HOW CAN SPEECH-LANGUAGE.html
How can speech-language therapists and audiologists enhance
language and literacy outcomes in South Africa? (And why we urgently
need to)
Harsha Kathard
Lebogang Ramma
Michelle Pascoe
Department of Health and Rehabilitation Sciences, University of Cape Town
Heila Jordaan
Sharon Moonsamy
Department of Speech Pathology and Audiology, University of the Witwatersrand
Anna-Marie Wium
Sandra du Plessis
Department of Speech-Language Pathology and Audiology, University of Limpopo (Medunsa campus)
Lidia Pottas
Department of Communication Pathology, University of Pretoria
Nasim Banu Khan
Department of Health, KwaZulu-Natal
Corresponding author: H Kathard (harsha.kathard@uct.ac.za)
ABSTRACT
Basic education in South Africa faces a crisis as learners fail to
achieve the necessary outcomes in the related areas of language and
literacy. The aims of this paper are twofold. Firstly, we aim to
describe and discuss the education crisis by outlining the educational
landscape, relevant policy imperatives and implementation challenges in
post-apartheid education. The systemic factors contributing to the
literacy crisis are emphasised. Secondly, we argue that speech language
therapists and audiologists (SLTAs) have a role to play in supporting
basic education in South Africa through developing language and
literacy. It is suggested that the professions of speech-language
pathology and audiology must be socially responsive and
population-focused in order to make meaningful contributions to
development in South Africa. The potential roles of SLTAs are discussed
with suggestions for further actions required by the professions to
enable a contextually relevant practice in a resource-constrained
environment.
Barbara Ehren (Department of Communication Sciences and Disorders,
University of Central Florida) responds to the paper by raising the
issues that SLTAs should be cognisant of, and making suggestions for
the way forward.
Keywords: language, literacy, basic education, speech language therapist and audiologist roles, South Africa
‘Creating
literate environments and societies is essential for achieving goals of
eradicating poverty, reducing child mortality, curbing population
growth, achieving gender equality and ensuring sustainable development,
peace and democracy.’
Koichiro Masuura (2005, p. 5)
‘In
today’s era of globalisation, economic growth depends
increasingly on an educated workforce that is poised to take advantage
of opportunities.’ USAID (2004, p. 2)
Development as an ethos of practice for speech-language therapists and audiologists (SLTAs)
In post-apartheid South Africa, all sectors have an obligation to
contribute to the building of a democratic nation. To sustain this
democracy, education as a basic human right for all people is
fundamental (UNESCO, 2005); not having essential literacy skills is
morally indefensible and an appalling loss of untapped human potential
and economic capacity. As language is the medium used in the classroom
for teaching and learning, it has major implications for a
collaborative role between teachers and SLTAs. The professions of
speech-language pathology and audiology are key roleplayers in this
process. In this paper, we consider how the professions of
speech-language therapy and audiology can advance development in South
Africa through their contributions to Basic Education.
The notion of development in this paper is underpinned by
Sen’s (2001) conceptualisation of development as expansion of
freedoms allowing choice. Many countries in the world, including South
Africa, face serious challenges such as oppression, poverty,
illiteracy, hunger, disease and threats to civil liberties. According
to Sen (2001), development is about how we overcome these difficulties.
The way to achieve development is to expand freedoms, allowing people
to make choices. As human beings we aspire to having the right to elect
our governments (political freedom), make choices about how we earn and
spend (economic freedom), have opportunities to be educated and
maintain good health (social freedom), engage with each other in a
trusting way and benefit from protective social security. The different
types of freedoms are interlinked; freedoms of one kind promote other
kinds of freedoms.
In South Africa, we achieved political freedom in 1994 but have a
long way to go in achieving social freedoms, as health and education
remain key areas of challenge. In the domain of Basic Education the
professions can make key contributions through advancing education by
supporting literacy development. Literacy has been defined as ‘an
individual’s ability to read, write, speak and compute and solve
problems at levels of proficiency necessary to function on the job and
in society, to achieve one’s goals, and to develop one’s
knowledge and potential’ (ASHA, 2002, p. 168). Literacy
development in South African Basic Education is in a serious crisis. In
2003, the Department of Education investigated literacy in grade 3
learners and found that 61% were not achieving grade level outcomes
(Centre for Evaluation and Assessment, 2006). The poor performance of
learners was also evident in the Progress in International Reading
Literacy Study (PIRLS), which included South Africa in a comparison of
literacy across 40 countries (Mullis, Martin, Kennedy & Foy, 2007).
Of significant concern was that South African grade 5 learners obtained
the lowest scores despite being compared with grade 4 learners
internationally (Scherman, van Staden, Venter & Howie, 2008). It is
even more distressing to learn that South African learners were
reported to perform worse than those in neighbouring countries such as
Mozambique, Swaziland and Botswana, even though a larger educational
budget is allocated in South Africa (Barry, 2006). The situation has
not improved over time. The recent report on the Annual National
Assessment of 2011 (Department of Basic Education, 2011b) indicated
that 6 million learners (grades 2 - 7) were assessed in language and
mathematics as part of its quality improvement strategy. The findings
revealed that only 12 - 31% of learners had reached an ‘achieved
level of performance’. The lowest results were evident in poor
and rural communities. Learner failure is symptomatic of a systemic
problem. Clearly, the quality of education is a problem and therefore
all stakeholders are obliged to participate in improving schooling.
Given that literacy, as part of communication, is key to learning,
the potential role of SLTAs is invaluable. In proposing development as
an ethos of practice we advance an equity-driven approach that forces
engagement with the challenges experienced by the majority of South
Africans. In the past, the professions served a privileged minority and
as we plan for the future the emphasis must be on how the population as
a whole can benefit from SLTA services. The lens of the professions
must expand from a traditional impairment-driven frame to a broader and
more inclusive framework which considers not only those who have
language and literacy learning impairments, but those who are at risk
for literacy development and hence educational failure as a result of
disabling systemic conditions.
In this paper, we share current thinking and relevant research
regarding the contributions of SLTAs in promoting social freedom
through our work in supporting literacy development. The emphasis is on
our potential contribution to enhancing Basic Education since it is well
established that a good foundation in education promotes long-term
access to employment and health, but more fundamentally is a basic
human right.
Education in South Africa: the period prior to 1994
The literacy crisis in South Africa cannot be understood without
considering the history that shaped the current reality. The present
education system with its systemic weaknesses was created by the
combined influences of colonialism and racism. Three hundred years of
colonialism resulted in a curriculum that denigrated and devalued local
knowledge and identities, and reinforced the false notion that some
people were superior to others. The curriculum was a vehicle to
entrench the superiority of Europeans over native African inhabitants
(Kumar, 2010). From 1961 to shortly before 1994, South Africa was under
apartheid rule, a period characterised by an ideology of racial
segregation and racial inequality (Cross & Chrissholm, 1990, in
Ratshitanga, 2007; Welch, 2003). The segregated education system
provided a different quality of education to African, coloured, Indian
and white learners. ‘White education’1
benefited far more than that for other races in terms of fiscal
allocation, which resulted in disparities in all aspects of education
(Department of Education, 1995a). In stark contrast, the Bantu
Education Act of 1953 was intended to provide an inferior education
system for Africans (75% of the SA population) designed to maintain
their status as labourers. Poor infrastructure, dilapidated and
overcrowded classrooms, inadequate teacher training, lack of textbooks
and learning materials characterised Bantu Education (Hartshorne,
1992). Apart from a racially segregated education system, there were
two separate components for mainstream and special education, also
characterised by racial disparity. This resulted in a fragmented
education system with large numbers of learners being excluded from
mainstream education (Naicker, 2000). The fragmented and inequitable
education system adversely affected the professional training of
teachers, especially in the Bantu Education system. Of significance is
that the teachers trained for apartheid education continue to teach in
post-apartheid education without effective support and training (Wium,
Louw & Eloff, 2010).
The democratic elections in 1994 aimed to open the doors of learning to all South Africans (African National Congress, 1995).
South Africa emerged as a democracy with a new constitution, which in
turn became the bridge between the apartheid past and political reform (Department
of Education, 1995b). The chapter on human rights in the Constitution of South Africa (1996)
spelled out the values of equality, dignity and freedom. Simultaneously
there was an international call to eliminate illiteracy throughout the
world, and to facilitate scientific and technical knowledge and modern
teaching methods (Charter of the United Nations, 1990).
