the denning law journal 1 denning law journal 2019 vol 31 p 1 introduction to the 2019 general edition the editorial team of the denning law journal are pleased to offer its 2019 general edition, which covers a range of topical issues that fall within the remit of the journal and keeps faith with lord denning’s vision and far-sightedness. the aim of the denning law journal is to provide a forum for the widest discussion of issues arising in the common law world and the commonwealth, and also to embrace wider global issues of contemporary concern. lord denning recognised the importance of: • developing the common law; • focusing on the development of law in commonwealth jurisdictions; • the need for judicial and community recognition of the urgency of reform and modernisation of law; • the need to preserve traditions of judicial independence, integrity, accountability and creativity; • reflecting upon the interplay of law and morality; • the role to be played by the state in the defence of the individual; • international and comparative law; • the protection and promotion of human and constitutional rights; and • the development of constitutional and administrative law. the denning law journal strives to reflect these values and goals in every general edition. we have two new features in this 2019 general edition: the winner of our student writing competition and our conversations section, which invites ongoing dialogue on important legal questions. the winner of our student writing competition is aidan seymour-butler. we are pleased to have students represented among our author contributors and will look to have further student writing competitions in the future. our conversations section features an article by professor aliza organick, on the value of state apologies, and what role these play in state-indigenous peoples relationships. this remains a vital issue in the twenty-first century and we invite comments in response, to foster an open and ongoing dialogue through our law journal. as always, we are grateful for the invaluable assistance of our student editors in proofing this general edition. sarah sargent james slater editors 157 the denning law journal 2017 vol 29 pp 157-162 book review being a judge in the modern world edited by jeremy cooper (oxford university press, uk, 2017) £24.99 (paperback) pp 240, isbn 9780198796602 fred motson* it is something of a modern cliché to cite the daily mail as an example of the more hysterical fringe of the mainstream press, but even by its own standards the newspaper reached new heights in the wake of the high court’s decision in r (on the application of miller and dos santos) v secretary of state for exiting the european union1. despite the rather dry constitutional point that was actually in issue (whether the executive possessed a prerogative power to leave a treaty without parliamentary approval) the mail left no doubt as to its view of the case: ‘enemies of the people’ screamed the headline, with the article going on to suggest that the claimants “had formed an 'unholy alliance' with the judiciary.”2 clearly the position of even the most senior members of the judiciary is far from the distinguished isolation of previous centuries. this increased press ‘scrutiny’ is just one of a number of topics covered by the wide-ranging ‘being a judge in the modern world’ with a list of contributors including both the lord chief justice and his predecessor, two current supreme court justices and the senior president of tribunals, it is of little surprise that this deceptively slim volume covers such a variety of issues. the link is that each chapter is the text of a speech given by its particular author on the topic of ‘being a judge in the modern world’, a lecture series organised by the judicial college. it is made clear in the editor’s introduction that each speaker would “deliver a lecture with the * visiting lecturer in law, university of buckingham. 1 [2016] ewhc 2768 (admin); [2017] 1 all er 158 and upheld by the supreme court, [2017] uksc 5; [2017] 2 wlr 583. 2 james slack, ‘enemies of the people: fury over 'out of touch' judges who have 'declared war on democracy' by defying 17.4m brexit voters and who could trigger constitutional crisis’ daily mail (london, 3 november 2016) 1. book review 158 same title, but with absolute freedom to address the issue in any way they saw fit with neither guidance nor censorship from the judicial college.”3 this was an admirable goal, but once one commences reading the substantive speeches that lack of guidance begins to feel like less of an asset. it is certainly true that the modern judge faces a considerable number of pressures, some of which are novel and some more familiar which are exacerbated by changes in both the legal system and in society as a whole. some of the chapters provide thought-provoking examples: such as the judge who made the mistake of copying and pasting counsel’s written submissions into his judgment;4 or the availability of access to justice in an age of austerity.5 this wider focus is perhaps most notable in contributions from non-judicial figures, such as baroness chakrabarti cbe and alan rusbridger. there is a commendable emphasis on the reality of the judge’s position in the modern world and the book makes a persuasive argument that such a position is beset by challenges on all sides. we are told by various contributors that judges are misunderstood by the public and stereotyped by the press, that their decisions are exploited by grasping politicians and they are themselves often ignored or unrepresented by the other branches of government. it is easy to sympathise with, to borrow the title of joshua rozenberg’s chapter, the ‘embattled judge’. as observed by the current lord chief justice thomas, the average journalist (and by implication man on the clapham omnibus) imagines a judge spending his lunch adjournment “at his inn consuming port and stilton…[when] the actuality [is] that he had been working on the judgment he was about to give and eating a sandwich in his room”.6 a theme which runs through a number of the chapters is what should be expected from our judges in this “modern world”. many of the contributors line up to decry the traditional view of the outdated “crusty old buffer”7 and judges are repeatedly exhorted to “engage” with justice and the modern world. yet in just as many chapters, and often from the same writers, there are dire warnings of the dangers of the judge who overuses social media, or that we live in an age of bloggers and ‘fake news’. some 3 jeremy cooper, ‘introduction’ in jeremy cooper (ed), being a judge in the modern world (oup 2017). 4see joshua rozenberg qc, ‘the embattled judge’ in jeremy cooper (ed), being a judge in the modern world (oup 2017) 53. 5 lord justice ryder, ‘the modernization of access to justice in times of austerity’ in jeremy cooper (ed), being a judge in the modern world (oup 2017). 6 lord thomas of cwmgiedd, ‘reflections of a serving lord chief justice’ in jeremy cooper (ed), being a judge in the modern world (oup 2017) 25. 7 ibid. the denning law journal 159 of the most trenchant observations are made by lord carnwath in ‘reflections on the tribunal reform project’, who notes that on the official judicial website the two questions answered are “do judges use gavels?” and “why do people bow when they come into court?”8. it is clear from this book that many believe that, for good or ill, the judiciary has an image problem – old, outdated and staffed by elderly white men. this leads on to one of the few themes that almost all contributors at least touch on – that increased diversity on the bench is a crucial step towards a more representative and modern judiciary. the tone is set by lord judge in the first chapter who highlights both a current lack of diversity and the flaws of any approach based on ‘quotas’ or positive discrimination. this view is then questioned by baroness chakrabarti, who rather coyly refers to “bringing in people from a wider pool”9, before in the next chapter joshua rozenberg qc again warns of the demotivation that any system of preference can create. thus it continues until lady hale of richmond’s comprehensive account of the current state of diversity in the judiciary in the penultimate chapter. this is the book at its best – major figures both inside and outside the legal system expressing their (not necessarily complementary) views on the idea of judges in the modern world. at these times, it is commendable that the “absolute freedom” was practised as well as promised by the judicial college. yet this freedom is at the same time the book’s greatest weakness. that penultimate chapter referred to above can be found nestled between a very general overview by lord thomas of the position of the judiciary in wider society (including such disparate areas as devolution, the separation of powers, the relevance of the judiciary to small traders and the use of the welsh language in court) and a chapter from lord justice laws on the power of statutory interpretation. by nature any collection of the works of others will suffer from a lack of continuity, to a greater or lesser extent, but this is particularly pronounced in this volume. as already noted, in their desire for oratorical freedom, the judicial college did not provide a common starting point beyond the title of the lecture. unfortunately, the age old dichotomy between certainty and flexibility that underlies all of our law is also present here – and it could be argued that this book has got that balance wrong. mrs. justice bernard begins her lecture by asking, “what is meant by the modern world, and from 8 lord carnwath of notting hill, ‘reflections on the tribunal reform project’ in jeremy cooper (ed), being a judge in the modern world (oup 2017) 107. 9 baroness chakrabarti cbe, ‘walking the tightrope of independence’ in jeremy cooper (ed), being a judge in the modern world (oup 2017) 47. book review 160 whose perspective?”10 the answer here is clearly “the speaker’s”. it seems slightly churlish to make a criticism of inviting a broad range of opinion, and this may well have been a real strength of the lecture series (which took place across the country to different audiences). however, when collected together, it becomes unfortunately clear that most of the chapters say as much about the speaker as about their supposed theme. thus alan rusbridger dwells at length on the economics of online journalism (and even manages to sneak his “comment is free” motto into his speech); baroness chakrabarti concentrates on the iraq war, closed trials and police tactics; mrs justice bernard’s view from the caribbean is more of a view of the caribbean; lord carnwatch as senior president of tribunals speaks on, yes, tribunals; as already mentioned, it falls to the only female supreme court justice to provide a full speech on diversity issues; et cetera. no criticism is intended of the writers or their chosen subjects, nor of the judicial college and the original lecture series. however, the variety of speakers and topics makes it difficult to establish a coherent picture of what exactly it is to be a judge in the modern world. one could argue, with some justification, that this is not what was intended – the book is more of a series of vignettes which each go some way to illuminating a facet of the role of the modern judge. yet even when looked at in this wider context, there remains a disconnect between what each speaker is trying to achieve. some, such as lord carnwath and professor cooper on tribunals, take a very descriptive approach to how our legal system has changed in recent years. others, such as rozenberg and lord judge focus on what qualities the modern judge needs to succeed. then in some of the later chapters, the focus shifts again to the constitution as a whole and the judiciary’s place within it. all are interesting; all relate to judges and the modern world; but they do not relate in any but the most tangential way to what has come before. it is hard to shake the feeling that this is a book to be dipped into, or at most one which may spur the reader to inquire further into a particular field. a good example of this is the use of technology in judicial proceedings. lord judge was never renowned for his technophilia – as lord dyson said, “in a word, the it revolution has completely passed him by. surprisingly, he disputes this, but it is true. his whole family will say that it is true, even his grandchildren. it is as if the it revolution never happened. emails, no; blackberry, no; mobiles, no; ipads, no. i could go on.”11 yet his speech 10 desirée bernard, ‘a view from the caribbean’ in jeremy cooper (ed), being a judge in the modern world (oup 2017) 83. 11 lord dyson mr, ‘valedictory address for lord judge’ (london, 30 july 2013) . the denning law journal 161 contains one particularly noteworthy section which poses a fascinating question. “can we, perhaps most of all, recognise the dire danger of burying our system, our common law system, under mounds and mounds of socalled authorities, decided cases which are supposed to assist the judge by directing him or her to the relevant principle? if we could use modern technology to distil the essential principle to be applied by the court into two or three paragraphs, rather than two or three folders of so-called authorities, that would be a triumph.”12 there is so much in this chapter to discuss. is the former lord chief justice merely advocating better use of modern technology, or a far more radical reform which could involve a dramatic change to the use of legal precedent in court? what could be the effects of a system where the context and explanation of a many-paged judgment is replaced by a “two or three paragraph” summary – in other words, where centuries of legal educators exhorting students to read the case not the headnote is reversed? unfortunately, this issue is not returned to, due to the very nature of the work as a collection of independent speeches. this is far from the only example even within this one area – later lord justice ryder makes tantalising reference to online courts13 while lord thomas warns against their dangers.14perhaps it is asking too much to expect such points to be somehow naturally brought to the mind of other speakers (and it should be emphasised that it was an explicit part of the judicial college lectures that speakers would not be “briefed”) but it once more highlights the problems with collating such a disparate collection under a single heading. on this note, it would be wrong to not at least briefly mention the later chapters in the volume. two chapters are by lord thomas, two by lord justice ryder and as noted above, a chapter by baroness hale on diversity and one by lord justice laws on the power of statutory interpretation. these certainly add a more academic air to the volume, with a much greater emphasis on constitutional principles. however, it is hard not to classify them as essentially addressing “the judiciary in the modern world”, rather than “being a judge” per se. it is perhaps one of the perils of academia that one can easily develop a subject-specific view of legal writing. yet there is some merit in attempting to answer the wider question of what a book can teach the reader by asking 12 lord judge, ‘reflections of a retired lord chief justice’ in jeremy cooper (ed), being a judge in the modern world (oup 2017) 19. 13 lord justice ryder, ‘the modernization of access to justice in times of austerity’ in jeremy cooper (ed), being a judge in the modern world (oup 2017) 141. 14 lord thomas of cwmgiedd, ‘the centrality of justice’ in jeremy cooper (ed), being a judge in the modern world (oup 2017) 160. book review 162 the narrower question of “which module would i recommend this book as reading for?” the answer is, in part, many. many of the later chapters mentioned above would be extremely suitable reading for a student (or researcher) of constitutional law; discussions of the modern profession and diversity in legal skills and practice modules would be aided by chapters such as those by baroness hale and joshua rozenberg; the very specific insights as to tribunals are probably of most use to those undertaking professional courses or beginning in practice. as a coherent whole, the book does not really provide a clear picture of exactly what being a judge in the modern world entails. as a collection of distinct and separate perspectives, it has much value. thus in sum this book is much like its titular “modern world”: at times disparate, diverse and lacking in coherence; yet containing insights and issues very much worthy of further study. 9 denning law journal 2016 vol 28 special issue pp 9-15 commentary brexit and the uk oil & gas sector john c lamaster and marc hammerson abstract on 23 june 2016, the uk electorate voted in a referendum to leave the european union (eu). this outcome is expected to have far-reaching consequences for uk industry, including the oil & gas sector. these include: shortto medium-term uncertainty; potential changes to legislation affecting the downstream industry; restrictions on the free movement of goods and people; effects on the gas market; and renewed impetus for scottish independence. it is impossible at this early stage to reach any definitive conclusions regarding the consequences of brexit to the uk oil & gas industry, but this short article will discuss certain issues that are likely to be of interest and relevance. shortto medium-term uncertainty the referendum is advisory only, and there is no immediate change to the legal or regulatory regime governing the uk oil & gas industry. the formal withdrawal process will commence only upon the delivery by the uk of a notice under article 50 of the treaty of the european union. the treaty, however, does not require the uk to deliver notice within any specified time period, or at all, and the eu cannot compel the uk to do so. the shortto medium-term consequence of the referendum will create a high level of political, economic, social, commercial and legal uncertainty. this includes: when (if at all) the uk will deliver the article 50 notice and commence the formal withdrawal process; what will be the nature of the new relationship to be negotiated between the uk and the eu; john c lamaster, partner, akin gump strauss hauer & feld llp. email: jlamaster@akingump.com. marc hammerson, partner, akin gump strauss hauer & feld llp. e-mail: mhammerson@akingump.com. this article first appeared in legal brexit published by chambers and partners in october 2016. it is reproduced with permission. http://practiceguides.chambersandpartners.com/practice-guides/legal-brexit mailto:jlamaster@akingump.com mailto:mhammerson@akingump.com http://practiceguides.chambersandpartners.com/practice-guides/legal-brexit brexit and the uk oil & gas sector 10 will brexit lead to similar instability in other eu member states; and will brexit lead to a second referendum on scottish independence? it may take years to answer these questions. in the meantime, this uncertainty is expected to have several consequences for the uk oil & gas industry. the global oil & gas industry has historically been cyclical in nature, and therefore industry participants are somewhat used to dealing with uncertainty. brexit, however, is a unique historical event, without any direct precedent to give the oil & gas industry any guidance as to what to expect. it is anticipated that investment expenditure in the uk continental shelf (ukcs) may suffer as industry participants wait for this uncertainty to be resolved. this could stop investment in new exploration and delay projects that are already planned. such additional negative business sentiment comes at a time of a record decline in the level of expenditure in the ukcs as a result of a low oil & gas price environment. current investment in the ukcs is about one-eighth of its peak. it is also anticipated that the uncertainty arising from brexit could have a negative effect on merger and acquisition (m&a) activity in the oil & gas industry. the m&a market in ukcs assets has been relatively quiet for a while, given the low oil & gas price environment and an unwillingness by buyers to assume decommissioning liabilities associated with aging infrastructure in a mature basin. an inactive m&a market leaves assets in the hands of reluctant owners. one consequence of this is that investment in the ukcs will decline at a faster rate. moreover, without an aggregate level of investment that sustains a critical mass of common-use infrastructure currently in place that can be utilized by new fields, there is a danger that future discoveries become uneconomic to develop and potential reserves are left unexploited. in other words, lack of new investment may cause the ukcs to enter a self-perpetuating cycle of decline. in the months leading up to the referendum vote, the stabilisation of oil & gas prices, albeit at a relatively low level, had given rise to hopes that m&a activity would pick up, as buyers and sellers had a firmer basis to negotiate and agree asset valuations. we wait to see whether the adverse impact on sentiment as a result of brexit reverses, or merely delays, the expected uptick in m&a activity resulting from stabilisation. markets do not like uncertainty, and an immediate consequence of brexit was market volatility, with share prices, commodity prices and exchange rates all being affected. in particular, the pound fell to a 31-year low against the us dollar. this has both good and bad consequences for the uk oil & gas industry. the denning law journal 11 international oil markets are mostly priced in us dollars. as a result, oil producers in the ukcs who have revenues in dollars but a cost base paid for in pounds (such as oil companies with bases or operations in aberdeen) will gain from the foreign exchange adjustment. however, those international participants that earn a significant portion of their revenues in pounds, such as those selling natural gas produced from the ukcs into the uk market, will find their profits devalued when pound revenue is converted into a domestic currency. in the global competition for oil industry capital, this makes the uk a less attractive environment for international investment. if the pound remains devalued then international companies may be less willing to fund new investments in the ukcs. given its age and marginality, these foreign exchange consequences could have an adverse effect on the longevity of the ukcs. it will also increase the existing trend of ukcs assets being domestically owned by companies with their cost of capital priced in pounds, rather than dollars. in the longer term, if the pound remains devalued, the uk overall, as a net importer of oil & gas, will see higher wholesale energy prices. this will eventually trickle down to end-users. the issue of consumer energy costs and the prospect of price controls, which was debated during the 2015 general election campaign, may re-surface as an issue in the next scheduled general election in 2020. any political reaction to higher consumer costs could result in a more interventionist approach being imposed on the uk’s “big 6” energy suppliers. a similar issue, but in respect of the adverse consequences to uk industry and manufacturing of high energy prices, is discussed below. oil & gas legislation from a legislative standpoint, the immediate impact of brexit on the uk oil & gas industry is expected to be minimal. despite the referendum, the uk is still in the eu, at least until the uk delivers the article 50 notice to commence the formal withdrawal process and the mandatory two-year negotiation period is completed. as a result, there is no immediate change to the legal or regulatory regime applicable to the uk oil & gas industry. even when such negotiation period ends, the legislative regime governing upstream uk oil & gas is unlikely to change. most laws derive from domestic policies, such as the current petroleum act, and international agreements to which the uk is a party, such as the united nations convention on the law of the sea. the taxation, licensing and regulatory regime for the upstream industry are all set by uk law and will not change as a result of brexit. eu law does not have a significant effect on the upstream industry, other than through laws of general application such as brexit and the uk oil & gas sector 12 competition, environmental and employment. any changes in uk upstream are far more likely to result from a leave vote in any scottish independence referendum. in this regard, the political division created between scotland and england as a result of the different voting patterns on the eu between the two countries may, in the future, have indirect consequences for the upstream industry. this is discussed below. there could, in contrast, be greater medium-term impact on the downstream oil & gas sector. the uk is a net importer of gas and refined oil, with significant amounts coming from the eu and norway. the uk also exports oil products to the eu. the two-way nature of these flows makes it essential that arrangements are put in place that avoid tariffs on energy. this outcome will depend on whether the uk negotiates to remain in the single market or, if this is not the case, the negotiated position between the uk and eu relating to tariffs on trade in energy. any agreement that allows tariffs or other barriers on the trade in energy is likely to have significant consequences for both the uk and eu. if brexit results in the removal of eu competition laws, then the uk may have some leeway to promulgate laws and regulations that could benefit the downstream industry, such as allowing additional state support of industry during periods of oil price volatility. this could allow a government to take a more interventionist approach to energy and industrial policy. this could be promoted as both a benefit for consumers and also commercial users of energy (such as the uk’s distressed steel industry which has pointed to high energy costs as one of the causes of its current distress). in the longer term, if eu and uk laws begin to diverge in material respects, oil & gas industry participants will have the additional cost and administrative burden of complying with two legal regimes. this could put the uk at a disadvantage in attracting new investment from european oil & gas companies, which are currently active participants in the uk’s downstream sector. overall, the direct effect of brexit on upstream is likely to be minimal and the effect on downstream will be felt, if at all, only over the medium to long-term. therefore we do not anticipate resulting regulatory changes will create a significant impact on the oil & gas industry. in this respect, the industry should continue to enjoy a period of regulatory stability that should hopefully foster long-term investment in the industry. this benefit may be seen as a counter-weight to the other negative factors identified. the denning law journal 13 free movement of goods and people a fundamental principle of the eu’s single market is the free movement of goods and people. european officials have stated that the uk will not be able to retain access to the single market unless it agrees to continue to permit the free movement of people. restricting immigration was a fundamental plank in the leave campaign’s platform, so it is currently difficult to see how the uk can reconcile the political sentiment expressed by the electorate during the referendum campaign with the eu’s fundamental principle that members of the single market must allow free movement of people. the oil & gas industry requires highly-skilled people and a flexible workforce that can be moved efficiently and quickly from project to project. the industry already has a skills shortage and a relatively aged workforce. it would be a burden to the industry if european expatriates could not work in the uk, and if uk expatriates could not work in the eu, without visas, work permits or other administrative restrictions. the burdens placed on industry will depend on whether the uk remains in the single market or, if not, the manner in which this issue is dealt with in the uk’s exit terms. restrictions on the free movement of goods would likely manifest themselves as tariffs. this could affect the uk’s imports of gas and of refined oil from the eu, as well as the uk’s exports of oil products to the eu. if these are imposed this would have a significant effect on the uk’s downand midstream industries – not least because of the uk’s reliance on imported natural gas. effects on the gas market the uk produces approximately 44% of its domestic gas requirements. as a result, the uk is a net importer of gas. it is anticipated that by 2020 the uk will import 70% of its gas requirements. the vast majority of imported gas is piped from europe. a small proportion is shipped in the form of liquefied natural gas (lng) and then re-gassified at a uk import terminal. the long-term result of brexit may be to reduce the uk’s reliance on piped gas from europe and instead look to lng supplies from the recently-opened united states export market (as well as other more traditional non-european shippers of lng such as qatar, trinidad and nigeria). lng, like oil, is a tradable commodity which will be sold to whichever buyer offers the highest price net of indirect costs (such as tariffs). historically, because (in part) of the trade in natural gas between the uk and europe, there has been minimal pricing differences between the price at the uk’s national balancing point (nbp) and european pricing brexit and the uk oil & gas sector 14 points. however, if trade in natural gas between the uk and europe is impeded and balancing between different european grids is impeded, future pricing differentials may emerge. the degree to which the uk moves away from the eu on trade in energy will determine the size of schism that may open up between the two markets. the degree to which the uk is able to negotiate tariff-free trade agreements with countries that supply lng will determine the potential for the uk’s further reliance on gas which is shipped rather than piped. brexit may also accelerate a move towards a different european pricing point for natural gas. the nbp gas trading hub is priced in pounds (with gas contracts traded in pence per therm). the dutch ttf gas trading hub is a euro-denominated market (with gas contracts traded in euro/mwh). the nbp has traditionally had the highest liquidity in europe. however, 2015 saw a change to the ttf having the highest liquidity. it seems that following brexit the shift towards ttf will be accelerated, a trend that was already starting to develop in part due to the fact that the majority of gas trading in europe is denominated in euros rather than pounds. for european companies without uk links, trading at the ttf can avoid additional currency risk exposure. the move by european traders away from nbp has occurred over recent years and looks set to continue. second scottish independence referendum although the uk overall voted for brexit, the majority in scotland voted to remain in the eu. as a result, nicola sturgeon of the scottish national party (snp) was quoted as saying that a second scottish independence referendum was “highly likely” because it was “democratically unacceptable” that scotland faced the prospect of being taken out of the eu against its will. if the uk is broken up into its constituent countries, the majority of the ukcs’s oil & gas fields will fall within the exclusive economic zone belonging to scotland. the uncertainty created by brexit would be intensified by a second scottish independence referendum. this would have several knock-on effects, including the likely dampening of further investment in, and m&a activity involving, the ukcs. an independent scottish government is likely to take a more active approach to managing ukcs production. the snp, a key proponent of independence and the current governing party in the scottish parliament, has promised tax measures to improve exploration and investments and an active policy to ensure that premature cessation of production is avoided. at the same time, it is keen to promote an active industry in decommissioning dis-used infrastructure. the denning law journal 15 it remains to be seen whether a second scottish independence referendum is a realistic possibility. the last referendum resulted in a clear “remain” vote. furthermore, the economics underlying the last referendum were based on an oil price of over $100, and the snp’s plans for an independent nation with a norwegian-style sovereign energy fund does not seem feasible in the current low oil & gas price environment. also, european officials so far have been cool at best to scotland’s suggestions that it wants to leave the uk and join the eu. conclusion it is impossible at this early date to reach any definitive conclusions regarding the consequences of brexit to the uk oil & gas industry. the only certainty is that there will be uncertainty at least in the short and medium term. hopefully we will look back in a few years and realise that leaving the eu has created a more prosperous and competitive uk oil & gas industry. for the time-being, however, it is too early to say. lord denning: christian advocate and judge the rt. hon. lord edmund-davies*' january 23, 1899, is a date assured of a permanent place in english legal history. for it was the day on which, above his father's draper's shop in the then small hampshire town of whitchurch, there was born one destined to playa paramount part in the development of english common law. by today no lawyer and few laymen can fail to know at least the salient facts in the life-history of alfred thompson ('tom') denning, baron denning of whitchurch in the county of hampshire, to give him the full title. it is a thrilling tale of the ascent from comparatively humble origins of one destined to occupy an imperishable place in the ever-unrolling tapestry of the law, a man whose gifts of character and intellect are such that people like myself are proud to be able to say, "i have sat and worked alongside tom denning on the bench and i count that as a privilege beyond all price." the milestones in his life are memorable. educated locally and then as a scholarship boy at andover grammar school, he went on to secure first-class honours at oxford, originally in mathematics and then, a mere year later, in jurisprudence. after active service in france in the 1914-18 great war, he was called to the bar in 1923 and became a king's counsel in 1938. he was appointed a high court judge in 1944 at the early age of 45, was elevated to the court of appeal in 1948, and went to the house of lords in 1957. but in 1962 he returned to the court of appeal as master of the rolls, and he has occupied that august office ever since. it is a stirring story of the recognition and rewarding of sheer merit. but my purpose is to reveal something of the man behind the bald record, and thereby to demonstrate that the mainspring of his life has been his firm belief in the christian religion and his courageous application of christian principles to the task in hand. like most good stories, it all began in his childhood in hampshire, with the family's established practice of regular churchgoing, and leading on in later life to service as a churchwarden and member of the parishional church council. the familiarity with biblical texts which he acquired at an early age did much to form and, indeed, to transform his style of speaking, so that in later life his judgments "'lord of appeal. the substance of this article was first published in [1981] christiarl legal society quarterly. 41 the denning law journal and addresses have (like most parts of the new testament) consisted of sentences of remarkable clarity and brevity, frequently declining to recognise any need for an accompanying verb. early habits die hard, and denning's christian creed remains the dynamic of his life. for many years he has been president of the lawyers' christian fellowship of the united kingdom, and in his address delivered at the annual service in the temple church in october, 1977, he recalled words he had first publicly used a quarter-century earlier. they reveal an attitude which, as i believe, constitutes the bedrock of his christian philosophy and practice. speaking of the ten commandments he said: "this intermingling of religious, moral and legal precepts was typical of early society. but now these precepts have become severed. this severance has gone much too far. they say law governs one's dealing with one's fellows, religion concerns one's dealings with god, but the two are quite separate. likewise they say the law has nothing to do with morality. it lays down rigid rules which must be obeyed without questioning whether they are right or wrong. its function is to keep order, not to do justice. the severance has, i think, gone too far. although religion, law and morals can be separated, they are nevertheless still very much dependent on each other. without religion there can be no morality: and without morality there can be no law." for lord denning, law is (or should be) synonymous with justice, and it is with the doing of justice (as he sees it) that for nearly 40 years on the bench he has dedicated himself. to quote myoid friend, francis cowper, "his eyes are on the future, but his feet stand firmly in the ancient certainties of morality and true religion. they set the standard of the principles of justice to which it is his self-imposed task to mould the law ... times change; new diseases attack individuals and the body politic, and denning is not the doctor to treat the afflicted patients with old prescriptions out of old bottles." he has never restricted himself simply to ascertaining what is the law relevant to the particular facts and then blandly applying it. for ifhe regards the existing law as unjust he will do his utmost to discard it and substitute something better. and so he wrote in the preface to his 1979 work, discipline in the law: "i use the word [discipline] in the sense given in the shorter oxford diaionary of 'instruction imparted to disciples or scholars'. but i have no disciples, and scholars are few. yet i use the word so as to show that i wish to impart instruction instruction, that is, in the principles of the law as they have been, as they are, and as they should be ... like the centurion in the gospel, 'i also am a man set under authority' (luke 7:8). restless under authority, irked by it when i feel it to be wrong nevertheless it is my duty to abide by it unless i can persuade my brethren that it is working injustice. then when authority is shown to be wrong, the time will come when it will be overthrown: or at any 42 lord denning: christian advocate and judge rate it should be. if not by the judges, then by parliament at the instance of the law commission. where i have failed they may succeed." holding this view of the judicial role, it is a natural corollary that lord denning has always imposed the highest standards of conduct upon members of the legal profession, both inside court and out. here are the opening words of one of his early addresses ("the honest lawyer"): "if there is one thing more important than any other in a lawyer it is that he should be honest. he must be honest with his clients. he must be honest with his opponent. he must be honest with the court. above all, he must be honest with himself. this was, you may remember, the precept given by polonius to laertes: 'this above all: to thine own self be true. and it must follow as the night the day, thou canst not then be false to any man'." denning's refusal to apply laws which he regards as out-moded and unjust has been unremitting and relentless. at times it has led to unfortunate clashes with some of his judicial brethren who, though no less dedicated to doing justice than he, have felt compelled to apply the established law, even though they have strongly disliked it and openly criticised it and pleaded for parliament to amend it speedily. perhaps the clearest example of this clash arises from their differing attitudes to the task of interpreting acts of parliament. not for denning a mere literal interpretation, for (as he reminds us) "the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life" (ii corinthians, 3,6). for him the judge's task is to find out the intention of parliament. he accepts that, in doing this, you must naturally start with the words used in the statute. but, he insists, "you don '[ end with them as some people seem to think. you must discover the meaning of the words ... judges are too often inclined to fold their hands and blame the legislature, when they really ought to set to work to give the words a reasonable meaning, even if this does involve a departure from the letter of them. by so acting they are more likely to find the truth." but finding what is the truth in the context of statutory interpretation can confront the most zealous judge with grievous problems. sometimes his sworn duty to "do right by all manner of people after the laws and usages of this realm" puts the judge in grave difficulty, for certain of those laws and usages may be repugnant to him. he can meet that unfortunate situation in one of two ways. first, when the law appears clear, he can shrug his shoulders, bow to what he regards as the inevitable, and apply it. if he has intellectual and moral twinges in doing so, he can always invoke lord chancellor simonds, who said in 1962: "to me, heterodoxy, or as some might say, heresy is not the more attractive because it is dignified by the name of reform. nor will i easily be led by an undiscerning zeal for some. abstract kind of justice to ignore our first duty, which is to administer justice according to law, the law which is established for us by act of parliament or the binding authority of precedent." 43 the denning law journal alternatively, a judge can be bold and deliberately set out to make new law ifhe thinks the existing legal situation is unsatisfactory. but he risks trouble if he goes about it too bluntly. and sometimes the law, being declared in statutory form, is too much for him, dislike it though he may. in the first year of the 18th century, chief justice holt said, "an act of parliament can do no wrong, though it may do several things that look pretty odd", and judges have long been chafed by this undoubted supremacy of parliament, whose most questionable enactments must be applied. faced by so unfortunate a situation, they must do the best they can. they may, for example, find it possible to hold that some other and fairer construction of a statute is conceivable. if so, they seize upon that more attractive construction with as near an approach to gaiety as is seemly in a judge. if, perchance, there is a lacuna in a statute, they may decide to follow the trail blazed by lord denning, who declared over 30 years ago: "when a defect appears, a judge cannot simply fold his hands and blame the draftsman. he must set to work on the constructive task of finding the intention of parliament ... a judge should ask himself the question: if the makers of the act had themselves come across this ruck in the texture of it, how would they have straightened it out? he must do as they would have done. a judge must not alter the materials of which it is woven, but he can and should iron out the creases." nevertheless, a judge who follows that advice runs the risk of being gravely censured, as lord denning himself was, lord simonds saying: "the duty of the court is to interpret the words that the legislature has used: those words may be ambiguous, but, even if they are, the power and duty of the court to travel outside them on a voyage of discovery are strictly limited ... if a gap is disclosed, the remedy lies in an amending act." but lord denning remained unrepentant, and 20 years later he retorted by saying in the court of appeal, "we do not now in this court stick to the letter of a statute. we go by its true intent. we fill in the gaps." whatever view the reader may take about such gap-filling (and there is room for widely differing opinions even among righteous men), lord denning has scant respect even for long-established law if he thinks its application would lead to an unjust result in the particular case. for to him justice is far preferable to mere conformity, even though the "just" decision may introduce great uncertainty into the law. holding in 1954 that the relevant statute enabled the court to order a husband to pay maintenance for his child born before marriage, and refusing to follow an earlier decision to the opposite effect, he said: "what is the argument on the other side? only this, that no case has been found in which it has been done before. that argument does not appeal to me in the least. if we never do anything which has not been done before, we shall 44 lord denning: christian advocate and judge never get anywhere. the law will stand still whilst the rest of the world goes on: and that will be bad for both." not surprisingly, denning has frequendy been rebuked in the house of lords. but his mettle is such that, though he must naturally dislike such experiences, in no way have they dismayed him. and, to gain his point, he has never hesitated to seek a wider audience for his views. opposing what he regarded as merely slavish adherence to precedent, he went off to oxford in 1959 and delivered in his romanes lecture weighty blows upon the doctrine that even the house of lords was bound by precedent. he said: "if lawyers hold to their precedents too closely, forgetful of the fundamental principles of truth and justice which they should serve, they may find the whole edifice comes tumbling about them." and, echoing mr justice jackson, he continued: "the common law will cease to grow. like a coral reef, it will become a structure offossils ... the house of lords is more than another court oflaw. it is more than another court of appeal. it is the court of parliament itself. it acts for the queen as the fountain of justice in our land. it lays down ... the fundamental principles of the law to govern the people; and, whilst adhering firmly to these principles, it should overrule particular precedents that it finds to be at variance therewith." his words went unheeded at the time. but not for long, for they paved the way leading to the important statement of 1966, in which the house of lords announced their intention" ... to modify their present practice and, while treating former decisions of this house as formally binding, to depart from a previous decision when it proves right to do so." it was a mighty victory. but not as great as lord denning would have liked, since it has been held that in all united kingdom courts below the house of lords the binding force of precedents still prevails in full vigour. even so, it has had an important effect in freeing the house of lords from the shackles of the past and has enabled them to do justice in several cases, regardless of previous holdings which would otherwise have prevented them from adopting what they regarded as a proper and preferable course. were i asked to identify the hall-mark of lord denning's application of christian principles in his judicial work, i should point to his passionate and persistent respect for the individual. and the more the individual lacks the trapping of material power and worldly status, the more doughty is the support which denning extends to him. his manifestly genuine liking of most of the people he meets daily in his busy life is reflected in his instinctive attitude in human relationships. and to see and hear him in his court of a monday morning, dealing with lay litigants, is wondrous to behold. if they appear bewildered (as they often do), he proceeds with ineffable courtesy and tact to put them at their ease; with 45 the denning law journal unrivalled patience he extracts the gist of their grievances; and with consummate ,skill he disposes of their case in such a manner that even the unsuccessful litigant has no proper cause for complaint that he has not been fully and fairly heard. but denning is perhaps at his best in the company of young people, for, without being in the slightest degree "trendy", he has a quality of youthfulness which puts them at their ease and wins their unfailing allegiance. and, despite his high position and massive learning, i doubt that a less pompous man ever lived. time and again denning has recalled the second commandment's insistence that we love our neighbour as ourselves. and he has consistently given "neighbour" the widest connotation. he revelled in the famous words of lord atkin 50 years ago in the "snail in the bottle case" i: "the rule that you are to love your neighbour becomes in law that you must not injure your neighbour: and the lawyer's question 'who is my neighbour?' receives a restricted reply. you must take reasonable care to avoid acts or omissions which you can reasonably foresee would be likely to injure your neigpbour. who then in law is my neighbour? the answer seems to be persons who aie so closely and directly affected by my acts that i ought reasonably to have them in contemplation as being so affected when i am directing my mind to the acts or omissions which are called in question." lord denning rightly regarded it as significant that lord atkin drew his principles of justice from the christian commandment of love, and commented: "i do not know where else he is to find them. some people speak of natural justice as though it was a thing well recognisable by anyone, whatever his training and upbringing. but the common law of england has been moulded for centuries by judges who have been brought up in the christian faith. the precepts of religion have been their guide in the administration of justice." denning began his long career on the bench as a divorce judge, and he hated it. fortunately, his servitude lasted only 18 months before he became a king's bench judge. but even so short a period was sufficient to bring home to him many deficiencies in our matrimonial law. and this undoubtedly propelled him later to achieve massive improvements in relation to such complex problems as the deserted wife's equity and her share in the matrimonial home. in matrimonial cases the "neighbour" relationship is obvious. but lord denning has been quick to point out that it is a relationship which has spacious dimensions. it is of fundamental importance in a wide variety of cases. time and again he has reverted to it when dealing with industrial injuries claims brought by workmen against their employers. and it is the basis of many of his decisions arising from the alleged misuse of ministerial powers, and in cases concerning departure from natural justice, cases about unfair discrimination on grounds of i. donoghue v. sit:t'n/son [19321 a.c.562, 580. 