation of ICT. 
Competition with other agents and economic realities are other tangible 
conditions. The increasing amount of distance courses (cf: Byström et al., 
2004) is one example of how to claim the existence of this kind of 
organisations. The role of ICT might strengthen these organisations as 
regarding this non- human actor as a facilitator of communication, 
contributing to promote ‘the democratic development in society’, for example 
by inviting everyone to take part in their courses without geographical 
limitations. According to the ideological platform of the popular organisations, 
for example due to the importance of face-to-face interactions and discussions, 
virtual meetings imply a change. Participating in virtual distance courses 
means activities independent of time and distance on one hand, but on the 



Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

6 

other there will be a loss of the close individual face-to-face dimensions. One 
of the informants states:  

 
The perspective of the specific popular adult education is lost” and the 
folk high school is compared to a correspondence school. 

 
Moreover distance courses and the use of ICT may constitute a threat to the 
existence of folk high schools in their traditional form as a boarding school, 
because of financial reasons. Especially in some target groups’ perspectives it 
is cheaper to take part in a course online than attend a course physically.  
 
Not just the way of distributing courses but also the content of affording 
courses, distance courses included, means a change. There seems to be an 
increasing amount of courses with quite a new content in these traditional 
popular settings, like keep-fit measures, licence to drive a horse transport, 
sacred dancing etc., sometimes with ICT support. This change is to be 
understood in relation to current trends but also as a strategy of survival for 
these organisations, threatened for example by the widespread access to ICT, 
Internet, in Sweden. In 2007 more than 80 percent had access to Internet at 
home (SCB, 2007). A lot of people, who earlier visited popular adult education 
organisations may nowadays pursue interesting activities on their own without 
organisational involvement. Technological affordances also offer possibilities 
to take part in e-learning settings and courses all over the world. The role of 
ICT in that context is not just that of a competitor to popular adult education 
actors but simultaneously a challenger and an actor of change regarding 
structure as well as content of the organisations. 
 
Based on our empirical data the social context of those four value based 
settings seems to be influenced not just by changes and opinions in the 
surrounding society but also by the affordances by the non-human actor ICT 
(Akrich & Latour 1992; Grint & Wolgar, 1997). In the following we will go on to 
examine the interaction among human and non-human actors in these social 
contexts. 

Contradictory roles of ICT 

People interact differently with the non-human actor, ICT, due to their 
individual technological frames such as needs, earlier experiences, interest in 
technology etc. The extent and use of applications differs in the organisations 
among the employees. Some of them have as a matter of course integrated ICT 
as a collaborator, a kind of equivalent actor, in their daily life both inside, 
among the staff, and outside the organisation. Others consciously strive, and 
manage, to reduce their interaction with ICT radically. Working all day at a 
computer in the office means lack of interest for using ICT outside work. An 
administrator comments:  
 

I have not got any computer at home and I do not want any either. 
 
ICT has got the role of a ‘nobody’ in her private life. The interaction between 
the actors is reduced and ICT has got the role of an alien.  
 
The individual interaction with ICT is also influenced by the length of the 
period as an employee in the organisation. There is a difference in human 
relationship to ICT according to “who was inviting to the meeting”. With more 
than ten years in the organisation, you probably were there before the non-
human actor ICT appeared, and may experience a pressure, f.ex. from the 
management, to accept the influence of a new powerful actor. When asked 
about the introduction of ICT in the organisation some years ago there were 
comments like: “One day ICT just occurred” without asking for it, nor realising 
its roles. In cases like this the role of ICT may be that of an alien introduced 



Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

7 

without any negotiations (Grint & Woolgar, 1998). On the other hand there are 
employees, newcomers, mainly young males, who as economists have an 
intense interaction with ICT. According to their ICT competences they are not 
just responsible for ICT in the organisations but are also regarded as ‘an 
expert’ involved in projects at national levels aimed to implement ICT for 
administrative purposes. ICT is by them seen as an ally, a kind of gatekeeper 
and assisting authority, inviting them into the decision making level of the 
organisation. The non-human actor is even strengthening other actors’ power 
in the organisation. 
 
ICT is often looked upon as a natural tool, a facilitator, making work easier 
and quicker, also as a rapid distributor of information. From a hierarchical 
top-down perspective ICT can be seen as a powerful promoter, but also as a 
distance maker, when distributing messages from the national to the local 
level, from management to practice. In that sense ICT implicitly is able to 
include inscriptions, ideas and demands, hidden in the non-human actor. The 
non-human actor again demonstrates its, to some extent, embedded power. 
Employees claim that opportunities for dialogues and negotiations between 
levels have been changed, mostly limited. When ICT has got the role of a 
distributor of information from a ‘bottom-up’ perspective it usually deals with 
reporting local activities and economy, asked for by the management. More 
seldom there is a spontaneous communication between the different levels in 
these organisations, ICT serving as a ‘democratic tool’ in the opposite 
direction, a way for the management to get informed by the local employees. 
Findings like this may be applied to any other organisation (cf: Lanzara & 
Morner, 2003) but have to be given particular attention in those kind of value 
based organisations dealt with in the article where democracy and 
participation are guiding stars. 
 