Educational aspirations and challenges post-apartheid
With the birth of democracy and the progressive South African
Constitution in 1994, a key priority has been the strengthening of
Basic Education. In 2009, the schooling system in South Africa had over
12 million learners with approximately 400 000 teachers in 25 000
schools. As in other countries, the schooling system comprises public
and independent sectors. More than 11 million learners were enrolled in
24 699 public schools and were taught by 3 872 837 teachers in 2009
(Department of Basic Education, South African Country Report, 2011c),
while 393 447 learners attended 1 207 independent schools, and were
taught by 25 230 teachers. These figures are based on learners
attending ‘ordinary’ or mainstream schools, and do not
include figures for learners attending ‘special’ schools.
The challenge set forth by the constitution
was to create a just and equitable system that provides a good-quality
education to all learners (Constitution of South Africa, 1996).
Numerous reforms brought about fundamental changes in the process of
redressing and enhancing equity: The South African Schools Act (Department of Education, 1996b) mandated children to attend school from the age of 5 to 15. The
National Education Policy Act (Department of Education, 1996c) and
National Norms and Standards for School Funding (Department of
Education, 1998) resulted in fundamental changes in schooling. Two
types of schools are recognised – independent and public schools
– with major resourcing inequities between them and within public
schooling. Funding for schools is currently aimed at equity and
redress. Therefore, schools are now categorised on the basis of their
resources and revised funding norms are meant to advantage the poorest
schools. A system of participative governance was implemented which
devolved decision making, allowing school governing bodies to make
decisions about many issues including fees and language policy.
Hofmeyer (2000) argues that South Africa, as a middle-income developing
country, demonstrates its commitment to education by spending 23% of
its national budget and 7% of its gross domestic product (GDP) on
education. However, even this investment has not been sufficient to
address historical inequities and provide quality education.
One of the immediate consequences of the Schools Act was learner
migration (Chisholm, 2008). Within the public schooling system there
has been migration of African learners to Indian, coloured and white
schools; while Indian and coloured learners migrated to white schools.
The flow of learners from white, coloured and Indian schools to African
schools is almost non-existent. As a consequence of learner migration,
classrooms, especially in urban areas, have become racially and
linguistically diverse with the schooling system being unprepared for
such change. Nevertheless the majority of African learners,
particularly those who cannot afford to enrol in fee-paying schools,
remain in under-resourced schools benefiting little in education
post-apartheid.
In addition to the changes discussed so far, the Inclusive Education
Policy and the Language in Education Policy (LiEP) are of relevance to
this paper. To raise education standards for all children, a more
inclusive system was required. Such an inclusive approach is based on
the classroom becoming a supportive environment for all members,
including learners and teachers. Inclusive education is shaped by two
major policy developments, namely White Paper 6 on Special Needs Education
(Department of Education, 2001b) and the Revised National Curriculum
Statement (RNCS) grades R - 9 (Department of Education, 2002). While
the RNCS focuses on the curriculum and outcomes, Education White Paper 6
is focused on inclusion and creating learning environments which
benefit all learners. Inclusion, viewed broadly, is intended to create
opportunities for all learners – regardless of race, gender,
language, culture, class and disability – to participate
optimally in education. The policy emphasises a shift from
learners’ weaknesses to emphasising and building on their
strengths. It also highlights the importance of collaborative learning
and curriculum-based intervention. Learners with special needs, as well
as those at risk, are in regular education or ordinary classrooms. To
make it possible for all learners to access the curriculum, schools
need to respond to learner diversity by transforming the curriculum and
to minimise, remove, and prevent barriers to learning and development.
The system, not only the learners, is required to change.
The RNCS is a curriculum guideline that
describes the learning areas, learning outcomes and pace and sequence
of learning expected in an academic year, as well as assessment
standards (Department of Education, 2002).
Although the Department of Education provided policy guidelines for
each learning area, the onus rests on the nine provinces to customise
these for their diverse populations. The RNCS specifically refers to
the successful development of language and literacy as a basic
foundation for successful learning in all phases for all learners
throughout schooling. It emphasises the importance of quality of
education during the foundation phase of schooling (grades R - 3), as
well as the continued development of cognitive and linguistic skills
through experiential learning. Although the policy emphasised the
importance of language as a key part of learning during the school
years, it is also well known that language learning is a lifelong
process and one of the most reliable predictors of
scholastic success is learners’ language and literacy development
prior to grade 1. The RNCS for the foundation phase outlines three
learning areas: literacy (including listening and language), numeracy
and life skills. Each of these main
learning areas has specific learning outcomes and assessment standards
linked to the concepts, skills and values to be taught at each grade
level (Department of Education, 2002). The implementation of this
curriculum relies on strong communication/language skills of teachers
and learners. Unfortunately, the implementation and success of the
revised curriculum has been negatively influenced by a variety of
factors, e.g. resources and teacher preparedness. Among these,
communication as a key factor has been overlooked and hence has become
a barrier to learning.
When South Africa became a democracy in 1994, exemplary and
progressive language policies were formulated to protect linguistic
diversity (we have 11 official languages), promote language equity and
develop the historically marginalised African languages. The LiEP
(Department of Education, 1997) stipulates the right to education in
the language of choice and promotes multilingualism within a framework
of additive bilingualism, in which the home language (L1) is maintained
while providing access to and the effective acquisition of additional
languages (Bengu, 1997).
Despite these enlightened policies, there is agreement that they
have not been implemented either in the broader public domain or in
education. English continues to be the dominant language in South
Africa (Balfour, 2010; Beukes, 2009; Jankie, 2009; Lafon, 2009; Singh,
2009; Sookrajh & Joshua, 2009; Webb, Lafon & Pare, 2010), at
the expense and marginalisation of the other official languages
(Alexander, 1997; Kamwangamalu, 2000; Mbatha and Pluddemann, 2004).
Beukes (2009) attributes the incongruence between policy and practice
to three main factors: the hegemonic position of English, the
government’s lack of political will, and negative attitudes to
the African languages. However, there is a strong sense that African
languages should be developed as instructional media, while access to
English should not be denied (Alexander, 2010; Webb et al.,
2010). A central question is how this should be accomplished, and
decisions on language in education practices may need to be informed by
the context of education. Table I reflects the language of learning
across grades.
It is evident that in grades 1 - 3 the majority of learners are
schooled in African/home languages. Between 1998 and 2007 there has
been an increase in the number of foundation-phase learners (grades 1 -
3) who learned in their L1. While the data indicate that there is a
greater percentage of African L1 learners, it is also evident that
approximately 25% have English and Afrikaans as LoLT. However, a major
transition to English is evident at grade 4 as a consequence of the
LiEP. In effect, the majority of learners do not learn in their L1 from
grade 4. Of significance is that the majority of learners are not
exposed to English or Afrikaans as a subject in grades 1 - 3 but are
expected to learn and be assessed in these languages from grade 4
onwards.
Uneven performance
Studies assessing the literacy and numeracy of primary school
learners reflect significant inequality in achievement across different
educational contexts, resulting in a bimodal frequency distribution,
where the majority of learners perform in the lower range and a smaller
number of children perform in the upper range (Fleisch, 2008; Taylor
& Yu, 2008). The learners who do well attend former model C schools
(higher-fee-paying public schools) and independent schools (Fleisch,
2008). According to Webb et al.
(2010, p. 276), two types of schools have evolved from the former model
C system. The first type, referred to as ‘upper ex-model C
schools’, are attended by elite and middle-class children of all
races, who attain literacy and numeracy outcomes comparable to those of
middle-class children anywhere else in the world (Fleisch, 2008). These
schools are generally well resourced because the fees are determined by
governing bodies. In these schools English or Afrikaans is typically
used as the medium of instruction (LoLT) throughout, and the majority
of teachers are first-language speakers of the LoLT.
The second type, referred to as ‘lower ex-model C schools’ (Webb et al.,
2010, p. 276) have fewer facilities and resources because the fees are
lower, and many parents reportedly do not pay fees at all. As a result
of urbanisation and migration within the urban population (Chisholm,
2008), these schools are also demographically different from the upper
ex-model C schools in that they are attended by predominantly African
learners. White and Indian parents have either moved away from the area
or have enrolled their children elsewhere (Chisholm, 2008; Webb et al.,
2010). The teachers at these schools are predominantly English
first-language teachers but are also increasingly English
second-language speakers. The medium of instruction at these schools is
English from the first grade.