46 lord denning: christian advocate and judge race, religion or sex, cases involving the interpretation of exemption clauses in contracts, and in his many decisions which completely transformed the pension rights of ex-servicemen. the catalogue is indeed as long as it is impressive. even so, it amounts to no more than a bald and inadequate guide to the lifework of a man dedicated from childhood to do justice between all people, "without fear or favour, affection or ill will." and that lifework has without doubt been directed and inspired by the christian faith in which he was nurtured and of which he has been an ever-steadfast and passionate advocate. as his score of years (1962-1982) as master of the rolls drew to a close, lord denning acquired and continued the habit of writing a book a year. here they are, with their titles and dates of publication: the discipline of the law (1979); the due process of law (1980); the family story (1981); what's next in the law? (1982) the closing chapter (1983); and landmarks in the law (1984). the title of each suggests that it contains his last words, but his apparently complete recovery from somewhat ailing health has enabled him, now in his 87th year, to continue his vigour, his crusade for law reform. in the recent words of francis cowper, editor the graya, the house magazine of gray's inn, of which lord denning is, naturally, an honorary bencher: "off the bench he can no longer indulge in his favourite sport of tug-of-war with the house of lords. instead, he has joined the lords in their legislative capacity, and is able to make his voice heard in the discussion of acts of parliament, expressing the convictions and propounding the principles which he has always upheld in his judicial capacity. he has only changed his field of action." let me end this inadequate tribute to a great man with whom i have been vastly privileged to work by quoting the concluding words of one of his early published works: "what does it all come to? surely this, that if we seek truth and justice, we cannot find it by argument and debate, nor by reading and thinking, but only by the maintenance of true religion and virtue. religion concerns the spirit in man whereby he is able to recognise what is truth and what is justice; whereas law is only the application, however imperfectly, of truth and justice in our everyday affairs. if religion perishes in the land, truth and justice will also. we have already strayed too far from the faith of our fathers. let us return to it, for it is the only thing that can save us." 2 2. the challgirlg law, 1953. 47 for the purposes of right to self-determination, how does one define people in context of kashmir 337 the denning law journal 2014 vol 26 pp 337-345 book review human dignity and fundamental rights in south africa and ireland anne hughes (pretoria university law press, south africa 2014) isbn 978–1–920538–21–7 rule of law reform and development – charting the fragile path of progress michael j trebilcock and ronald j daniel (edward elgar publishing inc, cheltenham, uk/northampton, ma, usa 2008) isbn–13–978–1848447103 dr jocelynne a scutt these two scholarly and accessible works stand in their own right, whilst being complementary. each affirms and expands on what magna carta is believed to embody. they engage with the struggle to ensure that law is a living branch of learning and praxis, advancing not only notions of rights but fixing them firmly into the interstices not only of legal decision–making, but throughout the legal systems they address and the societies thereby regulated. rule of law is the more straightforward of the two. human dignity and fundamental rights is more complex. yet both acknowledge the vital importance of law and justice as the basis of a good, decent and just society. each questions how best this can be achieved. michael j trebilcock and ronald j daniels commence by discussing and analysing “rule of law” and its role – and potential role – in development. chapter 1 “the relationship of the rule of law to development” sets the scene. the authors note the difficulty of determining what comes first – a “good” legal system leading to positive economic and social development, or positive economic and social development generating a “good” legal system. they reflect upon the difficulty of fixing precisely what is meant by “rule of law”, quoting rachel kleinfeld‟s proposition that it has many meanings, with different meanings for different people and societies, and matthew stephenson‟s observation that “rule of law” “means whatever one wants it to mean”, a phrase that when used in the context of development ensures project the hon dr jocelynne a scutt, barrister and human rights lawyer, victorian bar/inner temple, visiting professor and senior teaching fellow, university of buckingham, hunter street, buckingham mk18 1eg. book review 338 finance from the world bank, united nations (un), international monetary fund (imf), or private foundations. a “thick” conception of rule of law encompasses notions of democracy and liberty, incorporating friedrich hayek‟s idea of its importing “universal moral principles” inherently “liberal in character”, whilst a “thin” conception limits it to “those few spare features common to most, though not all, legal systems”. the authors settle on a “thinner” conception of the rule of law, seeing rule of law “as both a set of ideals and an institutional framework”, comprising “elements of … „formal‟ and, „substantive‟ theories …” next, they look at impediments to rule of law reform, including resources (it is here that their chapter on tax administration is vital), social–cultural–historical factors, and political economy–based obstacles (vested interests clashing with ineffective political demand for reforms). having set themselves a challenging brief – they address the “developing world” of asia, africa, latin america and eastern europe – trebilcock and daniels outline a “cluster of features” making up a rule of law “minimally compatible” with “divergent theories of development”: process values – transparency in law making and adjudicative functions, predictability, stability and enforceability; institutional values – incorporating judicial independence and professional independence of law enforcement officials including prosecutors and police, lawyers – including public defenders, and legal educational institutions; legitimacy values – “capacity [for institutions] to engender … obedience and respect”, or “justification for the exercise of authority” and a “broad empirically determined societal acceptance of the system. this in turn sets the scene for the following chapters (2–9): the judiciary – looking at normative benchmarks, experience with judicial reforms, and conclusions as to success, partial success, or failure; police – covering normative benchmarks, experience with police reforms, and (similarly) conclusions; prosecution – addressing normative benchmarks, experience with prosecutorial reforms and (again) conclusions; correctional institutions – looking at normative benchmarks, experience with corrections reform and (once more) conclusions; the denning law journal 339 tax administration – what are the normative benchmarks, what of experience with reforms in tax administration, and what conclusions can be drawn; access to justice – here, a normative framework, experience with access to justice reforms, and (following on) conclusions; legal education – its normative benchmarks, experience with legal education reforms, and conclusions as to success, partial success, or failure; professional regulation – addressing normative benchmarks, experience with professional regulation reforms, and conclusions as to these efforts. the concluding chapter reviews empirical evidence, looks at “stylized political formations, options for the international community, and reform strategies in political context” – all under the title “rethinking rule of law reform strategies”. this is an ambitious book, generally meeting its goal well. providing a backdrop against which the information and analysis in the following chapters can be measured or at least considered, it sets out in an appendix to chapter 1 statistics relevant to “rule of law” for named “developing” and “developed” countries: world bank rule of law indicators for 1996 and 2002; freedom house “freedom ratings” for 2004; transparency international “corruption perceptions index for 2004. as an example of the book‟s scope, chapter 2 – “the judiciary” acknowledges the “tension between the importance of reform on the one hand, and the plurality of approaches to judging on the other”. judicial reform “as a necessary part of the rule of law reform” is the subject of considerable emphasis by “leading development theorists” (referencing amartya sen at the 2000 world bank legal conference in washington, dc), and is “reflected prominently in international consensus” (citing 1985 un “basic principles on the independence of the judiciary” adopted at the 7 th congress on prevention of crime and torture and endorsed by the general assembly), yet “it remains difficult, if not impossible, to identify an accepted gold standard of the judiciary” (referencing jeremy waldron‟s “moral truth and judicial review”). the chapter reflects on normative benchmarks, then identifies judicial reforms, their operation and prospects in latin america – argentina, el salvador, peru, costa book review 340 rica, the dominican republic, chile, noting that similar criminal procedure reforms have been sponsored by usaid “throughout latin america, including guatemala, bolivia, honduras, … ecuador, colombia, nicaragua, venezuela … and mexico …”; considers central and eastern europe – russia, ukraine, poland, belarus, hungary; africa – botswana, cameroon, kenya, tanzania, liberia, malawi, ethiopia, mozambique, mali, uganda; and asia – china, the philippines, korea, cambodia, viet nam and singapore. it concludes by addressing impediments to “the realization of an independent, yet accountable and legitimate, judicial branch”. obstacles “come in a variety of forms” – including “levers of influence” at various levels, threats to accountability, resource constraints, and impact of cultural, historical and social values. as an example, close historical relationships between executive and judicial branches “can hamper the development of popular legitimacy”, the public remaining “sceptical of the judiciary as a site for fair dispute resolution”. a solution could be creating alternative dispute resolution forums to break with a judicial culture inimical to rule of law reform. subsequent chapters follow the same pattern and generally have a similar country–scope. it is only towards the last chapters: access to justice and legal education – that there seems not quite the same breadth of countries considered. this is a small criticism, however, in light of the authors‟ substantial undertaking. in addition to providing a significant degree of information about a range of countries in each of the areas pinpointed as “developing”, there is analysis of the impact of the methods undertaken and future prospects, together with indications as to why and how different approaches might be implemented. the book is easy to read and fascinating in its insights and reach. anyone working in the field of development and those teaching law students from a range of countries, as well as those keen to contribute usefully to development would be well advised to read and retain this book as a reference work. anne hughes‟ human dignity and fundamental rights is a tour de force. as with rule of law reform the scope of the work is substantial. hughes addresses “dignity” in the context of the irish and south african constitutions, as well referencing cases from “developed” and “developing” countries, some of which feature in rule of law reform. to read the cases and outcomes from argentina, botswana, the gambia, ghana, hungary, india, kenya, latvia, lesotho, malawi, malaysia, namibia, nigeria, seychelles, south africa, swaziland, tanzania, uganda, zambia and zimbabwe provides insights that are unlikely to be gleaned from any other single work, whilst against the backdrop of rule of law reform simultaneously supplies an added dimension to the scholarship and conclusions reached by trebilcock and daniels. human the denning law journal 341 dignity and fundamental rights also highlights how a “developing” country can not only renounce constructively its own dysfunctional history, but provide valuable insights and directions for countries that have prided themselves on substantiating the rule of law, too often seeing their legal systems as “superior”. in referencing case law from australia, canada, finland, france, germany, ireland, italy, aotearoa/new zealand, portugal, spain, switzerland, the united kingdom and the united states of america, as well as again presenting material unlikely to be found in any other single source, human dignity and fundamental rights illustrates well how assumed superiority is so often misplaced. hughes‟ book begins with an introduction, “framework of study and relevance of the proposition” that “dignity” can be a valuable tool for the making of a legal system which recognises and affirms the egalitarian principles seen to be embodied in “the rule of law”. today, considering this from the perspective of a denning review in the year celebrating 800 years of magna carta is the irony that magna carta spoke for an elite – yet is now seen as the foundation of freedoms, rights, and equality for all. “dignity” in the south african constitution was incorporated from the outset to speak of the humanity of every human being, whatever her or his background, origins, race, ethnicity, sex or gender, class or status. and, as hughes points out, the irish constitution of 1937 was the first to incorporate “dignity” with this meaning. finland was earlier – but as hughes again observes, the finnish constitution‟s “dignity” was founded in class, status and a patrician concept: no notion of equality for all in its constitutional inception. human dignity and fundamental rights then moves on, chapter 2 considering “the role of dignity in contemporary jurisprudence”, followed by chapter 3 on “dignity in the south african constitution”. chapters 4 and 5 cover “the right to dignity” and “association of dignity with other rights”, whilst chapter 6 addresses “socio–economic rights” as a context for dignity and dignity rights. chapters 7 and 8 focus on ireland – “irish case law on dignity” and “remedies and scope of fundamental rights in ireland”. the book ends with chapter 9, “summary of conclusions”, as well as a substantial bibliography – 45 pages in length. apart from everything else, for this reviewer, as someone committed to human rights and their incorporation into constitutions and constitutional law, hughes‟ chapter 2 has been extraordinarily influential. the “elitist” and “classist” perspective of dignity – as in “dignified”, dignitaries, etc has troubled me whenever dignity has been advanced as an important extension of human rights discourse. hughes‟ analysis and explication of the way it has been and is employed to relate to all human book review 342 beings – with all human beings included under its umbrella and within its philosophical and practical scope – by various “equality” or “equal rights” philosophers is compelling. together with her analysis and explication of its employment by south africa, in particular, and other countries‟ courts and human rights courts (for example the european court of human rights (ehcr)), it has persuaded this (somewhat) sceptic of the importance of including dignity as an essential expression in written and unwritten constitutions. the australian constitution, for example, has no bill of rights – although attorney–general lionel murphy (later of the high court) tried … as did some of his labor successors (lionel bowen, gareth evans) although with less vigour. any campaign for changing this egregious lack should ensure that, like south africa, “dignity” is a central element, with the australian high court having it made clear that south african jurisprudence needs to be given due regard. all people are entitled to dignity and to its affirmation through the law. whether they are aware of their own dignity as human beings, or aware even of their own existence, everyone is so entitled. hughes observes that waldron (the same waldron referred to by trebilcock and daniels in rule of law reform): … suggests that the issue of how human dignity applies to infants and to the profoundly disabled can be addressed by applying the rank of equality to all humans by virtue of their unrealised potential rationality (albeit that the subject‟s rationality is evolving or may even be impossible to achieve by virtue of his or her condition). 1 she references also l‟heureux–dube j of the canadian supreme court and robins ja of the ontario court of appeal. in fleming v reid, 2 robins ja “highlighted the equal dignity of the mentally ill and the importance of their autonomy”, whilst in quebec (public curator) v syndicat national des employes de l’hospital st–ferdinand, 3 l‟heureux– dube j acknowledged that while “some mentally ill patients may have “a low level of awareness of their environment because of their mental condition”, which may influence their own conception of dignity, “an objective appreciation of dignity” prevails and there could be 1 anne hughes, human dignity and fundamental rights in south africa and ireland (pu law press 2014) 44, n 57. 2 (1991) 82 dlr (45 th ) 298. 3 [1996] 3 scr 1211 the denning law journal 343 “interference with the safeguard of their dignity” [requiring redress], despite the fact that the patients might have “no sense of modesty”. 4 chapters 4 and 5 of the book are particularly important for practising lawyers as well as academics and students of human rights. chapter 4 explains, through case law, how the south african constitution valorises, through “dignity”, the notion and practice of “equal respect”. this leads into analysis of cases addressing punishment – the corporal punishment of children and the punishment of adults; family; defamation, sexual violence; and children – through the application of the principle and practice of dignity–as–right. chapter 5 recounts the way in which the “association of dignity with other rights” advances human rights, again under the south african constitution: freedom and security, looking at persona. freedom, damages for breach of fundamental rights, and bodily and psychological integrity; fair trial and imprisonment – criminal trials and human detention conditions; privacy and autonomy – looking at common law dignitas, the scope of constitutional privacy, the rationale for privacy protection, the contextual extent of privacy, and conflicting interests; freedom of expression – its rational, exclusions from protection, and limits to protection; and equality – as to gender, marital status, sexual orientation, group identity, and comparative equality jurisprudence. chapter 6 is vital in its recognition of the crucial nature of the development of socio–economic rights, a newly burgeoning field. hughes looks here at the interpretation of economic and social rights, their enforceability, the separation of powers, the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights – justiciability, and judicial enforcement in europe and under the african charter; “progressivity” and judicial enforcement in south africa, particularly looking at housing, healthcare, water and social security. moving to ireland, hughes emphasises that the irish judiciary “could give a deeper meaning to human dignity by seeing it in a relationship context, rather than adopting a restricted individualistic view of it”. 5 this could, she says, result in a “mutually supportive and respectful relationship” developing “between the judiciary and the executive” as has occurred in and for south africa. sadly, despite its early affirmation of “dignity” in the constitution, the irish judiciary has failed, generally, to embrace the potential for advancing human rights whether in discourse, jurisprudence or practice. as hughes says: 4 hughes (n 1). 5 hughes (n 1), xi. book review 344 the depth of philosophical assessment by the judiciary of the meaning of dignity has been shallow with a handful of expectations. frequently the courts have avoided dealing with the dignity factor at all, particularly if there is another value, right or express constitutional provision giving an answer to the problem. this attitude has prevented a holistic view of the constitution … 6 nonetheless, “a trawl of judgments does bear some fruit”. this includes an acknowledgement of the “unique value of each person irrespective of parentage” by keane j in io’t v b, albeit dissenting; 7 judicial recognition of the “human personality doctrine” in foy v an t’ard chlaraitheoir 8 by mckechnie j, observing “the right of everyone to human dignity” with each person having “the freedom to express [her or his] own personality” and recognising as essential the “need to forge one‟s own identity and the rights to self–determination and autonomy”. 9 dignity in the context of family and companionship relationships have been acknowledged by finlay, cj in ag v x 10 and in equality authority v portmarnock golf club by o‟higgins, j, the latter noting that friendships “are based on delight in others‟ company, which cannot be analysed logically”. 11 mccarthy j is recognised by hughes for his “evident humane approach” in jk v vw, 12 “where he took greater cognisance than the majority of the position of the uncommitted unmarried father” with an “evident commitment to equality” also in mckinley v minister for defence 1992], 13 a case relating to the extension to a wife of a husband‟s common law right to sue for loss of consortium and servitium . these examples – and more in this chapter (chapter 7 – “irish case– law on dignity”) are not enough, however, to overcome hughes‟ critique of the narrow focus of the irish courts and judges‟ general omission to affirm “dignity”. she concludes that the irish judiciary would be well– advised to pay attention to the decisions of south africa‟s judiciary on dignity and south african judges‟ capacity for making dignity a central focus of south african jurisprudence and practice. this call can be echoed 6 ibid, 386. 7 [1998] 2 ir 321 (sc). 8 [2002] iehc 116; [2007] iehc 40 9 hughes (n 1) 386-87. 10 [1992] iesc 1; [1992] 1 ir 1. 11 [2009] iesc 73; [2010] 1 ilrm 237, aff‟g [2005] iehc 235. 12 [1990] 2 ir 437 (sc), hughes (n 1) 377, n 16. 13 [1992] 2 ir 333 (sc), hughes (n 1), 392. the denning law journal 345 in relation to the other countries, courts and judiciaries to which human dignity and fundamental rights refers – and of course, any it does not. clearly more could be said about each of these books. apart from a sole criticism – the absence of a subject index which would be immeasurably helpful in referring to human dignity and fundamental rights – a fitting conclusion is that, just as with rule of law reform, hughes‟ book is a “must” for a range of readers. human dignity and fundamental rights should be read and retained for reference by all working in the field of human rights and the law or contemplating entering it – and not only lawyers. bearing the promise of magna carta in mind and 800 years of the struggle for law and rights to have meaning and be meaningful, it is essential reading for judges who, taking their job seriously, wish to become more attuned to rights discourse and the way their power may be exercised far more responsibly in pursuit of “law as justice” and legal decision–making. 131 the denning law journal 2017 vol 29 pp 131-139 case commentary parliamentary privilege in r v white (lord hanningfield) 2016 all equal before the law? murdoch thomson* i. introduction enshrined within the bill of rights of 1689, parliamentary privilege continues to act as a guarantor of democracy and parliamentary supremacy, by providing a shield from unwarranted interference from the executive, the courts and others. central to the constitutional arrangement of the united kingdom, the functions and works of parliament is of paramount importance. parliamentarians, including members of the house of commons and the house of lords, when conducting public duties must be safeguarded to ensure the discharge of such parliamentary business is conducted to the highest possible standard without fear or favour but with professional integrity. freedom of speech and exclusive cognisance are referred as the two broad categories of privilege1 applicable to parliamentarians, both of which promote the freedom of parliament. as per sir edwin sandys' comments prior to the glorious revolution of 1688, “parliament is no parliament if not free”2, and article ix of the bill of rights 1689, “[that] the freedom of speech and debates or proceedings in parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of parliament” 3 , reflects the limitations of the crown and courts to intrude on proceedings. the 1999 joint committee on parliamentary privilege stated that exclusive cognisance “is to ensure that parliament can discharge its functions as a * llb (1st class), student of llm in international and commercial law at the university of buckingham. 1 hm government, parliamentary privilege (cm 8318, 2012) para 17. 2 mary frear keeler, ‘the committee for privileges of the house of commons 1604-10 and 1614’ (1994) 32 parliamentary history 147, 156. 3 bill of rights 1689, s ix. case commentary 132 legislative and deliberative assembly without let or hindrance”.4 privilege promotes parliamentary independence and provides practical measures to ensure the smooth continuity of the democratic process. limited case law5 reflects the successful attempts by both houses to moderate, regulate, and to discipline members, where malpractice is concerned, without the involvement of the courts. the uneasy tension concerning privilege rests within the applicability between members and non-members. where the class of non-members can be subjected to court proceedings, orders, and penalties for behaviours and acts, which if committed by a member and claimed under the elusive banner of forming parliamentary work could result in an alternative direction of justice. ii. proceeding summary of r v white6 on the 18th of july 2016, sitting in southwark crown court his honour judge alistair mccreath [honorary recorder of westminster] directed that a not guilty verdict be entered against the indictment upon the crown offering no evidence and inviting such a course. the verdict favoured lord hanningfield, dismissing allegations of financial misappropriations from the parliamentary expenses system for illegitimate purposes. it was alleged that lord hanningfield made multiple claims for the daily allowance of £300, contrary to the qualifying threshold concerning as to what constituted parliamentary work, and the location in which the parliamentary works occurred. members of the house of lords are afforded financial support and the 2013 guide to financial support for members states under section 4.1.1 “[that a] member is entitled to claim a daily allowance of £300 for each qualifying day of attendance at westminster”.7 4 joint committee on parliamentary privilege, parliamentary privilege (first report) (1998-99, hl 43-1, hc 214-1) para 241. 5 c j builton (ed), erskine may’s treaties on the law, privileges, proceedings and usage of parliament (21st edn, butterworths, 1989) 154 provides a comprehensive listing of contemporary cases concerning parliamentary privilege. 6 r v white (southwark crown court 18th july 2016) 7 house of lords ‘guide to financial support for members’ (parliament, 2013) para 4. available at accessed 3 november 2016. section 4.1.1 was reaffirmed in the 2016 edition of ‘guide to financial support for members’ (parliament, 2016) under section 4. available at accessed 3 november 2016. https://www.parliament.uk/documents/lords-information-office/2013/guide-to-financial-support-for-members-2013.pdf https://www.parliament.uk/documents/lords-information-office/2013/guide-to-financial-support-for-members-2013.pdf the denning law journal 133 lord hanningield made occasional claims for the daily allowance whilst only spending 40 minutes within the parliamentary estate.8 it is worth noting that lord hanningfield was previously convicted under section 17 of the theft act 19689 for false accounting and imprisoned for nine months in 2011.10 aside from the criminal proceedings, for which the defence of privilege was not successfully used, the house committee stipulated additional internal disciplinary measures. notably a prohibition from engaging in divisions, or speaking within the chamber until april 2012, when an outstanding sum of £30,000 had been repaid. in october 2013 lord hanningfield return to the house as an unaffiliated life peer, after some considerable distancing from the conservative party. however, in may 2014 lord hanningfield was suspended over expenses manipulation and was required to repay £3,300 whilst observing a house prohibition until may 2015.11 the proceedings on the 18th of july, lasting less than five hours, was primarily directed by the crown prosecution service, not by mccreath j. resulting from a last minute change of interpretation by the house of lords authorities, fundamentally addressing the impact a contested jury would exert upon parliamentary privileges, the prosecution accepted that with no new evidence to challenge the house authorities, the new interpretation 8 martin evans, ‘expense-fiddling peers to be spared criminal trials’ the daily telegraph (london, 19 july 2016) 2. 9 theft act 1968, s 17: 17 false accounting. (1) where a person dishonestly, with a view to gain for himself or another or with intent to cause loss to another,— (a) destroys, defaces, conceals or falsifies any account or any record or document made or required for any accounting purpose; or (b) in furnishing information for any purpose produces or makes use of any account, or any such record or document as aforesaid, which to his knowledge is or may be misleading, false or deceptive in a material particular; he shall, on conviction on indictment, be liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding seven years. (2) for purposes of this section a person who makes or concurs in making in an account or other document an entry which is or may be misleading, false or deceptive in a material particular, or who omits or concurs in omitting a material particular from an account or other document, is to be treated as falsifying the account or document. 10 ‘lord hanningfield jailed for fiddling expenses’ (bbc news, 1 july 2009) accessed 3 november 2016. 11 ‘lord hanningfield set to be suspended over expenses breach’ (bbc news, 12 may 2014) accessed 3 november 2016. case commentary 134 would be respected. it is worth noting that as the case primarily concerned two central issues, “(a) whether the defendant was, in fact, undertaking the actives12 he claim[ed] to have been undertaking […], and (b) whether the defendant acted honestly […]” 13 , mccreath j earlier ruled for the jurisdiction of the courts to apply in proceedings.14 however, and on the 18th of july, mccreath j did not present a ruling rather observed how the new position of the crown precipitated a not guilty verdict being entered against the indictment. iii. exclusive cognisance often referred to as the doctrine of necessity15, sir william blackstone described exclusive cognisance as the sole jurisdiction of parliament when “whatever matter arises concerning either house of parliament, ought to be examined, discussed, and adjudged in that house to which it relates, and not elsewhere”. 16 the doctrine provides immunity from the standard application of the law to ensure parliament conducts its work effectively and independently. the privilege of immunity distorts fundamental principles of the rule of law, most notably equality before the law, and creates an imbalance between the rights for access to justice, and the requirement for parliamentary safeguards. such issues are summarised in the 2013-2014 joint committee report on parliamentary privilege: a consequence of parliament’s possession of exclusive cognisance over proceedings in parliament is that participants, both members and non-members, are not legally liable for things said or done in the course of those proceedings; nor are those outside who are 12 malcolm jack (ed), erskine may’s treaties on the law, privileges, proceedings and usage of parliament (24th edn, butterworths, 2011) 203. notably “an exhaustive definition of proceedings in parliament [can] not be achieved”. 13 jeremy johnson qc, ‘regina and lord hanningfield: observations on behalf of the house of lords authorities’ (july 2016) para 4. 14 ibid johnson (n 13) para 15 “it is [the purpose of] the courts (not parliament) to determine whether a particular issues comes within the scope of article 9 of the bill of rights”. 15 for the proposes of this case note, a discussion concerning the significant historical events facilitating the development of the doctrine has been deliberately omitted. for reference, the significant historical events begin with the period of parliamentary interference by king charles i, proceeded by the english civil war, and concludes with the restoration of the crown in 1660. 16 william blackstone, commentaries on the laws of england (1765) 58. the denning law journal 135 adversely affected by things said or done in parliament able to seek redress through the courts.17 the substantive issue concerns the limited jurisdiction of courts to moderate the powers of both parliament and government. bradlaugh v gossett18 demonstrates the refusal by the court to intervene within the internal processes of the house of commons, when the house incorrectly interpreted and applied statute law. to the detriment of mr bradlaugh19, it was held that parliament can exercise sole jurisdiction over matters pertaining “within the walls”20 and preclude the courts from interfering, irrespective of any rights granted by statute law. to this effect, a house may “practically change or practically supersede the law”21 through the actions of its members. however, this paradigm is changing in light of the supreme court decision in r v chaytor.22 it would appear that statute law and the jurisdiction of the court will be limited only when the “activities in question are core to parliament’s function as a legislative and deliberative body”. 23 this assertion signposts the emergence of clarity regarding privilege applications and a departure from the uncertainty surrounding the extent to which statute law interferes with parliament. after the decision in r v herbert24 two differing opinions emerged. the first stated that “where legislation is silent it is taken as not binding on parliament”.25 the second assumed that “law applies to parliament, without any need to explicitly state that it applies”. 26 it would appear the first opinion has been disregarded, as per lord phillips in chaytor; “there appears to have been a presumption in parliament that statute do[es] not apply to activities within 17 joint committee on parliamentary privilege, parliamentary privilege (2013-14, hl 30, hc 100) para 17. 18 [1884] 12 qbd 271. 19 ibid (n 18). mr charles bradlaugh, elected liberal member for northampton (1880-1891), was prevented from entering parliament and from taking the oath of allegiance in accordance with the parliamentary oaths act 1866. the actions of the sergeant at arms who prevented entry, reflected the religious animosity towards atheism. 20 charles gordon (ed), erskine may’s treaties on the law, privileges, proceedings and usage of parliament (20th, butterworths, 1983) 82. 21 gossett (n 18). 22 [2010] uksc 52. 23 hm government (n 1) para 216 [additional emphasis] 24 the king v graham-campbell (ex p herbert) [1935] 1 kb 594. 25 hm government (n 1) para 207. 26 ibid hm government (n 1) para 208. case commentary 136 the palace of westminster […]. that presumption is open to question”.27 the second opinion is supported in the test applied by the 1999 joint committee where exclusive cognisance is available only when “[it] is necessary today, in is present form, for the effective functioning of parliament”.28 additionally, the supreme court of canada held in canada (house of commons) v vaid29 that to assert the right of cognisance “the assembly must show that the sphere of activity for which privilege is claimed is so closely and directly connected with the fulfilment […] of their functions […] that outside interference would undermine the level of autonomy required”.30 both cases31 demonstrate that despite the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty and the rights of absolute privilege, the courts have formulated a constraint regarding the applicability of exclusive cognisance held by each house. although the principle of judicial obedience32 to the will of parliament is currently maintained, any further court implied limitations may seriously damage parliamentary privilege, both in practice and as a concept. it is worth noting that lord denning mr in british railways board v pickin 33 viewed the function of the courts as mutually beneficial to parliament; “it is the function of the courts to see that the procedure of parliament itself is not abused, and that undue advantage is not taken of it. in so doing the court is not trespassing on the jurisdiction of parliament itself, it is acting in aid of parliament and, might i add, in aid of justice”.34 this view was rejected by the house of lords35, which stated the function of the court was only to consider and apply enactments of parliament. if such a statement made by lord denning mr was upheld, it would have challenged the independence of parliament, and eroded the fundamental articles contained within the bill of rights 1689. despite the limitations implied through the courts, other methods of curtailing privilege can be conducted with the consent of either house in 27 chaytor (n 22) para 78. 28 joint committee on parliamentary privilege (n 4) para 4. 29 [2005] 1 scr 667 30 ibid vaid (n 29) para 4. 31 despite vaid originating from the canadian supreme court the british parliament has endorsed the substantive test. see joint committee on parliamentary privilege (n 17) para 24. 32 diana woodhouse, ‘politicians and the judges: a conflict of interest’ (1996) 49 parliamentary affairs 423. 33 [1973] 1 qb 219. 34 ibid pickin (n 33). 35 [1974] wlr 208 (on appeal to the house of lords). the denning law journal 137 parliament. as held in stockdale v hansard36, each house is the principal judge of its privileges. each house may, as its own discretion, formulate legislation to limit the applicable nature of parliamentary privilege. however, both houses cannot create new privileges. the recall of mps act 2015 provides for the automatic disqualification from the house of commons if a member is “…convicted in the united kingdom for an offence and sentenced”37, for a period greater than 12 months. for the purposes of the act, parliament cannot be viewed to provide sanctuary from the law “where the conduct of a mp does not relate to proceedings in parliament”.38 whilst the act provides a limitation of privilege to members of the house of commons, the house of lords reform act 201439 provides a similar mechanisms for exclusion and expulsion40 for peers. as with all articles of legislation, successor parliaments may elect to repeal the aforementioned acts and reduce the constraints limiting privilege interpretation and application. the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty would suggest that privilege is an inherent right of westminster, originating from the conception of the british parliamentary model. iv. reform the delicate balance between parliamentary rights and the rule of law has long been an issue discussed within the palace of westminster, the courts, and the public realm. the substantive cause for debate centralises over the extent to which the various forms of privilege can be used; the 36 [1839] 112 er 1112. 37 recall of mps act 2015 s 1(3)(a). 38 hm government (n 1) para 27. 39 dan byles, former conservative member of parliament for north warwickshire (2010-2015), proposed the various reforms in a private members bill in may 2014. as of may 2016, only four peers have been removed under the act entirely for non-attendance (house of lords reform act 2014, s 2) during proceedings. ‘four absent peers cease to be house of lords members’ (bbc news, 19 may 2016) accessed 3 november 2016. 40 house of lords reform act 2014, s 3: (1) a member of the house of lords who is convicted of a serious offence ceases to be a member of the house of lords. (2) a person “is convicted of a serious offence” if, and only if, the lord speaker certifies the person, while a member of the house of lords, has been— (a) convicted of a criminal offence, and (b) sentenced or ordered to be imprisoned or detained indefinitely or for more than one year. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-36330030 case commentary 138 limited jurisdiction of the courts; and the inherent inequality between those who enjoy privileges and those who do not. the joint committee on parliamentary privileges has taken a proactive stance by conducting periodical reviews of privileges. the reports to both houses identifies the relevance of freedom of speech and exclusive cognisance. the committee strongly dispels any doubt that privileges are unwarranted, rather it reaffirms the necessity in relation to the effective discharge of duties required by both houses. the 1999 report suggested comprehensive codification41 with a view of providing greater clarity by codifying all aspects of parliamentary privileges. the proposed parliamentary privileges act aimed to define, amongst other issues, proceedings in parliament, parliamentary competence, and to outline the extent to which privileges could be claimed. the major disadvantage of codification is a reduction in flexibility. cited in the 2013-2014 report, “[…] privilege is a living concept […] and evolves as parliament evolves, and as the law evolves”.42 by codifying privileges, parliament would bind itself to what would quickly become an obsolete interpretation, reflecting outdated opinions and perspectives. in a green paper published in 2012, the government summarised a critical issue, “parliamentary privilege is not a widely understood concept”.43 the paper indicates that special consideration must be afforded towards any motion for reform, and reform ought not be initiated without comprehensive political support. stating that privilege “has developed over many centuries”44, it was the opinion of the government that no legislation should be introduced. indeed, the coalition government between the conservative party and the liberal democrats did not seek reform. it remains to be seen if the current conservative government will introduce legislation to clarify the applicable nature of exclusive cognisance. given the heavy legislative programme, with particular regards towards the forthcoming european union departure, reform appears unlikely. in 2014 the joint committee concluded that an exhaustive list relating to matters subject to exclusive cognisance is “impracticable and undesirable”.45 the fundamental element of parliamentary privilege is to be detached from court interference. by codifying privileges the court would assert an active role regarding interpretation and application. this would be unacceptable as parliamentary freedom would be restricted. the 41 joint committee on parliamentary privilege (n 4) para 378. 42 joint committee on parliamentary privilege (n 17) para 13. 43 hm government (n 1) para 343. 44 ibid hm government (n 1) para 343-35. 45 joint committee on parliamentary privilege (n 17) 71. the denning law journal 139 committee has made a series of recommendations46 that indicate temporal inappropriateness for serious and substantive reform. this is disappointing as the situation continues to be exacerbated by a general lack of consensus concerning the correct application of privileges. the actions of members, reaching beyond the after effects of the 2011 parliamentary expenses scandal, continue to cast doubt within the public realm regarding the appropriateness of implied immunities from the law. during the proceedings against lord hanningfield, the expedited return of a not-guilty verdict precluded a formal examination of the alleged conduct by the member in open court. a jury was not invited to consider the evidence presented by the crown, nor did the court explore the evidence collected by the metropolitan police service and other government agencies. from the application of parliamentary privilege, the trial of lord hanningfield is blatantly different from what would be expected in similar civil or criminal cases concerning financial malpractice. submissions during proceedings exclusively concerned if exclusive cognisance was applicable; such debate would unavailable for individuals not pertaining to the class of parliamentarians. aside from the trial-by-media that lord hanningfield experienced, no substantive penalty has been imposed and to date, no further public investigation has occurred. from r v white47 it is debatable if an application of parliamentary privilege is appropriate regarding financial allegations and the need to encourage transparency of both parliament and parliamentarians. therefore, in situations where public finances are concerned, it could be appropriate for the defences of privilege not to apply. the inherent value of privileges distorting the commonly held maxim of equality would appear as disproportionate in regards to repetitive malpractice and subsequent allegations. parliament, government, and the courts are not directly seeking substantial and immediate reform. it is clear that differing attitudes continue to develop as parliamentary privileges continues to evolve. these attitudes acknowledge the tension between jurisdictional limitations, historical precedents and doctrines, and the distorting effect immunities bears on the rule of law. whilst parliament and government wish to maintain their privileges, and the courts wishing for greater regulation, perhaps the status quo ought to remain. perhaps the debate to have or not to have privilege is inherent within our system of governance. perhaps an evolutionarily path of development, driven by parliament, supported by government, and questioned by the courts, is the future of parliamentary privileges. 46 ibid (n 17) for a definitive list of recommendations proposed by the joint committee. 47 white (n 6). 179 the denning law journal 2018 vol 30 special issue pp 179-187 comment road rules for our country – australia’s constitution and australia’s first peoples senator patrick dodson and graham perrett mp there was a time when most australian drivers would encounter a particular kind of defaced road sign in their travels. speeding along the national highway near the broome turn-off in western australia or dodging kangaroos on the back roads of western queensland around st george, drivers could see a sign urging them to ‘form one lane’ transmogrified by some local wit to read ‘form one planet’. graffiti on signs in a vain attempt to make them say something else can be mildly amusing but completely ineffective. however, whilst it is dangerous (and illegal) to interfere with road signs, sometimes tinkering with an original symbol can achieve something worthwhile, and substantial. there were no bitumen roads before colonisation. roads are a symbol of colonisation in australia. a sign of development, they divided up the country into a grid of states and territories with artificial boundaries. they were designed so the colonisers could traverse large distances at a fast pace. they are a sign of western modernity – of moving forward. the colonisers built the roads and they also wrote the ‘road rules’ for the nation, the constitution. the analogy of road rules is useful when thinking about the australian constitution. most of the road rules for our nation are found in our constitution. this foundation document ‘constituted’ the commonwealth of australia on the first of january 1901 and divides power between states and the central government – now often referred to metonym-like as ‘canberra’. for countless generations before the current constitution was imagined, the continent of australia was subject to a complex and very different set of interlocking rules. each area of australia was home to a distinct indigenous land holding group, who knew their territory in detail, and with a deep and ongoing connection. distinct groups were also interconnected through song-lines, stories and rituals that drew connections across the lands of first nations. in yawuru country around broome, which senator dodson calls home, this knowledge and connection has evolved over vast amounts of time into a shared understanding that connects people to place, and people to each other. 