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T H E S O U T H E R N A F R I C A N J O U R N A L O F H I V M E D I C I N E                                 J U N E 2 0 0 7 1 5

Apart from overwhelming mortality figures, economic
arguments exist for keeping up, if not accelerating, the pace of
antiretroviral therapy (ART) provision in South Africa and
elsewhere. In June 2006, the Copenhagen Consensus re-
emphasised the importance of HIV and infectious disease
control. The authors called for its prioritisation ahead of a
multitude of other worthy causes – based not on the need of
people, but on the cost-effectiveness of interventions to
remedy this plight.

The Copenhagen Consensus, set up in 2004 by the Danish
environmentalist Bjorn Lomborg, works to answer a single
question: What are the most cost-effective ways for a
government to improve or save its citizens' lives? The novelty
of this approach is to draw on experts, findings and methods
from a large variety of scientific areas, while forcing a
consolidation of results to a single common denominator for
better comparison: the quality-adjusted life-year, or QALY.1 For
the first time interventions as diverse as combating climate
change and combating malaria could be compared in respect
of their outcome in a meaningful way.

The process lists 40 interventions tackling 10 areas of global
concern (including communicable diseases, sanitation and
water, education, malnutrition and hunger, subsidies and trade
barriers, education, corruption, conflicts, and financial
instability), which are being ranked in order of priority. In the
first round in 2004, a group of academically acclaimed
economists reviewed the papers summarising the evidence on
each of these interventions and ranked them accordingly. Back
then, HIV prevention and treatment was awarded the highest
priority among the 40 interventions, being judged to be able
to save the most lives at the lowest cost (Fig. 1). 

In June last year, the process was repeated as a ranking
exercise among UN diplomats from China, India, Pakistan,
Tanzania, Thailand, the USA, Vietnam and Zambia. In a slightly
different take on the original task, the ambassadors listened to
presentations from experts on each problem and were then
confronted with the question: How would you spend

P U B L I C  H E A L T H  P R I O R I T I E S  

The cost-effectiveness of HIV
control: Getting the priorities

right

Gesine Meyer-Rath, MD

Health Policy Unit, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, and 

HIV Management Cluster, Reproductive Health and HIV Research Unit,

University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg

A growing body of international and local evidence shows
that infectious disease control and HIV prevention and
treatment are the most efficient ways for governments to
spend their money to improve the lot of their citizens, in
both developed and developing countries.

Fig. 1. Outcome of ranking exercise during the Copenhagen
Consensus 2004 (for more information see

www.copenhagenconsensus.com).

Project rating Challenge Opportunity

Very good 1 Diseases Control of HIV/AIDS
2 Malnutrition Providing micronutrients

3 Subsidies and trade Trade liberalisation

4 Diseases Control of malaria

Good 5 Malnutrition Development of new
agricultural technologies

6 Sanitation and Small-scale water 
water technology for livelihoods

7 Sanitation and Community-managed
water water supply and

sanitation

8 Sanitation and Research on water 
water productivity in food

production

9 Government Lowering the cost of
starting a new business

Fair 10 Migration Lowering barriers to
migration for skilled 
workers

11 Malnutrition Improving infant and 
child nutrition

12 Malnutrition Reducing the prevalence
of low birth weight

13 Diseases Scaled-up basic health

services

Bad 14 Migration Guest worker programmes
for the unskilled

15 Climate Optimal carbon tax

16 Climate The Kyoto Protocol

17 Climate Value-at-risk carbon tax



J U N E 2 0 0 7                                 T H E S O U T H E R N A F R I C A N J O U R N A L O F H I V M E D I C I N E1 6

US$50 billion to make the world a better place? This time,
scaling up basic health services was awarded top priority, with
HIV control coming sixth (Fig. 2).

The results of the Copenhagen Consensus process mirror the
conclusion of the Commission for Macroeconomics and
Health, set up by the World Health Organization in 2001, that
‘as with the economic well-being of individual households,
good population health is a critical input into poverty
reduction, economic growth, and long-term economic
development at the scale of whole societies’.2

As with every other science, many of the results of economic
analyses, and the advice to policy-makers based on them,
depend on having asked the right question, and pursuing
answers with the right tools. The Copenhagen Consensus
process, particularly in its second version, depends extensively
on the quality of the evidence presented. In 2004 assessment
of interventions against HIV and AIDS was based, in the
absence of large-scale public sector ART programmes in low-
income countries, on the hundredfold higher costs of
programmes in industrialised countries at that time. Despite
these much higher costs, ART was still highly recommended
on the basis of cost-effectiveness alone.