The use of English in these contexts is often determined by
pragmatic reasons and is indicative of the heterogeneity in home
language backgrounds of the learners in certain provinces. In this
context, English as the LoLT may appear to be the only practical
choice, since the complex multilingual composition of schools makes it
difficult to select a particular African language as the LoLT. Rural
and township schools, which are typically former African Department of
Education and Training (DET) schools, are still attended predominantly
by African learners. These schools continue to have very little funding
and are poorly resourced in terms of libraries, electricity, water,
etc. Furthermore, teachers at these schools were trained by the Bantu
Education system and therefore require significant reskilling to
improve educational quality. As indicated previously, in these schools
the official policy is to use the L1 as the LoLT up to grade 3,
frequently with little or no exposure to English as a subject in the
foundation phase. From grade 4, learners then make the transition to
English as the LoLT. However, this transition is not fully implemented
in practice (Webb et al.,
2010). It seems that in these schools, the L1 may be used (Brock-Utne
& Holmarsdottir, 2003), code switching is common, and urban
vernaculars are increasingly used to facilitate understanding and
classroom interaction, mainly because the English proficiency of
learners and teachers is not adequate (Webb et al.,
2010). Despite this, learners are officially assessed only in English
and the fact that they have to demonstrate their knowledge and
understanding in a language which is at best their second (L2) or even
third language (L3) is simply not acceptable (Lafon, 2008; Webb, 2004;
Webb et al., 2010).
Furthermore, while they have not developed adequate English language
competencies for school, they are also not advancing the development of
the L1 for academic purposes resulting in underdeveloped linguistic
competencies across languages. Poor/underdeveloped linguistic
competence in LoLT is considered to be a contributing factor to poor
performance of children in this context (Alexander, 2005; Brock-Utne
& Skattum, 2009; Heugh, 2009).
Unsupported language transitions
The transitional system was also implemented during the apartheid
era, and was largely discredited in the Threshold project by Macdonald
(1990), who showed that learners had not acquired a sufficient
vocabulary to use English as the LoLT after 4 years of learning English
as an L2. This policy has also been severely criticised by Heugh (2002,
2009), who argues that L1 instruction should be implemented for at
least 8 years. Drawing on educational outcomes research in Africa
commissioned by the UNESCO Institute for Education and the Association
for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA) in 2004, Heugh (2006)
maintains that if early L1 instruction is to be beneficial, it must
continue at least to the end of grade 6 but preferably longer, because
the academic language and literacy needed for the whole curriculum
cannot be developed in the first 3 years. In line with an additive
bilingual approach, she recommends that the L2 is developed through
subject teaching so that it can become a complementary medium of
instruction during the second half of secondary school. A sudden and
unsupported switch from L1 to L2 as LoLT is not necessarily the best
way to ensure high levels of proficiency in the L2. In addition, the
literature on optimal age of L2 acquisition (e.g. Marinova-Todd,
Marshall & Snow, 2000) suggests that in these contexts English need
not be taught from the first grade, but can be introduced later when
academic proficiency in the L1 has been established and developed.
Older children who have consolidated the L1 and have access to a number
of additional cognitive resources, such as explicit learning
strategies, learn L2s more rapidly than younger children (MacWhinney,
2005; Paradis, 2004; Ullman, 2001). In contrast, younger children
develop languages gradually, and teachers need to be aware of how long
it takes for children to become proficient in the additional language
if it is to be used as a medium of instruction.
Heugh (2006) argues that although issues of poverty and ill health
(e.g. HIV/AIDS) compound the language problem and result in the
generally low educational outcomes throughout Africa, the inadequacy of
early-exit transitional programmes has also been demonstrated in
developed countries such as the USA and Canada, which are not as
affected by such problems (e.g. Thomas & Collier, 2002 cited in
Heugh, 2006). Heugh (2002; 2006) and Ramani, Kekana, Modiba, and Joseph
(2007) believe that African languages can be used as the LoLT beyond
the third grade. This claim is based on research by Heugh and
Mahlalela-Thusi (2002), showing that considerable work was done on the
development of African languages before, during and even after Bantu
education. Heugh (2002) therefore urges stakeholders to consult these
resources in African language departments across the country.
On the use of L1 instruction beyond grade 3, Heugh (2009) adds a
very important caveat. She maintains that research findings on first-
to third-grade children often show no achievement differences between
L1 children and children in either L2 instruction from grade 1, early
exit from L1 instruction, or dual-medium instruction programmes.
However, she points out that gaps in performance start to emerge late
in the third year and reach significant levels by grade 6, and the only
learners who perform at similar levels to their monolingual peers are
those who have had instruction in their L1 as well as the L2
throughout. The implication of this is that even if L2 learners perform
similarly to monolingual peers in the first 3 grades, they will fall
behind if they do not receive support in both their L1 and English. Her
findings explain the reasons for the large-scale referral of grade 4 -
6 intermediate-phase learners by teachers for literacy intervention in
the Western Cape (Kathard & Pillay, 2006). The teachers in
linguistically diverse classrooms in poor communities were concerned
that the majority of learners who made the sudden unsupported
transition to English were not meeting grade level outcomes for
literacy. The teachers reported that learners had not developed
foundation-phase language and literacy skills and they were not skilled
to support these learners (Navsaria, 2010).
Heugh (2006) claims that the language problems of children learning
in their L2 have the most significant impact on their achievement in
mathematics, since they achieve on average 10% less for mathematics
than for language. In addition, Heugh (2009) cites recent evidence from
Ethiopia, a much poorer country than South Africa, where children are
instructed in their L1 (e.g. Amharic) for 4, 6 or 8 years. Children
with 8 years of L1 instruction have higher scores across the curriculum
(in mathematics, science and biology) than children with 4 or 6 years
of instruction in the L1.
One of the widely used arguments against bilingual instruction and
therefore the use of the L1, concerns the perception that such
programmes do not provide sufficient exposure to the L2, as instruction
time between L1 and L2 is divided (Obondo, 2008). This is known as the
‘time on task argument’ (Genesee, Paradis & Crago,
2004, p. 168). However, although exposure is necessary for acquisition
it is not sufficient (Obondo, 2008). This has been repeatedly
demonstrated in research showing either no significant differences in
the L2 proficiency of children in L2 monolingual programmes and
bilingual programmes or an advantage to those in bilingual programmes
(Chisholm, 2001). There is therefore overwhelming evidence that an
additive bilingual approach in which the L1 is used for as long as
possible while the child acquires other languages is the best for
African children (Obondo, 2008), and yet there is resistance to this
across Africa.
Importance of African languages in education
‘Being able to use the language(s) one has the best command of
in any situation is an empowering factor and conversely, not being able
to do so is necessarily disempowering. The self-esteem,
self-confidence, potential creativity and spontaneity that come with
being able to use the language(s) that have shaped one from early
childhood ... is the foundation of all democratic policies and
institutions. To be denied the use of this language is the very meaning
of oppression.’ Alexander (2005, p. 3), in no uncertain terms,
places a high priority on the use of African languages in education
from the learners’ perspective. While he acknowledges the value
of empowering learners with English, he argues against the hegemonic
use of English, i.e. English is privileged over all other languages and
results in loss or decline of indigenous languages.
The use of African languages is also considered to be important for
economic development and sustainability (Kamwendo, 2009). The period
2005 - 2014 has been declared the United Nations Decade of Education
for Sustainable Development. This refers to the use of current
resources in ways that will ensure their continued availability for
future generations. Education systems are the avenue through which
individuals can be developed to create a sustainable future in terms of
environmental resources, economic prosperity, and social justice
(UNESCO, 2005). The use of former colonial languages (English, French
and Portuguese) as media of instruction in African schools impacts
negatively on educational achievement when these languages are not well
known by the learners (Kamwendo, 2009). Dlodlo (1999) and Bunyi (1999)
elaborate on this point by proposing that these languages, which
contain words and concepts that bear little relationship to the
learners’ daily experiences, deprive them of the opportunity to
apply what they are learning to what they already know, which is a
fundamental philosophy of learning (Reagan, 2009).
Finally, the use of African languages as media of instruction in
African schools can help to minimise the impact of noisy classrooms on
speech understanding of most learners. Anderson (1999) reported that an
average first-grader misses 1 in every 6 words when learning in a class
with too much background noise. Further, learners who learn in
classrooms with high background noise levels such as schools near the
airport or railway tracks, often exhibit poorer reading skills than
learners who learn in less noisy classrooms (Anderson, 1999). The
negative effect of poor learning environment (i.e. classrooms with too
much background noise) on speech understanding has been shown to be
much greater in children who learn in an L2 in comparison with those
who learn in their native language (Crandell, Smaldino & Kreisman,
2004; Tabri, Chacra & Pring, 2010). Therefore, in South African
schools where there are often less than optimal learning environments
(e.g. overcrowded classrooms, too much background noise, etc.), using a
language other than the language in which most learners are competent
will severely limit their access to the information being communicated
in class.