180 comment the yawuru rules, shared and understood amongst the yawuru people and respected by their neighbours such as the nyikina, existed before time began, and were shaped in the bugarigarra, what westerner’s romantically refer to as ‘the dreaming’. the bugarigarra is the time before time, but which still exists today. community, country and law is grounded in the bugarigarra, the oldest continuing and ongoing legal tradition known to humanity. but colonisation proceeded in australia without acknowledgement of this ancient and ongoing legal heritage. the colonising forces failed to see at all that there were rules of law that determined land ownership, connection and use. instead, the insidious myth of terra nullius (land belonging to no one) allowed the colonisers to ignore the rules of the land, ignore the interconnectedness of first nations people, and proceed as if it was a case of vacant possession. the colonies were established without consultation, without consent and without compensation. new rules were forced into place over the top of the ancient rules, which remained but were ignored. the challenge for first nations people is to maintain their laws, communities, customs and ongoing connection to land within a framework of colonisation that has never rightfully acknowledged their place as the first peoples of this country, and never consulted them in the creation of the constitution. when the six former british colonies came together (without any indigenous advice of course) they retained most of their law-making rights (as the states) but agreed to give the new commonwealth the power to make laws about some specific topics. this list of so-called ‘heads of power’ that was a piece of legislation passed by westminster can now be found in section 51 of our nation’s (the australian) constitution. if there is an inconsistency between state laws and canberra, section 109 of the constitution provides that the commonwealth law will prevail. most of the australian nation’s constitutional road rules are not well known. occasionally a section does attract some publicity – such as section 44, which forced an unforeseen number of members and senators to be expelled from the federal parliament over dual citizenship,1 but mostly the constitution is only a matter of abiding interest for academics, legal students and concerned constitutional lawyers. discussions around the constitution are not exactly seen as scintillating yarns, but sections of the constitution underpin our social institutions and social change. the powers of the constitution hold real power and should never be dismissed as merely symbolic. section 71 of our nation’s road rules created the high court. over the years, this court has gradually raised awareness of the road rules and clarified their 1 see bloch and rubenstein pp. 79–101. the denning law journal 181 meaning and interpretation. for example, in 1982 the high court heard a challenge by the queensland state government of the commonwealth’s power to enact legislation under the external affairs power contained in section 51(xxix) of the constitution. koowarta v bjelke-petersen2 challenged the validity of the racial discrimination act 1975 (cth). the commonwealth claimed the power to enact the racial discrimination act 1975 (cth) under the foreign affairs power, as it was legislated to give effect to australia’s obligations under the international convention on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination. in koowarta3 the queensland government had stopped the aboriginal land fund commission from acquiring the lease of grazing property for the use of mr koowarta and other members of a group of aboriginal people in the wik lands near aurukun in cape york, queensland. mr koowarta had been acting in keeping with the laws and rules of his wik peoples to gain a foothold on his ancestral lands. those lands had been taken from him by the issuance of a pastoral lease over them. mr koowarta and his countrymen sought to gain access to the land by purchasing the lease of the archer river property from an american businessman who held the lease. the queensland minister of lands in his reasons for the refusal to grant the lease said: the queensland government does not view favourably proposals to acquire large areas of additional freehold or leasehold land for development by aborigines or aboriginal groups in isolation. understandably, mr koowarta believed that such a refusal was in breach of the racial discrimination act 1975 (cth) and challenged the decision. the queensland state government contended that the racial discrimination act 1975 (cth) was outside the external affairs power of the commonwealth parliament and was invalid. it was only by a very small margin of four to three that the high court held the racial discrimination act 1975 (cth) was valid and the commonwealth did have power to overrule state laws through using the external affairs power in the constitution. belatedly then, the high court found that the commonwealth did have the right to make laws for the people of any race; it did have the power to overturn racially discriminatory actions by a state government; it could enforce international conventions against racism to which the australian nation-state had committed. 2 koowarta v bjelke-petersen [1982] hca 27, 153 clr 168, 39 alr 417. 3 ibid. 182 comment however, the decision did not recognise mr koowarta’s rights to his ancestral lands. the rules of the road remained the same. just one year after the decision in koowarta,4 the high court once again heard a challenge to the commonwealth’s foreign affairs power in the tasmanian dams case.5 the tasmanian government wanted to construct a hydro-electric dam on the gordon river, on land that had previously been recognised as national park by the tasmanian government. however, it was later excised from the national park by specific tasmanian legislation. the commonwealth reacted by enacting regulations in march 1983 to list the land as a world heritage conservation area. the world heritage (western tasmanian wilderness) regulations (cth) prohibited, without ministerial consent, the construction of a dam or associated works on the land. the tasmanian government claimed that the commonwealth legislation was beyond its powers and therefore invalid. the high court held by a majority of four to three that the commonwealth had validly used the external affairs power to enact legislation in order to carry out australia’s obligations under the convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage. despite the narrow margin, the decision in the tasmanian dams case6 was significant for affirming the extent of the commonwealth power to make laws under the australian constitution. it recognised that the commonwealth could draw down from its international treaty-making powers to override the laws of a state that were inconsistent with that international commitment. it was particularly significant in respect to the commonwealth’s power to make laws in relation to our environment. both koowarta7 and the tasmanian dams case8 involved a prickly exchange of powers between a state and the commonwealth. although ‘canberra bashing’ is almost a national pastime, the former british colonies do also occasionally voluntarily refer some of their pre-1901 powers to the commonwealth. in some cases, such as the environment protection and biodiversity conservation act 1999 (cth), there is a national agreement to define those matters that are of national significance, in which canberra will have the overriding say. however, as the states and territories have retained their power to legislate most environmental laws, it has resulted in our country having a de-centralised 4 ibid. 5 commonwealth v tasmania [1983] hca 21, 158 clr 1. 6 ibid. 7 koowarta (n 1). 8 commonwealth v tasmania (n 4). the denning law journal 183 system and the commonwealth government role being significantly limited to those specific issues of national significance only. on a limited number of occasions, commonwealth power to legislate under the constitution has also been modified through referendums, where the parliament takes a question to the australian voters and more than half of them support the question. such proposals must also be carried in at least four of the six states.9 since 1906 australia has held 44 nation-wide referendums, spread out over nineteen different occasions.10 but it is hard to change our road rules this way: the public has only ever said ‘yes’ to eight proposals for constitutional change. although the words of our constitution were actually passed in a parliament in another country by men who didn’t belong here, the words were mostly crafted by blokes who actually did call australia home. unfortunately our nation’s birth certificate made no mention of first nations peoples and the fact they had already been here for more than 60,000 years. they were not included in the drafting sessions, nor recognised in its substance. section 127 was titled ‘aborigines not to be counted in reckoning population’ but this was amended by a 1967 public vote.11 in that significant referendum nearly 91 per cent of the voting public supported the amendment. this was a proposal with a strong moral case, no opposing campaign and clear support from both major parties in the federal parliament. these preconditions are necessary for the high bar of constitutional change to be safely hurdled. in recent months, in canberra, the parliament has established a committee to wrestle once again with the question of indigenous recognition in the constitution. at the time of writing, this committee, which senator dodson co-chairs, is holding hearings across the kimberley and in canberra. at every hearing first nations people have puzzled over the fact that the constitution does not in any way acknowledge their prior and ongoing ownership of the land and connection to country. some simple truths are a long time in the knowing. however, our nation’s road rules did gain another indigenous shift in 1992 through the agency of chief justice mason’s courageous high court. mabo v queensland (no 2)12 recognised native title in australia for the first time. even though david passi, james rice and eddie mabo were meriam people from the torres strait the law changed for all australia. and that was said by some to be the end of the world as we knew it. terra nullius was found to be a lie. 9 see scutt, 121–75. 10 ibid. 11 ibid. 12 mabo v queensland (no 2) [1992] hca 23, 175 clr 1. 184 comment for the first nations who owned and managed this continent for millennia, their spiritual and cultural beliefs were accepted as real by the highest court in the land. the high court found in mabo13 that the legal doctrine of terra nullius which imported all of england’s road rules down-under did not apply equally everywhere. the fact that people had been travelling their own song-lines for around 60,000 years suddenly mattered. existing customary laws and traditional connections to land trumped the english notion of terra nullius. the ancient past prevailed despite many acts done on behalf of the sovereign and often irrespective of white people arriving in an area. some native title rights could be extinguished by governments but this process was not as automatic as previously assumed when the concept of terra nullius was thought to be impregnable and beyond question. after mabo,14 the commonwealth parliament passed native title legislation in a lengthy and hostile parliamentary session. thereafter, once traditional owners demonstrated a connection to their land they could then be involved in decisions about how best to protect it. the legislative change was one of prime minister keating’s (1991–96) practical building blocks of change and social justice. since the second world war australia has accepted around seven million immigrants. they and their children and grandchildren now belong. they are also connected to a land that holds the oldest footprints in the world. but we consider that there may be a simple bureaucratic procedure to make all non-indigenous australians even better belong. when the high court created the mabo15 wave it was keating who metaphorically handed out surfboards, trying to take australians all the way to our new national beach. when the high court’s decision was handed down some farmers and commentators and politicians expostulated vigorously. some like joh bjelke-petersen16 were everywhere trying to enforce the notion that the crown had had exclusive possession forever. eventually the cockies17 settled down, even after the wik flare-up18 and tim fischer’s19 calls for ‘bucketloads of extinguishment’, 13 ibid. 14 ibid. 15 ibid. 16 premier of queensland from 1968 to 1987. 17 colloquial australian for ‘farmers’. 18 wik peoples v queensland (‘pastoral leases case’) [1996] hca 40; [1996] 187 clr 1; [1996] 141 alr 129; [1996] 71 aljr 173 (23 december 1996). 19 former australian politician. served as deputy prime minister in the howard government from 1996 to 1999. the denning law journal 185 and australia gained an almost working set of native title registration arrangements. however, such negotiations generally take place far removed from the more densely settled areas. most australians rarely have to consider the indigenous provenance of the property they purchase because native title rights have often been long extinguished. to whom the land belonged before the crown claimed it, is rarely a question that troubles most conveyancers. however, in at least queensland, this historical anomaly could be remedied by a simple tweak in the titles office. certificates of title could easily contain a record of the first nation that once lived, cared for and owned the land where anyone’s residential block is now located. this could be done without stimulating any native title claims or challenging contemporary settled law. most of our symbols sit outside the constitution and land is definitely the largest one. australia’s founding document contemplated a shifting definition of borders. new zealand even has a mention20 in the document’s introduction. with such a fluid definition of this nation in our birth certificate surely australians would feel they belong even more if they could look at a certificate of title that stretched back 3,000 generations or so. this enhanced sense of belonging could also be used to generally improve australians’ sense of stewardship of this land. section 51 of the constitution contains a long list of the responsibilities of the commonwealth government but caring for country is not one of them. however, first nations have continued to bear this sense of duty irrespective of the white shenanigans that have taken place in this great southern kingdom with no king. all decent australians should be encouraged to take on the responsibility of ‘caring for country’. a whole of country problem needs a whole of country solution. making ‘caring for country’ a federal responsibility, following the example long set by first nations, would go some way to addressing the shambolic state of australia’s fragmented environment laws. the federal government has previously embarked on a caring for country approach, albeit on a small scale. the caring for our country initiative was established in july 2008 by the rudd government. its aim was to achieve a healthier, more resilient, better-protected environment that could continue to provide essential ecosystem services as climate change progressed. the initiative saw the integration of a range of national natural resource management programmes, as well as increased funding for indigenous-specific working on country and indigenous protected area programmes. 20 aotearoa/new zealand was originally incorporated into the constitution as an australian state. 186 comment the programme was a success, securing better outcomes for australia’s environment. the initiative saw the uptake of more sustainable farming practices across australia, improved water quality in the great barrier reef, a two-million hectare increase in the amount of native vegetation with protected status, and carbon emissions reduced through the expansion of traditional fire management regimes across northern savannas. in addition to these environmental benefits, the initiative also had many benefits for indigenous people, who were empowered through this programme to, once again, take an even more active role in the management of their country. sadly, despite its success, the caring for our country programme was not continued when the abbott federal government took office in 2013. the current de-centralised nature of australia’s environmental laws has created a situation where states and territories are auctioning off environmental protections in order to compete for corporate investment. waste management is a good example of how destructive a fractured policy approach can be. the former queensland liberal national party government loosened red tape around waste disposal in that state. when the $35 per tonne waste levy was scrapped in queensland in 2012, truck after truck then made their way to the queensland border towns to dump their waste for free. in the 2016–17 financial year, a horrifying 900,000 tonnes of sydney garbage was trucked over the tweed river to queensland. other unscrupulous operators bought up industrial sites for the purpose of filling them with millions of discarded tyres. regulation around household garbage collection is treated in a similar ad hoc fashion across the states and territories. the amount of household waste that is diverted from landfill varies significantly. south australia does it well, with over 75 per cent of its household waste diverted from landfill. however, tasmania and queensland are far behind with around 50 per cent diverted from landfill and the northern territory only recovers around 28 per cent. however, as a nation, australia is well behind other countries in our waste recovery. austria produces a similar amount of waste to australia but diverts around 94 per cent from landfill. without consistency across the states and territories it is almost impossible to have consistent best practice for waste disposal. likewise, our states and territories are primarily responsible for regulating rehabilitation requirements for mining and resource projects. states competing for mining dollars can choose to make their state more attractive for investment by reducing the rehabilitation requirements after the closure of their mines. whilst the state may benefit from such a short-term investment boost, our nation’s environment is the long-term loser. a national co-ordinated approach to caring for the environment, or ‘caring for country’ as do first nations, would prevent such a race to the bottom of the environmental scrap-heap by the states. strong national the denning law journal 187 leadership could see uniform waste management where the goal is for best practice, not more ephemeral dollars. it could ensure corporate responsibility is not used as a bargaining chip for investment dollars. this nation’s corporations would have a greater responsibility to care for their precious environment. if the list of federal responsibilities included what the first nations considered to be their responsibility for over 60,000 years, ‘caring for country’, there would be a longer term focus on decisions made about our natural landscapes. it would go some way to removing short-term politics from development decisions and ensure that the national interest is considered. suddenly issues such as the degradation of good productive farming land, urban development, falling biodiversity, water security, and the threat of climate change would have to be factors considered by all levels of government. australia’s three different tiers of government would be more likely to work together to solve these common problems. and the commonwealth would have some stick to use alongside the tax-dollar carrots. the environment belongs to all australians, not just farmers and traditional owners – every single one of us. it sustains and nurtures us all. in senator dodson’s yawuru country, native title holders are working towards a sense of mabu liyan, a healthy spirit, in mabu buru a good place. signs at broome airport welcome tourists in those terms. this sense of connection could be energized for all australians in all parts of the country, from the beach to the bush, from the desert to the daintree rainforest. and just as places can be recognised and acknowledged, so too can our founding documents. isn’t it time this nation’s birth certificate recognised all its parents? isn’t it time, like vincent lingiari21 fifty years before, that we pour our own sand through our own hands and walk like mates together into the future, having recognised and celebrated the reality of our past. 21 aboriginal rights activist and member of the gurindji people. at an important event in australian history, the then prime minister, gough whitlam, poured the local sand into vincent lingiari’s hands, symbolically handing the wave hill station back to the gurindji people. lord denning in perspective gilbert kodilinye* lord denning the judge and the law edited by j. l. jowell & j. p. w. b. mcauslan [london: sweet & maxwell, 1984. xxxv & 486 pp. hardback £25.00] this volume of essays is perceived by the editors as an assessment of lord denning's contribution to the development of english law during his 38 years on the bench. legal scholars in the united kingdom have traditionally been preoccupied with the exposition and analysis of legal principles and, unlike their north american counterparts, have generally shown little interest in assessing the contributions made by individual judges to the development of the law. the editors express the hope that this book will set a new trend, and that other authors will be encouraged to produce similar volumes on other distinguished and long-serving judges of our time. in the present volume, a team of prominent academic lawyers has surveyed lord denning's judgments in the fields of contract, tort, equity and trusts, family law, land, planning and housing law, administrative law and labour law, and there are additional chapters on lord denning's approach to human rights, his role as jurist and his influence on commonwealth law. it would be impossible in a review of normal length to comment in any detail upon every area covered by this volume. it is proposed, therefore, to look at four 'core' areas in which lord denning's influence has made the greatest impact, namely contract, tort, equity and trusts and land law. the chapter on contract and tort is contributed by professor p. s. atiyah. he points out that any survey of lord denning's contribution in this area will initially require an account of the development of the common law throughout the whole period since the end of the second world war. it is indeed astonishing how many fundamental principles of contract and tort have been moulded by lord denning, and it needed a book of this nature to remind all concerned of the vastness of his influence. the author further emphasises that a survey of lord denning's judgments in contract and tort will serve to dispel the popular belief that his lordship's decisions were constantly rejected by his brethren on the "'lecturer in law, university of birmingham 127 the denning law journal bench or overturned on appeal. on the contrary, in the majority of cases his views were either followed from the outset or, though initially viewed with suspicion, were eventually vindicated through the judicial process or by legislation. starting with the law of contract, lord denning's imprint can be seen in every area. his best-known contribution is undoubtedly the development of the principle of promissory estoppel which he first enunciated in central london property trost ltd. v. high trees house ltd .. i professor atiyah emphasises that lord denning never regarded promissory estoppel as being a reliance-based doctrine, but a promise-based one. it was sufficient that the promise was intended to be acted upon and had in fact been acted upon, and there was no need to show that the promisee had acted to his detriment. another major contribution was the doctrine of fundamental breach which lord denning used for many years in his role as champion of the consumer. this may be cited as an example of a "holding operation" which lord denning has frequently conducted pending statutory intervention in this case the hire purchase acts of 1964-1965 and the unfair contract terms act 1977. in offer and acceptance it was lord denning who, in entores ltd. v. miles far east corporation,2 established the rule that, in determining the time and place of acceptance of an offer, communication of acceptance by telex was to be equated with communication inter praesentes and not with postal ones. in another context, that of a council tenant seeking to enforce an alleged agreement for the sale of a council house against a local authority, lord denning was able to find a concluded contract on seemingly flimsy grounds, but the decision was overruled by the house of lords (gibson v. manchester city council). 3 this case is an example of the kind of approach for which lord denning has often been criticised. it seems that in his determination to support a political policy that of giving council tenants the right to purchase the freeholds of properties let to them he was quite ready to ignore the fact that in this case the prospective purchaser had not secured mortgage finance. to hold the contract binding in such circumstances was detrimental both to the council and to the purchaser. in several other areas of contract law lord denning has been profoundly influential. in particular, he has sought to loosen many of the traditional bonds which tended to inhibit growth and he has introduced a much-needed flexibility. some of these innovations have already become established principles; others have yet to be accepted. instances discussed by professor atiyah include: the partial integration of the law of misrepresentation, warranties and negligence (esso petroleum co. ltd. v. mardon};4 the court's power to imply "reasonable" terms into a contract (liverpool city council v. irwin};5 the concept of inequality of bargaining power (lloyd's bank ltd. v. bund)~;6 the equitable power to set aside a contract 1. [1947] 1 k.b. 1301. 2. [1955] 2 qb. 327. 3. [1978] i w.l.r. 520; [1979j i w.l.r. 294. 4. [1976] qb. 801. 5. [19761 qb. 319. 6. [1975j qb. 326. 128 lord denning in perspective entered into under a fundamental mistake (solle v. butcher);7 and the court's power to award damages for mental upset and inconvenience garois v. swan's tours ltd.). 8 in tort, being a more fluid area than contract, lord denning has had greater scope to develop his public policy ideas, and his influence has been far-reaching. negligence has always been his lordship's particular forte, and many of his most memorable diaa are to be found in negligence cases. perhaps his greatest contribution in this area was his famous dissenting judgment in candler v. crane christmas c5 co.,9 which was so triumphantly vindicated 13 years later in hedley byrne c5 co. v. heller c5 partners, 10 though the expansive approach to liability for negligent misstatements taken by him in candler contrasts oddly with the restrictive one which he later took, in spartan steel c5alloys ltd. v. martin c5 co. ltd., ii with respect to recovery for other forms of purely economic loss. another notable success for lord denning was his decision in dutton v. bognor regis u.d.c., 12 which opened the door for claims by house purchasers against negligent local authority building inspectors and which was followed by the house of lords in anns v. merton london borough.13 the latter case is ~lso significant in that it finally put the seal of approval on lord denning's view which judges had for a long time rejected that liability in negligence actions ultimately depends upon public policy, and it serves as an example of what professor atiyah describes as "lord denning blazing the trail and the house of lords subsequently giving their approva1." 14 lord denning's statements of principle in tort cases have not always met with approval and he has lost a number of important struggles which he had carried on with his customary zea1. for instance, he failed to overturn the well established rule that the employer's duty to fence under the factories act 1961 and its predecessor of 1937 was a duty to keep workers out and not the machinery in, so that a workman could not claim in respect of injuries suffered when a piece of the unfenced machinery escaped and struck him.15 again, lord denning's attempt to introduce a "family car" principle in vicarious liability cases was rebuffed by the house of lords in morgans v. launchbury 16 (though, it may be noted, not because the house disapproved of the principle but because their lordships felt that any change in the law should be brought about by parliament, after due investigation and deliberation, and not by the judiciary). and a third example of lack of success by lord denning is to be 7. [1950] 1 k.b. 671. 8. [1973] 1 qb. 233. 9. [1951] 2 k.b. 164. 10. [1964] a.c. 465. 11. [1973] qb. 27. 12. [1972] 1 qb. 373. 13. [1978] a.c. 728. 14. at p. 61. 15. close v. steel co. of wales [1962] a.c. 367. 16. [1973] a.c. 127. 129 the denning law journal found in cassell v. broome f5 co. ltd.,17 where he was sternly rebuked by the house of lords for refusing, in the court of appeal, to follow the rules relating to exemplary damages which had been laid down by the house in rookes v. barnard, 18 an action on lord denning's part which the house regarded as unconstitutional. in his concluding remarks, professor atiyah suggests that lord denning's innovations have proved more successful in contract and tort than in other fields and this may be due at least to two factors. first, since legislation has not intruded in this area to any great degree, lord denning has been able to "give full rein to his policy orientations without having to contend with the often different policy of parliament." 19 secondly, in both contract and tort lord denning has been "fundamentally in sympathy with the underlying trends in the law", 20 for instance the trend towards giving greater protection to the consumer in contract and the basic ideal that parties who are at fault should be required to pay compensation in tort. lord denning's work in the area of equity and trusts is discussed by mr d. j. hayton. here again the impact of lord denning has been considerable, but his judgments have, in general, been less well received than those in contract and tort. in a sense, the chancery judge is in a most uncomfortable position. on the one hand, he must remind himself that the doctrines of equity are "progressive, refined and improved",2j that courts of equity are invested with many broad discretionary powers, and that the underlying philosophy of equity is that justice should be done between the parties. on the other hand, he must be aware that much of equity lies within the boundaries of property law, and that conveyancers, landowners and all other persons who have interests in property require a high degree of certainty in the law, and that for such persons well settled and clearly defined principles are infinitely preferable to vague, flexible concepts. many commentators take the view that lord denning was too ready to sacrifice certainty in the law in order to reach what he believed to be a fair solution in the instant case, and in so doing he had not only ridden roughshod over many well established principles, but actually confused and muddled the law by attempting to formulate new principles when it was not strictly necessary for the case in hand. mr hayton discusses lord denning's decisions in a wide variety of topics, starting with 'the deserted wife's equity'. this was a major doctrinal innovation of lord denning, whereby a wife was invested with an equitable interest in the matrimonial home which would prevail against successors in title of the husband with notice of her status. the principle was decisively rejected by the house of lords in national pmvincial bank ltd. v. ainsworth,22 on the ground that the wife's right to occupy was personal to her and it would be unfair to the husband's creditors if those rights 17. [1972] a.c. 1027. 18. [1964] a.c. 1129. 19. at p. 76. 20. at p. 77. 21. re hal/etl's estate (1880) 13 ch. d. 696, 710 per sir george jessel, m.r.. 22. [1965] a.c. 1175. 130 lord denning in perspective were to prevail against his trustee in bankruptcy. in the matrimonial homes act 1967 parliament attempted a compromise between the two positions and provided that a spouse, whether deserted or not, could protect her or his interest in the matrimonial home by registering a class f land change which would be good against the whole world except the other spouse's trustee in bankruptcy. other important contributions of lord denning in the field of equity are the development of the mareva injunction (which enables the court on an ex parte application to freeze the assets of a foreign and in some circumstances a locally resident defendant) and the anton piller order (which enables a plaintiff to inspect and seize documents and articles specified in the order, and which has proved to be a useful weapon against vendors of pirate cassettes and against record bootleggers). still in the area of equitable remedies, lord denning has always been hostile to the house of lords decision in american cyanamid co. v. ethicon ltd.,23 which purported to remove the long-established requirement that in an application for an interlocutory injunction, the plaintiff must show a strong prima facie case. mr hayton points out that, by ingenious manipulation of certain diaa in american cyanamid, lord denning and other judges have been able to pay lip-service to that decision whilst in effect deciding cases in the same way as they would have been decided pre-cyanamid. in the author's view, the cyanamid principles are too "artificial and elaborate for pragmatic judges to be controlled by them." 24 and in the very different area of discretionary trusts, it was lord denning who first expressed the view that the test for certainty of objects should be assimilated to the test in mere powers, and his view was eventually accepted by the house of lords in the landmark case of mcphail v. daulton. 25 it is perhaps in the areas of licences, constructive trusts and family property that lord denning's decisions have provoked the most controversy and where he is most open to the charge of having 'muddied the waters'. certainly, the practitioner or the academic who seeks clear-cut and logical principles is likely to be overcome by a sense offrustration when confronted with many of lord denning's judgments in this area. for instance, lord denning would impose a constructive trust "wherever justice and good conscience require it", since the concept is "a liberal process, founded on large principles of equity, to be applied in cases where the defendant cannot conscientiously keep ... property for himself alone, but ought to allow another to have the property or a share in it." 26 lord denning has readily sought to impose a "constructive trust of the new model" in cohabitation cases, where the house is purchased by the man, his cohabitee not contributing towards the purchase price and not therefore acquiring any equitable interest in the property under traditional principles. according to his lordship in such cases the 23. [1975] a.c. 396. 24. at p. 99. 25. [1971] a.c. 424. 26. hussey v. palmer [1972] 1 w.l.r. 1286, 1289. 131 the denning law journal cohabitee is entitled to a share in the house by virtue of the time and effort she puts into looking after the house and caring for her man and any children of the union. quite apart from the uncertainty and unpredictability which so wide a principle generates, as mr hayton points out lord denning's approach in the cohabitation cases cannot be reconciled with the firm view taken by the house of lords in gissingv. gissini7 that the court cannot impose a constructive trust unless there is evidence of a common intention that the claimant should acquire an interest in the home. moreover, the imposition of a constructive trust has serious implications for third parties, whether they be purchasers, donees or creditors, for the beneficiary has the right to trace the property into the hands of any person other than a bona fide purchaser for value without notice, and he or she has priority to recover his full share in the property before the general creditors of the constructive trustee. an even more controversial use of the constructive trust concept by lord denning occurred in binions v. evans, 28 where he held that if p contracts with v to purchase property from v expressly subject to t's contractual licence, then after the purchase p holds the property on constructive trust for t, since it would be unconscionable for p to ignore t's rights. such a proposition runs counter to the well established principle that a contractual licence does not bind third parties and seems to be a complete misuse of the constructive trust concept. mr hayton rightly suggests that such a fundamental change in the law is best left for parliament, which could provide for the registration of contractual licences as land charges. finally, lord denning has sought to widen the scope of proprietary estoppel by suggesting that it is not necessary for the claimant to have expended money on the property or otherwise to have acted to his detriment. this is clearly contrary to a long line of cases following from fry j.'s classic exposition of proprietary estoppel in willmott v. barber,29 and there is no legal justification for it. it must be admitted, however, that the broad flexible discretion which lord denning advocates in both proprietary and promissory estoppel cases has found favour with some judges, and he may ultimately be correct in his assessment that "all these various estoppel principles can now be seen to merge into one general principle shorn oflimitations [that] when the parties to a transaction proceed on the basis of an underlying assumption ... on which they have conducted the dealings between them, neither of them will be allowed to go back on that assumption when it would be unjust or unfair to allow him to do so.,,30 in a most comprehensive chapter entitled "land, planning and housing", professor mcauslan points out that lord denning has been in the forefront of the movement of land law, since the end of the second world war, from a system concerned with private relations between two parties as envisaged in the 1925 27. [19711 a.c. 886. 28. [1972] ch. 359. 29. (1880) 15 ch. d. 96. 30. amalgamated illvestmet1t alld property co. ltd. v. texas lrllemat;ollal barlk lid. [1982] qb. 84, 122. 132 lord denning in perspective legislation to a largely public system in which the law is concerned with such matters as housing and rent control, the use and development of land and the rights and duties of owners, occupiers and dealers in land. the author suggests that, in recent years at least, lord denning's judgments in this area became infused with his political and moral beliefs and, in particular, his lordship appears to have evolved a doctrine of abuse of rights. the themes of balance, responsibility and prevention of abuse of rights became more pronounced in lord denning's judgments after his return to the court of appeal as master of the rolls in 1962. for instance, he dealt with abuse by landlords in luganda v. seroice hotels ltd.31 and drane v. evangelou,32 both cases in which landlords were guilty of harassment against their tenants. in lord denning's view, there was no difficulty in granting injunctions and exemplary damages in such cases since the landlords were challenging not so much the tenants' rights as the role and power of the judicial process. examples of so-called abuses by tenants are bickel v. duke of westminster3 and central estates belgravia ltd. v. woolgar,34 in which lord denning prevented tenants from "taking advantage of' the leasehold reform act 1967. in checking what he perceived as abuses of rights, lord denning paid scant regard to the convenience of conveyancers and, as 'has often been pointed out, was prepared to strain legal rules to their limits in order to do justice in the individual case. indeed, he once admitted that "i prefer to see that justice is done; and let the conveyancers look after themselves." 35 an admirable sentiment, to be sure, but hardly calculated to ensure that lord denning's more maverick decisions will become established precedents. in this survey professor mcauslan also observes that lord denning showed clearly where his personal preferences lay, and, like the lord chancellors of old, infused his decisions with his own individual sense of 'right' and 'wrong'. for instance, he obviously had great sympathy for elderly widows (binions v. evans)36 and admiration for the game of cricket (miller v. jackson),37 with a corresponding dislike of estate agents (dennis reed ltd. v. goody),38 recalcitrant local councillors (asher v. secretary of state for the environment} 39 and caravan site owners (james v. minister of housing and local government}.40 a more objectionable aspect of his lordship's personal preferences is his occasional insensitivity towards 'foreigners', which is perhaps a manifestation not so much of xenophobia as of an obsessive attachment to what he sees as purely 'english' qualitites. offending phrases mentioned by the author include "a large greek cypriot was barring the 31. [1969] 2 ch. 209. 32. [1978] 1 w.l.r. 455. 33. [1976] 3 w.l.r. 805. 34. [1971] 3 all e.r. 647. 35. brikom it/vestments ltd. v. carr [1979] 2 all e.r. 753, 760. 36. [1972] ch. 359. 37. [1977] qb. 966. 38. [1950] 2 k.b. 277. 39. [1974] ch. 208. 40. [1965] 3 all e.r. 602. 133 the denning law journal entrance",41 and "the tenant mr mccall comes from dominica in the west indies; he has been here for 17 years." 42in dealing with a number of cases arising under the housing (homeless persons) act 1977, lord denning showed little sympathy for 'foreign' claimants and seemed to take the view that in seeking the assistance of the courts in order to secure council housing, such claimants were abusing their privileges. choice epithets include "an advancing tide",43 a "coloured woman,,44 and "true born englishmen".45 professor mcauslan suggests that behind lord denning's judgments in such cases lies the notion of the deserving and the undeserving poor, the former of whom are exercising their rights (e.g., council house tenants seeking to purchase their council houses from local authorities) and the latter (e.g., homeless foreigners or council tenants complaining of breaches of duty on the part of local authorities) seeking to abuse their rights. the author regrets that these cases have done "little to enhance lord denning's reputation for seeking the just solution." 46 lord denning's judgments in planning cases are influenced by his concern for traditional rights and customs in respect of land and by his desire to preserve the beauty of the countryside, as exemplified by his hostility towards caravan site owners and industrial development. on a more technical level, professor mcauslan points out that, unlike several other judges, lord denning adjusted quickly to the new approach to land use control under which the traditional concepts of nuisance, trespass, waste, easements and restrictive covenants were downgraded in favour of statutory control in the form of planning permissions, enforcement notices and the like. but he emphasises that although lord denning accepted the new statutory regime, he was able to engraft on to it a framework of principles based upon the same notions of balance and prevention of abuse of rights which he had applied in private law cases, and that "in the guise of setting what appeared to be reasonable limits to the discretion of public authorities [he substituted] a wide judicial discretion for a wide administrative discretion.,,47 in conclusion, there is no doubt that this volume of essays will be most welcomed by academic lawyers, research students and those undergraduates to whom the literature of the law is more than mere examination fodder. it is a truly original conception, and it is a tribute to the authors that they have been able to present such a lucid, substantial and penetrating account of the work of arguably the greatest judge of this century. one can only echo the wish of the editors that this work will inspire others to produce commentaries of a similarly high standard and that such ventures will receive the support which they undoubtedly deserve. 41. dralle v. evaplgelou [1978j 2 all e.r. 437, 439. 42. mccall v. abelesz [1976] qb. 585, 591. 43. de falco v. crawley d.c. [1980j qb. 460, 472. 44. r. v. slough b. c., ex p. ealiplgl.b. c. [1981] i all e.r. 601, 611. 45. de falco v. crawley d.c., supra n. 43, at p. 473. 46. at p. 203. 47. at p. 178. 134 local ombudsmen: the future d. c. m. yardley* the latter part of the twentieth century has been a time of fairly rapid change and reform of the english legal system. courts have been abolished and replaced; new courts or types of judge have been created; and legal process has in many respects been overhauled and in some instances streamlined. many aspects of the system remain either clearly defective or at least questionable in quality, and none of us can ever realistically expect to find that perfection will have been attained. yet the movement for reform is strong, and commands general adherence from all party political quarters, so we can expect the momentum to continue. in this article it is proposed to consider the prospects for reform and strengthening of the position and work of the english local ombudsmen. the movement for the creation of ombudsmen first came to prominence in the united kingdom as a result of the crichel down affair culminating in sir andrew clarke's report published in 1954.1 it gathered in strength steadily during the succeeding decade, assisted in particular by the efforts of justice, the british section of the international commission of jurists, who set up committees which recommended the setting up of ombudsmen to deal with complaints against both central government2 and local government3 authorities. the point had been grasped that there was a gap in our administrative law. the courts provided remedies of various kinds to redress illegality, and they had developed a classification of such illegality by administrative authorities under the headings of ultra vires, breach of natural justice and error of law. there had for years been a volume of criticism based upon the antiquated character of the procedures surrounding the provision for judicial review, a criticism which was not met until the introduction of the modern application for judicial review with effect from 1978,4 though even now there are doubts whether case-law since 1977 had adequately reflected the high hopes raised by the new procedure.5 but what •• chairman of the commission for local administration in england. i. report of the public inquiry ordered by the minister of agriculture into the disposal of land at crichel down, cmnd. 9176. 2. the citizen and the administration: the redress of grievances (1961). 3. the citizen and his council (1971). 4. 5.1. 1977 no. 1955; re-enacted with amendments by the supreme court act 1981, s. 31. 5. see yardley, principles of administrative law 2nd ed. (1986), ch. 5. 