As an employee you are expected to take part in discussions and decision 
making, a democratic policy emphasized by these organisations. In addition, 
there is an amount of written information circulating inside and outside the 
organisation, not always relevant for everyone. This amount of information 
may cause organisations suffering from stress to attribute ICT the role of a 
stress factor, expressed by an administrator.  

 
Everything nowadays tends to go faster, we are demanding rapid answers 
from each other, that is why we are sending e-mails all the time also 
inside our organisation. That also means if you do not answer your e-
mails you are supposed to accept the content, even if you have not got 
time to read it. 

 
The comment also demonstrates a kind of democratic dilemma. You get an 
opportunity to be an involved and well-informed employee sometimes 
overwhelmed by reading messages or to be a perhaps non-informed employee 
selecting your messages. Some employees are even asking for support by 
selecting information before distribution. 
 
From a hierarchical perspective the individual interaction with ICT might to 
some extent depend on the individual position in the organisation. At the 
management level, for example, there is mostly an active and intense 
interaction with ICT and the attitude to ICT is rather inviting too. ICT is again 
an ally. However, the role of ICT does not differ just according to technological 
frames but also to the social context and individual missions in the 
organisation (cf: Walsham & Sahay, 1999; Orlikowski & Robey, 1991). ICT 
seems to contribute to strengthen already powerful actors’ positions within 
these organisations. 
 
In our empirical data there is one group of actors whose interaction with ICT 
obviously differs from the others, the study circle leaders. They are working 
part-time only a few hours a week and do not have an office or computer at 



Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

8 

work. Often their courses are located somewhere else, at a school or a hospital 
for instance. This means that they seldom get involved in small talk and 
spontaneous information. They are, compared to all other groups in these 
organisations, less equipped and therefore forced to use their private 
computers, if any. Although study circle leaders are an important group 
managing the main activities in their organisations they are mostly excluded 
from information and communication on the intranet. Reasons pointed out 
are financial restrictions, part-time employment and a supposed engagement 
in a competing study association. Hence, there again might be a connection 
between a powerful position in these organisations and an active interaction 
with ICT? 
 
Furthermore, the role of ICT as a controller is a question of power and 
possibility for actors to participate in the organisational life. Red flags and 
messages as – ‘sender has requested notification that you have seen this’ – 
may serve as a controlling indicator, again an inscription embedded in 
technology. To quote an executive at the local office:  

 
We have got an account applied for everyone using the net. That means 
that we know exactly who is online, every moment. And we also know, if 
we need to, because of security reasons, where they are surfing. So we are 
able to control everything. 

 
ICT, when allied with authorities, is assisting not just when controlling 
employees’ fulfilment of duties but also their individual interaction with ICT. 
The non-human actor then becomes part of the power concentration, 
sometimes in an invisible manner like a ‘controlling eye’, but is also serving as 
a means demonstrating employees’ abilities and capacities to handle amounts 
of information up towards the management level of the organisation.  
 
Even when technology is frequently used, and its possibilities in respect to 
communication are accepted, employees regardless of hierarchical position 
recommend the physical meetings face-to-face. This is a traditional expression 
according to the Swedish popular adult education settings. Technology is not 
always viewed as the best way to convey a message due to the weight of the 
body language hardly possible to mediate electronically. The empirical data 
also demonstrates how a more technological approach to communication, and 
the role of ICT, might cause more distance between human actors. To avoid 
the role of ICT as a distance maker some employees meet regularly every day 
face-to-face or use the phone when communicating. ICT, in terms of the 
computer, is by them consciously excluded and again reduced to the role of a 
‘nobody’.  
 
Thus human actors have at least a twofold relationship to ICT. For example, on 
one hand ICT is made an actor, included and active in the interaction and used 
to assist in everyday work, an ally. In this role ICT can be understood as an 
independent actor. But on the other hand ICT can be a ‘nobody’, consciously 
excluded by human actors, for example when employees refuse to open e-
mails or open them just to get rid of annoying ‘red flags’ (unopened messages), 
as a strategy to survive a stressful situation. In negotiations the non-human 
actor then fails to be equal to the human actors, an alien. That means a 
conscious human decision, to reduce the role of ICT. 
 
To sum up, findings from our empirical data demonstrate that the non-human 
actor, ICT, is mainly to be regarded as a powerful actor in these organisations, 
an ally, just occasionally by some employees treated as a ‘nobody’, an alien. 



Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

9 

Conclusions 

Our empirical findings expose contradictory roles of ICT in the popular adult 
education organisations such as: Facilitator, Assistant, Promoter, Distributor, 
Stress factor, Controller, Distance maker, Gatekeeper, Authority, and ‘A 
nobody’. Some of the roles are contributing to an intense interaction and 
negotiations with human actors, an alliance. ICT is made an ally in all 
categories of human actors to the extent it is found appropriate for them to 
use. Concerning the relation between hierarchical levels in the organisations 
ICT has become an ally mostly for administration and management, but also 
for those human actors who get access to networks within the organisation. 
The individual position in the organisation influences the interaction with ICT. 
If you are looked upon as a more or less powerful actor in the organisation, 
you probably more actively take part in the interaction. Technological frames 
may also contribute to a more accepting attitude to the role of ICT, a 
relationship that can be characterized as an alliance involving actors assigned 
equal conditions dependant on each other (Latour, 1987, 1998). 
Simultaneously there are to some extent human actors in these organisations 
demonstrating non- acceptance related to their technological frames, then 
treating ICT as a ‘nobody’ (Bigum, 1998). On the other hand ICT demonstrates 
power and authority contributing to other actors’ exclusion from the network. 
When ICT is not offered as a tool it becomes an alien in the work for those 
excluded, e.g. study circle leaders. But it also might be possible to conclude 
that ICT in turn is excluded as a conscious decision, at least by some of them. 
However, it has to be taken into consideration that traditionally study circle 
leaders are autonomous and not involved in the daily organisational life in the 
study associations (Grint & Wolgar, 1997).  
 
ICT appears to be an actor of influence in interactions and negotiations with 
human actors at the organisational level in the four visited settings. From an 
actor-network perspective, related to these value based organisations, the non-
human actor, ICT, can be regarded as one actor among others, but mostly a 
rather powerful one with embedded inscriptions representing interests and 
values (Callon, 1991) not necessarily in agreement with those of the popular 
adult education settings. That also means that prominent democratic values in 
these organisations, like participation, dialogue and democracy, in some 
contexts tend to be less focused than before. However, the increasing number 
of employees, newcomers without explicit traditional popular educational 
experiences and ideological views, may also contribute to this trend. The ideas 
of the popular adult education settings are not as evident and stressed as 
before for all employees. Besides changes in society, related to societal and 
economical conditions, requirements and demands from new target groups, 
e.g. immigrants and unemployed as well as new expectations from youth of 
today also mean changes inside the organisations. The competition among 
educational organisations, with or without ICT profiles, is another important 
factor influencing changes, stressed by the employees in public adult education 
settings.  
 
Many actors of today are aware of the built-in possibilities in information and 
communication technology and do not want to turn back. In introducing and 
implementing ICT however, there have often been real enthusiasts, early 
adopters and innovators, taking it in use at the same time as those who adopt a 
wait-and-see policy tried to keep it back (Jedeskog, 1996). Furthermore, ICT 
demands specific competences that force employees to lifelong learning in a 
different way than before, as new technological innovations appear all the 
time. A varying attitude between forerunners and stragglers, between 
gatekeepers and the driving forces implementing ICT, is still there but the gap 
has narrowed (cf: Landström, 2004).  
 
To sum up, the non-human actor operates in a context influenced by a lot of 
surrounding factors. However, the study has pointed out ICT as a rather 



Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

10 

powerful actor also in popular adult education organisations, allied 
particularly to other powerful actors. A next step in using this power of ICT 
would be to employ it as a facilitator aimed to more explicitly strengthen the 
democratic values of these organisations. The power of ICT in these contexts 
may require other actors in the network to become actors contributing to 
improve ‘the democratic development in society’ and ‘the public discussion’ 
inside and outside these organisations. 

References 

Akrich, M. & Latour, B. (1992) A summary of a convenient vocabulary for the semiotics 
of human and nonhuman assemblies. In: Bijker, W. E. and Law, J. (editors) 
Shaping technology/building society. MIT Press pp. 259–264. 

Andersson, P. (2002) IT-stött i folkbildningen. En utvärdering av 
utvecklingssatsningar 1999–2001. Folkbildningsrådet utvärderar No 2 2002. 
Stockholm: Folkbildningsrådet (FBR). 

Axelsson, L-E., Bodin, K., Norberg, R., Persson, T. & Svensson, I. (Ed.) (2001) 
folkbildning.net, an anthology about “folkbildning” and flexible learning. 
Stockholm: Folkbildningsrådet (FBR) & Distum.  

Bigum, C. (1998) Solutions in Search of Educational Problems: Speaking for Computers 
in Schools. In: Educational Policy, Vol. 2, No. 5, pp. 581–601. 