Reasons for limited implementation of LiEP
The main reasons for the dominance of English in education are the
stigma attached to African languages as a result of ‘Bantu
Education’ during apartheid (Nyika, 2009; Webb et al.,
2010) and the view that English provides access to social and economic
advancement. African parents associate poor-quality Bantu Education
with being educated in an African language. Heugh (2000) argues that in
the drafting of the outcomes-based curriculum, there was always a
covert agenda that all children would ultimately learn in English,
evidenced by the fact that language issues were reduced to the language
and literacy learning area, as if they were not connected to the other
learning areas. Development of terminology and materials in all the
official languages, and teacher training for multilingual education and
the new curriculum, were therefore not discussed (Heugh, 2000). The
LiEP was announced 4 months after Curriculum 2005 was finalised, and
Heugh (2000) maintains that the centrality of language in education was
disregarded at a critical point in South Africa’s history.
Webb et al.
(2010) suggest the following additional explanations for the limited
support for and non-use of African languages in education. First,
learners have been found to have underdeveloped literacy in their L1,
and are also aware of this (Barkhuizen, 2001; Pretorius, 2008; Webb et al., 2010). According to Webb et al.
(2010), there is a general tendency for African language learners and
teachers to overestimate their proficiency in English, and
underestimate their L1 proficiency. Second, the African languages have
not been adequately developed and standardised, and although there has
been work in this area by the National Languages Bodies under the Pan
South African Language Board (PanSALB), the standardised varieties have
not been widely accepted, are not familiar to L1 speakers and are not
used in formal contexts such as classrooms. In the development of the
standard varieties there has been insufficient attention to status,
acquisition and planning, and they are not seen to have economic or
social power (Webb et al., 2010).
The development of technical terms in African languages is also
challenging in that there is considerable difficulty in finding terms
for concepts (Singh, 2009). For example, Southern Sotho has only one
term, ‘lebelo’, for ‘speed, velocity and acceleration’ (Moji, 1998, p. 258), and in isiZulu there is only one word, ‘amandla’,
for ‘power, force and energy’ (Wildsmith-Cromarty &
Gordon, 2009, p. 368). Dlodlo (1999, p. 321) attributes this conceptual
void to the fact that African languages have not been used in education
and consequently a modern scientific vocabulary has not developed. He
argues for ‘giving scientific meaning to generally accessible
words that are explanatory of the context, rather than borrowing from
European languages ...’. This approach implies that acquisition
planning (the actual use of languages) drives corpus planning (the
development of terminology by language bodies) so that teachers do not
need to wait for terms to be developed before they can be used in the
classroom (Wildsmith-Cromarty & Gordon, 2009). Translation of
English terminology is problematic in that English and the African
languages are non-cognate languages, and there may be a lack of
semantic and structural equivalence (Catford, 1965; Nida, 1975),
lexical gaps (Fawcett, 1997) and translation shifts (Catford, 1965).
The third reason for not using African languages in education
is the increasing use of urban, code-mixed vernaculars such as
Tsotsitaal, Iscamtho and Pretoria Sotho, in Gauteng schools in
particular (Cook, 2008; Lafon, 2005). Webb et al.
(2010) attribute this practice to the absence of well-developed
standard languages, and the rejection of standard varieties
particularly by the urban youth. This is because new terms, developed
by experts on language boards, are experienced as contrived
(Wildsmith-Cromarty & Gordon, 2009)
and
more aligned to rural dialects, which are slower to change than urban
dialects, as a result of less contact with and influence from other
languages (Anthonissen & Gough, 1998). An example of this dichotomy
is the tension between urban and rural isiZulu. The rural variety is
considered to be the standard, but is virtually a foreign language to
urban schoolchildren who do not learn successfully using this form
(Webb et al., 2010).
While the post-apartheid schooling policies offer an ideology of
improved education, implementation has been of serious concern. The key
issues of language and learning have not been given sufficient
consideration and, as a consequence, the majority of learners are being
systemically disadvantaged and hence cannot meet grade level outcomes.
Although school governing bodies (SGBs) have authority to make LoLT
policy decisions, Pluddemann, Mati and Mahlalela-Thusi (2000)
anticipated that in the absence of a comprehensive plan to educate and
support SGBs on the language learning policies, it is likely that they
will take the path of least resistance and adopt policies which are
easier to implement. In effect, the evidence in Table I confirms their
concern, i.e. there has been little innovation or development of
multilingualism in schools as English remains the LoLT beyond grade 4.
Furthermore, those who have specific language learning and other
communication disabilities remain masked in the system as the majority
of learners are at risk for not meeting educational outcomes. Clearly,
the discussion so far has demonstrated the impact of a systemic problem
on learner outcomes. While some learners might have specific
impairments, the majority of learners are disadvantaged because of
systemic problems at school and in their communities. The pressing
question that needs to be addressed, therefore, is: How can SLTAs
support the education system to enhance language and literacy?
Speech language therapists and audiologists in education: where are they?
In the current system, SLTAs do not play a visible role in the
public sector education for a variety of reasons. Firstly, as a
consequence of apartheid-era policy, SLTAs were employed by the
provincial Departments of Education at district level under the
auspices of the ‘School Psychological Services’, benefiting
a privileged minority. They also worked within a ‘special
school’ model which offered services to learners based on their
impairment/condition, e.g. schools for intellectually
impaired/hearing-impaired/physically impaired children. In these
historical educational contexts their traditional role was to identify
learners who presented with ‘speech and hearing
deficiencies’ and to provide the relevant therapy to treat them.
Their interventions were guided by a medical model/deficit model which
resulted in a pull-out approach where the child rather than the system
was the focus of intervention. As a consequence, a small number of
learners received individual support which was not cost-effective. With
the dawn of the new democracy, several of the SLTAs previously employed
in the education system remained as district facilitators for learning
without rendering direct professional services. While their roles are
emerging, their impact has yet to be felt by the majority of learners
and teachers in the public sector in ordinary/mainstream classes who
receive minimal direct support.
Secondly, therapy to school-age populations has been offered
mainly by private practitioners who are parent-employed and work in a
pull-out model benefiting mainly individual learners who can afford
help. Thirdly, although SLTAs are part of the education system, their
roles in supporting general education in public sector schools are only
emerging. They have not had opportunity to articulate their roles or
the types of interventions which could potentially benefit education.
Therapists are therefore still faced with the challenge, articulated by
Lewis (2004), of making visible the links between language, literacy
and learning, and demonstrating their role in supporting general
education. A conceptual separation still exists between what is
considered the domain of the teacher and the domain of the therapist.
In moving forward, therapists must align interventions to engage with
curriculum support and assist teachers and learners to meet learning
outcomes.
The current human resource capacity of SLTAs is severely
limited. The authors were unable to gain official documentary
information on the number of SLTAs employed in the Basic Education
sector and their role. However, available human resource data indicated
that there are 186 speech-language therapists (SLTs) across the country
appointed at ‘special’ schools. In addition, there are 73
‘office-based’ therapists (general category which includes
occupational therapists and physiotherapists) whose job functions are
unknown (Schoeman, personal communication, July 2011). Given school
populations and current challenges in the education system, it is clear
that SLTAs are grossly under-represented. Within a resource-constrained
environment, SLTAs must therefore creatively craft service delivery
models and types of interventions that would serve population needs.
Furthermore, SLTAs must be able to demonstrate that their interventions
are beneficial, particularly in parts of the system that experience
disadvantage.
In the discussion that follows, the links between language, literacy
and learning are explained and the potential role of SLTAs is
discussed. While the evidence base for SLTA intervention in South
Africa is minimal, developments in the USA and UK offer possibilities.
The paper concludes with suggestions for further actions.
Language, literacy and learning
Language as a key part of communication is central to learning (Bohlmann & Pretorius, 2002; Owens, 2002),
as it is required for the development of reading and writing, and
therefore becomes a prerequisite for all other learning areas. Linked
to learning, language is not only an important part of a person’s
identity but also contributes to the understanding of other cultures
and world views. It stimulates imagination and creativity, which link
with arts and culture. It is also used to communicate information and
to promote science, technology and environmental education. Language
develops the critical tools required to become responsible citizens.
The language learning area is crucial as it is central to
people’s lives (Department of Education, 2002).
Language is used as the medium for learning in all learning areas, and
underdeveloped language skills impact negatively on academic
performance (Bohlmann & Pretorius, 2002).
While spoken, and not written, language is the domain most often
associated with SLTAs, a large body of research (Bishop & Snowling,
2004; Stackhouse & Wells, 1997) suggests that spoken and written
language should be viewed on a continuum, with written language being
developed on a foundation of spoken language, and phonological
awareness acting as the mediating bridge between the two domains. Thus,
SLTAs working in classrooms may be focused on any or all of a
combination of these areas.
There are others who suggest that written and spoken language
develop simultaneously and influence each other (Scott, 2005).