163 the denning law journal crichel down had opened up for all to see was the prospect of administrative authorities acting quite legally and yet unfairly or wrongly by ordinary standards of public morality. for such behaviour the law offered no prospect of a right to any redress, and it was for this lacuna that the model presented by the scandinavian office of ombudsman offered the prospect of a substantial improvement in our system. it is well known that the first british ombudsman, the parliamentary commissioner for administration, was set up for great britain by the parliamentary commissioner act 1967.6 the parliamentary commissioner for administration's jurisdiction covered complaints of injustice caused by the maladministration of most of the various central government departments or agencies, and his jurisdiction has been increased on a number of occasions in later years by comparatively minor measures of either primary or secondary legislation. the most important addition to his functions occurred at the time of the reorganisation of the national health service when the original exemption from the parliamentary commissioner for administration's authority of the whole hospital service was reversed by the creation of three separate health service commissioners, for england, wales and scotland,7 with the duty to investigate any alleged failure in a service provided by a health authority, or any action taken by or on behalf of such an authority, where there is a complaint of injustice in consequence of maladministration. although these commissioners seem at first sight to be different ombudsmen, all three offices have in practice always been held by whoever is the current british parliamentary commissioner for administration, and so in reality (and with only minor procedural differences between the work of the apparently separate commissioners) the creation of these offices can be considered as a method of extending the jurisdiction of the parliamentary commissioner for administration. the extension of the ombudsman system from great britain to northern ireland was achieved by the parliamentary commissioner act (northern ireland) 1969 and the commissioner for complaints act (northern ireland) 1969, both passed by the old stormont parliament. the latter measure was the first act within the united kingdom to extend an ombudsman jurisdiction to the workings oflocal government, and it preceded related legislation for england, wales and scotland. nevertheless the northern ireland commissioner for complaints has a jurisdiction extending beyond local government, because in that province there are several important administrative functions entrusted to province-wide bodies which in great britain are the concern of local government authorities. thus his remit covers such bodies as the northern ireland housing trust, the northern ireland fire authority and the northern ireland hospitals authority, as well as 6. this was the second non-scandinavian ombudsman office to be created. the first was in new zealand: parliamentary commissioner (ombudsman) act 1962. 7. by the national health service reorganisation act 1973 (for england and wales), and the national health service (scotland) act 1972. 164 local ombudsmen: the future local authorities. in great britain, on the other hand, the division of labour between the ombudsman dealing with central government functions and those dealing with local government is much more clear-cut. the local ombudsmen for england and wales were set up by the same act in 1974,8 and the local ombudsman for scotland in 1975.9 there are minor differences between them as to jurisdiction, funding etc., but in most respects they have identical powers and functions. each of them has been concerned to improve the service provided, and with varying results, but the remainder of this article will be concerned only with the prospects for development as they relate to the english local ombudsmen. lt is not intended to list here the details of the jurisdiction and procedures of the local ombudsmen, but part iii of the local government act 1974 provides for the setting up of the commission for local administration in england, consisting of an unspecified number of local commissioners, popularly known as local ombudsmen, together with the parliamentary commissioner for administration for great britain, and that one of the local ombudsmen shall be appointed as chairman of the commission. the local ombudsmen have the duty to investigate complaints of injustice suffered in consequence of maladministration in connection with the execution of administrative functions performed by a local authority, police authority, water authority or any joint board of local authorities. there are a number of exclusions from their jurisdiction, such as the investigation of crime, discipline in schools, matters affecting all or most of the inhabitants of an authority's area, matters relating to the pay and conditions of service of local government officers, and matters in respect of which the complainant has a right of recourse to a tribunal, a minister or a court, unless the ombudsman considers that it is unreasonable that he should pursue such a remedy. a complaint must be in writing, must usually be made within twelve months of the matter complained about, and must normally be referred to the ombudsman by a member of the authority concerned with the consent of the complainant, though this latter requirement may be dispensed with if the ombudsman is satisfied that such a member has been asked to refer the complaint and has failed to do so. lt has been consistently argued by the commission since its early days that a complainant ought to have the alternative of direct access to a local ombudsman, but the secretary of state has never agreed to amending legislation designed to effect this, mainly because of the view of the representative body (mentioned below) that such a change might weaken the relationship of the ward councillor with his constituents. in 1984, however, a compromise was achieved with the agreement of the secretary of state and of the representative body which did not require legislation. under this any complaint received direct is no longer returned to the complainant, as it was before, but instead is sent to the civic head of the authority complained about (chairman, mayor or lord mayor), asking him to 8. local government act 1974. 9. local government (scodand) act 1975. 165 the denning law journal effect a local settlement if possible, and if he cannot do so to refer the complaint formally to the local ombudsman; and the complainant is informed that this is being done. thereafter any local settlement or reference by the civic head brings the case into line with the normal practice where a complaint has initially been properly referred, while any failure to settle it or to refer it enables the local ombudsman to exercise his discretion to take it on anyway on the basis that a member has failed to refer it. the result of any investigation must be reported to the complainant, to the authority concerned and to the member of the authority who may have referred the complaint. the authority must then make the report available for public inspection. where the local ombudsman has concluded that injustice has been caused as a result of maladministration, the report must be considered by the authority, which must then tell the ombudsman what action it proposes to take in consequence of it. if the local ombudsman is not satisfied with such action he may make a further report, but he has no other formal means of insisting upon compliance with his findings. the 1974 act provides that the commission for local administration should periodically review its legislative framework as laid down by the act, and report its findings or recommendations to the secretary of state for the environment, and this would seem to be the mechanism which parliament intended to enable reforms or adjustments to be set in motion. unhappily experience has shown it to have worked out less effectively than might have been expected. in the dozen or so years since it was set up the commission has submitted three such reviews to the secretary of state, in 1978, 1980 and 1984, making in all a substantial number of recommendations designed to strengthen the effectiveness of its work. it has been unfortunate in the first place that the commission has usually had to wait a considerable period of time before the secretary of state's response has been forthcoming. the longest period was the three and a half years it took to receive the response to the 1980 review, and the response to the 1984 review took some 13 months to appear. but secondly, and more crucially, the responses have tended for the most part either to be negative or else to accept the main thrust of certain recommendations without thereafter making any provision for ensuring their implementation.) 0 a number of the matters dealt with in the periodical reviews by the commission have been concerned with details, and there may be little point in further ventilating them here. but it has been the belief of the commission that a credible local ombudsman system should have a jurisdiction covering all aspects of local government unless there is some very good reason why an exception should be made. accordingly it has been disappointing to find that successive secretaries of 10. see also recommendations made in a later report byjustice, the local ombudsmen:a review oj the first five years (1980); and yardley, "local ombudsmen in england: recent trends and developments", [1983] public law 522. 166 local ombudsmen: the future state have rejected recommendations to extend the jurisdiction of the commission for local administration to cover parish and town councils (the only local authorities exempted under the act), disciplinary matters within schools, personnel matters, and commercial and contractual matters (most of which, other than transactions relating to the acquisition or disposal of land, are currently exempted). the secretary of state has also not agreed to the suggestion that local ombudsmen should be able to initiate investigations themselves, and he has steadfastly set himself against the repeated recommendation that a complainant should be permitted to register his complaint direct, if he so wishes, rather than through a member of the authority complained about. it should not be thought, however, that he has been stubborn or quixotic in these decisions, for on each of these matters he has reflected the views of the representative body, set up by section 24 of the act, which has a limited role for purposes of consultation, but which is clearly labelled in the act as representing the english authorities under the jurisdiction of the local ombudsmen. granted the statutory position of the representative body, it is not surprising that the secretary of state must pay special heed to its views put forward as "representation". yet there have over the years been a number of recommendations by the commission for reform which htroe been accepted by the secretary of state, and which still await implementation. in response to the 1978 review, for example, it was agreed that authorities should be required to consider a local ombudsman's further report on an investigation in the same way as a first report. again, in response to the 1980 review, it was agreed to repeal the provision excluding from jurisdiction the investigation of action taken by an authority in connection with the investigation or prevention of crime, and also to extend jurisdiction to cover the housing functions of new town bodies and the development control functions of urban development corporations. 11 a very few changes have been implemented, 12 but the only one of substance was in the end achieved by means of a private member's bill introduced into the house of lords by baroness faithful!. this became the local government act 1978, and it gives authorities the power to incur expenditure lawfully to remedy injustices found by local ombudsmen to have been caused by maladministration. ironically the reform was quite unconnected with any review of the act made by the commission. it remains the case that successive secretaries of state have stated their intentions to introduce legislation amending the provisions relating to the commission for local administration, but in the main have failed to carry out these intentions. it is not all that surprising that the department of the environment, with its multifarious and often politically highlighted responsibilities, should consider 11. subsequently reiterated in cmnd. 9563 (1985). under the law reform (miscellaneous provisions) (scotland) act 1985, tenants of the scottish special housing association now have the right to complain to the scottish local ombudsman, and they may do so direct. 12. see, e.g., the local government, planning and land act 1980, s. 184. 167 the denning law journal matters concerning the commission of less urgency than some others. but in the mid-1980s there has been interest in the work of the local ombudsmen from two other significant quarters. in 1984 the house of commons select committee on the parliamentary commissioner for administration became concerned about the fact that in a small number of instances authorities have not accepted or fully implemented the reports of local ombudsmen. strictly speaking the select committee has no direct jurisdiction over the work of local ombudsmen, but its terms of reference include not only the work of the parliamentary commissioner for administration and health service commissioners but also a general oversight of matters which are concerned with furthering the ombudsman principle, and it was on this score that the committee decided to make some inquiries on the issue. secondly in 1985 the committee of inquiry into the conduct of local authority business, chaired by mr david widdicombe, qc, and set up by the secretary of state for the environment, expressed a more general interest in the work of local ombudsmen and its possible expansion. much of the evidence given by the commission to these bodies was in similar vein to that provided by other united kingdom ombudsmen, and in the event the written evidence submitted was followed by oral evidence to the select committee by the writer on 15 may 1984,13 and to the widdicombe committee by all the local ombudsmen from england, scotland and wales on 25 november 1985, the latter evidence being in private. apart from the evidence directed towards the desirability of making the local ombudsman system more comprehensive, special attention was given to what has in general parlance been called "enforcement". the commission made it clear that it has never favoured any reform which would enable it directly to enforce local ombudsmen's recommendations, which are extra-judicial and ought not to be considered as binding enforceable judgments. nevertheless the credibility of the system is harmed if it is seen that authorities may ignore local ombudsmen's reports with impunity if they so choose. it was the clear intention of parliament in 1974 that the act should provide for a means of impartial arbitration, and that it should be effective. the parliamentary commissioner for administration and health service commissioner has no problem on this score because he has the select committee to support him, and may, if necessary, make a report direct to parliament, where mps would be likely to make a sufficient fuss to ensure that recalcitrant departments or civil servants comply. many ombudsmen in other countries report direct to their parliaments, and some even address their parliaments orally. only the british local ombudsmen are without such support and must rely upon their own powers of persuasion with authorities where difficulties arise. accordingly the view put by the english, welsh and scottish local ombudsmen to the select committee and to the widdicombe committee has been that the best solution would be for all authorities always to agree to accept 13. select committee on the parliamentary commissioner for administration, session 1983-84, minutes of evidence. 168 local ombudsmen: the future and implement local ombudsmen's reports, however much they may sometimes dislike them: this is a course which has been urged upon the local authorities by their own associations. but, failing such an achievement, they have urged the importation into great britain of a provision in the commissioner for complaints act (northern ireland) 1969, section 7. uniquely among the provisions for ombudsmen in the united kingdom or elsewhere, a report of the northern ireland commissioner for complaints may be used, at the instance of the complainant, as the basis for a claim in the county court for damages or any other suitable remedy. there is thus little point for an authority in the province to refuse to comply with the terms of a report by the ombudsman because to do so would be likely to result in a court order which, in practice, has normally been identical to the recommendation in the report. the reports of both the select committeel4 and the widdicombe committee1s were published in the summer of 1986. that of the select committee is of course concerned with the single issue of "enforcement". the report is unanimous in its condemnation of those authorities which may from time to time refuse to accept or to implement the recommendations made in the report issued after an investigation by a local ombudsman, and reflects the belief of both local ombudsmen and the representative body that it is really incumbent on the authorities, in the interests of the good name of local government, that they put their own house in order in this respect. but the select committee feels that the time has not yet come for the importation into great britain of the provision for possible court enforcement existing in northern ireland, especially since ombudsmen commonly recommend a higher standard of behaviour than would satisfy mere legal requirements, and thus are in effect requiring moral, rather than legal, duties to be carried out. the select committee leaves it open for this development in the future if what they prefer now proves to be ineffective, but for the present they recommend that the house of commons extend their own remit to enable them to call upon members and officers of recalcitrant local authorities to appear before the select committee to be questioned. it remains to be seen whether the house of commons accepts and implements this recommendation, and if so whether it does prove effective. one can envisage possible confrontation on a centravlocal government basis, and all local ombudsmen still prefer their own chosen solution. but we shall be only too pleased if the select committee report in the end is shown to have done the trick. the report of the widdicombe committee, however, not only covers a much wider field, but is far more radical in approach, and may well have stolen the select committee's thunder. the widdicombe report makes many recommendations about the whole conduct of local authority business which are outside the scope of 14. local gllvernment cases: enforcement of remedies, 15 july 1986 (third report from the seleet committee on the parliamentary commissioner for administration, session 1985-86), h.c. 448. 15. the condua of local authority business, 19 june 1986. 169 the denning law journal this article. but by way of provisions for safeguards against abuse it also recommends some new powers for the audit commission,16 greater accessibility of judicial review,17 and a considerable increase in the jurisdiction, and strengthening of the powers, of the local ombudsmen.]8 for the first time we have an independent report by a body set up specially by the secretary of state himself which has not only endorsed virtually all the suggestions for reform of the arrangements for local ombudsmen which the ombudsmen have themselves urged, but has even gone a step further in recommending a substantial increase in jurisdiction which the ombudsmen have not themselves voluntarily suggested. in brief the widdicombe committee has recommended six main reforms concerning the local ombudsmen. these are: 1. the removal of all the restrictions upon their jurisdiction which the local ombudsmen have already urged; and the speedy implementation of any earlier recommendations which have been accepted by the secretary of state. 2. that local ombudsmen should have the power to investigate individual cases on their own initiative. 3. that local ombudsmen should be able to receive complaints direct from members of the public, even though the committee recognises that the procedural device adopted in 1984 has at least effected an improvement. 4. the abolition of the representative body, and provision for funding the local ombudsmen from central government funds, rather than from local government as at present. s. that there should be a new statutory right for complainants to apply to the county court for a remedy in cases where the local ombudsman has found maladministration leading to injustice and the complainant is dissatisfied with the remedy offered by the local authority, as in northern ireland. 6. that there should be a new statutory power of assistance for individuals wishing to challenge a decision by their local authority in the courts in cases where there are implications for an authority's services at large or for the conduct of its business generally, or where there are important issues of principle on which clarification of the law is desirable, or where there is evidence of persistent breaches of the law; and this new power to provide assistance should be vested in the local ombudsmen. the english local ombudsmen have consistently pressed for i, 2, 3 and 5 above, and it will be seen that recommendation 5 is not only in line with our own views, but also more bold than the solution proposed by the select committee. 16. paragraphs 9.46 9.59. 17. paragraphs 9.85, 9.95 and 9.99. 18. paragraphs 9.64 9.82. 170 local ombudsmen: the future recommendations 4 and 6 are not the ideas of the local ombudsmen, but they welcome them as being in keeping with the general furtherance of their work. the idea behind recommendation 6 is that the local ombudsman should become in a sense a citizen's defender, yet if implemented it would not compromise the essentially impartial character of the ombudsman office because the local ombudsman would not be expected to do any more than decide that any individual case is suitable for a hearing by way of judicial review: he would not in any sense prejudge the case. it is not without interest that a fairly similar suggested reform has been made by lord justice woolf in the second harry street lecture,19 though he does not suggest that the function be given to local ombudsmen. the secretary of state has now embarked upon a comprehensive round of consultations about all the proposals in the widdicombe report, and early legislation on those concerning local ombudsmen cannot be expected. but all local ombudsmen do now have some real hope that their office will be strengthened in the foreseeable future, and that an era of progress towards more adequate provision for extra-judicial justice is around the comer. if the secretary of state needs any further incentive to act to implement the proposals he may perhaps be influenced by a resolution adopted by the committee of ministers of the council of europe on 23 september 198520 that member states should consider extending and strengthening the powers of the ombudsman so as to encourage the effective observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the functioning of the administration. just as the franks committee report of 195721 proved to be the watershed between the earlier rather haphazard and mistrusted system of administrative tribunals and their present systematic and generally respected arrangements, so in a few years' time the trigger for a more satisfactory system of local ombudsmen may be seen to have been the work of the widdicombe committee. 19. "public law private law: why the divide? a personal view", [1986] public law 220. 20. recommendation no.8 (85) 13. 21. report of/he committee on adminis/ra/ive tribunals and enquiries, cmnd. 218. 171 in the supreme court of judicature court of appeal civil division royal courts ofjustice. friday, 30th july, 1982 before: the lord chancellor (lord hailsham of st. marylebone) the lord chief justice of england (lord lane) the master of the rolls (lord denning) the president (sir john arnold) and the vice-chancellor (sir robert megarry) * * * valedictory speeches upon the impending retirement of the master of the rolls (in the presence of the lords justices, judges of the high court and members of the bar) * * * (transcript of the shorthand notes of the association of official shorthandwriters ltd., room 392, royal courts of justice, and 2 new square, lincoln's inn, london, w.c.2) * * * the attorney general, the right hon. sir michael havers, qc., represented the senior bar. mr simon brown represented the junior bar. mr f. ashe lincoln, qc. spoke as senior practising silk. 7 the denninglawjournal the lord chancellor:mr attorney, it is given to few men to become a legend in their lifetime. there would be few in this country who would deny that lord denning is one of these few. from the numbers and standing of his own fraternity of the law assembled here today to do him honour, we can readily infer that he has been and is a golden legend. the law in england has its periods of growth and creativity. it has also enjoyed periods of quiescence and consolidation. each period has its value, and, to a large extent, the values are complementary. when i was called to the bar in 1932, lord denning had already been a barrister for nine years. he had six years to go before he donned the silk gown. the law, at least in my opinion, was in one of its periods of quiescence. it seemed almost as if our lady of the common l~w had gone into a decline, and had handed over her power of development to the sovereignty of parliament, which, however, in those pre-war days was not over-ready to accept the baton. true, there were landmark decisions from time to time, like donoghue v. stevenson, and even dissenting opinions such as that of lord atkin in liversidge v. anderson. i put this period of quiescence down as ending somewhere about 1945 after the decision in liversidge and also after the decision in duncan v. cammell, laird. in 1945 lord denning had been a puisne judge for one year. it thus happens that his career spans the next period of about 35 years, let us say from high trees to goun'et, (laughter), and it so happens, partly by chance, but partly also more than coincidentally, that during those 35 years our lady of the common law awoke from her slumbers and entered upon a period of renewed creativity, generated no doubt by the vast social and legislative changes which have overtaken us, and inspired by a desire to do right to all manner of people without fear or favour, affection or ill will, in the changed circumstances of the post-war world. to this period we owe the revival and extension of that sleeping beauty, natural justice, the vast development of administrative law and judicial review, the renewed assertion by the courts of their independence of the executive, and their belief in the rule of law. it would be wholly unjust to others to ascribe all of these changes to the master of the rolls who is now at length to doff his wig and lay aside the silk and golden robes. but it would be equally wrong in his presence and in this company not to acknowledge the vast debt which this revival of the common law owes to his deep learning, his powerful legal intellect, and even to his telling and pungent english style. english law derives from statute and the common law. it is the function of the courts to interpret the one and evolve the other. from its dual source english law derives at once its vitality and its inspiration. the court of appeal remains the focal point of modern english jurisprudence. it is not quite infallible, and, unless it becomes so, there will always be a humble purpose left for the appellate committee of the house of 8 valedictoryspeeches lords. {laughter}. but the court of appeal remains the mainspring of innovation, and, to abandon my metaphor, for twenty years lord denning has presided over the civil division of the courts of appeal. without him, things will never be quite the same again. i like to think that notwithstanding his retirement our period of creativity will not quite come to an end, still less relapse once more into quiescence. but, master of the rolls, we shall miss you. we shall miss your passion for justice, your independence and quality of thought, your liberal mind, your geniality, your unfailing courtesy to colleagues, to counsel, and to litigants in person who, like the poor, are always with us, particularly in the court of appeal. above all, we shall miss you and your gift of friendship, your sturdy independence, and your unflagging and effervescent enthusiasm. now you belong to history. but here you see around you a company of admirers and friends. we wish you well, both you and lady denning. come and see us often. wherever lawyers are gathered together they will always rejoice to see you in their midst. the attorneygeneral:my lord chancellor, my lords; i am here today with my learned friend the solicitor general, the chairman of the bar council, and many, many of my learned friends who have managed to squeeze into this court. i have to tell your lordships that many more are still outside. my lords, just over 36 years ago a young and nervous naval officer on demobilisation leave went to carr manor in leeds as a marshal to three high court judges, mr justice henn-collins, the distinguished criminal lawyer mr justice byrne, and the third was mr justice denning. the nerves were quickly calmed; the young marshal was welcomed and spoiled by his masters. one of the customs in those days was for the judges to lunch in the library at the assize court; and, inevitably, at lunch they discussed their cases. on these occasions mr justice denning was likely to remark, for example, "i think the case of mcmanus v. bowes covers this problem", at which stage the marshal would get to his feet and walk over to the shelves where the library was kept. then mr justice denning would go on and say, "i think you will find it in [1938] 1 king's bench in the judgment of lord justice slesser; i think at page 100." and if! was fast enough i got the book open. then he would go on and say, "i think it is the paragraph which starts, 'i would like to add a few words'." your lordship was always right. it was an attribute and an asset which i have no doubt has been of great value to you in your judicial life. my lords, the marshal at that time did not dream for one moment that all these years later as attorney general he would be saying farewell to that judge in the office of master of the rolls after such a distinguished career. my lords, may i be allowed one indiscretion from those marshalling days? a famous case had just been heard in the court of criminal appeal, and mr justice denning was to write the judgment. the case was called sims. when the judgment had been completed, your lordship handed it to laurie byrne to read. he read it and handed it back without comment. your lordship then said, 9 the denninglawjournal "well; what do you think about it?" mr justice byrne replied with one word a comment indicating dissent. (laughter). my lord, it took many years before the house of lords showed that mr justice byrne was right! my lords, there was a story going round the temple all those years ago, just after the high trees case, of a very gloomy barrister pacing up and down king's bench walk with a look of great depression. he was asked, "why do you look so sad?". he replied, "because i am the only barrister in the temple who has not had a brief as a result of the high trees case." (laughter). my lord, today is a sad day, partly because your lordship has given up your last vice, but also because this is truly the end of an era not only a,re there now no judges in the high court or the court of appeal who can stay on beyond 75, but because we have all become so used to knowing that, if the appeal was interesting enough, it was certain to end up before your lordship. (laughter). my lord, again if! may be a little indiscreet, this knowledge has perhaps shaped a certain amount of government policy over the years. (laughter). it is a useful weapon for government lawyers to be able to remind their administrators and even ministers that a ~ertain decision by them is very likely to come before lord denning. for my part, my lord, the protection you have always sought to give the citizen against bureaucracy has struck a strong chord of sympathy with me. i can also say how much i have always enjoyed appearing before your lordship. my lord, your brilliant career is too well known for me to catalogue today; it has been done by others. my task is to bid you farewell, and on behalf of the entire legal profession and all your many friends to wish you many years of contentment in retirement and to assure you of our greatest respect and our deepest affection. mr brown: my lord chancellor, my lords; i am in the privileged position of saying farewell to your lordship particularly on behalf of the junior bar. my lord, i shall not repeat the tributes paid to your lordship by those who have preceded me, although of course the junior bar adopts them with enthusiasm. rather i would wish to record a different feature of your lordship's reign a feature peculiarly at the heart of the junior bar and it is this: the sheer pleasure that we have always experienced in appearing in your lordship's court. my lord, it has ever been the most benign, the most indulgent and the most relaxed of courts; a court in which we could always look forward, upon sitting down, to being thanked with your lordship's radiant smile even for our most unhelpful contributions. (laughter). what seems to me a good illustration of your lordship's invariable kindness to counsel occurred earlier this year in the depths of that arctic winter. during a case in which many counsel leading and junior counsel were appearing, one senior (and not, i am sure he would forgive my saying, a peculiarly illustrious one) arrived very late an hour and a half late and we were all kept waiting. your lordship's court in due time assembled, and counsel embarked upon a 10 valedictoryspeeches profuse apology. your lordship quickly cut him short, not to upbraid him, not to suggest to him that he might sensibly have left home earlier, but rather to thank him for taking such pains to come at all so that the hearing could be continued. (laughter). indeed, your lordship congratulated him on overcoming the difficulties of his journey for all the world as if he had travelled in from antarctica and not from pinner. (laughter). one also has always felt, appearing before your lordship in court 3, that that is the very fulfilment of one's highest forensic dreams and aspirations; one felt at the very heart of the piccadilly circus of the legal scene. that fact indeed was forever confirmed by the number of people asking the way throughout the court corridors to the master of the rolls' court and by the size of the numbers of tourists sitting always at the back of it. my lord, it is perhaps some small indication of the affection in which your lordship is held by the entire legal profession that there are so many of us in court today and so many more who would wish to get in but cannot. rumours are rife that there are even some judges who have been seeking to impersonate ushers for gaining admission. my lord, it is abundantly clear that, if entry were by ticket, the touts would be having a field day and tickets would be changing hands at black market prices. my lord, obviously we are impoverished by your going, but nothing like to the extent that we feel enriched by the many marvellous years that you have been here. those of us privileged to have practised in your lordship's era and still more those of us like myself lucky enough to have appeared frequently in your lordship's own court will ever treasure that fact and continue to draw strength and guidance from it. my lord, we shall continue also, as will generations to come, to read your lordship's judgments in the reports; and how refreshingly easy it is to read them compared to so many others. we shall recall that short sentences are best and that verbs are optional! (laughter). my lord, as others have already rightly said, we shall of course miss you; but even that feeling is tempered by our hopes and, indeed, our expectations that we shall find you still amongst us in our newspapers (and one must include "private eye"), in our bookshops, on our television screens, and we trust above all in the precincts and the halls of the inns of court now happily all four of them. my lord, we would particularly like to be thought worthy of inclusion amongst the "nice people" whom your lordship has more than once said that you like to eat with and drink with before going to bed with a contented heart. my lord, we the junior bar most earnestly and sincerely wish you and lady denning well. mr ashe lincoln: my lord chancellor, it falls to me as the senior practising silk at the bar to speak third, and i suppose it might be to the contentment of all present if i were to assert what i believe to be the privilege of the third member of the court of appeal and say, "i agree and i have nothing to add"; but in fact, 11 the denning law journal my lord chancellor, i feel emboldened to add a word or two to what has already been said. i feel with respect, that i have a special privilege because it has been my happy fate during the course of my life to serve with members of the denning family in two different disciplines; and i know that my lord denning will not mind my mentioning the fact that i had the very great privilege of serving in the royal navy with his very great brother admiral sir norman denning, who of course served his country so well that few realised that the very existence of the country really depended upon the magnificent work which he did for the intelligence service of the royal navy. but the one outstanding characteristic which one always associates, if i may say so with respect, with the name denning is the humane consideration that one always received from members of that family; not only with a great sense of public service, as exhibited by my lord denning to the law and as exhibited by admiral denning to the royal navy and by his other distinguished brother who served in the army, but also, as has already been pointed out, the humane way in which one could always rely upon my lord denning to approach every human being and every problem. one only had to come into the court of appeal when some of those litigants in person were appearing; and, whilst one might have been excused for chafing at the bit at the amount of patience that the master of the rolls was showing to the litigant in person whilst one was waiting to come on with one's own matter before the court, being anxiously required elsewhere, nevertheless patience was always shown, directions were given, and advice was tendered from the master of the rolls to the litigant in person. never was his reaction infused with intemperance or impatience. in my long experience at the bar i remember so well my first appearance as a young junior in the court of appeal when the presiding judge was not of that patient temperament, and i had a very rough passage indeed. it made one appreciate all the more the kindliness and humanity and benevolence of lord denning when he presided over the court of appeal. so long as the common law exists, the name of lord denning will be revered and remembered not only in this country but throughout the world. i remember in the united states of america how greatly he is respected and how when i visited law colleges and law schools in that country i found that the students had embroidered their t-shirts with the words "root for denning". (laughter). it occurred to me that it might be a useful garment to wear before the court of appeal! (laughter). but, my lords, it was only their way of expressing that affection which is felt for lord denning by the whole of the bar. my lord, i join with those who wish you well in the future and much happiness in your retirement. valedictory speeches were also delivered by mr john platts-mills, qc. on behalf of the western circuit, mr joseph jackson, qc. representing the family law bar association and mr max williams representing the law society. 12 valedictoryspeeches the masterof the rolls: lord chancellor, mr attorney, president of the law society, and friends all; it moves me much to see such a great gathering here of you all. i have known it longer than you, you know. i first came into this building 60 years ago. i got to learn the practice and procedure in the bear garden, as i hope you have! {laughter}. i learned my advocacy before juries, if you please you do not have much chance. i cross-examined here. i sat as a judge here. i sat in the court of appeal. in fact, i know all about it! (laughter). i would remind you that this year this building has been here one hundred years. it was opened by queen victoria in the year 1882; and, if you want to know about it and you do not know your law reports, it is all reported in 10 queen's bench division. but there you are. the lord chancellor, lord selborne, received the key of this building from her majesty, and in his address he included these words: "your majesty's judges are deeply sensible of their own many shortcomings." i expect you, my lord chancellor, will know that lord justice bowen (then a member of the court of appeal) said, "that ought to be amended, you know." (laughter). "we are deeply sensible of one another's shortcomings." he was a great wit not like some of us! (laughter). that was one hundred years ago. but now, my lord chancellor and all my friends, you know, you have spoken much too flatteringly. i speak to you as oliver cromwell spoke to mr lely: "mr lely", he said, "i desire you to use all your skill to paint my picture truly like me and flatter me not at all. but remark all these roughnesses, pimples, warts and everything. otherwise i will not pay a farthing for it." there it is. there are lots of roughnesses, warts and pimples. i know them perfectly well. so do the house of lords! {laughter}. there it is, you know; i have had my day, and i say on a parallel to sir isaac newton: "i do not know what the world may come to think of me, but for myself i like to think of myself as a small boy playing by the seashore, and here and then finding a smoother pebble or a prettier shell than the rest while the great ocean of truth lay undiscovered before me." i may add, "while the great mass of our law lay unexplored." now, on this occasion, may i say how gratified i am that the members of the bar all should be here in such numbers. if i may say so, it is my belief that oral argument is one of the essentials and best ways to a correct decision. it was william temple who took the christian precept of love and said it found its primary expression in society in justice. he went on to say that the way it is to be achieved is that each side should state its case as strongly as it can before the most impartial tribunal available with determination to accept the word of the tribunal. that is our system here oral argument. i wish the sentiment which i have expressed also to be 'in the industrial field that in the industrial disputes that there are each side should state its case before the most impartial tribunal with determination to accept the award of the tribunal. william temple went on 13 the denning law journal to say: "for in that way the two parties are on a level, and they come nearer to the commandment 'thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself." so much for the bar; but may i say also something of those mr max williams has spoken so kindly for all my friends amongst the solicitors of england and wales. i always like to think that in a way they are the background, servicing the profession. they do not get all the publicity, notice and so forth which members of the bar do. but my word they are of the very best. it is one of my proud duties that amongst my rolls is that of the rolls of solicitors. but i do like to say that they have and should have the command of language. i remember and like to give the picture of walter scott's in his guy mannering. the lay client, colonel mannering, goes into the lawyer's chambers, counsellor' pleydell. when he goes in, he finds the walls lined not with law books, but with books of history and literature (the great authors), and on the wall a painting by jamieson, the scottish painter. pointing to these books of history and literature, the lawyer says, "these are my tools of trade. a lawyer without history or literature is a mere mechanic; a mere working mason. if he have some knowledge of these, he may venture to call himself an architect", and that, if i may say so, either in giving judgment or in expressing it, i have tried and i think it is equally important to express oneself clearly so that all can understand. in speaking to the profession as a whole, i would remind you of that great essayist lord bacon. "i hold," he said, "every man a debtor to his profession. as men of course do seek countenance and profit, so ought they as a duty to endeavour always" as a duty "to be an ornament and help thereunto." there is the profession by which i am surrounded here today, and i know you are ornaments and helps to your profession. i would thank also at this time not only you. i would like to thank our law reporters mavis hill who was in my court for so many years; alan bray now. you know, for any reputation we have, any standing we have, a great deal depends on the law reporters. then there are our shorthandwriters who take down our hesitating words. not only them, but our ushers our staff. i have been privileged to have the best of clerks john king, ross chesney and now peter post. you do not realise how much we owe all those; they are an essential part of all our work. now i have brought something to show you! (laughter). a lady friend of ours, a parsee, a member of lincoln's inn, has been our friend for years. on behalf of the community a case was decided by lord justice ormrod and his colleagues in the court of appeal which won the approval of the parsee community in bombay; and she sent for the court of appeal this gift. i will tell you what she says: "here are seven elephants drawing a dainty silver carriage. the square piece on the rear of the carriage has the single word 'justice' inscribed on it. all the elephants are engaged in the task of pulling the carriage of justice along the narrow white path, the straight and narrow road." then she says, after referring 14 valedictory speeches to the three pale brown elephants: "the great white elephant has no tusks for he does not need tusks to do his work in nature. this elephant's mind and thought force power is so highly developed in nature that he can do the work of spreading justice and maintaining the divine law and order among all souls ... this elephant represents you, lord denning, (laughter), as the greatest force for truth and justice tempered with mercy, alive today." there they are then. i will leave it for you to keep this as a present to the court; but i laughed at her last wish: "i wish you would place this figure in some room in the law courts building where all your judges can see it, for it would serve as a constant reminder to them that justice must ever be done, and the time may come in the future when the great white elephant may no longer be in their midst." (laughter). the time has come. one gets older i am 83 and my wife is 82 we have carried on all this time. i have parodied lewis carroll: '''you are old,' master of the rolls, the young man said, 'and your hair is getting very white; and yet you incessantly stand on your head do you think, at your age, it is right?' 'in my youth,' the master replied to his son, 'i feared it might injure the brain; but, now i am perfectly sure i have none, why, i do it again and again'." (laughter). i do not think i had better try standing on my head any more because there are lots of people to take care of me now. but i would just like to say how moved i am, and how grateful i am to all of you for the wonderful support you have given us over the years all my colleagues here on the bench; all you at the bar; all the solicitors, and friends everywhere. thank you very much. i wish i could say, as a great man did once, "i fought a good fight; i finished the course; i have kept the faith." 15 207 the denning law journal 2018 vol 30 pp 207-217 religious freedom and the australian constitution – origins and future luke beck (routledge 2018) pp 178 jocelynne a. scutt* * senior teaching fellow, university of buckingham. 1 ‘2016 census data reveals ‘no religion’ is rising fast’ (australian bureau of statistics) accessed 10 october 2018. 