Bloomfield, B. P., Coombs, R. & Knights, D. (eds.) (1997) Information technology and 
organizations: Strategies, networks and integration. Oxford: Oxford 
University Press.  

Byström, J., Sundgren, G. & Tegnér, K. (2004) Flexibel folkbildning? IKT-stöd och 
distansutbildning på folkhögskola och i studieförbund – styrning och 
utveckling. Slutrapport från projektet Lärprocesser i folkbildande verksamheter 
(Lifv). Stockholm: LHS och CFL. 

Callon, M. (1991) Techno-economic network and irreversibility. In: Law, J. (ed.) A 
sociology of monsters? Essays on power, technology and domination. London: 
Routledge, p. 132–164.  

FBR. (2005). Folkbildning of the future, its role and objectives. Stockholm: 
Folkbildningsrådet (also available at www.folkbildning.se). 

FBR. (2008). Facts on folkbildning in Sweden. A brief overview. Stockholm: 
Folkbildningsrådet. 

Grint, K. & Woolgar, S. (1997) The Machine at Work. Technology, Work and 
Organization. Polity Press. 

Jedeskog, G. (1996) Lärare vid datorn. Linköpings universitet: Skapande vetande 

Laginder. A-M. & Landström, I. (Ed.) (2005) Folkbildning – samtidig eller tidlös? Om 
innebörder över tid. Linköpings universitet: Mimer.  

Landström, I. (2004) Folkbildningens IT-mönster. En kartläggning och analys av 
nuläge och förutsättningar att använda modern informationsteknik. 
Folkbildningsrådet utvärderar No 1. 2004. Stockholm: Folkbildningsrådet 
(FBR). 

Landström, I, Jedeskog, G. & Andersson, P. (2007). “Two Swedish Study Association 
Settings and ICT.”, paper at the Second Nordic Conference on Adult Learning 
17–19 April 2007 Linköping, Sweden (revised from 35th NERA Congress Turku, 
Finland 15–17 March). 



Seminar.net - International journal of media, technology and lifelong learning 
Vol. 5 – Issue 2 – 2009 

11 

Lanzara, G. F. & Morner. M. (2003) The Knowledge Ecology of Open-Source Software 
Projects. Paper presented at 19th EGOS Colloquium, Copenhagen, July 3–5, 
2003.  

Latour, B. (1987) Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers Through 
Society. Milton Keynes: Open University Press.  

Latour, B. (1993) We have never been modern. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University 
Press.  

Latour, B. (1998) Artefaktens återkomst: ett möte mellan organisationsteori och 
tingens sociologi. Stockholm: Nerenius & Santérus Förlag. 

Mellberg, T. (2007) Folkbildningens IT-mönster. En uppföljning av en tidigare 
kartläggning (2003) om nuläge och förutsättningar att använda modern 
informationsteknik. Folkbildningsrådet utvärderar No 1 2007. Stockholm: 
Folkbildningsrådet (FBR). 

Monteiro, E. (2000) Actor-network theory and information infrastructure. In: C. 
Ciborra (ed.), From control to drift. The dynamics of corporate information 
structure, Oxford Univ. Press, pp. 71–83. 

Orlikowski W. J. & Gash, D. C. (1994) Technological Frames: Making Sense of 
Information Technology in Organizations. In: ACM Transactions on 
Information Systems, Vol 12. No 2. pp. 174–207). 

Orlikowski, W. J. & Robey, D. (1991) Information Technology and the Structuring of 
Organizations. Information Systems Research, (2), pp. 143–169.  

SCB, (2007) Statistics Sweden, (2008 03 03). Stockholm: Statistiska Centralbyrån. 

Starrin, B. & Svensson, P-G. (Ed.) (1994) Kvalitativ metod och vetenskapsteori. Lund: 
Studentlitteratur. 

Walsham, G. & Sahay, S. (1999) GIS for district-level administration in India: problems 
and opportunities. MIS Quaterly, (23), p- 39–66.  

 
                                                             

1 ICT – Information and Communication Technology, to underline the important 
communication function added to the computer. The kind of technology focused in our 
project is mainly work place computers (they could either be stationary or laptops). The 
applications are the Internet, e-mail and administration and office-applications.  

2 “ICT-strategies, the identity of folk enlightenment and networks in popular adult 
education organisations”, running 2005–2007. The aim of the research project has 
been to create new knowledge about what happens when the new technology for 
information and communication meets the particular ideological views and frameworks 
in organisations of popular education [folkbildning] (Landström, Jedeskog & 
Andersson, 2007). 

3 In 2006 there were 148 folk high schools and 9 study associations divided into 428 
local settings. (FBR 2006).