Supportive of a simultaneous development stance, the Department of
Education (2002) in South Africa recognises that language learning
outcomes for the foundation phase are collectively those of listening,
speaking, reading and viewing, writing, thinking and reasoning, and
language structure and use (Department of Education, 2002). They
maintain that these outcomes should be integrated when taught and
assessed, even though they are presented as separate outcomes.
SLTAs in other contexts
While South African SLTAs work towards the development of
contextually relevant intervention practices, they can draw on the
experiences of SLTAs in other contexts around the world. American
therapists in particular have shifted from a traditional pull-out model
to a classroom-focused approach. Here the SLTA’s role in the
classroom is to support the development of a robust oral and written
linguistic base, which includes a learner’s L1 and any additional
languages (Ehren & Ehren, 2001).
Ehren (2009) describes the role of SLTs in a ‘content literacy
continuum’, a five-level framework that addresses the speaking,
listening, reading and writing needs of learners. Level 5 (therapeutic
intervention) is the most intensive level where learners with language
difficulties receive therapy from an SLT, either within the classroom
setting or outside it. This is perhaps the model of working that many
SLTs will be most familiar with. However, SLTs should also be involved
at the other four levels, with Levels 1 and 2 involving close
collaboration with classroom teachers, e.g. guiding the teacher’s
use of language, identifying learners in need of further interventions,
and determining the language underpinnings of the curriculum. For
Levels 3 and 4, the more intensive and specific role of the SLT, again
in collaboration with teachers, is outlined. The Royal College of
Speech Language Therapists (RCSLT, 2011) describes a similar system of
working which emphasises the SLT’s role at various levels within
the school setting, ranging from highly specialised work with
individual children to preventive work with all children or
particularly vulnerable groups of children. The preventive focus should
include working with parents and other community support structures to
facilitate literacy development in the home context (Navsaria, 2010).
Because of the central role of language in learning (Slabbert, de
Kock & Hanttingh, 2009), a system responsive to the needs of all
learners must first and foremost consider how language and
communication for learning can be maximised. Given the link between
audition, language and literacy, SLTAs should provide supportive
structures, which promote and enhance spoken and written language
(Owens, 2010). Learners and teachers need language support that is
functionally related to the academic and social tasks of school. The
classroom’s cognitive activities are the best context, presenting
the most significant and interactive opportunities for the learners, to
enhance learning (Ehren, 2000). Having a close understanding of the
relationship between curricular demands and the role that language and
communication play in learning, teachers and SLTAs can address the
academic and social challenges as a team within the classroom (Ritzman,
Sanger & Coufal, 2006). The role of
the SLTA is to use classroom activities as the basis for intervention
and implement a format of team-teaching where both the teacher and the
SLTA teach small groups simultaneously, or where the teacher works with
the larger class, and the SLTA works with a smaller group needing
support. One-on-one classroom-based intervention that centres on
language strategies for classroom use with selected students is not
excluded. The SLTA also acts as a consultant who advises teachers and
primary caregivers on intervention strategies, and sets joint goals and
objectives with the classroom teacher. This model requires in-service
training of all teachers as well as primary caregivers with regard to
the language curriculum, including metalinguistic and metacognitive
processes, syntax and morphology, and listening and literacy skills.
SLTAs can work with teachers to identify and
ameliorate acoustic barriers in the classroom to promote accessibility
of the teacher’s speech to the learners. Further, they are better
placed to advise teachers on the implications of hearing difficulties
for individual learners, as well as devise effective management of
their listening needs within a range of settings (British Association
of Education Audiologists (BAEA), 2003). For these reasons
SLTAs’ contributions would be valuable when collaborating with
teachers, in planning relevant and meaningful learning programmes for
all learners. A developmental approach within the policy of inclusion
and collaboration is essential in preventing later scholastic
difficulties (Owens, 2010). Finally,
because of their scopes of practice, SLTAs are also essential in
serving as the ‘key link’ professionals between the
education and health systems to ensure seamless service provision to
learners and teachers. In South Africa, the current policy in its
intention provides a firm grounding for developing a collaborative
approach. In the Education White Paper 6,
support is described as the provision of training, mentoring,
monitoring, consultation and collaboration. Clearly, all stakeholders
must work towards the practical implementation.
SLTAs in classrooms: can we make a difference?
Evidence from the international literature demonstrates that
learners and teachers who have received support from SLT services have
experienced positive outcomes supporting the goals of successful
schooling (Ehren & Ehren, 2001; McCartney, Ellis & Boyle, 2009;
Wilson, Nash & Earl, 2010; Wren, Roulstone, Parkhouse & Hall,
2001). A systematic review (Cirrin et al.,
2010) of the evidence base regarding SLT intervention for primary
school learners over the past 30 years suggests that: SLT intervention
has positive outcomes; direct classroom-based intervention is at least
as effective as traditional pull-out models; and trained assistants can
be as effective as SLTs when working with this population, but there
are very few studies and an expanded research agenda is urgently
required. This latter observation is particularly pertinent in our
context.
There are few South African studies that demonstrate the
effectiveness of SLTA involvement in mainstream schools. Moodley,
Chetty and Pahl (2005) argue that SLTAs are well positioned to support
language, literacy and learning given their skills base. Therefore they
must craft their roles in relation to the RNCS and inclusion. They
focused on the role of SLTAs in developing learning and teaching
support material relevant for a multicultural population through use of
folktales. They make a strong case for the collaboration between
teachers and therapists, suggesting that success will depend on a
conscious change of attitude regarding their roles and responsibilities.
Wium et al. (2010)
reported on the benefits of teacher support in facilitating literacy
and numeracy with foundation-phase learners in previously disadvantaged
schools. They found that teachers benefited from a support programme
provided by SLTAs, as they were better prepared to implement those
learning outcomes for literacy and numeracy. Another local study by Du
Plessis (1998) investigated whether a model of teamwork could lead to
improved goal-setting and intervention at preschools where learners and
teachers required support with language development. The results
indicated that the most adequate goals and successful language
intervention were achieved in the transdisciplinary model of team
functioning between SLTAs and preschool teachers. It is speculated that
role transfer, a specific characteristic of this model, led to the
improvement. The sharing of knowledge, expertise and skills by
professionals involved in education is notably the best way in which a
learner’s potential can be realised (Du Plessis, Hugo & Soer,
2000). A further investigation was done into the support needs of
preschool teachers regarding language acquisition by preschool learners
acquiring the LoLT. Preschool teachers acknowledged the need for
knowledge regarding language acquisition and the need for support. They
were willing to consult and collaborate with other professionals,
including SLTs in support of preschool learners (Du Plessis, 2005).
While these studies are encouraging, it is vital that SLTAs develop
a strategy to enhance their presence in the education system.
Opportunities, issues and actions
Becoming partners: Action Plan to 2014
This paper has explained the current crisis in education, and
its links to language and literacy development. Given the large-scale
challenge facing South African education, it is imperative that SLTAs
seek opportunities to support the national imperative for quality
education. The Department of Basic Education, in recognising the
enormity of the challenge, has formulated a longer-term vision
reflected in ‘Schooling 2025’. The immediate steps are
documented in a 5-year plan, ‘Action Plan to 2014’
(Department of Basic Education; Notice 752 of 2010), which outlines 27
goals to improve the quality of education. SLTA input is particularly
relevant to several goals, the first of which is to increase the number
of learners in grade 3 who by the end of the year have mastered the
minimum language and numeracy competencies for that grade. The second
goal highlights the importance of sustaining literacy and numeracy
competencies to grade 6 learners. SLTAs would have to consider how they
could support the realisation of these goals in partnerships to support
current strategies. For example, the ministry has initiated the
workbook project in all 11 official languages. The aim of the workbooks
is to support more effective teaching, which is recognised as a
significant constraint. The workbooks are intended to assist teachers
with teaching content knowledge, as well as to monitor how learners do
tasks. SLTAs could assist with developing materials to ensure that both
language and content goals are met. Furthermore, therapists could make
an important contribution to the review of the RNCS, and specifically
to the national Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statements (CAPS)
which have been developed for each subject for all grades.
The provision of quality early childhood development has also been
prioritised. The Department of Basic Education has indicated that all
learners would have access to grade R by 2014. SLTAs could make
critical inputs into this process to ensure that language development
and emergent literacy skills are prioritised in the curriculum and
teacher training. The Teacher Development Programme has been launched
through the participation of all stakeholders, creating a further
opportunity for collaboration between teachers and therapists.
Therapists could support pre-service and in-service teachers in a range
of areas to improve literacy outcomes.