2 ibid. 3 ibid. the most recent australian census, conducted by the australian bureau of statistics (abs) in 2016 (with a 95.1 per cent response rate), confirms that australia is ‘increasingly a story of religious diversity, with hinduism, sikhism, islam, and buddhism all increasingly common religious beliefs’.1 of these, between 2006 and 2016 hinduism shows the ‘most significant growth’, attributed to immigration from south east asia, whilst islam (2.6 per cent of the population) and buddhism (2.4 per cent) were the most common religions reported next to christianity, the latter ‘remaining the most common religion’ (52 per cent stating this as their belief). nevertheless, christianity is declining, dropping from 88 per cent in 1966 to 74 per cent in 1991, and thence to the 2016 figure. at the same time, nearly one-third of australians (30 per cent) state they have no religion,2 this group reflecting ‘a trend for decades’ which, says the abs, is ‘accelerating’: those reporting no religion increased noticeably from 19% in 2006 to 30% in 2016 [with] the largest change … between 2011 (22%) and 2016, when an additional 2.2 million people reported having no religion.3 in this, there were not insignificant differences between the states: tasmania reported the lowest religious affiliation rate (53 per cent), whilst new south wales had the highest rate (66 per cent). age was a significant factor, both in terms of particular religious affiliation and in the ‘no religion’ category. those aged sixtyfive years or more were more likely to profess an adherence to christianity. young adults aged between eighteen and thirty-four years had a greater likelihood of 208 book reviews affiliation with religions other than christianity (12 per cent) or to state they had ‘no religion’ (39 per cent).4 yet just as in the united states, despite ‘separation of church and state’, the george w bush administration (2001–09) promoted a strongly religious approach,5 and in the united kingdom tony blair when prime minister (1997–2007) had religion as a guide,6 in australia prime minister john howard (1996–2007) followed suit.7 the emphasis upon religion – that is, christianity – was in the australia context straying into territory generally seen as ‘foreign’ to government.8 this was more so, in light of the increasing numbers professing no religion. against this backdrop, the publication of luke beck’s religious freedom and the australian constitution – origins and future is opportune. the book begins with the tale of a bricklayer, setting the scene for an historical account of the impact one religion in particular, seventh day adventism, had upon efforts taken to ensure that the australian constitution would incorporate a ‘religious freedom’ condition. beck recounts how constable thomas burke of the sydney police confronted robert shannon who was engaged in building a brick and cement house in inner-sydney’s albion street, leichhardt. the day was sunday, shannon was a seventh day adventist, and the sunday observance act 1677 was operative in new south wales. this made it unlawful for any ‘tradesman, artifice workeman labourer or other person whatsoever’ to ‘do or exercise any worldly labour, busines or worke of their ordinary callings upon the lords day or any part thereof (workes of necessity only excepted)’.9 shannon’s protest that 4 ibid. 5 see george w bush, decision points (crown publishing group 2001) providing an insight into his religious commitment. 6 his autobiography covering his political career confirms the religious underpinnings of his life and work. see tony blair, a journey – my political life (random house 2010). 7 john howard, lazarus rising – a personal and political biography (harpercollins 2010) attests to his religious beliefs as important to his standing. 8 renae barker, ‘is australia a secular country? it depends what you mean’ (the conversation) accessed 7 november 2018; amy chien-yu wang, ‘freedom of religion and secularism in australia’ (sbs radio – settlement guide, 27 october 2017) accessed 5 november 2018; graham innes, ‘are we really the secular nation we think we are?’ (australian human rights commission, 20 november 2009) accessed 5 november 2018. 9 quoted by luke beck, religious freedom and the australian constitution,1 (hereafter ‘beck’). the denning law journal 209 for him ‘the lords day’ or ‘sabbath’ was not sunday, but saturday, was to no avail. on 9 august 1894 shannon appeared at glebe police court where he and burke gave evidence of their encounter. then followed arguments incorporating theology, a proclamation made by victoria in 1858, and a request for an adjournment, all presented articulately by shannon. yet despite his submissions, shannon stood convicted and ‘fined 2 shillings 6 pence and costs, or in default to be set publicly in the stocks for two hours’.10 opting for the stocks proved to be his saving. stocks being unavailable, the proposition that they should be built especially for shannon and that he would be displayed publicly in the streets created such furore – going beyond sydney to melbourne and engaging the oratorical attention of a united states identity – that upon the government’s advice, the governor remitted the sentence.11 this prosecution and others before it propelled the seventh day adventist church into action, ensuring their continuing attention to proposals for fashioning a federation out of the australian colonies. their influence in the constitutional convention debates is recounted by beck, who observes that henry bournes higgins, a principal player in the formulation of the constitution, was largely motivated by the desire to ensure that this religious group along with others could support federation.12 section 116 of the australian constitution, the provision known by the shorthand term ‘religious freedom’, provides: the commonwealth shall not make any law for establishing any religion, or for imposing any religious observance, or for prohibiting the free exercise of any religion, and no religious test shall be required as a qualification for any office or public trust under the commonwealth. in 12 chapters, religious freedom and the australian constitution recounts the history of section 116, what motivated its wording and constitutional inclusion, its relation to the constitution’s preamble and what its terms actually mean – or may mean, efforts to amend it during the conventions and in the following century, its interpretation by the high court, and its future. readers may be surprised to learn that section 116 began its life as a provision not relating to the powers of the commonwealth, but to those of the states. the states’ provision preceded the formulation of the commonwealth provision then, when andrew inglis clerk, attorney general for tasmania, prepared a draft 10 beck (n 9) 2. 11 beck (n 9) 2–3. 12 beck (n 9) 103–04. 210 book reviews constitution bill to provide the basis for discussion at the 1891 convention, both states (‘provinces’ in the draft) and commonwealth were covered by stipulations relating to religion:13 46. the federal parliament shall not make any law for the establishment or support of any religion, or for the purpose of giving any preferential recognition to any religion, or for prohibiting the free exercise of any religion. … 81. no province shall make any law prohibiting the free exercise of any religion. ultimately, the impetus for requiring the states to refrain from controls over or interference with religious observance or religion itself was lost, so that the commonwealth alone wears any constitutional constraints covering religion. yet, as beck points out, there is no universal agreement as to what section 116 in all its terms actually means. religious freedom and the australian constitution outlines the very different positions taken by justices ninian stephen and lionel murphy in the 1981 high court decision attorney-general (vic); ex rel black v commonwealth.14 the majority decided that federal funding of religious schools did not violate the establishment clause of section 116, stephen (in the majority) calling upon english jurisprudence in support, murphy (in dissent) asserting that the provision was framed not with regard to the united kingdom, but to the united states. although concluding that neither stephen nor murphy was correct in stipulating one or the other as the origin, beck nonetheless concedes15 the logic of murphy’s view in that the first amendment of the us constitution provides that congress ‘shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof…’ additionally, article iv states: ‘…no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the united states’. as it is, beck considers that the ‘starting point’ of any determination as to the meaning of section 116 should be the history of the provision in its australian context – beginning with the constitutional conventions. the starting point should not lie with the united kingdom as a whole, nor with england, nor with the united states. accordingly he thoroughly relates the australian history through eight of his twelve chapters: chapter 1, ‘a sabbath breaker in the stocks’, chapter 2, ‘arguing for a religious character to the australian constitution’, 13 beck (n 9) 79. 14 [1981] hca 2, 146 clr 559. 15 ibid 5. the denning law journal 211 chapter 3, ‘arguing against a religious character to the australian constitution’, chapter 4, ‘a constitutional recognition of god’, chapter 5, ‘a constitutional prohibition against religious laws’, chapter 6, ‘the argument for section 116’, chapter 7, ‘the language of section 116’, and chapter 8, ‘the original understanding of section 116’. all are well-worth reading, bringing to life as they do the constitutional debates, the delegates, the drafts, the characters, the personalities and the arguments. for those with a passion for philosophy, chapter 9 will be of particular notice, traversing as it does ‘what is the point of section 116’ by reference to ‘the neutrality theory’, ‘the safeguard against religious intolerance theory’, ‘comparing the two theories’, ‘why the neutrality theory is wrong’ and ‘why the safeguard against intolerance theory is right’. for the parliamentary draftsperson and all possessing a passion for legislative drafting and statutory interpretation, chapter 8, ‘the original understanding of section 116’ will be of some interest. beck explores the meaning and understanding of the word ‘for’, along with ‘establishment’, ‘religious observance’, ‘free exercise’ and ‘religious tests’. necessarily, it may be said, he makes reference also to ‘american jurisprudence’, ending the chapter with the conclusion that the federal convention ‘was not concerned with precise meanings’, at least insofar as the ‘religion’ provision was concerned.16 ultimately he observes, ‘the precise language’ of section 116 ‘did not receive close attention by the convention’,17 and perhaps thereby its language ‘is rather haphazard’.18 as it proved, the provision went through without demur, although (or perhaps because) many present thought it unnecessary as they considered the federal parliament had no power in relation to religion in any event.19 again perhaps because of this inattention to the language, the 1940s and the second half of the 20th century saw efforts to amend section 116. these gave rise to referenda addressing its scope. in chapter 10, ‘hv evatt’s attempts to amend section 116 in the 1940s’, beck recounts the history of the 1940s push, the brainchild of dr h v evatt who served in the new south wales lower house – the legislative assembly (1925–30) then was appointed to the high court in 1930, serving until 1940 when he retired to stand for the federal parliament. there, he was attorney general in a labor government (1941–49) and eventually leader of the labor opposition (1951–60), then chief justice of the supreme court of new south wales (1960–62). he proposed a new section 60a incorporating, amongst other matters, four freedoms – freedom of speech and expression, religious 16 ex rel black (n 14) 98–129. 17 ex rel black (n 14) 96. 18 ex rel black (n 14) 97. 19 ex rel black (n 17). 212 book reviews freedom, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. his proposition was that whilst section 116 operated simply as a ‘shield’ against encroachments on religious freedom, the new provision would re-orientate the constitutional profile with section 60a providing ‘a sword wielded by the commonwealth to bring about religious freedom in practice’.20 the aim was to ensure constitutional recognition of ‘the great ends of economic security, social justice and individual freedom’. it faltered, however, when the referendum bill failed to proceed beyond first reading in the house of representatives.21 evatt was not defeated. as beck points out, the government then convened a constitutional convention including from the house of representatives evatt and three of his colleagues, plus four opposition members, and four from the senate, together with each state’s premier and leader of the opposition. evatt composed a short volume as a basis for convention discussion, which included a paragraph seeking to define religious freedom as it appeared in his original bill: freedom of religion – means (a) freedom of conscience and the free profession and practice of religion are, subject to public order and morality, guaranteed to every citizen; (b) that no person shall be subject to any disability or be required to take any oath on account of his religion or religious belief, and no religious test shall be imposed in respect of the appointment to or holding of any public office; (c) that no law shall be made for establishing any religion or for imposing any religious observance or for prohibiting the free exercise of any religion.22 analysing the paragraph and observing that this is ‘not really’ a definition, beck notes that in the end evatt sought simply to rework the existing section 116. the convention concluded without advancing the ‘freedom of religion’ question further, with the ‘only significant comment’ being that ‘constitutional guarantees of religious freedom [are] unnecessary in australia’.23 in 1944 evatt tried again with another bill to amend the constitution. this included amongst other ‘safeguards’ one which sought to apply the prohibitions of section 116 to the states.24 this took the matter back to the original 1890s 20 ex rel black (n 14) 132. 21 ex rel black (n 14) 133. 22 h v evatt, post-war reconstruction: a case for greater commonwealth powers (commonwealth government printer 1942) 11; cited by beck (n 9) 134. 23 beck (n 9) 137 (quoting robert menzies – who had served as prime minister (1939– 41), though then a backbencher). 24 ibid. the denning law journal 213 constitutional convention position. the proposal foundered along with all the other provisions when the referendum, held on 19 august 1944, was lost, failing to obtain the required national majority and gaining majorities in two states only, western australia and south australia.25 beck recounts the parliamentary and public debates surrounding the referendum, contrasting evatt’s approach with that of robert menzies, later to become leader of the liberal party of australia and prime minister (1949–66). beck provides an insightful consideration of evatt’s reliance on us jurisprudence, as against menzies’ competing scepticism about what today would be called ‘the human rights project’.26 chapter 11, ‘post-war attempts to amend section 116’ covers the ground from 1973 to 1988, ‘the australian constitutional convention of 1973–85’, ‘whitlam’s attempt to extend section 116 to the states’, ‘the constitutional commission of 1985–88’ and ‘the 1988 rights and freedoms referendum’. beck observes that the 1981 ‘dogs’ case – ‘defence of government schools’ – which sought to ensure that public funding was directed to the secular government education system, and not to schools founded upon religions,27 gave an added impetus to attempts to clarify or amend section 116.28 he quotes the replacement provision proposed by the movement for the defence of government schools: 116. a state shall not, nor shall the commonwealth, make any law for establishing any religion, or for imposing any religious observance, or for prohibiting the free exercise of any religion, and no religious test shall be required as a qualification for any office or public trust under a state or under the commonwealth.29 other submissions to the constitutional convention similarly advocated extending section 116 to the states. however, this effort, as evatt’s before it, failed. so did the other attempts of the 1970s and 1980s, all notably driven by labor governments.30 25 h v evatt cited by beck (n 22) 139–40. 26 h v evatt cited by beck (n 22) 139–42. 27 attorney-general (vic), ex rel black v commonwealth (‘dogs’ case’) [1981] 146 clr 559. 28 ibid, 143–44. 29 dogs case (n 27) 144. 30 dogs case (n 27) 145–48 (whitlam labour government), 148–55 (hawke labour government). 214 book reviews beck’s concluding chapter 12, ‘the future of section 116’ provides an astute discussion under headings ‘how does section 116 provide a safeguard against religious intolerance?’, ‘section 116 is concerned with the practical operation of laws’, ‘section 116 should not be interpreted narrowly’, ‘section 116 should be interpreted to avoid religious intolerance on the part of the commonwealth’, and ‘the future of section 116’. liberal prime minister john howard’s introduction of the ‘school chaplaincy programme’ provides a good basis for beck’s wrapping up discussion. in 2007, this programme was introduced under guidelines describing it as ‘a voluntary programme that will assist schools and their communities to support the spiritual well-being of their students’.31 the commonwealth granted funding under contracts with organisations providing chaplains to schools. this generated concern within that part of the australian community holding that the provision of such services is to support religion within the school sector and breach section 116. williams v commonwealth (‘the schools chaplains case’) was run on the basis that the programme guidelines ‘implemented a religious test for a public office or trust under the commonwealth’. beck provides a short analysis of the judgment and reasoning, the high court upholding the programme on the basis not that there was no religious test involved, but that ‘the position of a school chaplain was not “under the commonwealth”’.32 the commonwealth made payments ‘only … once it had received programmes reports about the provision of chaplaincy services’, and ‘could also directly monitor the work of chaplains by conducting visits to schools and by seeking feedback about their work’.33 the high court concluded that the chaplains ‘held no office under the commonwealth’.34 ‘under’, they said, ‘indicates a requirement for a closer connection to the commonwealth than that presented by the facts of this case’.35 there was, therefore, no breach of section 116. beck disagrees, concluding that this determination runs counter to an interpretation of section 116 as designed to ‘avoid religious intolerance on the part of the commonwealth’. surely ‘religious intolerance’ is, runs becks argument, that at which the provision aims. he contends that had the high court considered this as the guiding light for section 31 dogs case (n 27) 164 (citing department of education, science and training (cth), national school chaplaincy programme guidelines 19 january 2007). 32 ibid. 33 ibid. 34 dogs case (n 27) 165 (quoting justice gummow and justice bell, chief justice french and justices hayne, crennan and kiefel concurring in williams v commonwealth [2012] 248 clr 156, [109]–[110]). 35 ibid. the denning law journal 215 116 (which, he proposes, it ought), ‘the high court’s decision … is likely to have been different’.36 in the upshot, the plaintiff in williams v commonwealth, ron williams – an atheist whose children attended a school which employed a chaplain, won because the high court held that the commonwealth could not fund the programme without legislation passed by the federal parliament. ultimately, however, williams lost for (on top of the restrictive and restricting interpretation of section 116) legislation was duly passed and the programme continued, despite considerable objection.37 however, it does not continue unchallenged, most recently by a chaplain claiming discrimination on religious grounds as, although employed by three schools, she was refused employment in primary schools on the ground of her not being a christian.38 in the victorian civil and administrative tribunal (vcat), the claimant’s argument was reported as finding support in williams and justice heydon’s view that the work to be undertaken by ‘chaplains’ ‘could have been done by persons who met a religious test [and] could equally have been done by persons who did not’.39 unfortunately, beck’s book went to press before the vcat case was launched, and the vcat proceeding had reached 36 ibid. 37 theophilus, ‘so what’s the problem with government-funded chaplains in state schools?’ (the conversation, 19 june 2014), accessed 19 november 2018; paul karp, ‘secular groups call for review of “blatantly discriminatory” schools chaplaincy program’ the guardian (1 april 2018) accessed 19 november 2018; paul karp, ‘school chaplains: secular groups say review is proof of religious proselytising’ the guardian(31 may 2018) accessed 19 november 2018; paul karp, ‘school chaplains agency faces tax challenge over $33m in donations’ accessed 19 november 2018. 38 amy remeikis, ‘school chaplains legal challenge argues program is discriminatory’ the guardian (13 june 2018) accessed 19 november 2018. 39 ibid; see also damien hurst, ‘budget: it will be chaplains, not social secular workers, in schools’ (14 may 2014) accessed 19 november 2018. 216 book reviews compulsory conference stage only by december 2018,40 so religious freedom and the australian constitution does not include reference to it. the book was completed, too, before the turnbull government launched its ‘review into religious freedom’. conducted by a former liberal party mp, philip ruddock, this caused further consternation on the part of those opposed to religion being intertwined with government. the impetus appeared to come from those within government opposed to gay marriage (the right to which had been won resoundingly in a plebiscite) and to equal opportunity and discrimination legislation which made religious discrimination unlawful.41 still, beck ends religious freedom and the australian constitution on a note that the ‘separation of state and religion’ lobby should find heartening. albeit concluding that section 116 is ‘unlikely to be amended to apply to the states [as] every attempt at doing so has failed, the most recent … suffering the worst defeat of any referendum in australian history’, beck sees section 116 as ‘not … without future prospects’.42 the high court, he says, ‘has seriously misunderstood the point’ of section 116, and its ‘reasoning … is seriously flawed’ in section 116 cases.43 he ends the book with the words: section 116 has the potential to provide a pragmatic safeguard against religious intolerance on the part of the commonwealth, if only the high court understood its history.44 this is on the one hand a strong claim. on the other, for those who have had an abiding interest in section 116 and its place in the constitution as one of the few human rights provisions contained in it, beck’s book provides a welcome contribution. beck avers that his book ‘provides the history’ crucial to future high court decision-making. all who hope for a more reflective jurisprudential analysis 40 advice from associate professor beck, who acts for the claimant at vcat: e-mail advice, 27 november 2018. 41 paul karp, ‘philip ruddock’s religious freedom review holding secret hearings’ the guardian (7 february 2018) accessed 19 november 2018; paul karp, ‘ruddock religious freedom review: what is it and what do we know so far’ the guardian (october 11 2018) accessed 19 november 2018. 42 ibid 165. 43 ibid. 44 ibid. the denning law journal 217 of section 116 by the high court, and who are interested in australian constitutional law generally, will agree. every high court judge and those aspiring to the position should have the book on their bookshelves and, more, read it. for those without such aims, the book is one worthy of being not only on the shelf, but on the desk and well read. religious freedom and the australian constitution is an important addition to australian constitutional law and scholarship, and will please the general reader, too. unincorporated associations: property holding, charitable purposes and dissolution 291 denning law journal 2015 vol 27 pp 291-302 case commentary election petitions and the standard of proof john hatchard 1. introduction in bater v bater 1 denning lj stated that: “… in civil cases, the case may be proved by a preponderance of probability, but there may be degrees of probability within that standard”. 2 he added that a higher degree of probability would be required where a civil court was considering a charge of fraud than when considering whether negligence had been established. even so, a court was not required to adopt “so high a degree as a criminal court, even when it is considering a charge of a criminal nature”. 3 in hornal v neuberger 4 he again suggested that: “the more serious the allegation the higher the degree of probability that is required: but it need not, in a civil case, reach the very high standard required by the criminal law”. 5 courts and tribunals in several jurisdictions have considered the proposition that an “intermediate” standard of proof or even the criminal standard of proof is applicable in a range of civil proceedings. these have involved, for example, cases concerning allegations of fraud, 6 allegations professor of law, buckingham law school. 1 [1951] p 35. 2 ibid 37. 3 ibid. 4 [1957] 1 qb 247. 5 ibid 258. 6 in addington v texas (1979) 441 us 418, the supreme court of the united states recognised an intermediate standard in the form of “clear and convincing” evidence in civil cases involving allegations of fraud and other quasi-criminal case commentary 292 of professional misconduct, 7 matrimonial issues, 8 child protection proceedings, 9 and contempt of court in civil proceedings. 10 this note explores the issue of the standard of proof in relation to presidential election petitions and reviews two recent decisions by the apex courts in kenya and ghana. these are of particular interest given the very different approach of the uk courts to election petitions (noted below) and epitomised in the case of erlam and others v rahman and others. 11 2. the presidential petition cases disputes as to whether a presidential or parliamentary election was “free and fair” 12 can inevitably raise considerable tensions with the losing candidates often alleging vote-rigging, corruption, bribery and other electoral malpractices by their opponents. 13 allegations of such wrongdoing. another example is found in the international cricket council‟s anti-corruption code for participants. this includes a series of corruptionrelated offences and makes provision for a formal hearing of allegations by the icc anti-corruption tribunal against any person suspected of breaching the code. article 3.1 provides as follows: “... the burden of proof shall be on the icc in all cases brought under the anti-corruption code … and the standard of proof in all cases is greater than a mere balance of probability but less than proof beyond a reasonable doubt”. 7 in re a solicitor [1993] qb 69 it was held that allegations of professional misconduct before a solicitors‟ disciplinary tribunal were to be proved to the criminal standard where an allegation amounted to a criminal offence. 8 preston-jones v preston-jones [1951] ac 391 but see now the family law reform act 1969, s 26. 9 in re h (minors) [1996] ac 563 the house of lords overruled earlier decisions and held that the standard of proof was the normal balance of probability in such cases. 10 re bramblevale ltd [1970] ch 128. 11 [2015] ewhc 1215 (qb). 12 a right enshrined in numerous international and regional instruments including the international covenant on civil and political rights (article 25) and the african charter on democracy, elections and governance (chapter 7). see also part i of the charter of the commonwealth. 13 see the discussion in john hatchard, peter slinn & muna ndulo, comparative constitutionalism and good governance in the commonwealth: an eastern and southern african perspective (cambridge university press, cambridge 2004) 62. of course, some of the activities of the losing candidate(s) and their supporters may also involve similar practices. the denning law journal 293 malpractice involving the election of a directly elected president who is both head of state and head of government 14 are of particular concern as they raise issues of the highest political, social and economic importance and sensitivity. especially in small and/or ethnically divided states, the ensuing uncertainty and discontent can have far-reaching repercussions. this is epitomised by the violence in kenya in 2007-8 which followed a disputed presidential election and which led to the deaths of over one thousand people and the displacement of over 600,000. 15 it is therefore essential to have in place a credible and transparent system to address allegations of electoral malpractice. whilst electoral commissions often have general responsibility for the settlement of disputes prior to the election itself, the traditional approach in common law countries is for post-election challenges to be brought to the appropriate court by way of an election petition. given that the allegations by the unsuccessful presidential candidate(s) often include charges of criminal or quasi-criminal conduct on the part of the respondent(s), a key issue in every case concerns the standard of proof to be applied by the court. here there is a divergence of opinion as to the appropriate standard and this is well-illustrated by the cases under review (known collectively as the “presidential petition” cases). both have similar facts. first the kenyan case. in odinga v independent electoral and boundaries commission and others, 16 (the odinga case) following the presidential election in 2013 in kenya, uhuru kenyatta was declared the president-elect. a successful presidential candidate required an overall majority of the valid votes cast. mr kenyatta received 50.7% of the votes cast. 17 the unsuccessful challenger, raila odinga then lodged an election petition averring that “the electoral process was so fundamentally flawed that it precluded the possibility of discerning whether the presidential results declared were lawful”. 18 here the main complaint was that the 14 as well as being commander in chief of the armed forces. 15 for a disturbing account of the post-election violence see generally the final report of the truth and reconciliation commission of kenya, nairobi 2013. 16 [2013] eklr: available at http://www.kenyalaw.org/casesearch/view_preview1.php?link=3777936669285 3178723650 (accessed 1 august 2015). 17 according to the independent electoral and boundaries commission mr uhuru kenyetta received 50.7% of the votes cast whilst mr raila odinga had received 43.31%. 18 odinga (n 16) [15]. http://www.kenyalaw.org/casesearch/view_preview1.php?link=37779366692853178723650 http://www.kenyalaw.org/casesearch/view_preview1.php?link=37779366692853178723650 case commentary 294 election was not carried out in accordance with the electoral law with alleged defects in the voters register being the main cause for concern. in the ghanaian case of akufo-addo v mahama 19 (the mahama case), according to the ghana electoral commission, in the 2012 presidential election of the almost 11 million votes cast, mr john mahama received 50.7% whilst mr nana akufo-addo had received 47.74%. article 63 of the constitution of ghana requires the successful presidential candidate to receive more than 50% of the valid votes cast. a loss of just 154,000 votes would have required a run-off between mr mahama and mr akufo-addo. in his petition, mr akufo-addo alleged that a series of electoral malpractices had affected the outcome of the election. indeed atuguba jsc in the supreme court of ghana noted that “it is clear that the irregularities associated with the 2012 presidential election were substantial”. 20 as regards the burden of proof, the courts in both the odinga and mahama cases adopted the approach of the uganda supreme court in the besigye v museveni, 21 another presidential petition case. here it was held that the burden of proof in election petitions lies on the petitioner to prove not only that there had been non-compliance with the law but also that such failure affected the validity of the election itself. 22 the court then added that the “… only controversy surrounds the standard of proof required to satisfy the court”. 3. what is the standard of proof in presidential petition cases? there are three markedly different approaches considered in the presidential petition cases. 19 the case is seemingly unreported but a copy of the lengthy judgment is available at http://judicial.gov.gh/files/nana_addo_dankwa_akufo_addo__ors_ _vrs__john_dramani_mahama__ors.pdf. (accessed 1 august 2015) all page references to the case in this note refer to this report. 20 99. 21 [2001] ugsc 3. this report is seemingly not readily available and for the purposes of this note, the judgment used is found at http://www.ulii.org/ug/judgment/constitutional-law-election-petitions/2001/3 (accessed 1 august 2015). regrettably, this contains no page numbering nor numbered paragraphs. 22 see odinga (n 16) [196] and mahama 122. http://judicial.gov.gh/files/nana_addo_dankwa_akufo_addo__ors__vrs__john_dramani_mahama__ors.pdf http://judicial.gov.gh/files/nana_addo_dankwa_akufo_addo__ors__vrs__john_dramani_mahama__ors.pdf the denning law journal 295 apply the criminal standard of proof there is some jurisprudence to support the argument raised by the respondents in the odinga case that given the seriousness of the allegations, a presidential election petition becomes a quasi-criminal matter which requires the court to impose the criminal standard of proof. 23 this reflects the view of the supreme court of india in shri kirpal singh v shri v v giri 24 that: “although there are inherent differences between the trial of an election petition and that of a criminal charge in the matter of investigation, the vital point of identity for the two trials is that the court must be able to come to the conclusion beyond any reasonable doubt as to the commission of the corrupt practice”. similarly, the decision of the supreme court of nigeria in nwobodo v onoh 25 is one of a series of cases in which nigerian courts have held that allegations of criminal activity in relation to election petitions must be proved to the criminal standard. 26 this view was supported by anin yeboah jsc in the mahama case who asserted that “it is only when crime is pleaded or raised in evidence that the allegation sought to be proved must be proved beyond reasonable doubt”. 27 this approach also reflects the position in the united kingdom. thus in the erlam case, 28 the petitioners petitioned to have a local election in the london borough of tower hamlets set aside on several grounds, principally alleging that the respondent or his agents had indulged in corrupt and illegal practices contrary to the representation of the people act 1983. in his judgment, commissioner mawrey qc recognised that an election court is a civil court and not a criminal court. 29 however, 23 [181]. for an interesting argument that the criminal standard of proof should be applied to all civil cases involving allegations of criminal conduct see ennis mcbride, „is the civil “higher standard of proof” a coherent concept?‟ (2009) 8(4) law, probability and risk 323. 24 1971(2) scr 197; 1970(2) scc 567. 25 [1984] 1 sc 1; (1983) 14 nscc 470. 26 see also buhari v obasanjo (2005) 13 nwlr (pt. 941) 1 and agagu v mimiko [2009] all fwlr (pt. 462) 1122. 27 460. 28 erlam and others v rahman and others (n 11) 29 [45]. case commentary 296 following the court of appeal decision in r v rowe ex p. mainwaring 30 he noted that: “there was no controversy at the hearing about the standard of proof the court must apply to charges of corrupt and illegal practices. it is settled law that the court must apply the criminal standard of proof, namely proof beyond reasonable doubt”. 31 require the petitioner to establish the case on a balance of probabilities in the well-known case of jugnauth v ringadoo and others, 32 the judicial committee of the privy council affirmed the decision of the supreme court of mauritius, nullifying the election of the appellant, a member of parliament and minister of the government. lord rodger of earlsferry, giving the judgment of the board emphasised that “there is no question of the court applying any kind of intermediate standard” and accordingly: “it follows that the issue for the election court was whether the petitioner had established, on the balance of probabilities, that the election was affected by bribery in the manner specified in the petition.” 33 this view is reflected in the mahama case where the majority of the judges of the supreme court adopted the approach of atuguba jsc who was content to apply section 12 of the evidence act 1975 which provided that the standard of proof is by a “preponderance of probabilities”. 34 in doing so, he emphasised that “the standard of proof in especially election petitions, a species of a civil case, is on the balance of probabilities or preponderance of probabilities”. 35 30 [1992] 1 wlr 1059. 31 [47]. 32 [2008] ukpc 50. 33 [17] and [19]. 34 section 12(2) reads: „“preponderance of probabilities” means that degree of certainty of belief in the mind of the tribunal of fact or the court by which it is convinced that the existence of a fact is more probable than its non-existence‟. 35 at 62. a similar view was taken by owusu jsc (199 et seq), dotse jsc (316), baffoe-bonnie jsc (517) and akoto-bamfo jsc (570). the denning law journal 297 apply an intermediate standard two earlier decisions from commonwealth african courts had supported this approach. in lewanika and others v chiluba 36 the petitioners had alleged that there was bribery, fraud and other electoral irregularities in a presidential election in zambia and sought its nullification. ngulube, cj, giving the judgment of the court, stated: “… we wish to assert that it cannot be seriously disputed that parliamentary election petitions have generally long required to be proved to a standard higher that on a mere balance of probability.” no authority was cited for this statement but it formed the basis of the holding that: “… where the petition has been brought under constitutional provisions and would impact upon the governance of the nation and the deployment of the constitutional power and authority, no less a standard of proof is required. it follows also the issues raised are required to be established to a fairly high degree of convincing clarity”. 37 similarly, in besigye v museveni 38 the unsuccessful presidential candidate had alleged that the respondents were responsible for a series of offences and other illegal electoral practices. odoki cj having referred to the decision of denning lj in bater v bater 39 with approval, asserted that in election petitions the “standard of proof is very high because the subject matter of the petition is of critical importance to the welfare of the people of uganda and their democratic governance”. 40 the supreme court of kenya in the odinga case, considered these cases and also adopted the “higher standard of proof” approach holding that: 36 [1999] 1 lrc 138. 37 no page numbers are provided in the electronic version of the relevant law report. 38 besigye (n 21). 39 n 1. 40 84. case commentary 298 “the threshold of proof should, in principle, be above the balance of probability, though not as high as beyond reasonable doubt: save that this would not affect the normal standards where criminal charges linked to an election, are in question”. 41 similarly, in the mahama case, adinyira jsc noted the need for “high standards of proof” in cases imputing election malpractice and concluded, without further consideration, that the “threshold of proof should, in principle, be above the balance of probability”. 42 4. which standard of proof to apply? applying the criminal standard raises significant issues. as omotola has pointed out, there are already numerous obstacles facing those seeking to bring an electoral petition and “the huge cost of seeking electoral justice, the undue protraction of litigation, and the seeming lack of independence of the judiciary, have served to limit the reach of electoral justice”. 43 in the erlam case, commissioner mawrey qc noted the “enormous courage” required by a private citizen to bring an election petition and that “if things go wrong and the petition is dismissed, the petitioners face a potentially devastating bill of costs which … may well bankrupt them”. 44 thus placing on petitioners an additional hurdle of satisfying the criminal standard of proof is surely unacceptable. even where there are allegations of criminal or quasi-criminal conduct made against the respondents, an election petition is fundamentally different to a criminal case and it follows that the courts in the presidential petition cases rightly recognised this point. 45 the view contrasts starkly with that of the court of appeal in r v rowe. 46 here the court of appeal was considering an appeal from the 41 [203]. emphasis in the original. 42 122-123. 43 shola omotola „explaining electoral violence in africa‟s “new” democracies‟ at page 52: available at www.ajol.info/index.php/ajcr/article/download/63320/51203 (accessed 1 august 2015). 44 erlam and others v rahman and others (n 11) [643] and [644]. 45 in besigye v museveni (n 21), the supreme court also rejected earlier ugandan decisions imposing the criminal standard. 46 n 30. http://www.ajol.info/index.php/ajcr/article/download/63320/51203 the denning law journal 299 divisional court concerning the judicial review of an election petition involving section 115 of the representation of the people act 1983. subsection (1) provides that “a person shall be guilty of a corrupt practice if he is guilty of undue influence”. whilst farquharson lj noted that the issue was not significant in the case itself, he asserted that in addressing the standard of proof in relation to such cases: “… a person accused of corrupt practice before an electoral court should only be held to have committed it if the allegation is proved beyond reasonable doubt. the subsection refers to a person being “guilty” of corrupt practice, and that connotes a criminal offence. it would not be desirable to have a different standard of proof in different courts on the same issue”. 47 it is precisely because an election court is widely (and arguably correctly) viewed as being a civil court, that the imposition of a lower standard of proof is justified. whilst a person found to have been involved in electoral malpractice may face serious consequences, including being disqualified from participation in future elections, an election court does not impose criminal penalties. this is a matter for a criminal court which is very different animal, especially given the application of the right to a fair trial provisions and the restrictive rules as to the admissibility of evidence. as regards the application of an intermediate standard, there are several inter-related arguments to support its adoption. firstly, given their subject matter, presidential petition cases are “peculiar civil proceedings” meriting special treatment. 48 thus as ngulube cj asserted in lewanika v chiluba, given that the outcome of such a case would “impact upon the governance of the nation and the deployment of the constitutional power and authority”, imposing a high evidential hurdle on petitioners would “deter unmeritorious petitions designed to destabilise the new government”. 49 secondly, it is argued that judges must avoid the “political question” for the national constitution has entrusted the people with the task of electing their president. this is highlighted by the holding of supreme court of kenya in the odinga case that: “as a basic principle, it should not be for the court to determine who comes to occupy the 47 ibid 1068. 48 see the supreme court of nigeria in nwobodo v onoh (n 48). 49 ngulube cj in lewanika (n 36). case commentary 300 presidential office”. 50 similarly, atuguba jsc in the mahama case asserted that: “… for starters i would state that the judiciary in ghana, like its counterparts in other jurisdictions, does not readily invalidate a public election but often strives in the public interest, to sustain it”. 51 in analysing such decisions, it is important to place them against the background of the significant pressures inevitably placed on judges dealing with presidential petitions, especially for those serving in small, ethnically divided and/or politically volatile countries. thus imposing a high standard of proof on petitioners can be seen as a way of ensuring that the most sensitive of “political questions” is avoided as well as any “counter-majoritarianism” arguments whilst offering judges some protection from undue political pressure or concerns as to their independence. the arguments against an intermediate standard focus both on practice and policy. as regards the former, the question of what constitutes the appropriate “intermediate standard” is not explored in any of the cases. instead various phrases are suggested including a “fairly high degree of convincing clarity”, “above the balance of probability”, and a “very high standard of proof”. such opaqueness concerning this so-called “high evidential hurdle” is liable to seriously impact on those with a meritorious case and reinforces the argument that the standard of proof is merely being used as a convenient mechanism to prevent/deter challenges to presidential elections. as regards policy, it is a fundamental constitutional right for the people to choose their own president in free and fair elections. it is trite that maintaining a level playing field throughout the electoral process serves to reinforce the constitutional imperative of holding demonstrably free and fair presidential elections in order to establish and maintain political stability and public confidence in the electoral process. as the 50 at [299]. see also the comment by smith etieno „the political question doctrine: a look at petition no 5 of 2013 available at http://www.academia.edu/6730672/the_political_question_doctrine_a_look_at _petiton_no._5_of_2013_raila_odinga_and_2_others_v_i.e.b.c_and_3_others (accessed 1 august 2015). 51 99. the denning law journal 301 supreme court of kenya itself noted in the odinga case, the constitution of kenya places on the judiciary the obligation to: “safeguard the electoral process and ensure that individuals accede to power in the presidential office, only in compliance with the law regarding elections”. 52 it follows that presidential petitions are not “peculiar civil proceedings” as asserted in nwobodo v onoh 53 meriting special treatment but are civil cases raising fundamental constitutional issues. such issues do not require a higher standard of proof than that required in other civil matters. indeed it is because fundamental constitutional rights are involved that the application of the normal civil standard is necessary. accordingly the courts cannot abrogate their constitutional mandate nor seek to circumvent it by requiring a higher standard of proof. this is rightly supported by the majority of the judges in the mahama case. 5. overview the confusion over the standard of proof in presidential petition cases is unnecessary and unacceptable. whilst some might agree with the view of denning lj in bater v bater, albeit in very different circumstances, that: “the difference of opinion which has been evoked about the standard of proof … may well turn out to be more a matter of words than anything else”, 54 the issue is far too serious to adopt this approach. there is therefore no basis for applying anything other than the civil standard of proof. 55 however as lord rodger of earlsferry noted in jugnauth v ringadoo, 56 in an election petition case “as a matter of common sense rather than law” a court was unlikely to be satisfied on the balance of probabilities that there has been bribery without cogent evidence to that effect. 57 this point is reflected in the words of lord nicholls of 52 odinga (n 16) [299]. italics in the original. 53 n 25. 54 ibid 36: a point noted by odoki cj in besigye v museveni (n 21) 8. 55 it is argued that this principle also applies to the uk position and that the decision in r v rowe needs reviewing. 56 n 32 57 [19]. case commentary 302 birkenhead who explained in in re h (minors)(sexual abuse: standard of proof) 58 that: “… some things are inherently more likely than others… on this basis, cogent evidence is generally required to satisfy a civil tribunal that a person has been fraudulent or behaved in some other reprehensible manner. but the question is always whether the tribunal thinks it more probable than not”. 59 whilst bound by the earlier court of appeal decision in r v rowe, it is unfortunate that the court in erlam v rahman did not take the opportunity to at least note this decision, perhaps with a view to having it applied in later election petition cases in the united kingdom. certainly, courts when faced with presidential election petitions should be encouraged to adopt this approach. in the event, the petitioners in both presidential petition cases were unsuccessful. 60 however, disagreement over the fundamental issue as to the appropriate standard of proof to apply in such cases can only bring confusion and a sense of grievance on the part of petitioners and their supporters. overall, perhaps the most noteworthy aspect of the presidential petition cases is that the disputes were fought out in the courts and not in the streets. further that the decisions of each court were respected by the unsuccessful petitioners. accordingly the cases rightly “represent a necessary non-violent, constitutional move, worthy of commendation, to correct and secure the integrity of elections, hence, the future of democracy, peace, stability and development in africa”. 61 58 [1996] ac 563. 59 ibid 586. these words are in stark contrast to the view of the court of appeal in r v rowe. 60 in the mahama case the supreme court of ghana rejected the petition by a 5-4 majority with all the judges recognising that there had been irregularities in the electoral process. however, in the view of the majority, the number of votes affected was not so significant as to make any impact on the result even if they were annulled. 