From a large body of research in industrialised countries, and
increasingly from non-industrialised ones, we know the
reasons for the striking cost-effectiveness of ART: In delaying
the onset of opportunistic infections and the costly
hospitalisations they necessitate, ART defers resource use and
costs for the health system and adds not only length but also
quality to a patient's life.3-5 In a cost-effectiveness analysis
that takes all three factors into account (costs, life expectancy
and quality of life), these benefits are large enough to offset
the additional costs of the drugs, and of the systems that have
to be put in place to reliably provide them. 

A number of local economic analyses and modelling exercises
has shown that this cost-effectiveness can be achieved in

South Africa as well. One of these used data on costs and
outcomes of ART provision at the MSF-led HIV clinics in
Khayelitsha, showing that in this setting providing ART was
more cost-effective than HIV care without ART.6 MSF
(Médecins Sans Frontières) is a non-governmental organi-
sation dedicated to improving health care and access to
essential medicines in emergency and low-income settings.
Providing ART in this setting cost R13.754 per QALY versus
R14.189 per QALY for patients who did not receive ART, in 2002
South African rands.

An analysis of ART provision in a standard public-sector clinic
would probably yield even more favourable results, as the
staffing levels at Khayelitsha are higher than in a public sector
clinic, and ARV drug costs were significantly higher at the time
of the study. Overall, there is a scarcity of economic analyses
of ART provision in low-income settings that use data from
real-world settings to analyse cost factors and advise on the
efficiency of public sector roll-out programmes.

In South Africa, despite the significant political progress of the
last few months and the latest figures for patients initiated on
ART showing that South Africa has the largest ART programme
in the world in terms of absolute numbers, there remains a
need for massive upscaling of ART provision  This will continue
for quite some time – a time in which the deadly toll from
AIDS is set to continue to rise.

It is high time for governments to invest accordingly.
Governments in southern Africa need to support the
enormous task of providing HIV care financially and politically.
The hierarchy of cost-effective interventions noted by the
Copenhagen Consensus can guide governments towards
effective spending across all sectors, not just health. For South
Africa this means maintaining the collaborative spirit shown
in setting up the Inter-Ministerial Working Committee on HIV
and AIDS and revamping the South African AIDS Council,
while continuing to support the efforts of health-care
professionals and volunteers who refuse to be intimidated by
the enormous scale of the task. After all, a cost-effective
medical intervention offers the best of two worlds, saving lives
as well as money.

REFERENCES
1. Lomborg B. Need for economists to set global priorities. Nature 2004; 431: 17.
2. Commission on Macroeconomics and Health. Macroeconomics and Health:

Investing in Health for Economic Development. Geneva: World Health
Organization, 2001 (http://www.who.int/macrohealth/en/).

3. Beck E, Miners AH, Tolley K. The cost of HIV treatment and care. Pharmacoecon
2001; 19(1): 13-39,

4. Youle M, Trueman P, Simpson K, et al. Health economics in HIV disease: a review
of the European literature. Pharmacoeconomics 1999; 15(suppl. 1): 1-12. 

5. Rosen S, Long L. How much does it cost to provide antiretroviral therapy for
HIV/AIDS in Africa? Health and Development Discussion Paper No. 9, Center for
International Health and Development, Boston University, October 2006.

6. Cleary S, Boulle A, McIntyre D, Coetzee D. Cost-Effectiveness of Antiretroviral
Treatment for HIV-Positive Adults in a South African Township. Cape Town:
Health Systems Trust, 2004.

Fig. 2. Outcome of ranking exercise during the Copenhagen
Consensus 2006: a United Nations perspective (for more

information see www.copenhagenconsensus.com).

CHALLENGE OPPORTUNITY

1 Communicable diseases Scaled-up basic health services

2 Sanitation and water Community-managed water supply 
and sanitation

3 Education Physical expansion

4 Malnutrition and hunger Improving infant and child nutrition

5 Malnutrition and hunger Investment in technology in

developing country agriculture

6 Communicable diseases Control of HIV/AIDS

7 Communicable diseases Control of malaria

8 Malnutrition and hunger Reducing micronutrient deficiencies

9 Subsidies and trade barriers Optimistic Doha: 50% liberalisation

10 Education Improve quality/systemic reforms

I am grateful to Dr Catherine McPhail for comments on an
earlier draft of this article.