Clearly, SLTAs must intervene politically and raise awareness
of their roles and their potential contribution. This process has been
initiated by the Education Task Team in October 2010 under the auspices
of the South African Speech-language Hearing Association. The task team
have made submissions to the national Department of Education on the
potential contribution of SLTAs, summarised below. While this is a
first step, it is imperative that further strategic action is taken to
ensure that the professions participate meaningfully in supporting
Basic Education.
Expand employment of SLTAs in Basic Education
The further employment of SLTAs in the Department of Basic Education
will provide systemic support in language and literacy development to
support improved learning outcomes. In the current service delivery
model, the Department of Health employs the majority of SLTAs who
provide services for children under 6 years of age. School-aged
learners are not given priority if they do not have an accompanying
medical condition, leaving a major gap in support in the education
sector. While the education sector has employed SLTAs, they service
mainly schools catering for learners with special needs and are
beginning to form part of district-based service delivery teams.
However, the number of SLTAs is far from optimal and must be increased
if teachers and learners are to obtain tangible support. The further
employment of SLTAs will also affirm that the Department of Education
is accepting responsibility for the support of learners and teachers,
particularly in contexts where language and literacy problems are
prevalent. The following employment options may be pursued:
• Community service posts. Each year, approximately 200 SLTAs
graduate from university. Graduates could be integrated into the
education system by using a strategy of compulsory community service in
education. This strategy was put in place by the Department of Health
in 2003, and has been successful in establishing services in
under-resourced areas. In the future, the graduates could be placed in
either health or education settings during their community service year
as their roles straddle these sectors.
• Improving post provisioning in the Basic Education sector for
qualified practitioners with emphasis on strengthening interventions to
support language and literacy development in ordinary classrooms. At a
minimum, SLTAs should be employed at every full-service school and
collaborate on all district-based teams.
SLTA competencies
SLTAs will have to be (re)skilled to become effective participants
in supporting Basic Education. While universities are aware of how
SLTAs should be working to support Basic Education, the professions do
not have guidelines for the specific competencies required to address
the crisis. The majority of SLTAs trained in South Africa would require
reskilling to develop competencies to address national priorities. Key
issues that SLTAs must consider include the following:
• What kind of service delivery models would be relevant for
the South African context? What would intervention priorities be? What
type of service delivery model would be effective and cost-effective?
• How would SLTAs support the development of all
languages, especially African languages, particularly as the majority
of clinicians are mainly English or Afrikaans first-language speakers?
• How can SLTAs respond to the numerous calls to assist with
developing English as an additional language? Would SLTAs need
additional ESL competencies?
• How can SLTAs lead or participate in social innovation needed to respond to this magnitude of crisis?
• What human resource base would be required, given the large-scale challenge?
Conclusion
This paper has outlined the challenging landscape of Basic Education
in South Africa. Difficulties with the past and current system have
impacted on learners and teachers to create a crisis situation. There
are no easy solutions, but there are choices facing the professions of
speech-language therapy and audiology, which if judiciously made, may
lead to important and significant contributions to the Basic Education
sector in this country. SLTAs must pursue a development agenda to be
socially relevant. USAID (2004, p.2) suggests that the economic growth
of a country depends on an educated workforce that is poised to take
advantage of opportunities. There is a dual meaning here for SLTAs. We
must strive to contribute to the development of that workforce through
the enhancement of language, learning and literacy in Basic Education.
Secondly, as professionals ourselves we constitute a small but highly
educated workforce and if we wish to ensure the future relevance and
value of our work in South Africa, we should take advantage of the
great opportunities that currently await us in the education system.
The professions must be strategic in their engagement with education.
But we should also do what is right: educated and literate individuals
have better long-term access to employment and health – they have
freedom. What bigger contribution can speech-language therapists and
audiologists make than this?
Response
The
respondent, Barbara Ehren, offers commentary on the issues raised and
makes further suggestions for the way forward. We asked her: ‘As
a speech-language pathologist, how would you respond to this contextual
challenge?’
I appreciate the opportunity to respond to this paper not only
as a speech language pathologist (SLP) but also as an educator with a
longstanding interest in systems change. What the authors call for is a
major shift in the roles and responsibilities of SLPs in South Africa,
which will require changes in the way SLPs view themselves and their
work scope, as well as how other educators view them and their
contributions to student achievement in general and literacy
specifically. These changes in perceptions must be accompanied by new
or revised implementation mechanisms, including substantive alterations
in processes and infrastructures within the education system at many
levels.
I wholeheartedly support this call for more substantive
contributions of SLPs to literacy. It is in keeping with my own work,
along with that of many colleagues in language/literacy and school
practice who share this vision. It is inspiring to encounter kindred
spirits working toward this end in another part of the globe. It is
encouraging that mutual goals may provide an opportunity to collaborate
on enhancing the impact of SLPs around the world, striving to make a
difference in the lives of all human beings.
At the outset, I would recommend a clarification with regard
to the inclusion of audiologists in this mix. I would not want to
minimise their contributions in supporting access to instruction by
addressing acoustic considerations, especially in noisy environments,
and in working with children and adolescents who are hearing-impaired
to promote literacy acquisition. However, I do not see their potential
contributions to the overall literacy agenda to be on a par with SLPs,
because SLPs have many more roles to play in a wider variety of areas
affecting literacy. I think that including both professions in a single
package of ‘SLTA’ convolutes the issue and fails to send a
clear message about what respective roles should be. Rather, I would
define a suggested role set in education for each profession
separately. Therefore, in the rest of my commentary, I shall address
only SLPs.
The rationale for the summons
This call for SLPs to participate more broadly in language and
literacy instruction is crucial to nations that recognise literacy as
central to the development and maintenance of a democracy and that
appreciate the corresponding urgency of addressing poor literacy rates.
A literate citizenry is essential to promoting full participation in
the way of life of a democratic society. Further, in our
technologically advanced world, workforce readiness requires high
levels of literacy, way beyond what previously has been considered
‘basic’ (Ehren & Murza, 2010). Therefore, a cogent
argument is that with a matter of such urgency it behoves all segments
of a society to be engaged in the effort, and SLPs should be no
different. However, additional weight should be given to the case for
SLP involvement, because they bring to the literacy table unique
contributions, given their knowledge of language.
In fact, the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association
(ASHA) recently promulgated as official policy a position statement and
professional issues statement on the roles and responsibilities of SLPs
in schools that embrace many critical roles, including those
highlighting literacy within the context of SLPs’ unique
contributions and within a broad range of responsibilities (ASHA, 2010,
p. 1): ‘SLPs provide a distinct set of roles based on their
focused expertise in language. They offer assistance in addressing the
linguistic and metalinguistic foundations of curriculum learning for
students with disabilities, as well as other learners who are at risk
for school failure, or those who struggle in school settings’.
Other companion roles articulated in the ASHA documents are in the
areas of collaboration and leadership. The former arena lends credence
to SLPs forging partnerships with other educators in support of
literacy and the latter points to the advocacy needed from SLPs to
assume new and expanded roles.
In supporting SLPs’ contributions to the national
imperative for quality education, I would endorse framing the
conversation in terms of ‘backward design’ (Wiggins &
McTighe, 2005) (which is basically what the authors have done); that
is, to advocate that all stakeholders start with the end in mind in
defining roles for SLPs (or anyone else, for that matter). In such a
construct, the larger picture of the social and economic goals for
South Africa provides the target for educational goals. Where South
Africa wants to be as a nation then becomes the starting point for
discussing roles of SLPs. Working backward from that point, the next
question is ‘What has to happen in education to create the kind
of society South Africans want?’ and from there, ‘What do
SLPs have to do within educational systems to contribute to this grand
plan?’ This is a different approach from looking first at
SLPs’ roles based on their professional preparation and expertise.
My own experience in working with SLPs in many different states
within the USA is that this approach provides a convincing rationale
for them to consider doing things differently. They see their potential
contributions as serving a larger purpose, a key factor in motivating
them to make the necessary changes. A titillating challenge for SLPs is
to expand their sphere of influence in areas of major consequence to
their country so that role definition is no longer just a matter of
‘This is what we do as SLPs’ but ‘This is what South
Africa needs for us to do.’ Of course, in the final analysis,
professional preparation and expertise are considered in defining
roles, but they are not the starting point.
Implementation considerations
Even if taking larger roles with literacy makes sense to SLPs
and other stakeholders, the practical aspects of implementation is
where the ‘rubber hits the road’. For one thing, with the
pull-out model having been the mainstay of service delivery, SLPs will
need to expand their repertoire to accommodate refocused priorities.
First, it is important to note that including more students and
activities within the work scope of SLPs should in no way imply
abandonment of students with communication disorders. Even with that
population, SLPs would do well to consider alternatives to pull-out.