61 a phrase drawn from the danquah institute report on the presidential election petition in ghana 2013, 1: available at http://www.danquahinstitute.org/news/1807-report-on-the-presidential-electionpetition-in-ghana-23-february-2013-updated-18-march.html (accessed 1 august 2015). http://www.bailii.org/cgi-bin/redirect.cgi?path=/uk/cases/ukhl/1995/16.html http://www.danquahinstitute.org/news/1807-report-on-the-presidential-election-petition-in-ghana-23-february-2013-updated-18-march.html http://www.danquahinstitute.org/news/1807-report-on-the-presidential-election-petition-in-ghana-23-february-2013-updated-18-march.html the family law reform act 1987 useful reform but an unhappy compromise? n v. lowe'*' introduction as it states in its long title, the object of the family law reform act 1987, is to reform the law relating to the consequences of birth outside marriage; to make further provision with respect to the rights and duties of parents and the determination of parentage, and for connected purposes. that such reform was needed could hardly be doubted since the pre-1987 act law relating to illegitimacy was both wrong in principle and inadequate in practice: the former, because it is surely indefensible for the law to discriminate against children simply because their parents were not married to one another; the latter principally because financial relief could only be obtained through the highly unsatisfactory means of affiliation proceedings. moreover, with the growing number of children being born outside marriage (126,000 in 1985),1 the need for reform has assumed ever greater importance. insofar as the 1987 act addresses these issues it is a most welcome piece of legislation. on the other hand, the act is immensely complicated and at times obscure and even misleading; it does not abolish the concept of illegitimacy nor, indeed, are all the adverse consequences removed. it may therefore be questioned whether the act goes far enough, and more generally whether its overall framework provides the best means for reforming the law. it is the intention of this article to examine these latter issues first and then to discuss the more important of the substantive provisions.2 the basic strategy (i) sections 1 and 2 as has been said, the 1987 act does not abolish the concept of illegitimacy as such but instead adopts the strategy of substantially reducing the need to refer to that status. this is sought to be achieved first, by removing most (though "reader in law, university of bristol. 1. office of population censuses and surveys: populatioll tretlds (1986), tab]e ii. 2. at the time of writing a number of the provisions have been implemented, principally ss.l, ]8-22, and 26-29. for a complete list see further at n.si. 77 the denning law journal regrettably not all) of the remaining areas of legal discrimination against illegitimate children and, secondly, in cases where it is still necessary to distinguish between children born within marriage and those born without (principally in relation to the rights and duties of fathers), reference is made to the parents (rather than the children) and whether or not they are married to one another. this general approach is set out in ss. 1 and 2 of the act. section 1(1) provides that references in the 1987 act and any succeeding act or statutory instrument to "mothers" or "fathers" or "parents" refers, unless the contrary intention appears, to all such persons regardless of whether they have or had been married to each other at any time.3 the clarity of this opening provision is immediately obscured by definitional provisions designed to distinguish (in simple terms) parents (primarily fathers) of legitimate from those of illegitimate children. to avoid using the words "legitimate" or "illegitimate", s.l(2) refers instead to a person whose parents were not married to each other at the time of the child's birth. however, it was recognised that this shorthand definition was insufficient by itself because a child can be legitimate even though his parents were not married to each other at the time of his birth. accordingly, s.1(2) is made subject to s.1(3) so that references to "a person whose father and mother were not married to each other at the time of the child's birth"4 do not include (correspondingly, references to a person whose parents were married to each other at the time of his birth do include) cases where the child is (a) legitimate even though his parents' marriage is void, (b) legitimated by reason of his parents' subsequent marriage, (c) adopted and (d) "otherwise treated in law as legitimate".5 although ss.1(2) and (3) have the laudable aim of redirecting the discriminatory labels from the child to the parents (it is clearly the spirit of the act to refer to a child as being of unmarried parents rather than as an illegitimate child), they nevertheless make not just for complex but positively misleading law. perhaps the best example of this is schedule 2 part i of the marriage act 1949 (this sets out whose consent is required for a minor's marriage) which, as a result of the amendments of the 1987 act,6 is headed "where parents of the child were married to each other at the time of his birth". the unsuspecting reader might think that that part means what it says and is confined to parents married at the time of the child's birth but this is not so 3. this is a reversal of the previous virtual presumption at any rate with regard to the expression "parent" (less obviously with regard to the expression "father") that it did not include the father of an illegitimate child. 4. by s.1 (4) a child's birth is to be taken to include the period beginning with insemination resulting in his birth or, where there was no such insemination, his conception, and ends with his birth. 5. this is intended to cover the case, for example, where the child is conceived through aid and born to a married woman and who therefore, by virtue of s.27 (discussed, infra), is treated in law as being the child, the woman and her husband. 6. sched. 2, para i i. note also the converse heading in part ii, i.e. "where parents of the child are not married to each other at the time of his birth", substituted by s.9 of the 1987 act. 78 the family law reform act 1987 because, by the newly substituted s.78(la) of the 1949 act,7 that heading must be construed in accordance with s.l of the family law reform act 1987 and therefore includes parents who have married each other after the child's birth etc.. under s.2, certain existing statutes have to be construed in accordance with s.l of the 1987 act. among these acts8 is the child care act 1980 "except part i and ss.13, 24, 64 and 65". the none too obvious intention of this amendment was to make the provisions of the child care act 1980, ss.12 a-f, under which notice of refusal or termination of access to certain children in care has to be served on the parents who then have a right to challenge that decision in the juvenile court, applicable to putative fathers.9 as these provisions fall under part la (i.e. not part i) of the 1980 act the intention was to have them construed according to s.l of the 1987 act.1o however, since by an oversight, the definition of "parent" under s.87(1) of the child care act 1980 (which expressly excludes putative fathers) has been left unaltered, it seems even after this implementation of s.2, putative fathers will still not have the right to challenge access decisions.lo (ii) the background to these pmvisions given the complexity of ss.l and 2, one might question the appropriateness of the whole underlying strategy. to appreciate why this approach was adopted it is necessary to consider the background to the legislation. the act is based upon the recommendations of the law commission. originally, the commission favoured the radical plan that the status of illegitimacy should be abolished altogether.l i they argued that since the label was itself discriminatory, true equality demanded not simply the removal of the remaining areas of legal discrimination but the abolition of the very status. indeed so strongly were they committed to this view, that they were prepared to countenance the necessary corollary of their recommendations that all fathers should be treated equally. the overwhelming response, however, was against giving all fathers automatic rights and accordingly, in their full report on illegitimacy,i2 the law commission did not advocate abolition of the status though they did recommend a change in terminology with the terms "marital" and "non marital" replacing so far as possible "legitimate" and "illegitimate". 7. added by sched. 2 para. 10 (b) of the 1987 act. 8. the others are the national assistance act 1948 s.42(1), the family law reform act 1969 s.6, the guardianship of minors act 1971, the guardianship act 1973 part i, the children act 1975 part ii and the social security act 1986 s.26(3). 9. which they clearly did not prior to the 1987 act; see, e.g., re p (minors: access), p. v. p. (galeshead mbe illieroenillg) (1988) 17ze times 19 february. 10. see, e.g., the comment at [1988] fam. law 151. admittedly other results are more clear; for example, it is absolutely clear that s.1 of the guardianship of minors act 1971 (which states that the child's welfare is of the first and paramount consideration in custody disputes) applies even as between unmarried parents. it will also be clear that the prohibition against mothers and fathers applying for custodianship under s.33(4) children act 1975, applies to unmarried fathers as well. 11. see their working paper no. 74 on illegitimacy published in 1979. 12. law com. no. 118 (1982), particularly at part iv. 79 the denning law journal although the government accepted these proposals in principle, in fact no immediate action was taken, and in the meantime the scottish law commission examined and reported on the issue.13 they observedl4 that "so long as marriage exists and children are born there will be children born out of marriage. in some cases of children born out of marriage the parents will marry each other after the birth: in others they will not. these are facts and, short of abolishing marriage there is nothing the law can do about them." like the english law commission they did not recommend abolishing the status of illegitimacy, but unlike that body the scots could see no merit in introducing the new terms "marital and "non marital". as they said15 that "was just another way of labelling children, and experience in other areas, such as mental illness, suggests that new labels can rapidly take on old connotations." they concluded that they did not wish to see "a discriminatory concept of 'non maritality' gradually replace a disciminatory concept of 'illegitimacy"'. however, like the english law commission, the scots did recommend that the terms "legitimate" and "illegitimate" as applied to people, should wherever possible cease to be used in legislation. to achieve this, they recommended that, where distinctions based on marriage were necessary, future legislation should distinguish between fathers rather than children and where it was thought necessary to distinguish people on the basis of whether or not their parents were married to each other at any relevant time (which they hoped would be a "very rare exception") it should be done expressly in those terms. the scottish law commission's proposals were enacted in the law reform (parent and child) (scotland) act 1986. following these developments, the english law commission reconsidered its proposals and in a second report, published in october 1986,16 advocated reform along the scottish lines. these recommendations were the ones enacted by the family law reform act 1987. (iii) can the law commission's final recommendations bejustified? although it is a major criticism of the 1987 act that it does not remove all legal discrimination against illegitimate children, it is nevertheless submitted that the law commission was right in 1982 to drop its recommendation that the status be abolished altogether and that all fathers be thereby automatically vested with rights over their children. as has convincingly been argued,17 there would be immense practical problems in giving all fathers automatic rights, particularly with respect to adoption and child care law, and the consequential delays and 13. scot. law com. no. 82 (1984). 14. ibid., at para. 9.1. 15. ibid., at para. 9.2. 16. law com. no. 157. 17. mary hayes, 43 m.l.r. 299 (1980) . 80 the family law reform act 1987 difficulties that would inevitably ensue would hardly be for the child's benefit.ls it has nevertheless been arguedl9 that the status could have been abolished without giving all fathers equal rights, it being pointed out that: "it is perfectly possible to allocate rights between parents according to their marital status while holding that all children have equal status." this seems a strong argument but once the commission felt unable to remove all the consequences of illegitimacy it was clearly not open to them to adopt such an option. in fact, however, by adopting the compromise of redirecting the label towards the parents, the commission have come close to accommodating this suggestion. it is also submitted that the law commission were right in 1986 to abandon their earlier proposed introduction of the terms "marital" and "non marital" and to adopt instead the scottish model. while no doubt the new e)\..pressions would have made the task of drafting the legislation easier, nevertheless the comments of the scottish law commission about the dangers of simply introducing new discriminatory labels for old, seem convincing. does this conclusion therefore mean that our law has inevitably to be as tortuous and obscure as ss.1 and 2 of the 1987 act make it? it is suggested not. the scottish legislation is noticeably simpler and with suitable adaptation could have profitably been incorporated into the english legislation. section 2 of the law reform (parent and child) (scotland) act 1986 defines who has parental rights and provides in effect that the mother automatically has such rights regardless of whether she is or has been married to the child's father, whereas the father has such automatic rights only if he or she has been married to the child's mother. had this been done in substitution of ss.1(2)-(4) and had it been stated that a father without automatic rights would be known as the "putative father", then not only would many of the drafting difficulties have been solved,21 with the labelling still directed at the parent rather than the child, but it would also have employed a term already in common use. the substantive changes under the 1987act despite the above criticism of s.1, for the remainder of this article it is nevertheless proposed to follow the spirit of the 1987 act so that where 18. these problems have in no way been diminished by the decision in gillick v. west norfolk and wisbecharea health authority [1986] a.c. 112. hence, in this writer's view, that decision does not affect the validity of the view that all fathers should not be vested with automatic rights; if. stephen cretney's tentative suggestion, at [1987] fam. law 404, that it might. 19. john eekelaar, "second thoughts on liiegitimacy reform", [1985] fam. lalp 261. 20. section 2(2) makes it clear that the father has parental rights where the marriage is voidable or void, provided it was believed by him in good faith at the time of marriage to be valid. 21. section 4(1), for example, (discussed, infra) would have simply stated: "the court may, on the application of the putative father, order that he shall have all the parental rights and duties with respect to the child." admittedly, this approach would not provide a substitute for the headings in sched. 2, part ii of the marriage act 1949 (adverted to, supra), though it is suggested that if the headings respectively referred to "a child whose parents are or have been married to each other" and" a child whose parents are not and never have been married to each other", that would at least be an improvement upon the 1987 act's amendments. 81 the denning law journal differentiation of status needs to be made it will be done by reference to the marital status of the parents rather than by labelling the children. as a matter of shorthand convenience parents of a child who are not and who have never been married to each other (excluding void marriage), will be referred to as "unmarried". (l) the furtherremrrval of legal discrimination against children of umnarried parents many of the adverse legal consequences of being born of unmarried parents had already be.en removed prior to the 1987 act. an important act in that respect was the family law reform act 1969, s.14 of which provided that children born of unmarried parents have succession rights to their parents' estates and vice versa. however, the 1969 act did not give such children any succession rights upon the intestacy of their grandparents or any collateral relatives, nor did it affect the devolution of an entailed estate nor entitle such children to take as an "heir". it is these omissions that have been addressed by the 1987 act. by s.18, the estate of any person, dying intestate after the provision comes into force, is to be distributed without regard to whether the parents of any claimant have or had been married to each other. as a result, children of unmarried parents will be able to claim on the death of, for example, a grandparent, brother or uncle. similarly, he could claim on the death of a first cousin related through brothers whose parents were not married to each other. because of the difficulty in tracing some fathers, whose identity might not be known, a person whose parents were not married to each other is presumed not to have been survived by his father or by anyone related to him only through his father, unless the contrary is shown.22 on the other hand, it should be noted that the exoneration formerly given by s.17 of the 1969 act to trustees and personal representatives who fail to ascertain whether there are children of unmarried parents who can take on an intestacy and who distribute the estate without notice of their existence, is removed by s.20 of the 1987 act. this change had been recommended by the law commission23 upon the basis that (a) it would be inconsistent with the basic policy of removing distinctions based upon the child's status and (b) it in fact imposes no significantly greater burden upon trustees and personal representatives, given their ability to protect themselves by advertising for claimants. whether the commission was over sanguine in their views can be debated. another important change is provided for by s.19, which states that in any disposition whether inter vivos, by will or codicil, made on or after the section comes into force, the use of the word "heir" is not to indicate an intention that a person whose parents have never been married to each other is not to take an interest. by this means it will abolish the rule that only children of married parents can succeed to an entailed interest. 22. section 18. 23. see their second report (law com. no. 158), paras 3.8-3.12. 82 the family law reform act 1987 this new construction of the term "heir" will not mean, however, that children of unmarried parents will thereby be able to succeed to property which is limited to devolve along with a dignity or title of honour. this is made clear by s.19(4). on the other hand this does not mean that such children will never be able so to succeed since that will depend upon the terms of the letters patent issued under the great seal. at the moment they are in a form24 which limits succession to the "heirs ... of his body lawfully begotten", which is enough to show a contrary intention against devolvement to children whose parents are unmarried. however, if her majesty were minded in the future to use the form "to x and the heirs of his body" then any child could succeed under the terms of s.19(2). apart from this latter point, the only remaining area of legal discrimination against children whose parents are unmarried is in respect to british citizenship. under s.50(9) british nationality act 1981, children whose parents are unmarried can only claim citizenship through their mother. hence, they are not entitled to british citizenship even though their father is such a citizen. this rule is unaffected by the 1987 act. although the law commission could see no reason in principle why this rule should not be changed, they felt unable to make definitive reform proposals since it was a united kingdom matter and therefore outside their terms of reference.25 it is surely a matter of profound regret that the government felt unable to change the rule. as one commentator26 has pointed out, with the advent of on a fingerprinting27 by which it has become significantly easier to establish parentage, it is now particularly hard to justify the retention of the current discriminatory rule. (ii) the abolition of affiliation proceedings and the introduction of a new aaion under the guardianship ofminors act 1971 although the foregoing reform is not insignificant, of more practical significance are the provisions dealing with the courts' powers to grant financial relief in respect of children whose parents are unmarried. adopting the law commission's recommendations, the 1987 act abolishes affiliation proceedings28 and replaces them with a new action under the guardianship of minors act 1971. the 1987 act also repeals the statutory embargoes on making financial orders against unmarried parents in wardship and custodianship proceedings.29 as a result of the new provisions under the guardianship of minors act 1971, it will be open to either parent to apply for financial relief.3o this will mean that for 24. see the discussion by the law commission in law com. no. 118, at para. 8.26. 25. see law com. no. 118, at para. 11.9. the scottish law commission came to a similar conclusion; see scot. law. com. no. 82, paras 8.3-8.5. 26. stephen cretney, [19871fam. law 404. 27. see, e.g., rej. [1988)1 f.l.r. 65. it might also be noted that s.23 of the 1987 act amends s.20 of the family law reform act 1969 specifically to allow the courts to order such tests. 28. section 17. 29. see, respectively, sehed. 2 para. 20 and sehed. 2 para. 61. 30. applications for relief will 1101 in themselves put the child's custody in issue. 83 the denning law journal the first time an unmarried father will be able to apply for an order against the mother. more significantly, the mother will no longer have to be "single", which means that a woman still cohabiting with her husband can apply for an order against another man whom she alleges to be the father. another change is the removal of the need for the mother's evidence to be corroborated. of course this will not obviate the need to establish paternity nor does it mean that the courts will necessarily act on uncorroborated evidence.31 another important change introduced by these provisions is the removal of the three year time bar on making an application. this will mean that unmarried fathers who were safe from liability under the old law will no longer have that immunity. the law commission was hesitant in recommending this change32 but in the end felt that the benefit to the child outweighed the detriment to the father. whether the change will lead to a flood of actions remains to be seen, but as the law commission pointed out, in assessing what order, if any, to make, the court is directed under s.12a of the 1971 act to consider all the circumstances of the case including the financial obligations that the father has or is likely to have in the foreseeable future. the length of time before the action is brought is surely likely to be an important factor in itself. in any event many fathers will have since acquired other family commitments and thereby limited their available resources. two other crucial changes are introduced by the new action. first, applications can be made to the high court, county court or magistrates' court. this means that the latter court will lose its exclusive jurisdiction to grant financial relief for children of unmarried parents. secondly, the two higher courts will have wide powers at their disposal, viz. they will be able to grant secured or unsecured periodical payments, lump sums of any amount and require "either parent to transfer to the other parent for the benefit of the child, or to the child, such property as may be specified ... " and to order settlements. precisely what impact these two changes will have is hard to say, though at a stroke they make the action attractive to middle class applicants who at the moment seem to avoid bringing affiliation proceedings. the power to make secured periodical payments orders and unlimited lump sum orders should certainly be useful in cases where the father is better off. it may also be anticipated that higher orders will be sought in the higher courts, particularly where the parents have been living together for any significant period. what use will be made of the powers to make property transfers or settlements is perhaps even more a matter of conjecture. the law commission33 did not envisage the power being used at all frequently, relying on the practice of the divorce courts to lean against making such orders.34 whether this view proves well founded remains to be seen. 31. see law com. no. 118, para. 6.22. 32. ibid., at para. 6.55. 33. ibid., at para. 6.6. 34. see chamberlain v. chamberlain [19741 i all e.r. 33, at p.38 per scarman lj and draskuvic v. draskuvic (\981) ii fam. law 87. 84 the family law reform act 1987 it can be pointed out that unlike divorce proceedings where the court can make orders in favour of the spouse, in these proceedings there will be no such power and hence there will be a stark choice as to whether to make an order for the child's benefit or no order at all. it is suggested that as well as claims against rich fathers, a transfer order is likely to be sought in cases where the parents have cohabited for any length of time. in this latter context it seems quite reasonable to expect, particularly as the child's welfare will be the first and paramount consideration in these proceedings, that the courts will accept the need to preserve the parties' home as a home for the children. indeed the law commission said35 that few commentators thought it a valid objection that a transfer was tantamount to giving the unmarried mother a right to support for her own benefit. even if the court is not prepared to make an outright transfer for the child's benefit, it might be disposed to make a limited transfer until the child has grown up. if this view is taken by the courts then it might be that the law commission seriously underestimated the use to which these powers may be put. in addition to providing an action for unmarried parents, the newly amended guardianship of minors act 1971 provides for an independent right of certain adult children to seek financial relief against their parents.36 under the new s.11037 an action may be brought by any child, regardless of whether his parents are married to each other, provided (a) he is over 18 and "is, will be or (if an order were made under this section) would be receiving instruction at an educational establishment or undergoing training for a trade, profession or vocation, whether or not he also is, will be or would be in gainful employment" or there are other exceptional circumstances justifying an order; (b) his parents are not living together in the same household; and (c) there was no periodical payments order in force in respect of him immediately before he was 16. application may be made in the high court or county court. upon such an application the court is empowered to make an order requiring either or both his parents to pay to the applicant such periodical payments or lump sum as it thinks fit. what use will be made of this action remains to be seen. (iii) the unmarried father's right to apply for a parental rights and duties order faced with opposition to the idea that all fathers should have automatic rights, the law commission instead proposed that unmarried fathers should be allowed to apply for a parental rights and duties order. in this way it was sought to give some recognition to caring but unmarried fathers.311 this proposal has been enacted by s.4 of the 1987 act. the effect of such an order is to vest all the rights and duties in the applicant that he would have had, had he been the married father. 35. ibid., at para. 6.7. 36. this provision enacts the law commission's recommendations; see law com. no. 118, paras. 6.29-6.33. 37. added by s.14 of the 1987 act. 38. see law com. no. 118, paras 7.26 et seq.. 85 the denning law journal according to s.4(2) these rights and duties are to be shared with the mother, or, if she is dead, with any guardian appointed under the guardianship of minors act 1971. read literally this would appear to mean that such rights and duties will not therefore be shared with testamentary guardians, since they will not be appointed under the 1971 act, but it is difficult to believe that this was what was intended. the order will remain in force even where the father and mother continue to live together but it can subsequently be discharged upon the application of the father, mother and, if the mother is dead, any guardian appointed under the guardianship of minors act 1971.39 application for a parental rights and duties order may be made in the high court, county court or magistrates' court.40 in deciding whether to grant the order the court must treat the child's welfare as the first and paramount consideration.4o if an application is made whilst the father and mother are still living together and the mother does not object to it, then no doubt the court will grant the order. in contested cases, however, the court will obviously have to consider what relationship the father has or has had with the child. if there has been no contact at all then it will be difficult to justifyan order being made. on the other hand, if there has been a close relationship, then the mere fact that the court would not grant him day to day control does not ipso facto mean that a parental rights and duties order will be refused. precisely what use will be made of this action is a matter for conjecture. the law commission very much hoped41 that applications would be made while the mother and father are living together, in other words in cases where there is no dispute between the parties. one suspects, however, that few such applications will be made since most people only think about their legal position when things have already gone wrong. the law commission envisaged42 the new order being sought in two other situations, namely, where the mother dies having appointed no guardian and where the parents have separated and the father seeks full parental rights rather than legal custody. a section 4 application has obvious use in the former situation but at first sight there seems little to be gained from a parental rights order that cannot be gained from a legal custody order. however, an unmarried father would be well advised to apply for both,43 since were he to fail to gain legal custody, he would have no parental rights even ifhe were granted access. on the other hand, as previously stated, the refusal of a custody order does not ipso faao mean that a parental rights and duties order will be refused. 39. section 4(3). again this provision seems to exclude testamentary guardians. 40. section 4(4). 41. see law com. no. 157, para. 3.3. 42. law com. no. 118, para. 7.29. 43. cf stevens and legge, "illegitimary obscured but ilot obliterated"; all allalysis of the family law refoml act 1987 [1987] fam. law 409,410 who comment "where there is conflict, s.4 may well be bypassed as the father may be advised to apply for legal custody to be vested in himself alone or with a shared reponsibility with the mother under the 1971 act." 86 the family law reform act ]987 not everyone agrees that s.4 is a good idea,44 but in this writer's view it is a good compromise. indeed one wonders whether the ambit of the provision could be extended to others, for example, step-parents or grandparents. it might be noted that under the equivalent provision in scotland44 it is open to anyone to apply for such an order. (iv) new status.for aid children conceived by a married woman at common law it was clear that a child conceived as a result of artificial insemination of a woman with the semen of a man other than her husband was illegitimate. this was so even if her husband agreed to the insemination. many, including the law commission,46 felt this to be wrong, and following the commission's recommendations, s.27 alters this position. by that section, any child born in england and wales after the implementation of s.27, as a result of artificial insemination of a married woman with the semen of a man other than her husband, will, unless it is proved that the husband did not consent to the insemination, be treated in law as the child of those parties 47 and not of any other person. in other words an aid child born to a married couple is presumptively the child of both parties, that presumption being rebuttable upon showing that the husband did not consent to the artificial insemination of his wife. although as a matter of status for the child this does seems a desirable change in the law, nevertheless it is a powerful objection that it will encourage such spouses to conceal the true origins of the child. indeed it could legalise such deception if it is interpreted as entitling such persons to register the child as their own. it will also be noted that s.27 is limited to children conceived by artificial conception and does not apply to other forms of artificially aided conception. however, the government intends to so extend the provision.48 another, perhaps unintended, result of s.27 is to make surrogacy agreements, which take the form of a married woman agreeing to be inseminated by the semen of the "commissioning father",49 even more difficult to operate. in such cases, unless he can show that he did not consent to the insemination, the husband and not the "commissioning father" will be treated as the child's legal father. consequently, any agreement between the mother and the "commissioning father" will be void under s.1 (2) guardianship act 1973. furthermore any placement with the "commissioning father" with a view to adoption will rank as a private placement and therefore an offence under s.l1 adoption act 1976. 44. see, e.g., the trenchant criticism of the proposal by eekelaar, [19851fam. law 261. 45. section 3 of the law reform (parent and child) (scotland) act 1986 and see the comments of the scottish law commission, scot. law com. no. 82, at p.97. 46. law com. no. 118, para. 12.7 et seq.. 47. but note the proviso re succession to any dignity or title of honour pursuant to s.27(3). 48. see their white paper: human fertilisation and embryology: a fral1lelvorkfor legislation (1987 cm. 259), para. 89. 49. as in re p. (minors) (wardship: surrogacy) [1987] 2 f.l.r. 421. 87 the denning law journal (v) other changes the 1987 act contains a number of other important provisions to which brief attention must now be paid. first there are the provisions under part v dealing with registration of birth. as a result of these amendments the provisions of the births and deaths registration act 1953 have been extended50 inter alia to allow a man alone to request his name to be entered as the father, provided the application is accompanied by (a) a declaration stating himself to be the father and (b) a statutory declaration by the mother stating him to be the father. there are also provisions dealing with the court's power to grant declarations of parentage. section 22 amends s.56 family law act 1986 inter alia to permit an unmarried person being declared a parent. the following declarations can now be sought: (1) that the person named in the application is the mother or father, or that particular persons are the parents of the applicant; (2) that the applicant is the legitimate child of his parents; and (3) that the applicant has or has not become legitimated. section 23 makes the useful and important amendment to s.20 family law reform act 1969, so as to permit the court to order "scientific tests" and thereby enable dna fingerprint testing to be carried out. conclusions the 1987 act contains important and worthwhile reform. unfortunately, that reform is marred by complexity and obscurity. perhaps, given that the law commission's recommendations, upon which the act is based, are in the nature of a compromise some of the complexity is inevitable. however, as it is hoped to have been demonstrated in this article not all of the act's imperfections were unavoidable and indeed if the scottish model had been more closely followed, our own law could have been a great deal simpler. despite its imperfections it must nevertheless be hoped that the whole of the act is implemented as soon as possible. at the time of writing a number of provisions of the act have already been implemented.51 at the moment, however, there are no plans to implement those provisions dealing with the abolition of affiliation proceedings and the creation of a new action under the guardianship of minors act 1971. given that in practical terms, those are the most important of the reforms of the 1987 act it can only be hoped that the government have an early change of mind. 50. following the law commission's recommendations at law com. no. 118, paras. 10.63 et seq.. 51. viz ss.l, 18-22,26-29,31,33 (part), 34; sch 2, paras. 2-4,9-11,16 (c), 19,59,73,74,96; sch 3, paras. 1,8-10; sch 4 (part); si1988/425. these provisions came into force on 4 april 1988. 88 contract and tort after denning m. p. furmston * my brief is to discuss the ways in which english contract and tort law might develop in the rest of the century. 1 the time is propitious for such a review since of the four great figures who have done so much to shape the development of contract and tort law since the war lord denning, lord diplock, lord reid and lord wilberforce,2 three have recently departed from the courts, lord denning and wilberforce by retirement and lord diplock, alas, by death. this permits, and perhaps requires, a pause for reflection and regrouping. if an attempt to answer the question is rash, the posing of the question itself makes some assumptions which are not self evident. to foretell the future assumes that progress will have at least a significant rational element. one of our greatest living historians, a. j. p. taylor, has often argued that on the whole things happen by accident and are not the product of determinist trends. it is difficult not to feel that there is at least a significant accidental element in the development of common law through the process of deciding cases. in a sense the law is at the mercy of litigants since if no litigant brings a question before the courts and in particular if no appellant brings it before the house of lords, developments which are possible may be held up for generations. for instance it seems probable that if some suitable case with appropriate facts had come before the house of lords in the seventies, they would have taken the opportunity to abolish or at least seriously to qualifythe doctrine of privity of contract. even when cases do come before the lords, much may tum on accidents of timing. so it is plausible to speculate that if the la pintada3 case had come before the house of lords before the law commission had recommended the abolition of the general rule that interest was not payable on debts in the absence of agreement,4 their lordships might have " professor of law, university of bristol. 1. a revised version of a paper given at a symposium on anglo-japanese law at the university of warwick on 19 december 1986. 1 am grateful to hugh beale and keith stamon for comments on an earlier draft. 2. the order is alphabetical. 3. [1985] a.c.104. 4. law commission no 88, cmnd. 7229. 65 the denning law journal taken the opportunity to overturn this long-entrenched but barely justifiable rule. even where a problem occurs so frequently that it is almost inevitable that sooner or later it will come before the courts, much may turn on the way in which the merits appear in the particular case, on the forensic tactics used by counsel and indeed, on the composition of the house of lords itself. it is not absurd to suggest that if donoghuev. stevenson5 had been decided by a majority of3:2 in the opposite direction, english law would look rather different today than it does. professor schwartz has recently explained the decision of the plaintiff in the important californian case of j'aire6 to pursue an apparently speculative claim in tort rather than a clear cut claim in contract against a different defendant on the basis of the confession of the plaintiff's attorney that "contracts was never my subject in law school".? despite all these qualifications many common lawyers looking back into the past will find lines of development which seem, at least in retrospect, logically coherent if not inevitable. is it entirely a coincidence that the american courts in mcpherson v. buick8 reached substantially the same result as the english courts in donoghue v. stevenson?9 may there not be something in the logic of the system or the needs of the times which produces similar results in similar places. one of the revelations of comparative law, indeed, is how often the logic of different systems seems to lead to the same result, presumably because of the need to respond to similar social problems. when we turn from case law to legislation, though it is true that most academic lawyers despair from time to time of the possibility of parliament pursuing rational policies in law reform, it is true that in retrospect one can identify developments such as the introduction of criminal appeals or the right of the accused to testify at his own criminal trial, which seem inevitable even though at the time they were highly contentious and violently resisted. to continue at this point therefore, indicates a belief that one can have at least a stab at identifying the future by looking at what has taken place over the last twenty-five years and trying to identify in what directions development seems to follow from this. prediction of future trends assumes the ability to identify the relevant forces for change. without being clearly able to ascribe a precise weight to different forces i start by assuming in what follows that change is partly fuelled by the perceived inherent logic of the system amongst its practitioners; partly by a response to the perceived needs of society as revealed by the accidents of litigation and partly by the choice of subjects for legislative law reform. in this respect a factor that seems to me so far to have been underestimated is the switch to a wholly graduate entry 5. [1932] a.c.s62. 6. 24 cal. 3d 799, 598 p. 2d 60, 157 cal. rptr 407 (1979). 7. in the law of tort: policies atld trends ill liability for damage to property alld ecollomic loss ed. furmston (duckworth, 1986), at p.86. 8. 217 ny 382,111 ne ioso(1916). 9. [1932] a.c.s62. 66 contract and tort after denning into the profession which will mean within a generation a wholly graduate profession. these graduates will be overwhelmingly law graduates and even those who are not law graduates will have received at least two years of systematic instruction in the law. i find it difficult to believe that this will not have a substantial effect on the way in which future generations of lawyers will analyse legal problems. most of us, if we are honest, will admit that many of our ideas were fixed at an early age by the conceptual structure of the subjects as they were taught to us. if this is true then internal developments within university law schools in the way in which the subject is taught will in their turn have effects on how practitioners perceive problems. the relationship of contract and tort one of the most interesting questions which the courts will have to work out over the next twenty years is the relationship between contract and tort. this has a number of aspects. one is attempts by a plaintiff to allege that he has a claim in tort even though he has a claim in contract against the same defendant arising out of the same facts. this problem has in practice arisen primarily in the context of limitation. in this context the fact that the limitation period in contract starts when the contract is broken but that in tort starts when the plaintiff suffers damage means that there may be significant advantages in suing in tort rather than contract for this purpose. after an initial rejection of this possibility by diplock l. j. sitting as a high court judge in bagot v. stevens, scanlan,1o it was accepted in a very full and carefully reasoned judgment by oliver j. in midland bank v. hett stubbs and kemp.ll this decision was expressly approved by the court of appeal in batty v. metropolitan realisations limitei2 and in the leading house of lords decision of pirelli v. faber,13 the defendant did not even think it worth while to argue that the plaintiff, who undoubtedly had a good but statute barred claim in contract could not pursue a claim in tort on the same facts. the only discordant note in this picture is the opinion of the privy council in tai hing cotton mill limited v. liu chong hing bank limited.]4 in this case lord scarman said, "their lordships do not believe that there is anything to the advantage of the law's development in searching for a liability in tort where the parties are in a contractual relationship." on one view this might be taken as disapproval of the reasoning in midland bank but it seems in fact unlikely that this is so. certainly courts in cases after tai hing have continued to treat the midland bank approach as entirely correct in the limitation context.15 in interpreting tai hing it is important to note that the privy council was first of all invited to extend 10. [1966] i qb.197. ii. [1979] ch.384. 12. [1978] qb.554. 13. [1983] 2 a.c.1j see furmston, 1 coiistroction l.r.25. 14. [1985] 2 all e.r.947. 15. see, e.g., london congregational union v. harriss (1986) 8 constroction l.r.s2 67 the denning law journal the implied obligations of the customer to his bank in contract; then when that approach was rejected, to outflank its own decision by holding the customer as under a duty of care in tort. it seems entirely rational to say that the underlying policy considerations were identical whether the question was posed as a contract or a tort question and should therefore receive the same answer.16 it would be strikingly inconvenient if the tai ring opinion were applied in the limitation context since it seems clear that the latent damage act 1986 assumes the correctness of midland bank. one of the paradoxes of this area was that lord scarman sat in pirelli v. faber and was one of the principal architects of the latent damage act 1986. another development has been an attempt by plaintiffs to invoke the law of tort in order to outflank the problems presented by the law of contract, particularly the doctrine of privity of contract. these attempts mirror in a way attempts by previous generations in cases such as de la bere v. pearson 17 to overcome defects in the law of tort (particularly the absence of liability for careless statements) by stretching the law of contract. some of these developments are discussed below in relation to economic loss. some scholars have deduced from these developments that the law of contract and tort are coalescing.18 some, indeed, have spoken of the emergence of "contort" or the death of contract. undoubtedly, it is now important for contract and tort lawyers to be aware of developments in each others' subjects, but for the moment developments seem rather to emphasise the distinction between contract and tort than to mark their confluence. if the law in tort and contract were indeed flowing in a single channel, the results of cases would have surely been the same, whether they were formulated in contract or tort. to permit a plaintiff who has failed in contract to succeed in tort on identical facts against the same defendant, or vice versa, seems rather to point up the distinctiveness of the rules than to reflect their assimilation. of course there must be serious doubts when different results are produced on the same facts, according to which of two apparently equally valid analyses are adopted. this result, however, seems inevitable, unless one is to go down the french road and adopt the rule of non-cumul.19 if we take the case of defective 16. the present writer must confess to grave doubts as to whether the privy council ought not to have accepted the invitation to develop the law in this area by widening liability in contract. the effective question in the case was, who should bear the risk of the plaintiffs dishonest servant. since even the most elementary precautions by the plaintiffs would have revealed his dishonesty at an early stage, it seems hard to apportion all the loss onto the bank since it is much more difficult to see what practical steps the bank could have taken to reduce the chances of loss. it is of course entirely understandable that the privy council should not wish to have gone to the other extreme and held that all customers were under obligation to check their statements. one wonders, however, whether it were not possible to develop some distinction between commercial and private customers in this area. 17. [1908] 1 k.b.280. 