For more effective and efficient services, a variety of delivery
models, including in-classroom direct services and indirect services to
teachers and caregivers (Ehren, 2000), should be considered. For
example, when students with speech and language disorders are at a
generalisation stage of therapy, pulling them out may not well serve
the goal of transferring new behaviours to the classroom.
However, within a broader scope of concern for literacy status with
more students, it is of even greater import to consider a variety of
options. Especially in light of limited resource capacity,
contributions of SLPs may in many instances be to assist teachers,
other professionals and caregivers who might be the primary deliverers
of intervention. Therefore ‘indirect services’ are
important to include in a menu of service delivery options. Thus,
SLPs’ roles in intervention may expand beyond direct work with
students who struggle with literacy.
In this regard, I think it is helpful to think in terms of four types of activities with which SLPs may be involved:
1. Triaging students
2. Looking at students individually
3. Deciphering patterns of strengths
and challenges in learning with an eye on language underpinnings
(foundations) that may be involved
4. Helping to decide who needs what service from whom
5. Guiding language-sensitive
assessment/instruction/intervention delivered by others, including
accommodations for students with disabilities. (This may be
accomplished by consultation/problem-solving, demonstration teaching
and provision of professional development to others.)
6. Providing direct intervention to students on language underpinnings in collaboration with others.
7. Providing speech and language therapy to students with communication disorders.
Given a broad array of service delivery options, SLPs will still
need to make judicious selection of students to serve, directly and
indirectly, deciding how best to use their expertise; otherwise, they
will
become overwhelmed with
too much to do. A key component in effective and efficient deployment
of personnel is collaboration among professionals to parlay resources
and avoid redundancy or conflicting directions. Ehren and Laster (2010)
and Goetze, Laster & Ehren (2010) have recommended a partnership
among specialists who share an interest and expertise in language; in
the USA that would include the SLP, reading specialists and teachers of
English language learners. With whom might SLPs join forces in South
Africa?
As SLPs jump into the mainstream of education, they should avoid
becoming just another pair of hands to do the work in schools that
needs to be accomplished. That is, the tasks they are assigned should
make use of their unique skill set in language and offer added value to
the education of children and adolescents. Intervention activities need
to be relevant to social and academic goals with the following caution:
SLPs should not become responsible directly for mastery of subjects
such as maths, social studies and science; instead they should
facilitate access to these curricula through work on foundational
language elements. Thus, curriculum provides the context, not the
content of intervention, unless the curriculum under consideration is
language arts. This approach does not require SLPs to be as expert as
teachers in curriculum. What they need is enough knowledge about
curriculum to select specific content as the raw material to teach
language underpinnings.
Content foci
It is important to discuss language not just as prerequisite to
learning but also as corequisite. Figure 1 is a graphic used by Deshler
and Ehren (2008) to convey the ongoing contribution of language to all
aspects of learning; it is helpful to explain how language is both
foundational to learning at all stages, not just the basic foundation
that precedes academic learning.
Rather than thinking of language as developing linearly along a
continuum, it might be more productive to think of it as reciprocal
along all points on the continuum of learning, as the above figure
would imply. Research has consistently demonstrated reciprocal
relationships with listening, speaking, reading, and writing (e.g.
Bradley & Bryant, 1983; Catts & Kamhi, 2005; Englert &
Thomas, 1987; Gillon & Dodd, 1995; Hiebert, 1980; Kroll, 1981;
Ruddell & Ruddell, 1994), all of which share linguistic, cognitive,
metalinguistic and metacognitive underpinnings (Ehren, 2006).
Highlighting the reciprocity of language processes and framing literacy
as including listening, speaking, reading and writing, in my
experience, helps SLPs to understand the relationship between oral and
written language. Also, I would suggest that a focus on literacy should
include more than phonology as a ‘mediating bridge’ and
include differences in oral and literate styles with complexities in
syntax, semantics and discourse structures.
Systems change
Even if there should be a resounding affirmation of the logic
of this summons from many sources, change occurs slowly. Carefully
consider the mountain you have to climb; don’t underestimate the
time and energy required to reach the summit! Attending specifically to
the requirements of educational reform and change will help manage and
sustain the process. Consult notable authors like Elmore (2004), Fullan
(2005), Guskey (2005) and Hall & Hord (2010), among others. Hall
and Hord’s concerns-based adoption model (2010) is one that will
be of particular assistance in implementing and managing change.
The authors’ observation that the traditional roles of SLPs
are rooted in a deficit model implies that broader roles with literacy
will require not only a different mind-set but also a different
skill-set to serve in these capacities. To prompt and then sustain this
change, both pre-service and in-service professional development will
be needed. In the case of pre-service education, two issues are
germane: (i) preparing a sufficient number of SLPs to serve in expanded roles; and (ii)
refining the university curriculum to include specific instruction in
language and literacy issues, as well as methods in school practice and
collaboration, among other important areas.
However, it is difficult to imagine that universities could
address all aspects of implementing literacy-related roles in schools
in sufficient depth. Therefore, an important companion piece is
in-service education. This preparation will also be needed to retool
practising SLPs. In this regard, the evidence base on high-quality
professional development should be heeded in the development of
SLPs’ willingness and competency to engage in these roles
(Desimone, Porter, Garet, Suk Yoon & Birman, 2002; Penuel, Fishman,
Yamaguchi & Gallagher, 2007). Ongoing professional development,
including experiences with initial learning, supported by follow-up
activities will be essential. A major consideration is that if
sufficient funding is not allocated to high-quality professional
development for all involved, SLPs and their collaborators’
efforts to move ahead will be in vain. (See standards for high-quality
professional development from Learning Forward, formerly known as the
National Staff Development Council at www.nsdc.org).
SLPs who embrace these roles conceptually should be prepared to
encounter challenges along the way. For example, articulation of roles
with literacy is a reiterative process. Just because SLPs explain to
school district or school building administrators what they have to
offer to address literacy needs, does not mean these administrators
will internalise this message immediately, if their schema for SLP work
is rooted in traditional roles.
Another consideration, however, is that to obtain buy-in from
stakeholders, the latter must understand and appreciate what SLPs have
to offer, starting with an appreciation for the role of language in all
aspects of learning. I would not assume that most teachers have such
understanding. One of the biggest obstacles we encounter in the USA is
that teachers, especially of older students, do not understand the
continued importance of language to the achievement of academic goals.
Another systems issue is measuring the impact of SLPs’
contributions. This is easier said than done. The impact of SLPs on
literacy will be difficult to measure, especially if we extend roles to
more than direct service to students. As we advocate for a
collaborative approach, the whole may not equal the sum of the parts;
i.e. the benefit to students may not be additive when collaborators are
involved. The interchange among professionals may create a synergy and
produce results that reflect a ‘shared creation’, as
Schrage (1995) describes. How can we tease out the contributions of
individual professionals if we view the result of collaboration to be a
shared creation and not merely a completion of delegated tasks by a
‘team’? This is a matter of ongoing discussion in the USA.
Conclusion
In their closing section, the authors noted: ‘if we wish to
ensure the future relevance and value of our work in South Africa we
should take advantage of the great opportunities that currently await
us in the education system’. I would suggest that relevance and
value are the cornerstones that should mark the work of SLPs in all
corners of the globe. I would further say that indeed the education
system affords SLPs wonderful opportunities to use their knowledge and
skills for substantive outcomes. We need to make a difference! Although
that goal can be accomplished in a variety of ways, it makes sense that
the impact of SLPs should be as broad as possible, given the needs of
society and that literacy proficiency is surely one of those exigent
needs. A mantra for me that may resonate with SLPs in South Africa is
this quote from Hynds (1994, p. 162):
‘I teach so that the world will be a better
place. It’s really that simple. I teach in the hope that some
day, there might be a few more people who can use the gift of language
in authentic ways: to respond to others, to learn new things, and
ultimately, to positively influence the world in which we all must
live.’
Dr Barbara J Ehren, CCC-SLP, ASHA Fellow
Board Recognised Specialist in Child Language
Professor
Director of the Doctoral Program
Interim Associate Chair
Department of Communication Sciences and Disorders
University of Central Florida
Orlando, Florida, USA
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GLOSSARY OF TERMS
Annual National Assessments (ANAs)
Annual National Assessment (ANA)
in literacy and numeracy is performed for grades 3, 6 and 9 to
continually measure the performance of individual learners and that of
classes, schools, districts, provinces and the country as a whole. It
provides information on individual learner performance, but also
informs the Department how the sector as a whole is functioning. Going
forward, ANA results will enable the Department of Education to measure
the impact of specific programmes and interventions to improve literacy
and numeracy (Motshekga, 2011).