18. see particularly cane in the law of tort, supra n.7, ch.6. 19. see herbots in the law of tort, supra n.7, ch.7 at p.139. 68 contract and tort after denning buildings, it is clear that some plaintiffs will only have actions in torts; for instance, because they did not contract with the person who is at fault. in the case of such plaintiffs, limitation periods would inevitably start when damage is suffered. some other plaintiffs will have a choice of suing in contract or tort but it would be difficult to justify their tort claims being rejected simply because their contract claims had been rejected when they had neighbours who were in a different position. that might mean that the second hand buyer could sue the developer when the first purchaser could not. tort collapse of the personal injury system? i cannot myself believe that our existing system for personal injury will continue unreformed into the indefinite future. the criticisms of the existing system have been too often and too well rehearsed to justify repetition here.2o suffice it to say that the existing system consumes an unacceptably large amount of resources in its operation and that in practice it spreads the compensation monies across those injured in a way which is totally erratic, irrational and unjustifiable. sometimes when i make this statement i am told by the audience that vested interests in the present system are too strong for it not to survive. i am reluctant to believe this and contrariwise encouraged by signs that the medical profession is beginning to see the attractions of a system that does not require repeated enquiries into the carelessness of doctors.21 a struggle between the vested interests of doctors on the one hand and personal injury lawyers and insurance companies on the other would be interesting to watch. i think i know which horse i would back. growth of professional negligence litigation the last twenty years have seen a major growth in the willingness of plaintiffs to sue their professional advisors. if one is concerned with a plaintiff who brings a contract action against his own advisor, there has been very little formal change in the law here but a marked increase in willingness to sue. if one considers claims formulated in tort, whether against one's own advisor or against other people's advisors, there has been an explosion of liability since hedley byrne including such decisions as ross v. caunters which would have appeared unthinkable thirty years ago. if we make the plausible assumption that in this field english courts will go some way down the american road, this suggests further geometric increase in professional liability actions. stories, obviously inspired, now regularly appear in the papers about the burdens of insuring against professional negligence and professional bodies, indeed, have grouped together to seek to persuade the government to impose statutory limits on negligence liability. the attraction of this is said to be that it would make insurance problems significantly easier to 20. see, for instance, atiyah, accidents, compensation and the law. 21. see, e.g., stirrat, [19861101 bristol medico-chirurgical journal. 69 the denning law journal overcome. it seems likely however, that the government will resist these blandishments. in any case, it is hardly likely that public opinion would tolerate any limit which was not so large as to leave only a very small number of claims over the limit. it is rumoured that some large firms of accountants have been sued for sums well into nine figures. it seems very doubtful whether judgments of this size could be effectively enforced against the partners of a firm, however large, if it was well in excess of their insurance limit. in any case, if a careless accountant actually causes loss of this scale it is not self-evident that he should not bear it so far as he is able or insured, unless it can be shown that it would be much cheaper and more efficient for the victim to insure. a priori this seems doubtful. it is no doubt a legitimate question whether tort actions for professional negligence are in fact the appropriate way to improve levels of professional competence. there are however, serious grounds for doubt as to how widespread competence is. the professions have only recently begun to bestir themselves in this respect. in particular, granted the complexity and rapid evolution of modern professional skills, the relatively modest programmes of post-qualification continuing education so far adopted are very much a first step. if the professions seek special treatment the least the public should demand in return is that the professions themselves should demonstrate heroic efforts to raise standards. the development of the tort of negligence if one had been asked to present this paper in 1982, the discussion of this section would have appeared much easier. up until that period the post-war developments appeared to reflect a consistent trend towards a hegemony of the tort of negligence within tort law. by this i mean two rather separate developments the one is a movement away from strict liability, at least in respect of the central area of damage to person and property. so successful actions under the rule in rylands v. pletcher are nowadays virtually unknown and the tort of nuisance has been afflicted, admittedly to a degree difficult to define precisely, by ideas of negligence.22 in 1982, one would have been inclined to discount as an immediate possibility the one major departure from this trend which is now evident, that is, the introduc.tion by statute of a strict liability regime for products. although i welcome this development as an improvement on the present law, it is not easy to think of a principled reason for introducing this regime for products only and continuing to operate a negligence regime for road accidents. only the almost fortuitous fact that it is possible to think of plausible eec constitutional reasons for a uniform regime for products but so far impossible to think of similar reasons for a uniform regime for car accidents produces this change. in any case, the existing reform is probably not a very great step forward since the permission of the development risk defence will introduce some questions of fault and in any case the need to operate through the legal system and the possibility of raising defences based on causation or 22. see particularly the wagon mound (no 2) [1967] i a.c.617. 70 contract and tort after denning contributory negligence will mean that the plaintiff will often fall short of full recovery. to this writer at least, strict liability appears a second best alternative to a socially funded scheme. the development does underline however the importance of membership of the eec as a reason for legislative initiatives. when i talk of the hegemony of negligence i have also, perhaps more importantly, in mind the apparently inevitable assumption that a defendant who has been negligent should always be liable. so during the sixties, seventies and early eighties, a number of apparently well established exceptions to this principle crumbled away. the special treatment of buildings appeared to collapse in the face of dutton v. bognor regis23 and anns v. merton;24 the special treatment of nervous shock was made much less special by mcloughlin v. 0 'brian;25 the special immunity of careless statements was removed by hedley byrne26 and its successors, and an apparently major inroad into immunity for the negligent causing of pure economic loss was made by the decision in junior books v. veitchi.27 in 1982, immediately after junior books v. veitchi, it was plausible to assume that english law would find it very difficult to find a stopping place short of complete surrender to the principle that careless defendants would always be liable.28 this was puzzling since the forces which fuelled this development seemed to be entirely conceptual. the notion that he who is careless must pay seemed to be an idea whose time had come. in this respect i cannot help thinking that it was significant that in a very large number of leading negligence cases the court was deciding, without knowing what the facts were, because for procedural reasons the defendant had chosen to fight on the basis that although he was careless he owed no duty of care to the defendant. so for instance, in donoghue v. stevenson,29 hedley byrne v. heller,3o dorset yacht v. home office,3) rondel v. worsley,32 anns v. merton33 and junior books v. veitchi,34 the court was in effect invited to take the defendant's carelessness as read. in several of these cases the defendant had possible arguments that he was not careless but these were not considered by the court. is it not plausible to suggest that that circumstance deprived the court of that perception of the real balance of advantages and balancing of risks which would have emerged from a careful evaluation of the facts as a preliminary to the development of the law? 23. [1972] 1 qb.373. 24. [1978] a.c.728. 25. [1983] 1 a.ca1o. 26. [1964] a.ca65. 27. [1983] 1 a.c.520. 28. for a fuller discussion of the position as it seemed after junior books see stanton in the law of tori, supra n. 7, ch.1. 29. [1932] a.c.562. 30. [1964[ a.c.465. 31. [1970] a.c.1004. 32. [1969] 1 a.c.191. 33. [1978] a.c.728. 34. [1983] 1 a.c.520. 71 the denning law journal whatever the merits of this argument, it seems clear that the period 1982 to 1986 has been marked by a complete stop in this development, if not indeed by a v-tum. so such cases as the aliakmon,35 peabody v. parkinson,36 candlewood v. mitsui37 and muirhead v. industrial tank38 indicate that the courts are certainly not prepared to carry the decision in junior books one step further and indeed indicate that given the right facts they might be prepared to push it a few steps backwards. at the same time courts have been rebuffing attempts to introduce stricter forms of liability in personal injury cases whether based on suing in battery (chatterton v. gerson),39 on allegations of warranty (thake v. maurice)4o or use of "informed consent" (sidaway v. bethlem royal hospital g(jvernors).41 although some and perhaps all of these cases can be defended on the merits42 their cumulative effect is to present a conservative and indeed rather negative posture. at a theoretical level the most important ingredient in the cases is the attempt to resile from the two stage approach of lord wilberforce. in some cases this appears to involve an abandonment or at least a downgrading of arguments based on policy. as far as the law of economic loss is concerned, we seem to have moved from a position in which one might say that sometimes one can recover for it and sometimes not, to a position in which one can say sometimes one cannot recover for it and sometimes one can! neither the expansion of liability in junior books nor its contraction in the later cases can be said to present a coherent principled exposition of where the line is to be drawn between that economic loss which is recoverable and that which is not. it is clear that some cases of recoverable economic loss still exist, particularly in relation to careless statements (and there has been no suggestion that ross v. caunters43 is wrongly decided). one who looks to the future has to guess whether recent developments are simply a halting point in the march forward or whether there is indeed a reversal. in this respect one may perhaps draw attention to another factor in the development of the common law by judicial decision which i call the revulsion factor. after each of the most important steps forward such as donoghue v. stevenson44 and hedley byrne v. heller,45 we tend to have a period of five or ten years in which judges cannot actually believe the evidence of their eyes. so cases decided in the thirties and forties often indicated a 35. [1986] 2 all e.r.l45. 36. [1985] a.c.21o. 37. [1986] a.c.1. 38. [1985] 3 all e.r.705. 39. [1981] qb.432. 40. [1986] 1 all e.r.497. 41. [1985] a.c.871. 42. though not all the commentators have thought so. see, e.g., clarke, [1986] c.l.j.382; markesinis, [1986] c.l.j.384. parliament it seems, may have reversed thea/ialemoll in a fit of absence of mind by section 3(1) of latent damage act 1986 see griew, 136 new law journal 1201. 43. [1980] ch.297. 44. [1932] a.c.562. 45. [1964] a.c.465. 72 contract and tort after denning reluctance to take donoghue v. stevenson as laying down general principles of the kind which we now take for granted. similarly, the immediate post-hedley byrne cases, particularly mutual life v. evatt+6 but also a number of decisions at first instance, indicated a reluctance to believe that the house of lords had actually made the change it had. yet in both these cases, after a time, the broader view of the effect of the cases became established within the collective wisdom of the profession which is in practice such an important though intangible source of law making. it is not inconceivable that the same process will happen with junior books v. veitchi though it would perhaps be a rash lawyer who would confidently predict that it would. contracts it is possible to view the development of the law of contract as reflecting the different weight given at different times to the values of freedom of contract and of paternalism. certainly many developments in the law of contract over the last twenty-five years can be discussed in these terms.+7 for this purpose i am inclined to put forward a thesis that this battle will never be won by one side or the other, and that the real question is not whether paternalism should prevail over freedom of contract or vice versa but where exactly the borderline between their respective spheres of influence should lie. exemption clauses one of the major battle areas in recent years has been the treatment of exemption clauses. the substantive doctrine of fundamental breach as propounded by lord denning in many cases in the court of appeal, represented an entirely understandable attempt to ensure fair dealing for such consumers as purchasers of shoddy second hand cars. it proved impossible however to develop a doctrine which both worked and had real intellectual coherence. as professor brian coote has all too clearly exposed, a system which ignores the distinction between clauses defining liability and clauses seeking to exclude a liability already accepted, will run into endless difficulties. +8 furthermore at the pragmatic level the substantive doctrine of fundamental breach ran into fatal difficulties when it attempted to expand from the area of consumer protection into straightforward commercial contracts as in harbutts plasticine+9 and photo produaion v. securicor.50 in this respect the unfair contract terms act of 1977 has undoubtedly permitted the courts to move back to a more reasoned approach,s! confident that most of the 46. [197]] a.c.793. 47. see collins, the law of contract (]986) and the reviews by reynolds, 102 l.qr.628 and weir, []986] c.l.j.503 for different views. 48. exception clauses (1964). 49. []970]] qb.447. 50. []980] a.c.827. 51. photo production v. securicor [] 980] a.c.827j ailsa craig fishing v. malvem fishing [1983] 1 w.l.r.964. 73 the denning law journal practical problems which have actually given rise to litigation in the past have been taken care of, even though the act exempts some transactions from its scope (such as sales of land, and policies of insurance) where the case for so-doing is far from clearly demonstrated. one of the most controversial decisions implicit in the 1977 act was the granting of power to the courts to declare many exemption clauses in commercial contracts void because unreasonable. since businessmen are certainly entitled to make foolish contracts in general, it is not wholly clear why they should be prohibited from entering into foolish exemption terms. furthermore it can be plausibly argued that it is very difficult for a court to come to a decision on whether a clause is or is not reasonable without an examination of the whole business background and context which is unlikely to be possible in the forum of litigation where the cost is likely to deter all but the most determined parties from presenting the relevant business information to the court. it is striking in this respect that the majority of decisions on reasonableness so far have tended to reach the conclusion that the particular clause litigated was unreasonable. one important message to contracting parties, is that they should employ lawyers who can devise clauses which look reasonable rather than relying, as lawyers rather evasively have in the past, on attempts to exclude liability for everything. in a rational world this ought to lead to more contracts where liability is limited rather than excluded and where the insurance burden is clearly determined by the contract. indeed, it is noticeable that in some of the most complex contracts such as major building contracts, the very sensible practice of all the parties having a single insurance policy with the same insurance company to cover all risks is now widely adopted, thereby avoiding the possibility that the different insurance companies will egg the parties on to litigation in order to shift the risk on to each other (one might say in passing that the time must surely soon come when the doctrine of subrogation is re-examined to see whether in practice it produces desirable or undesirable results in terms of litigation).52 certainty in commercial contraas outside the field of exemption clauses there have been a number of indications of a swing back to valuing the virtues of certainty, particularly in commercial contracts. i have in mind such decisions as bunge v. tradax53 indicating that in appropriate circumstances the court will decide that a contractual term is a condition, even though the parties have not formally so classified it, because of its importance. perhaps even more significant is the line of cases from the laconia54 to the chikuma,55 in which the house of lords has rebuffed repeated attempts by the court of appeal to permit relief to a party who pays a little late where the 52. hasson, 5 oxfordj.l.s.4i6. 53. [1981] 2 all e.r.513. 54. [1977] a.c.850. 55. [1981] 1 all e.r.652. 74 contract and tort after denning contract entitles the other party to terminate for failure in prompt payment. the refusal to spread the doctrine of relief against forfeiture into the area of commercial contracts in such cases as sport international bussum v. inter-footwea~6 is part of the same trend. these developments have been accompanied by a more elaborate and sophisticated analysis of the effect of breach of contract to which both lord wilberforce57 and lord diplock58 made major contributions. difficulties may lie ahead however in deciding how far the decision of the majority of the house of lords in hyundai v. papadopoulos59 that termination leaves unaffected pre-termination obligations to pay money is to be carried. consumer protection i am inclined to think in general that change in the law of contract for the purposes of consumer protection has now reached something near the limits of useful development and that the steps which at least in the short term are required to carry things forward are to be found either in the expansion of the criminal law or in the provision of much cheaper, quicker methods of dispute settlement. it is noticeable if one looks at the cases how few consumer durables give rise to litigation outside the motor industry, and how many of the cases even within the motor industry were brought by the finance companies who continued to insist on payment in full for shoddy cars rather than by consumers asking for their money back. it is i think clear, if one looks at the cases, that in nearly all of them the consumer would in practice have been perfectly content to abandon the vehicle and the money he had already paid, in order to get rid of the transaction. the average consumer finds it difficult to complain and finds the thought of litigation intolerable. inequality of bargaining power one of the most stimulating and controversial initiatives by lord denning in the field of contract law was his suggestion in lloyds bank v. bundlo that there was a general doctrine which could be drawn together from a number of specific examples that a court would interfere with an agreement where one party had taken unfair advantage of a superiority in his bargaining position. on the whole this was received with a somewhat chilly response from english commentators on the grounds that inequality of bargaining power is a vague notion, difficult to describe, analyse or apply.61 the notion has also been received with less than rapturous enthusiasm by many judges, particularly by the house of lords, in national westminster bank v. morgan.62 it is notable, however, that in all the cases 56. [1984] 2 all e.r.321. 57. see, e.g.,}ohnson v. agnew [1980] a.c.367. 58. see, e.g., photo production v. securicor [1980] a.c.827. 59. [1980] 2 all e.r.29. 60. [1975] qb.326. 61. see, e.g., treitel, the law of contract (6th edition 1983), pp.317-318. 62. [1985] a.c.686. 75 the denning law journal where courts have been asked to apply the doctrine and have refused to do so, the judges have been careful first of all to make it clear that the actual contract that they were considering fell comfortably within the area of permissible negotiating tactics. so in bunnah oil v. bank of england,63 in alec lobb v. total oif4 and in morgan itself,65 the primary reason for the decision was that the contract was in fact fair. of course, to test the denning thesis, we need to find a case in which a judge will say that the contract is clearly unfair; that the parties were clearly in an unequal bargaining position, but that the court can do nothing about it. i think it may be some time before this case emerges! if this is correct, then we cannot yet exclude the possibility that in a suitable case some court will feel that the existing pigeon holes do not quite fit the case but that the case requires judicial intervention. in such a case, an appeal may be made again to the spirit of bundy. it is noteworthy in this respect that lord denning's judgment has received much more enthusiastic reception in canada. canadian contract law appears to be much more open to the reception of this kind of broad-brush approach.66 contraa theory some of the questions discussed above implicitly raise questions of what the law of contract is about; what its objectives are and should be, and what is the underlying basis of contractual obligation. these questions having been neglected for thirty years are very much to the fore again. professor patrick atiyah has argued in his usual persuasive fashion that the underlying rationale of the law of contract is or should be reliance rather than the satisfaction of expectations.67 so far i must confess to finding the evidence that this is so less than wholly convincing, but the debate is clearly a fruitful one. questions about reliance are particularly important in relation to the final resolution of doubts about promissory estoppel. it is an illustration of both the strength and the weakness of evolution through the cases that high trees68 should have appeared as if from nowhere in 1947 but that we should still be unsure forty years later where its precise limits lie. similarly, contract lawyers have learned much and will learn more from the application of economic a!lalysis which has been particularly illuminating in the context of contractual remedies. indeed, the whole question of remedies, for so long a topic shuffled off to the end of the course and the back of the book, has moved very much to centre stage; an important example is the new debate as to whether specific performance should be granted on a significantly wider basis than it has 63. (1981) unreported. 64. [1985] 1 all e.r.303. 65. the different way in which the same facts are presented by the court of appeal [1983] 3 all e.r.85 and the house of lords is striking in this respect. 66. see, e.g., monison v. coast finance (1965) 55 d.l.r. (2d) 710; black v. wi/cox (1976) 70 d.l.r. (3d) 192; waddams in lord denning: the judge and the laws ch.lo. 67. see e.g., atiyah, the rise alld fall of freedom of contract, pp.184-189; promises, morals and the law, pp.36-42; 102 l.qr. 363. 68. [1947] k.b.130. 76 contract and tort after denning been in the past. as i was writing an earlier draft of these words i received in the post a report of the decision in posner v. scott-lewis69 (a happily named case!?) where specific performance was granted of an agreement by a landlord to provide a residential porter in a block of flats. this was a classic example of a stipulation which could not be adequately compensated by a payment of d"lmages but where authority might well have persuaded judges twenty or thirty years ago not to accede to an application for specific performance. 69. [1986] 3 all e.r.513. 77 foreword the rt. hon. lord denning my friends at the university of buckingham have decided to launch a law journal. they are fortunate in that lord scarman has agreed to be chairman of the editorial advisory board. but 1 am most embarrassed that they should have called it the denning law journal. 1 cannot think why, except that my judgments have often given rise to controversy and given the commentators something to write about. but 1 appreciate the compliment and would congratulate the university on its enterprise. it is of the first importance that there should be free and open discussion of the issues of the day. the members of this free and independent university self-supporting as it is are well placed to take the lead in these discussions. they will choose subjects of contemporary and practical importance. they will seek contributions from those in the law schools of other universities and also in the practising side of the legal profession. 1 trust it will be well supported. 1 have often been asked: which was your most important judgment? 1 would put it as candlerv. crane, christmasl where 1ventured, in a dissenting opinion, to extend the scope of negligence so as to cover economic loss caused by negligent advice. that view was accepted and adopted 13 years later by the house of lords in hedley byrne v. heller.2 next, 1 would put rex v. northumberland compensation appeal tribunal, ex parte shaw3 where we extended the remedy by prerogative writs to cover, not only excess of jurisdiction by a tribunal, but also error of law. to which 1 would add barnard v. national dock labour boartf where we extended the remedy by declaration so as to make it available when a tribunal acted contrary to natural justice or made a mistake of law. these decisions paved the way for the explosive expansion of judicial review which culminated in 0 'reilly v. mackman.5 1 there traced its history and 1 like to think that it was of help to lord diplock in his most important speech in the house of lords. 1. [1951] 2 k.b.i64. 2. [1964] a.c.465. 3. [1952] 1 k.b.338. 4. [1953] 2 qb.18. 5. [1983] 2 a.c.237. 1 the denning law journal then there are the cases on exception clauses. these go back to my junior days when i induced the court of appeal to uphold a most unrighteous clause in l 'estrange v. craucob.6 but when i was on the bench, we managed to introduce the doctrine of fundamental breach. it started in karsales (harrow) v. wallis.7 a company could not rely on a printed exception clause if it was itself guilty of a breach going to the root of the contract. although that doctrine was afterwards repudiated by the house of lords, we managed in due course to revive it in a new guise. a company could not rely on a printed exception clause unless it was fair and reasonable; that was in ceo. mitchell ltd. v. finney lock seeds8 which was affirmed by the house of lords,9 where lord diplock referred to my contribution to the common law in terms which make me blush with embarrassment but which i treasure beyond measure. then of course there is the mareva injunction which i regard as my most important contribution to commercial law. we there granted injunctions to prevent debtors making away with their assets so as to defeat creditors. this involved our departing from the law of the 19th century. we did it in two interlocutory cases straight off the reel, nippon yusen kaisha v. karageorgislo and mareva v. international bulkcarriers: ii but elaborated in a reserved judgment in the pertamina. 12 although the house of lords threw cold water on it in the siskina,13 the mareva survived and was given statutory force. i suppose i should mention the high trees case.14 it was not a reserved judgment. i decided it at first instance straightaway at the end of the argument. its importance was in getting rid of the old notion that estoppels were confined to representations of fact and did not extend to representations as to the future. it brought in a new species of estoppel called promissory estoppel. many were the doubts cast upon it, notably by the house of lords, but it became and is well established. then there are the cases in family law, in which i sought to bring the law into line with the social changes in the status of women. in bendall v. mcwhirterls we invented the deserted wife's equity only to be reversed later by the house of lords and afterwards restored by statute. in rimmer v. rimmerl6 we gave the working wife a half-share in the matrimonial home: and were never reversed. 6. [1934] 2 k.b.394. 7. [1956] 1 w.l.r.936. 8. [1983] 1 qb.285. 9. [1983] 2 a.c.803. 10. [1975] 1 w.l.r.1093. 11. [1975] 2 ll.l.r.509. 12. [1978] qb.644. 13. [1979] a.c.2io. 14. [1947] k.b.130. 15. [1952] 2 qb.466. 16. [1953] 1 qb.63. 2 foreword then there were excursions into international law. my first case in the house of lords was rahimtoola v. nizam of hyderabad. 17 i took more pains over it than any other case only to be scourged by lord simonds and the other law lords. yet in the end we won. in the trendtex case we did away with the absolute theory of state immunity and replaced it by the restrictive theory. outside the courts, i found the profumo inquiry the most interesting and important of my cases. my reportl9 was a best-seller, but the crown said it was their copyright. they took all the royalties! since my retirement, i have spoken in the house of lords on legal subjects: such as abortion, diplomatic immunity, terrorism, police powers, judicial review, telephone-tapping, kerb-crawling, test-tube babies, surrogate motherhood, and pay rises. all these may be thought fit for discussion in the pages of this journal. our legislators would welcome all the help they can get. so i could go on. you will see why i enjoyed the court of appeal best. it is the linchpin of the law of england. it is the court which lays down the law finally in most cases. very few go to the house of lords. i end with all best wishes for the success of this journal. • 17. [1958] a.c.379. 18. [1977] qb.529. 19. cmnd. 2152 of 1963. 3 3 the denning law journal 2017 vol 29 pp 3-16 reasonable reactions to the wrongness of rape john gardner* in a bracing recent paper1 my old friend bob watt invites me to make a “paradigm shift.”2 he is inspired to do so by his reading of an essay that stephen shute and i wrote nearly two decades ago, called ‘the wrongness of rape.’3 the world as portrayed in this essay, watt says, “does not accord with reality as perceived in our everyday lives by most, if not all, of us.”4 the words “if not all” in this sentence add something of importance. watt hopes that the world as portrayed in our essay does not accord with reality even as shute and i perceive it. i think he worries (with characteristic kindness) that, if we perceive reality in the way in which it is portrayed in ‘the wrongness of rape’, we are basket cases in need of therapeutic intervention. in this response – in which i take the opportunity to revisit several themes from the original essay – i hope to reassure watt (and others of like mind) that the position taken in the essay, particularly on the subject of emotions, is not the disturbing one that he reads into it. there is no reason, i will suggest, for me to “reserve [my] analysis to [my] professional li[fe].”5 nor do i so reserve it. the analysis we offered in ‘the wrongness of rape’ comports with my own everyday experience. for the shute-gardner account of the wrongness of rape has quite ordinary phenomenological ramifications. ultimately it helps to explain, rather than to explain away, the central importance of emotional experience in human life, including of course my own. * professor of law and philosophy, university of oxford. 1 bob watt, ‘the story of rape: wrongdoing and the emotional imagination’ (2014) 26 denning law journal 46. hereafter watt. for the uninitiated, bob writes his forename with a lower-case ‘b.’ 2 ibid. 3 j gardner and s shute, ‘the wrongness of rape’ in jeremy horder (ed), oxford essays in jurisprudence: fourth series (oup 1998); reprinted with minor changes in john gardner, offences and defences (oup 2007). hereafter gardner and shute, ‘wrongness.’ page references here are to the 2007 reprint, which is used by watt and many others. 4 watt (n 1) 46. 5 ibid. reasonable reactions to the wrongness of rape 4 i watt thinks that shute and i underestimate the importance of emotions in moral experience, and, more generally, in human life. we make “a mere sideshow” of them, he says.6 to bear this claim out he latches onto the technical word “epiphenomenon,”7 which shute and i used several times in our essay.8 in the crucial sentence, to which our repetitions of the word are implicitly referring, we claimed that “emotional reactions [to rape] ... must be epiphenomenal, in the sense that they cannot constitute, but must shadow, the basic, or essential, wrongness of rape.”9 this sentence does not say what watt reads it to say, namely that emotional reactions to rape can only play a minor or peripheral role in determining the wrongness of rape. it says that emotional reactions to rape can only play a derivative role in determining the wrongness of rape. a derivative role in the relevant sense might well be a major role, even the dominant role. consider an example from a very different context. i have chosen the example to bring out that the shute-gardner argument is not specifically about emotional reactions, but about reactions more generally. the most weighty reason to keep a promise, and the one that lends most force to one’s duty to do so, is often the fact that the promisee relied on it. why would she have relied on it? well, it was a promise, and a promise is (barring special circumstances) binding on the promisor, and thus fit to be relied upon. so far so good. but the promisee’s reliance cannot now be used to explain why the promise is binding. if the fact that a promise is anyway binding is what makes it fit to be relied upon, the fact that the promise is relied upon cannot also be what makes it binding. the reliance reason for keeping it now points back to some other reason for keeping it. this reason (whatever it is) is the “basic or essential” reason, the one that holds us to our promises even when there is no reliance, and hence helps to justify reliance when there is reliance. notice, however, that this basic or essential reason may have rather little force on its own. one’s duty to keep a promise may not be very stringent until the reliance comes along. still, the reliance remains the derivative consideration; it builds on the more basic one.10 6 ibid 49. 7 ibid 46, 47, 49, 50, 59, 60. 8 gardner and shute, ‘wrongness’ (n 3) 6, 7, 21. 9 ibid 7. 10 for recent discussion of this issue in the context of promising (with greater subtlety than the present context allows) see d owens, ‘the possibility of consent’ ratio 24 (2011) 402 and j raz, ‘is there a reason to keep a promise?’ in g klass, g letsas, and p saprai, philosophical foundations of contract law (oup 2014). the denning law journal 5 shute and i thought that much the same points could be made in connection with strong feelings about rape, including but not limited to the strong feelings of those who are raped. if the strong feelings in question are reasonable ones (as we both thought they generally are) there must be something else wrong with rape, some more “basic or essential” wrongmaking feature of rape, that makes the strong feelings reasonable. possibly the “basic or essential” feature doesn’t make rape very wrong by itself. possibly the grief or shame or horror or rage of the victim (and possibly, in some cases, the anxiety or apprehension of other potential victims, the pity or sorrow or guilt of friends and family, etc.) is what makes the biggest difference to the wrongness of rape. so, possibly, it is the trauma of rape – let’s use this as our umbrella word – that should most concern us in the end. but that doesn’t in any way neutralise our interest in finding what else it is about rape that makes for such trauma. for we should think of the victims of rape as people like ourselves, capable of evaluating their own reactions and (perhaps only with therapeutic help) eventually getting them in some kind of perspective and proportion. shute and i regarded the possibility of relating to one’s emotions in this way as a matter of very great importance, not just for theorists like ourselves who are interested in the emotions as a subject of study, but also for the survivors of rape. rape, we thought, is dehumanising enough already without those who have been raped being condescendingly regarded as having lost their human sensitivity to value, their ability to interpret what has happened, to see how it matters, and to relate critically to their own reactions to it (as well as to the reactions of others). the idea that rape survivors can only be passive in the face of their own pain, overwhelmed and trapped by senseless feelings, only adds insult to injury. ii shute and i devised a hypothetical, now widely-discussed in the literature, to help us work out what it is about rape that is basically or essentially wrong, something that could explain why strong feelings about it are in order. the rape in the hypothetical (heavily sleeping victim, no illeffects, rape never comes to her or anyone else’s attention, rapist coincidentally killed just after leaving) was structured to leave no trauma behind it, except for the traumatised reactions of our readers.11 the latter exception is highly significant, although we deliberately did not mention it at the time. we wanted the imaginary rape in our essay to stir up strong feelings in our readers even though (by hypothesis) there could be no 11 gardner and shute, ‘wrongness’ (n 3). reasonable reactions to the wrongness of rape 6 feelings at all about the rape on the part of anyone inside the imaginary world in which it happened, for in that world (by hypothesis) the rape went entirely undetected. in this ambition of stirring up emotion in our readers we succeeded beyond our dreams. watt is just the latest in a long line of readers to react to our scenario with “disgust ... outrage ... an inward shudder for the victim.”12 indeed that was how we reacted to the example ourselves. why did we look for the same reaction in others? we wanted to test whether the relative moral importance of trauma in rape cases is similar to – for example – the relative moral importance of reliance in promise cases. in promise cases, it is plausible to think that reliance is what tends to make the biggest difference to the stringency of the duty to keep the promise. it is plausible to think that it is not very important to keep a promise that is never relied upon by anyone – say, because it is promptly forgotten by everyone. is the same true of a rape that goes undetected? our experiment suggested that, for most people, it is not. and watt is one of the guinea-pigs who has helped to confirm that result. he has helped to confirm our hunch (reflected in our own feelings about the case we invented) that an undetected rape, hence a rape giving rise to no trauma, is still very seriously wrong. would watt want to say that the rape in our scenario is wrong but not very seriously wrong, something like breaking a promise that nobody recalls or telling a lie that nobody hears? clearly not. like us, he is outraged by the rape. in which case, he helps to vindicate the approach of our essay. there is something seriously wrong with a rape even when, by hypothesis, it gives rise to no trauma. what is that something? that was precisely our question, and it has not gone away. watt could not be further from the truth, then, when he says that our “readers are implicitly required to step inside [the] analysis and to abandon the normal human responses felt when a person is confronted with a story of rape.”13 such abandonment by our readers would have defeated part of the object of the exercise.14 we needed plenty of serious reader-outrage in order to test our hunch that rape with no bad consequences, including no 12 watt (n 1) 49. 13 ibid. 14 a more apt target for watt’s quoted criticism would be pedro almadóvar’s film talk to her (2002) in which a scenario akin to the one shute and i devised is embellished, almost romanticised, in such a way as to make the viewer “abandon the normal human responses felt when ... confronted with a story of rape.” almadóvar’s experiment differed from ours. he really did want his audience to “step inside his analysis” for the first hour of the film – only to be disturbed, as he escorted them back out, at how easily he had made them complicit or quiescent. the denning law journal 7 trauma, is still wrong in a very serious way, such that one should still be seriously outraged on being told of it. and still seriously outraged, notice, even when it is identified in advance as an imaginary scenario and presented in an emotionally-flat “analytical philosophy” tone.15 nobody feels this pained – do they? – if we test them with imaginary cases of inconsequential promise-breaking, inconsequential lying, or inconsequential theft. to warrant such outrage whatever is “basically or essentially” wrong with rape must be something towards the more outrageous end of the spectrum. while the trauma felt by survivors may still be a major factor in assessing the seriousness of particular rapes – we left that contentious matter open16 – the underlying outrageousness of rape, the very thing that shute and i were trying to discover, clearly can’t be something slight. iii by charging that shute and i make “a mere sideshow” of the emotions, watt means that we underestimate their importance. but not only that. he also means that we err in treating emotions as answerable to reasons. if that is an error, i have just repeated it in sections i and ii. i treated it as a proper question to ask whether a certain emotion experienced by a rape victim (or by anyone) is reasonable, in proportion, sensitive to value, etc. watt denounces this (as he sees it) “kantian” rational scrutiny of our emotions in favour of (what he takes to be) its “humean” rival, according to which 15 although our tone could itself be the object of added outrage. we pointed tha t out in the essay (gardner and shute, ‘wrongness’ (n 3) 2), hoping that our readers would not allow their outrage at the thought of the imaginary rape to get mixed up with their outrage at our writing about it with such sang-froid as we did. to judge by watt’s reactions, our hope was in vain. some of his complaints seem to be complaints about the dessicated ways of philosophers as such. see e.g. watt (n 1) 49. 16 contentious because for some ‘rape is rape’ and does not admit of degrees of seriousness. this means refusing to differentiate among rapes according to their consequences, and hence, rejecting “victim impact statements” and the like. ‘rape is rape’ is a slogan usually traced to 1970s campaigner del martin. she continued: “the identity of the rapist does not alter the fact of his act, nor lessen its traumatic effects on the victim.” del martin, battered wives (volcano, california 1976) 181, [italics added]. notice that the italicised words allow that rape would be less serious if it were less traumatic. so martin did not believe that rape did not admit of degrees of seriousness. she merely thought that the identity of the rapist, on its own, was irrelevant to the degree of seriousness. reasonable reactions to the wrongness of rape 8 ‘reason is the slave of the quiet passions.’17 for watt,this means “that our first evaluation of an occurrence, such as rape, is emotional rather than rational,”18 that “emotions are right at the forefront of our assessment of wrongdoing.”19 in this sense, “[o]ne might even say that reason is the true epiphenomenon.”20 consider watt’s words “our first evaluation of an occurrence, such as rape, is emotional rather than rational.” clearly the word “first” here is a red herring. there was nothing in what shute and i wrote to suggest that one feels or should feel no horror, grief, fury or dread at anything in advance of knowing what it is about that thing that makes it horrifying, grievous, infuriating or dreadful. indeed what we said is even compatible with the more radical possibility that horror, grief, fury or dread may properly strike one even before one knows what the horrifying, grievous, infuriating or dreadful thing is (never mind knowing what it is about it that makes it horrifying, grievous, infuriating or dreadful). watt misleads his readers, then, by presenting his disagreement with us as being about whether, when we face something that (properly) evokes emotion, emotion is (properly) the first thing to be evoked. probably this is just a slip on his part; probably it is an explanatory rather than a temporal primacy that he really has in mind when he puts emotions “first.” more revealing, however, are the remaining words in watt’s sentence. in acknowledging that “our ... evaluation of an occurrence” can be emotional, he acknowledges that emotions can have objects, that it is possible to feel horror, grief, fury, or dread at something or about something or towards something, including something “such as rape.” not only possible, one might add, but par for the course. even if one does not yet know what the object of one’s emotional reaction is (even if one does not yet know what it is, say, that is giving one the creeps or the screaming heeby-jeebies) it is surely a built-in feature of one’s emotional reaction that it draws one’s attention to its object, or at least puts one on the lookout for its (as yet undetected) object. if one doesn’t yet know what one is reacting to, one’s reaction inclines one to wonder what it is that one is reacting to. if that much is true, then already one is relating to one’s own reactions in the “critical” way that i described in section iii above. one is asking why – in response to what – one feels as one does, and so one is treating one’s emotions as answerable to reasons. if one discovers that there is nothing to be afraid of, or nothing to be angry about, or nothing to be surprised at, then typically one’s fear or anger or surprise (as the case may be) evaporates – 17 watt (n 1) 58. 18 ibid 59. 19 ibid 60. 20 ibid 59. the denning law journal 9 although of course it may give way to embarrassment at one’s gullibility, or shame at one’s prejudice, etc. and if one discovers that what there is to be afraid of or angry about or surprised at is not as much as at first one imagined, then typically one’s fear or anger or surprise abates pro tanto – although of course it may give way to annoyance at one’s tendency to exaggerate, frustration at one’s lack of discernment, etc. the necessary adjustments when one discovers the truth in such cases might not, i hasten to add, be instantaneous; emotions that we discover to be misplaced, misdirected, or out of proportion, can be sticky. sometimes one even hunts around subconsciously to find some alternative object that would license one to continue feeling as one already does. one’s emotion cries out, if you like, for some object in the world to which it may still qualify as a fitting reaction. and that is all that there is to (typical) emotion’s answerability to reasons. it is no more and no less than is already implicit in watt’s own proposal that in or by an emotion we “evaluat[e] ... an occurrence.” we take something good or bad in the world to befit the emotion in question, even if we don’t yet know what that something is. and watt says precisely that, even about rape: at the thought of rape, we suffer “natural emotional nausea.”21 not any old reaction, notice, but the one that befits rape, and that comes naturally to us as beings who respond to reasons. does watt manage to distance himself somehow from the implications of his remarks, as i have just exposed them? elsewhere in his discussion he is sympathetic to a view put forward by john stanton-ife, to which i am also sympathetic, that rape is or is prone to be “destructive of personality itself.”22 that of course is a reason too, a reason, if stanton-ife is right, that is capable of bearing dramatically on the wrongness of rape. when it bears on the wrongness of rape, it bears by the very same token on the reasonableness of various emotional reactions to rape. that a victim’s personality would or might be destroyed by rape (if and when that is true) is surely a major reason to fear being raped, as well as to abhor rapists and relish their getting their comeuppance, to be saddened by the human capacity for evil, to be anxious or alarmed for the victim, to feel vengeful or heartbroken on her behalf, and more generally, in a suitably empathetic way,23 to share the victim’s pain. 21 ibid 61. 