Basic Education
‘Basic Education’
includes both primary and secondary education and is guaranteed to
everyone without any discrimination or exclusion based notably on
gender, ethnicity, nationality or origin, social, economic or physical
condition, language, religion, political or other opinion, or belonging
to a minority. Beyond preschool education, the duration of which can be
fixed by the State, Basic Education consists of at least 9 years and
progressively extends to 12 years (UNESCO, 2007).
Community service
In South Africa community
service differs from that in other countries, where it is related to
volunteerism. In an effort to redress previous inequalities in the
South African Health System, the Department of Health launched the
National Human Resource Plan in 2006. Newly qualified graduates (e.g.
medical and allied health professions) are employed by the government
for a period of 1 year to provide professional services to communities
(ranging from urban to rural) where a need exists to make up for the
shortfall in such skills (Department of Health, 2006).
Curriculum and assessment policy (CAPS)
The National Curriculum and
Assessment Policy Statement is a single, comprehensive, and concise
policy document, which will replace the current Subject and Learning
Area Statements, Learning Programme Guidelines and Subject Assessment
Guidelines for all the subjects listed in the National Curriculum Statement Grades R - 12.
It is important to note that the development of National Curriculum and
Assessment Statements must not be seen as a new curriculum but only as
a refined and repackaged National Curriculum Statement Grades R - 12 (Department of Education, 2008).
District level
Each provincial Department of
Education is known as the ‘provincial level’ of management.
Each provincial level has several ‘district offices’ known
as the ‘district level’ of governance. Each school district
is a geographical unit as determined by the relevant provincial
legislation, or prevailing provincial practice, and manages a number of
schools within a specific geographical district. District-based support
teams are a group of professionals whose responsibility it is to
promote inclusive education through training, curriculum delivery,
distribution of resources, identifying and addressing barriers to
learning, leadership and general management (Department of Education,
1996a, 1996b).
Early childhood development (ECD)
Early childhood development
(ECD) covers the education of a child from the period from birth to 9
years of age which is a critical time of change in his/her social,
physical, cognitive, and emotional development (Department of
Education, 2001a). In the South African context ECD refers to the
policies and an approach where parents and caregivers participate
actively in their child’s programme (family-centred approach)
(Republic of South Africa, 2005).
Ex-model C school
Model C schools existed in the
period just prior to democracy in South Africa. This categorisation no
longer exists and the schools are therefore referred to as
former/ex-model C schools. These former model C schools were permitted
to top up their funding with fees payable by the parents of the
schools. Thus, former model C schools varied in relation to their fees,
budgets, teacher-to-student ratios, and quality of facilities
(Department of Education, 1996a).
Foundation phase
The foundation phase includes
grades R, 1, 2, and 3. It provides the learning that forms the
grounding or basis for literacy, numeracy and life skills (Department
of Education, 2002).
Full-service school
Full-service schools are
ordinary schools which are specially equipped to address a full range
of barriers to learning in an inclusive education setting (Department
of Education, 2008).
Further education and training (FET)
Refers to levels of education
which are above ‘general education’ but below ‘Higher
Education’. FET consists of grades 10 – 12, which are
offered in high schools (Department of Basic Education) or FET Colleges
(previous technical colleges) (Republic of South Africa, 1998).
General education
‘General education’
refers to the compulsory school attendance phase as referred to in
section 3 of the South African Schools Act (Republic of South Africa,
1998).
Independent school
Private or independent schools
receive no funding from the government and are funded entirely by fees
paid by the parents. The general perception is that the teacher:
student ratio is lower than in government schools and that the standard
of education is high (Department of Education, 1996b).
Intermediate grades
The intermediate grades of primary education comprise grades 4 - 6 (Department of Education, 2002).
Language in Education Policy (LiEP)
The Language in Education Policy
(LiEP) in South Africa provides for schools (depending on their needs)
to adopt either one language as a medium for learning (home language)
or use two languages: a home language in the early grades and a second
one later as language of learning. According to the LiEP, whichever
route is followed, the underlying principle is to maintain home
language(s) while providing access to and the effective acquisition of
additional language(s) (Department of Education, 1997).
Language of learning and teaching (LoLT)
The Revised National Curriculum
Statement (RNCS) stipulates that the learner's home language should be
used for learning and teaching wherever possible. This is particularly
important in the foundation phase where children learn to read and
write. The LoLT is the language of the majority of learners in the
school/class, which is used for teaching in the classroom (Department
of Education, 2002).
Ordinary schools
An ordinary school is a school that is not a special school (Department of Basic Education, 2011a).
Pan South African Language Board (PanSALB)
PanSALB was established in 1995
to promote multilingualism in South Africa by fostering the development
of all 11 official languages, while encouraging the use of the many
other languages spoken in the country (PanSALB, 2011).
Provincial departments of education
The provincial Departments of Education reside in each province of South Africa, under the National Department of Education.
GLOSSARY OF TERMS
Public school
Public schools are under the
jurisdiction of the government and learners are subsidised by the
provincial legislature. At public schools, parents vote on the level of
school fees. Poor parents are given exemption or reductions. A public
school may be either an ordinary public school or a public school for
learners with special education needs. The latter should receive
relevant educational support services for these learners (Department of
Education, 1996b). Public schools are governed by elected school
governing bodies, which have a significant say in the running of their
schools.
Revised National Curriculum Statement
The RNCS stipulates the specific
outcomes and the assessment standards to be achieved for a specific
grade. It provides the framework for what learners should know in order
to become ‘… citizens that are multi-skilled,
knowledgeable, sensitive to environmental issues and able to respond to
the many challenges that confront South Africa in the 21st
Century’ (Department of Education, 2002).
School psychological services
The school psychological
services were multidisciplinary units consisting of psychologists,
remedial educationists, speech therapists/audiologists, and career
counsellors. They provided services (assessment, management and
intervention programmes) to learners who experienced barriers to
learning, and in career counselling. Under the previous dispensation
such services were available only to children in former white schools
(Mashau, Steyn, van der Walt & Wolhuter, 2008).
Senior phase
The senior phase of education
comprises grades 7 - 9 with the child promoted to high/secondary school
at the beginning of grade 8 (Department of Education, 2002).
South African Department of Education: Basic Education and Higher Education
The former Department of
Education was the South African Government department responsible for
education and training until 2009. Since then it has been split into
the Department of Basic Education (schools) and the Department of
Higher Education and Training (universities, technikons).
Special education
Special education in South
Africa consists of special schools that offer segregated education for
learners with specific education needs. A special school is one that is
resourced to deliver education to learners requiring high-intensity
support (Department of Basic Education, 2011a). Special education needs
are based on specific disabilities: e.g. physical/mobility impairments,
blindness, deafness, autism spectrum disorders, epilepsy, learning
disability and cognitive impairments.
1 It is acknowledged that
reference in terms of 'black education' and 'white education' is highly
contested in the current context. These terms are used to explain the
racial divide that was created by the apartheid system.
Table I. Percentage of learners by language of learning and teaching across grades in 2007
LoLT
Gr 1
Gr 2
Gr 3
Gr 4
Gr 5
Gr 6
Gr 7
Gr 8
Gr 9
Gr 10
Gr 11
Gr 12
SA
Afrikaans
9.5
9.6
9.9
12.3
12.2
12.2
13.2
13.1
14.0
12.7
12.1
12.8
11.9
English
21.8
23.8
27.7
79.1
81.1
81.6
80.6
80.9
80.0
81.2
82.0
81.4
65.3
isiNdebele
0.7
0.8
0.8
0.3
0.3
0.3
0.3
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.4
isiXhosa
16.5
15.0
14.0
3.1
2.5
2.0
1.9
1.6
1.4
1.3
1.2
1.5
5.5
isiZulu
23.4
21.7
20.1
1.5
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.1
1.1
1.1
1.1
1.1
6.8
Sepedi
8.3
9.1
9.2
1.1
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
1.0
1.0
1.0
3.1
Sesotho
4.7
4.8
4.4
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.4
0.4
0.5
0.5
0.4
0.3
1.6
Setswana
7.5
7.4
6.8
0.6
0.5
0.5
0.6
0.6
0.7
0.6
0.5
0.3
2.4
Siswati
2.1
2.1
1.7
0.4
0.3
0.3
0.3
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.7
Tshivenda
2.2
2.4
2.4
0.3
0.2
0.2
0.2
0.4
0.5
0.5
0.6
0.5
0.9
Xitsonga
3.1
3.3
3.1
0.7
0.6
0.6
0.6
0.7
0.7
0.8
0.8
0.8
1.4
Total
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
Source: Department of Basic Education (2010).
LoLT = language of teaching and learning.
Fig. 1. The ongoing contribution of language to academic learning (from Deshler & Ehren, 2008, used with permission).