22 watt (n 1) 60, referring to john stanton-ife, ‘horrific crime’ in ra duff et a l (eds) the boundaries of the criminal law (2010). watt’s sympathy for the view is conveyed in watt (n 1) 47 n 3. 23 i believe i am at one with watt in saying that empathy is not an emotion; it is an ability and propensity to share in another’s emotions, also called “fellow-feeling.” i would add, as maybe watt would not, that empathetic people tend to draw the reasonable reactions to the wrongness of rape 10 these emotional reactions all answer to (inter alia) the stanton-ife reason, when that reason holds. but you may say – and watt may be read as saying24 – that the last entry on the list reveals a special twist in the stanton-ife reason. for one part of a victim’s personality that might be damaged or destroyed by rape is the emotional part, which is, as watt rightly says, a “vital part.”25 the person raped might be thereby rendered unrecognisable in respect of some emotional traits (going from sunny, open, and carefree, say, to wary, preoccupied, and panicky). couldn’t this help to show that reasons are the “true epiphenomenon” in the case of rape? we should all have negative emotional reactions to rape partly for the stanton-ife reason, true enough; but the stanton-ife reason itself refers us back to (the rape victim’s) emotions. so this explanation of rape’s wrongness bottoms out, does it not, in emotions rather than reasons? not so if the emotions have the rape as their object. not so if watt is right to think that, in or by her emotions (however transformed by the rape) the rape victim “evaluates” the rape. not so, in other words, if she is still capable of asking what it is about the rape that makes her feel as she does. suppose, as is understandable, that at least in the early months she finds it hard to grasp the reasons why she feels as she does (perhaps because it is hard to confront them when the experience is still so immediate). finding the reasons hard to grasp, but still tortured by her feelings, she sometimes worries that she might be going mad. that worry is fully intelligible on the shute/gardner view, which turns out also to be the watt view: since even very intense emotions answer to reason, being unable to grasp the reason for them is worrying. so one reassuring sign concerning our rape victim’s mental health is that, when confronted with very sticky emotions that she struggles to make intelligible even to herself, she still has this fully intelligible worry about her sanity. that shows that there is hope for her to get back to living her life, even if that means living a different life from the one she lived before and would have been living still, were it not for the rape.26 line at unreasonable feelings. empathy is not a judgment-free trait. for discussion see jesse prinz, ‘against empathy’ (2011) 49 southern journal of philosophy 214, and the reply in the same volume by julia driver. 24 watt (n 1) 47 n 3. 25 ibid 49. 26 is having a different life necessarily a bad thing? you might think not in a case in which the life afterwards includes less naivety, more strength of character, more sense of who one’s friends really are, etc. but i tend to think that even a case like this is double-edged. disillusionment represents a harm, it seems to me, even if one should not have had the illusions in the first place. i say more about this in my forthcoming book from personal life to private law. the denning law journal 11 iv since watt seems to hold emotions answerable to reasons in exactly the same way that shute and i do, one must conclude that he, mistakenly, takes us to be holding emotions answerable to reasons in some other, presumably more objectionable, way. what is that way? strangely, without supporting evidence, watt seems to land us with the view that people should react to the world dispassionately, repressing their emotions in favour of “reason[ing] out a course of action” in a cool-headed way. 27 this is a view commonly (although contentiously) associated with kant, and according to watt “the thrust of [the shute-gardner] argument is kantian.”28 whether it is kant’s view or not, however, it is diametrically opposed to our view. since emotions answer to reason, they belong to what aristotelians (among whom we number ourselves) call “the rational part of the soul.”29 true, one’s emotions are capable of seducing one into doing the wrong thing; but reasoning out a course of action in a cool-headed way is no less capable of doing that. neither the passionate nor the dispassionate among us has any a priori claim to be generally more effective in securing anyone’s (including their own) conformity with reasons; whether a more or less emotional reaction will lead to better reason-conformity just depends on which reasons we are talking about, which emotions, in which circumstances, for which person, in respect of which action, and so on. sometimes, surely, a cold calculation is just the opposite of what is called for. sometimes fleeing in terror, looking away in disgust, remonstrating furiously, weeping with frustration, or hanging one’s head in shame is the only reasonable reaction. shute and i said nothing to suggest otherwise. in fact, and somewhat strangely, it is watt who suggests otherwise. watt ultimately joins with kant, or with kant as contentiously interpreted, in asserting the “irrationality of emotion.”30 he thereby gives succour to the false idea that emotion tends to stand in the way of conformity with reasons, and should, so far as conformity with reasons is concerned, be avoided. it follows from this idea that if emotions are to be “rehabilitated,”31 to be restored to their proper place as “a vital part of the human personality”32 as watt thinks they should be, that rehabilitation cannot be in the name of 27 watt (n 1) 59. 28 ibid 47. 29 see e.g. m nussbaum, ‘aristotle on emotions and rational persuasion’ in ao rorty (ed), essays on aristotle’s rhetoric (university of california press 1996). 30 watt (n 1) 61. 31 ibid 49. 32 ibid. reasonable reactions to the wrongness of rape 12 conformity with reasons. accordingly, thinks watt, we had better learn to care less about conformity with reasons. why be reasonable, he wonders, when you could be in touch with your feelings? and he imagines us responding, tit-for-tat, with the reverse question: why be in touch with your feelings when you could be reasonable? that question certainly has something going for it as compared with watt’s. both questions are ‘why?’ questions that can only be answered by giving a reason. thus watt’s question “why be reasonable when you could be in touch with your feelings?” is a question the asking of which already presupposes the primacy of reasonableness.33 that gives a huge advantage to the riposte: why be in touch with your feelings, when you could be reasonable? but be that as it may, the riposte question is not the one that shute and i asked. our question was: how about having, or at least aspiring to have, reasonable feelings? we therefore did not sign up, as watt does, to the false choice between reasonableness and emotionality. for we did not share his faith in the “irrationality of emotion.” we thought (and i for one continue to think) that emotions not only answer to reasons, but often answer to reasons well, helping (sometimes enabling) people to do and be what they have reason to do and be. the last formulation shows how watt can square his belief in the “irrationality of emotion” with the belief that he seems to share with shute and me, namely that emotions answer to reasons. obviously it is possible to hold that emotions answer to reasons while holding that they do so badly – that, when it comes to improving our conformity with reasons, emotion is generally a poor guide, or at any rate a poorer guide than dispassionately “reason[ing] out a course of action.” this is a popular combination of views – emotions are not arational, but they are irrational – and it is plausible to attribute it to kant. curiously, it is also plausible, on closer inspection, to attribute it to watt. but it is not at all plausible to attribute it to shute and me. we say of emotions: they are not arational and they are not notably irrational either. allowing oneself to be guided by one’s emotions can sometimes lead one astray, of course.34 but cool calculation is no less prone to do so, at any rate a priori. (there may, of course, be a posteriori discrepancies in the success rates of these two modalities across different classes of actions, different agents, different reasons, different emotions, different times and places, etc. all of that would call for empirical research.) 33 gardner, ‘the mark of responsibility’ (2003) 23 oxford journal of lega l studies 157; later version in gardner, offences and defences (n 3). 34 on overestimating the rational reliability of emotion, see my, ‘wrongdoing by results: moore’s experiential argument’ (2012) 18 legal theory 459. the denning law journal 13 v a different strand of watt’s critique is concerned, not with the very idea that emotions answer to reasons, but with the particular reason that shute and i advanced as bearing on the wrongness of rape, and as providing a basis for negative emotional reactions to it. rape, we suggested, is the “sheer use” of a person.35 this is the “basic and essential” reason (a) not to commit it and (b) to feel as we do feel about it when it is committed. in this proposal shute and i admittedly alighted on a vaguely kantian idea. 36 perhaps it is this that leads watt to think, mistakenly, that we must follow kant on other matters too. be that as it may, i am no longer as sure as i once was that the proposal that shute and i made is exactly right. all i can say is that it is in the right neighbourhood. i think we were right to think of rape as a kind of objectification of a person, but possibly wrong to narrow down the relevant kind of objectification so exclusively to sheer use.37 watt does not, however, make an objection to our proposal along these lines. he does not say that some rapes are not sheer uses. rather he repeats a converse objection made by danny statman a few years ago:38 that many sheer uses are not rapes. statman gave the example of “a medical student making use of a person’s body by creeping into her room whilst she is unconscious and examining her facial structure to revise for his examination.” 39 he didn’t deny that this would be wrong; he merely pointed out that what shute and i said about rape would be “incomplete”40 if we failed to explain why the rape, in our much discussed example, seems so much more egregious than the facial examination in his example, even though both are sheer uses of a person. watt does not mention my reply to statman, in which i pointed out that shute and i had, in fact, offered the sketch of an explanation towards the end of our essay.41 our explanation 35 gardner and shute, ‘wrongness’ (n 3) 16. 36 we said that we ‘echoed’ kant: gardner and shute, ‘wrongness’ (n 3) 17. 37 i was given fresh food for thought on this question by m mikkola, ‘dehumanization’ in thom brooks (ed), new waves in ethics (basingstoke 2011) and more recently by m plaxton, ‘nussbaum on sexual instrumentaliation’ (2016) 10 criminal law and philosophy forthcoming. 38 d statman, ‘gardner on the wrongness of rape’ (2012) 4 jerusalem review of legal studies 105. hereafter statman, ‘gardner on the wrongness of rape.’ 39 watt (n 1) 47, paraphrasing statman, ‘gardner on the wrongness of rape’ (n 38) 108-9. 40 watt (n 1) 47, echoing statman, ‘gardner on the wrongness of rape’ (n 38) 109. 41 gardner, ‘in defence of offences and defences’ (2012) 4 jerusalem review of legal studies 110. reasonable reactions to the wrongness of rape 14 was that rape takes an important and socially influential ideal of subjectsubject relations – human sexual relations – and turns it on its head. this gives a special social meaning to rape that other sheer uses do not share.42 in a new (forthcoming) article, called ‘the opposite of rape,’ i have explored this point in a lot more detail.43 i have worked out the relevant ideal of good sex in a way that reveals, i think, why rape is the very antithesis of it, and thereby helps us to see what it is that is especially wrong with rape that does not extend to statman’s example of the facial examination. you do not need to read ‘the opposite of rape,’ however, to see that shute and i anticipated statman’s point and answered it. in my reply to statman i even quoted the relevant paragraph.44 watt turns the screw a little further than statman. he devises an example of sheer use of another person in human sexual relations that does not strike him as wrong at all, and certainly nowhere near the rape end of the spectrum. this move, if successful, neatly sidesteps what shute and i said in anticipation of statman’s objection. for we played the “sex is special” card to show what is especially wrong with sheer use of a person in the sexual context; and watt’s example is designed to show that sheer use of a person need not be especially wrong even in the sexual context. in watt’s example, a woman called mary “wants to be ‘used’” in a controlled sense by [her lover, john] so that she feels no responsibility for that which has happened.’45 in particular (in a nice echo of the rape hypothetical that shute and i devised) mary would like to experiment with john’s attempting to “make love to her while she is asleep.”46 what could shute and i say about this case to explain how distant it is from our case, without giving up our “sheer use” doctrine? a possible response is that watt’s is an example of “sheer use” in quotation marks, rather than sheer use. in an aspect of the story that watt only hints at, and may not mean to rely upon, mary’s wish to experiment in this way is an aspect of what is sometimes known as a “rape fantasy.”47 if watt means to rely upon this feature of the example, then the example tends to count in favour of, not against, the position that shute and i took. for if rape is sheer use of a person, then a theatrical representation of rape ought by the same token to be a theatrical representation of sheer use of a person. on this reading, watt’s words “controlled in a sense” mean that john is to be guided throughout by mary’s script. he must regard and conduct himself as a player in mary’s 42 gardner and shute, ‘wrongness’ (n 3) 22-3. 43 gardner, ‘the opposite of rape’ draft online at . 44 gardner, ‘in defence of offences and defences’ (n 41) 126-7. 45 watt (n 1) 54. 46 ibid 53. 47 ibid 54 (n 27). the denning law journal 15 production, not engaging in sheer use of her but only in the portrayal of sheer use of her, albeit as authentically and with as much improvisation as he can manage and she requires. imagine that he gets carried away with the role and starts to regard the sleeping mary as his sex toy rather than as the impresario behind the show in which she plays the role of his sex toy. then, surely, the case shifts decisively back towards our rape hypothetical. but suppose the “fantasy” theme is another red herring in watt’s critique. suppose mary doesn’t want any masquerade. she wants her lover to fuck her while she’s out cold, ‘just like the imaginary woman in that shute-gardner article i was reading today’ (she tells him). the whole point is that she’s volunteering to be an actual sex toy. tonight, after she’s popped a couple of roofies and got herself a bit aroused, john is to use her in her stupefied form as if she were a kind of super-realistic inflatable doll. no injuries allowed of course (remember the shute-gardner example) but otherwise it’s all to be at his whim, with no thought of her as any kind of participant. the thought that she will be reduced to an object in this way turns her on, she says, and the thought of once having been reduced to an object in this way, she thinks and says, will routinely turn her on afterwards. ‘why not?’ she asks. ‘it’s just some harmless fun.’ if that is more or less the story, then watt’s example fits into a different part of the shute-gardner analysis.48 it is the kind of sexual activity which is covered by the right to sexual freedom. people may waive the duty that others owe them not to mistreat them sexually. it does not mean that there is no mistreatment. like other rights to freedom (freedom of speech, association, conscience, etc.), the right to sexual freedom is mainly there to license people to do objectionable things, and often these things remain objectionable even when done under the license of the right. the right to sexual freedom licenses people – mainly by use of their power to consent – to carry out ignominious sexual experiments with others, to take up sexually degrading lines of work, and of course to have casual and meaningless “utility sex” with virtual strangers. exercising the right, as mary does with john, is capable of taking acts in the “sheer use” category right out of the ‘rape’ category even though they meet the other conditions to qualify as rape. to test the hypothesis, just imagine that john is really into mary’s idea, not out of an uxorious zeal to cater to her peculiar tastes, but because he really likes the idea of fucking an unconscious woman. that doesn’t make him a rapist but it does make him a sleazeball with what today are sometimes called ‘rapey’ tastes, and it’s just as well for him that he has met someone, in mary, who happens to exercise her right to sexual freedom in a way that caters, depressingly, to his sleaziness. why, perhaps his sleaziness is even part of his attraction for her. as watt says, many people have kinky sexual 48 gardner and shute, ‘wrongness’ (n 3) 16-21. reasonable reactions to the wrongness of rape 16 tastes, including tastes to use others and be used by them, and many suffer associated sexual attractions for what their parents might call ‘unsuitable’ partners.49 the right to sexual freedom, as shute and i explained at some length in our essay, is what protects people in giving effect to those tastes and attractions even where, as watt very understatedly puts it in mary’s and john’s case “we may not wholly approve of the[ir] antics.”50 so it turns out that shute and i anticipated watt’s example as well as statman’s. we explained when and why sheer use of someone in sexual relations is “not wrongful”51 (watt’s expression) even when it meets all the other conditions for qualifying as rape. on the other hand we did not suggest, as watt thinks we should have done, that it is “it is the emotional context of that ‘use’ which is important.”52 nor should that be conceded. i do not doubt that in sexual matters, emotional connection is of great importance. it is one of many respects in which good sex may be good. it can be a redeeming feature of sex that it is some other ways pretty bad. but i very much doubt whether it has any role to play in explaining why john, while (zealously or otherwise) carrying out mary’s kinky request, is no rapist. possibly it explains, further back, why mary felt comfortable in giving john her consent to make sheer use of her. but it is her consent that matters to the question of why he is no rapist, and that would equally protect him from being a rapist if mary were an easygoing stranger he met in a bar, or a niche prostitute who specialises in offering the use of her sedated body to sleazy men who are into the idea of fucking an unconscious woman. the emotional context of all this sexual activity is a matter of evaluative importance in various ways. but it is not important, i persist in thinking, in explaining what qualifies as rape, or what is basically and essentially wrong with rape. 49 watt (n 1) 58. 50 ibid. 51 ibid 54. 52 ibid 55. human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 130 denning law journal 2015 vol 27 pp 130-145 slavery under the european convention on human rights and the jus cogens prohibition of human trafficking stefan kirchner and vanessa m. frese abstract human trafficking for purposes of sexual and other forms of slavery continues to pose a major threat to the human rights and human dignity of many persons. this is particularly the case for young women from eastern european nations. not to be confused with human smuggling and undocumented immigration, human trafficking usually aims at exploitation, often through slavery in the form of un-oder underpaid domestic work or forced prostitution. the european convention on human rights (echr) as well as jus cogens outlaw slavery. in this article it is shown by the authors that human trafficking although not explicitly dealt with in the echr is also prohibited if it aims at creating or maintaining a situation of slavery. indeed, it is then prohibited by jus cogens and states have a positive obligation to combat human trafficking effectively. many states fail to do so, showing that this problem is one of law enforcement rather than of creating effective legal norms since those already exist. keywords human trafficking, slavery, european convention on human rights, jus cogens. associate professor for fundamental and human rights, university of lapland, faculty of law, p. o. box 122, 96101 rovaniemi, finland, email: stefan.kirchner@ulapland.fi, law student, university of fribourg, avenue de l‘europe 20, 1700 fribourg, switzerland; international law research intern, humanrightslawyer.eu. the denning law journal 131 1 introduction for many people who leave the middle east or africa, europe is the destination of their dreams. often fueled by unrealistic expectations, they risk their lives to escape war, persecution or poverty. for thousands, the mediterranean sea becomes a grave without a gravestone. 1 within europe, many from the formerly communist countries in the east move to the west in the hopes of a better life. in many cases is the life they find not better than the one they left behind; all too often, it is one of exploitation and violence. in particular young women are at risk of being forced into sexual slavery. the understanding of human trafficking for the purpose of sexual slavery which underlies this text is the view that actions which are essential for establishing or maintaining the slavery in questions are also slavery and hence equally prohibited. this includes human trafficking. likewise it includes e.g. violent acts against victims of slavery. such acts forming part of slavery states have an obligation to prevent them. oftentimes, human trafficking is confused with human smuggling. 2 the later refers to the illegal entry into a state 3 while the former is characterized by the abuse of power differentials for exploitative purposes. 4 while often mistakenly thought to be a thing of the past, slavery remains an important issue. indeed, it is thought that the late 20th and early 21st century has seen more slaves than any other time in human history. 5 in this article, it will be shown how the european convention on human rights (echr) 6 protects against human trafficking for the 1 maria margaronis, ‗the mediterranean has become the grave of migrants‘, thenation.com, 9 may 2014, available online at . 2 on the difference between trafficking and smuggling of humans see marina elefante, ‗slave women: the italian legal response to the international trafficking of women‘ (2007) 1 the protection project journal of human rights and civil society 1, 2. 3 ibid 3. 4 for a more detailed description, see elefante (n 2) 3. 5 terrence mcnally, ‗there are more slaves today than at any time in human history‘, alternet.org, 12 january 2015, available online at http://www.alternet.org/civil-liberties/there-are-more-slaves-today-any-timehuman-history. 6 council of europe, european convention for the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, as amended by protocols nos. 11 and 14, 4 november 1950, ets 5, available online at http://www.thenation.com/blog/179776/mediterranean-has-become-grave-migrants http://www.thenation.com/blog/179776/mediterranean-has-become-grave-migrants http://www.alternet.org/civil-liberties/there-are-more-slaves-today-any-time-human-history http://www.alternet.org/civil-liberties/there-are-more-slaves-today-any-time-human-history slavery under the european convention on human rights 132 purposes of slavery but also that in human trafficking can fall within the scope of the jus cogens prohibition of slavery under general public international law. 2. slavery the echr does not define the term ―slavery‖. 7 it does not have to do so. while in many way reminiscent of a self-contained regime, the echr is still an international treaty and as such its interpretation can be informed by international law in general for example the 1924 slavery convention. 8 for the purposes of the convention, the term ―slavery‖ is to be understood as ―the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of the powers attached to the right of ownership are exercised‖. 9 2.1 slavery in general public international law understanding international law requires understanding its historic background. 10 slavery has been around for millennia and has been outlawed in international law for long. the intercontinental slave trade of the colonial era led to efforts to outlaw slavery. 11 jus cogens rules are rules, which have to be obeyed at all times. 12 today, the prohibition of slavery is undoubtedly prohibited under international law 13 ; indeed the international law prohibition of slavery is a norm of jus cogens. 14 in http://www.echr.coe.int/documents/convention_eng.pdf. 7 christoph grabenwarter, europäische menschenrechtskonvention (3rd ed, beck 2008) 55. 8 united nations, slavery convention, 25 sept 1924, unts 60, 254. 9 grabenwarter (n 7) 55. 10 elefante (n 4) 7. on the development of anti-slavery law on the international level in the 18th century, see michael haas, international human rights a comprehensive introduction (1st ed, routledge 2008) 49 and 70. 11 david j. bederman, globalization and international law (1st ed, palgrave, 2008) 35; antonio cassese, international law (1st ed, oxford 2001) 350; christopher joyner, international law in the 21st century rules for global governance (1st ed, rowman & littlefield 2005) 136. 12 see entry "jus cogens" in the cornell university law school legal dictionary, legal information institute, available online at http://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/jus_cogens. 13 thomas buergenthal et al, grundzüge des völkerrechts (1st ed, cf müller 1988) 117. 14 rafael nieto-navia, ‗international peremptory norms (jus cogens) and international humanitarian law‘, available online at http://www.echr.coe.int/documents/convention_eng.pdf http://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/jus_cogens the denning law journal 133 addition, it is not only an obligation erga omnes 15 (an obligation of all subjects of international law 16 towards all other subjects of international law) but also omnium, meaning that slavery is prohibited for everybody, individuals, states, corporations and all other entities, persons and groups of persons. in addition, there is a rule of jus cogens which obliges all states to take positive action and fight slavery. 2.2 slavery and the law of the sea in the 1982 law of the sea convention 17 (losc), this duty has been codified in article 99, which follows similar rules which were contained in international treaties 18 against the trade in slaves. 19 since the 19th and early 20th century 20 a number of such treaties have been concluded, 21 leading to the current situation that slavery is absolutely illegal under international law. article 110 (1) (b) losc provides the legal powers to fulfill this duty by mentioning the reasonable suspicion of trade in slaves by use of a ship as one of the exceptional justifications for boarding a ship on the high seas. due to the jus cogens nature of this obligation, lit. (b) of this norm would not have necessary 22 as it would have followed from the jus cogens duty to fight slavery that such actions may be taken. rather than providing an argument against such a duty, lit. (b) losc has to be seen in the context of para. 1 of article 110 losc, which names all http://www.iccnow.org/documents/writingcolombiaeng.pdf. 15 for an overview over the arguments in favor of understanding rules concerning the protection of women as obligations erga omnes, see farhad malekian, ‗the laws governing crimes against women constituting obligatio erga omne‘, in david wingeate pike (ed), crimes against women (1st ed, nova 2011) 3, 15, with further references. 16 see stephan hobe / otto kimminich, einführung in das völkerrecht (8th ed, cf müller 2004) 64. 17 united nations, convention on the law of the sea, un doc. a/conf. 62/122, (1982) 21 international legal materials 1261. 18 for a short overview, see peter malanczuk, akehurst’s modern introduction to international law (1st ed, routledge 1997, reprint 1998) 21. 19 ibid 188. 20 thomas g weiss et al, the united nations and changing world policies (5th edn, westview 2007) 145. 21 see in detail nina lassen, ‗article 4‘, in gognundur alfredsson et al (eds), the universal declaration of human rights: a common standard of achievement (1st edn, springer netherland 1999) 87, and knut ipsen, völkerrecht (5th edn, beck 2004) 776, with further references. 22 for the opposite view, see dj harris, cases and materials on international law (5th edn, sweet & maxwell 1998) 431. http://www.iccnow.org/documents/writingcolombiaeng.pdf slavery under the european convention on human rights 134 grounds for boarding a ship on the high seas while for example para. 2 of the same norm explains the way in which such boarding may be undertaken etc. 2.3 slavery as an international crime. like a pirate, a slave trader is hostis humani generis, an enemy of all mankind. it can therefore be argued that there is also a universal obligation incumbent upon everybody to fight slavery. slavery is ―a crime under modern international law‖. 23 international criminal law does not cover human trafficking for purposes of forced prostitution. 24 this makes it necessary for states, and indeed for everybody, to take the necessary action to fight slavery. for states this means legislating and enforcing domestic laws which outlaw slavery. for individuals this can mean petitioning your state to actually create such laws or to enforce them better where this is not the case and to inform the authorities of cases of slavery should they become known. 2.4 slavery and the european convention on human rights human rights have sometimes been accused of becoming unclear or suffering from far-reaching demands which lead to a ―[r]ights [i]nflation‖. 25 the issue of slavery is at the exact opposite end of the spectrum in this regard: while de jure slavery is absolutely prohibited, it are de facto the victims who are in the weakest position and least able to speak out and demand their rights. this makes it necessary for human rights activists to take action and to engage in law fare for the purpose of ending slavery not only on paper but also in fact. from the perspective of european human rights law, slavery often receives little attention due to the small number of cases, which have been decided by the european court of human rights. 26 until v cyprus and russia, 27 the leading cases under article 4 echr seem to have been three cases against belgium which did not involve human trafficking: in de wilde, ooms and versyp v 23 joyner (n 11) 136. 24 joyner (n 11) 137. 25 george letsas, a theory of interpretation of the european convention on human rights (1st edn, oxford university press 2007) 120. 26 mark w janis et al, european human rights law text and materials (3rd edn, oxford university press 2008) 231. 27 european court of human rights, rantsev v cyprus and russia, application no. 25965/04, judgment of 7 january 2010. the denning law journal 135 belgium. 28 in the case of van droogenbroeck v belgium 29 ―the applicant submitted that the fact that he had been placed at the disposal of the government as a recidivist, had reduced him to a condition of servitude, since in fact he was subject to arbitrary supervision by the administrative authorities.‖ 30 back then, the commission outlined the elements of servitude in the negative while excluding mr. van droogenbroeck‘s claim 31 , specifically, ―because the measure was one of limited duration only, was subject to judicial review and did not affect the legal status of the person in question.‖ 32 van der mussele v belgium 33 concerned the duty of a trainee lawyer to represent impoverished clients for free. 34 the applicant in karlheinz schmidt v germany 35 complained of inequality before the law. while relating to legitimate concerns of the applicants, these cases seem far removed from the reality of slavery many victims experience everyday all over europe. siliadin v france dealt with the exploitation of a girl under the age of 18 from togo who was in france without a residence permit and who had been exploited there as a domestic worker and was handed over from one family to the next. 36 it was in rantsev v cyprus and russia 37 that the reality of many young women from eastern europe became relevant in the halls of strasbourg. 28 european court of human rights, de wilde, ooms and verysp v belgium, application nos. 2832/66; 2835/66; 2899/66, judgment of 18 june 1971. 29 european court of human rights, van droogenbroeck v belgium, application no. 7906/77, judgment of 24 june 1982. 30 leo zwaak, ‗freedom from slavery, servitude and force or compulsory labour‘ in pieter van dijk et al (eds), theory and practice of the european convention on human rights (1st edn, intersentia 2006) 443, 444. 31 van droogenbroeck v belgium (n 29) [58]. 32 zwaak (n 30) 444; van droogenbroeck v belgium (n 29). 33 european court of human rights, van der mussele v belgium, application no. 8919/80, judgment of 23 november 1983. 34 ibid. 35 european court of human rights, karlheinz schmidt v germany, application no. 13580/88, judgment of 18 july 1994. 36 european court of human rights, siliadin v france, application no. 73316/01, final judgment of 26 october 2005; roberta avellino, ‗trafficking in persons and the european convention of human rights‘, in strasbourg observer, 26 october 2011, available online at http://www.internationallawobserver.eu/2011/12/07/council-of-europe-fightingtrafficking-in-persons/, 3, on the efforts of the coe; ibid, 12, on siliadin v france. 37 rantsev (n 27). http://www.internationallawobserver.eu/2011/12/07/council-of-europe-fighting-trafficking-in-persons/ http://www.internationallawobserver.eu/2011/12/07/council-of-europe-fighting-trafficking-in-persons/ slavery under the european convention on human rights 136 the court‘s view 38 therefore does not go far enough. the decision in rantsev v cyprus and russia was an important landmark not only in terms of the application of article 4 echr to human trafficking, but also a problematic judgment. by allowing for limitations to the general duty to fight human trafficking the court overlooks that while slavery and human trafficking are distinct concepts, human trafficking can be an aspect of slavery. this was also the case in rantsev in this case, the duty to fight human trafficking is a part of the obligation to fight slavery. assuming that the european court of human rights did not intend to weaken either the jus cogens prohibition of slavery or the concept of jus cogens as a whole, it appears that the court, in following for the possibility that the obligation to fight human trafficking for the purpose of sexual slavery is not ―absolute‖ 39 , has overlooked that, while slavery and human trafficking normally are two different legal categories, here the latter is an essential element of the former and is therefore to be treated as such. in the case of slavery this means an absolute jus cogens and erga omnes obligation to combat it. in rantsev the court went into more detail than in the siliadin case 40 – but it did not yet go far enough: ―although the link between trafficking and slavery has been clearly acknowledged by the european court of human rights, that court has shied away from stating explicitly that trafficking amounts to enslavement‖. 41 should the court have to deal with a case like rantsev v cyprus and russia in the future, it would be welladvised to clarify the extent of what constitutes slavery. in vf v france 42 the court decided the applicant to be manifestly illfunded because the applicant was thought not to haven proven that the police should have known that the applicant was a victim of human trafficking and despite shortcomings in the domestic legal system (covering the protection against human trafficking) she was to be deported there to her home country. 43 a lack of evidence was also the reason why 38 rantsev (n 27) [287], see also ryszard piotrowicƶ , ‗states‘ obligations under human rights law towards trafficking in human beings: positive developments in positive obligations‘ (2012) 24:2 international journal of refugee law 181, 198. 39 ibid. 40 ibid 200. 41 ibid 201. 42 european court of human rights, vf c france, application no 7196/10. 43 ibid. the denning law journal 137 the application in m. and others v italy and belgium was dismissed as illfounded. 44 in f.a. v united kingdom the application was concluded inadmissible for failure to lodge an appeal in the domestic court system. 45 this highlights a problem, which is often overlooked. victims of human trafficking often lack access to legal counsel. often their identification documents have been taken away and in many cases they never have a real chance of learning the language of the country to which they have been trafficked. the state‘s obligation to fight slavery is not only negative but as already follows from the general rules of international law outlined earlier positive in nature. states must take effective action to fight slavery. accordingly, the united kingdom in c.n. v united kingdom was found to have violated art. 4 echr due to a lack of effective domestic anti-slavery legislation. 46 while slavery is outlawed on paper, this prohibition is not enforced effectively. while efforts against human trafficking are made by many european states, including the enforcement of criminal law, the duty of states goes beyond the criminal law dimension. states‘ obligations e.g. under article 6 echr, which guarantees the right to a fair trial, also include a duty to enable access to justice. this includes not only a necessity for the establishment of legal aid systems but also requires states to ensure that everybody has the possibility to retain legal counsel including victims of human trafficking. while we all have core human rights qua human, 47 there is a contradiction between the universality of human rights 48 and local conditions of enforcing them. 49 if human rights would have their origin in society, they would be local because when societies became aware of human rights there was no global society. how then do we explain the geltungsgrund of human rights? neither presumption is correct: there has always been a global society in the sense of francisco de vitoria‘s 44 european court of human rights, m and others v italy and bulgaria, application no 40020/03, final judgment of 17 december 2012. 45 european court of human rights, fa v the united kingdom, application no. 20658/11. 46 european court of human rights, cn v the united kingdom, application no. 4239/08, final judgment of 13 february 2013. 47 mark gibney, international human rights law returning to universal principles (1st edn, rowman & littlefield 2008) 3. 48 ibid. 49 christoph menke/arnd pollmann, philosophie der menschenrechte zur einführung (1st edn, junius 2008) 39. slavery under the european convention on human rights 138 totus orbis 50 but it would only have been necessary for the emergence of human rights in so far as a right require an other in relation to whom to claim it. even the smallest groups of humans formed a society in thus widest sense of the term. there have been rights far as long as there have been humans, even before there were concepts or words to describe them. these (proto-) rights include the right to life and the right to be free, not enslaved. these rights follow from the most basic desires of every human, from our nature. in this sense, they are natural rights. later, other rights gained a status of similar importance and the development of language and laws further strengthened the awareness of rights. 51 also under the echr, 52 slavery is ―absolutely‖ 53 prohibited, 54 without any room for justifications. 55 article 4 (1) echr prohibits ―slavery or servitude‖ while under para. 2 ―[n]o one shall be required to perform forced or compulsory labour‖, which is defined further in para. 3. servitude is not the same as slavery. 56 while ―servitude implies being compelled to live on someone else‘s property as well as being required to work.‖ 57 slavery has not been legally defined within the context of article 4 echr. 58 while the european convention on human rights is a selfcontained regime within international law, it remains part of public international law as a whole. therefore the definition of slavery within article 4 echr is the same as that of slavery in public international law in general. 50 josé carlos rojano esquivel, ‗del toto orbis al ordo orbis. el pensamiento internacionalista de fracisco de vitoria‘ (2013) available online at http://biblio.juridicas.unam.mx/libros/8/3540/11.pdf. 51 menke (n 49) 39. 52 on slavery under article 4 of the universal declaration of human rights, see lassen (n 21) 87. 53 philip leach, taking a case to the european court of human rights (2nd edn, oxford university press, 2007) 218. 54 ana maria guerra martins, direito internacional dos direitos humanos (1st edn, al medina, 2013) 208. 55 janis et al (n 26) 230; grabenwarter, (n 7) 156. 56 the same distinction is used in article 8 of the international covenant on civil and political rights; lassen (n 21) 93. 57 leach (n 53) 218; european commission of human rights, van droogenbroeck v belgium, application no. 7906/77, report of 24 june 1982, 79. 58 leach (n 53) 218; grabenwarter (n 7) 156. http://biblio.juridicas.unam.mx/libros/8/3540/11.pdf the denning law journal 139 forced and compulsory labour within the meaning of article 4 paras. 2 and 3 echr can even include cases in which the victim receives some payment. 59 3. human trafficking 3.1 background violence against women is a very widespread phenomenon, 60 yet there is a serious ―lack of public (official) awareness‖. 61 even when public officials speak out against it, often not enough is being done: ―violence against women and girls continues unabated in every continent, country and culture. it takes a devastating toll on women‘s lives, on their families, and on society as a whole. most societies prohibit such violence — yet the reality is that too often, it is covered up or tacitly condoned.‖ 62 gender equality is not enough to provide the protection victims of human rights need, gender neutral law (if one assumes that international human rights law is gender neutral in the first place, a notion which is being challenged 63 although ―[w]omen themselves have begun to use the ―mainstream‖ human rights systems more effectively‖ 64 ). while there are also male victims, human trafficking for the purpose of sexual slavery is a crime which targets mainly women. not enforcing the prohibition of slavery effectively not only is an omission which runs counter to jus cogens obligations of states but primarily violates women‘s rights. the council of europe has fought trafficking, 65 for example with the 59 leach, ibid n 53, 219; european court of human rights, van der mussele v belgium, application no. 8919/80, judgment of 23 november 1983, 34. 60 rhona k. m. smith, texts and materials on international human rights (2nd edn, taylor and francis 2010) 704. 61 ibid 705. 62 ban ki-moon, quoted by ruchi anand, ‗the human rights design: a critique of ‗universality‘ in a patriarchal world‘, in pike (ed) ibid ns 15, 23, 23. 63 georgina ashworth, ‗the silencing of women‘, in tim dunne / nicholas wheeler (eds), human rights in global politics (1st edn, cambridge university press 1999) 259, 259; for a feminist view on the universal declaration of human rights see anand n 62) 23, 25. 64 ashworth ibid 271. 65 ibid; on international law as a tool to fight human trafficking in particular as it relates to modern-day slavery, see kuanruthai siripatthanakosol, human trafficking for sexual exploitation: the framework of human rights protection, doctoral thesis newcastle law school (2010) 77; on efforts by the council of europe in particular see ibid 248. slavery under the european convention on human rights 140 convention on action against trafficking in human beings. 66 the conventions lays its focus on the victims; it does so with anti-trafficking actions and aims to assist and protect victims of human trafficking. in order to achieve this aim, the convention has included in article 5 (3) the "obligation for parties to promote a human rights-based approach in the development, implementation and assessment of the policies and programs to prevent human trafficking". 67 states are obligated to prevent human trafficking, prosecute and punish traffickers, and engage in international co-operation. 37 european countries have already submitted themselves to the convention (including the uk) and thus have committed themselves to upholding its standards. very important to this process is the mechanism to monitor the states‘ compliance with the obligations contained in the convention. this monitoring mechanism‘s purpose is to ensure that the convention‘s provisions do not remain a dead letter, but are effectively implemented. 68 the holistic, preventative and multi-disciplinary approach of the echr encourages co-ordination between the various parties involved in the process. article 5 (3) summons the state parties to promote a human rights-based approach and use gender mainstreaming and a child-sensitive approach to the development and implementation of prevention policies and programs. 69 upping the actions taken toward prevention of trafficking in human beings is one of the five priorities of the recently published eu strategy towards the eradication of trafficking in human beings (2012– 2016). 3.2 human trafficking under the european convention on human rights unlike article 5 of the european union‘s charter of fundamental rights, 70 article 4 echr does not spell out in express terms that human trafficking is prohibited 71 but that does not mean that the european 66 council of europe, convention on action against trafficking in human beings, 16 may 2005, cets 197. 67 petya nestorova, ‗bringing human trafficking out of the shadows: presentation by petya nestorova, executive secretary of the council of europe convention on action against trafficking in human beings‘, 21 november 2012, 1, available online at www.bawso.org.uk/assets/.../petya-presentations.doc. 68 ibid. 69 ibid. 70 ibid. 71 christoph grabenwarter, european convention on human rights (1st edn, beck, 2014) 58. http://www.bawso.org.uk/assets/.../petya-presentations.doc the denning law journal 141 convention on human rights would not provide protection against human trafficking to the contrary. 72 the definition of human trafficking employed by the court is based on the protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, especially women and children 73 , also known as the palermo protocol. 74 human trafficking ―aims at exploiting a person, over whom powers comparable to the right of ownership are exercised. victims are treated and traded as goods and forced to labour usually of sexual nature for little or no remuneration.‖ 75 human trafficking has an international dimension 76 but while ―transnational criminal law‖ 77 is important in the fight against human trafficking, 78 it remains the responsibility of the national states to secure local law enforcement. 3.3 human trafficking for slavery human trafficking as slavery since rantsev it is clear that article 4 echr protects against human trafficking 79 but the court went a (dramatic but necessary) step further. in the words of christoph grabenwarter: ―by extending the scope of protection of article 4 [echr] to trafficking […], it is now possible to enforce [the rules which are reflected also by] the palermo protocol and the council of europe convention on action against trafficking in human beings by making use of the system of legal protection of the convention‖. 80 grabenwarter here refers directly to the mentioned protocol and convention although to be more precise what is actually enforced are the rules reflected therein, not these legal texts and obligations flowing from them. grabenwarter seems to share this view as 72 ibid. 73 united nations, protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, especially women and children, supplementing the united nations convention against transnational organized crime, 15 november 2000, unts 2237, 319. 74 grabenwarter (n 71) 58. 75 ibid. 76 elizabeth ivana yuko, theories, practices and promises: human trafficking laws and policies in destination states of the council of europe, llm thesis dublin city university school of law and government (2009) 11. 77 neil boister, ‗transnational criminal law?‘ 14:5 (2003) european journal of international law 5 953. 78 yuko (n 76) 11. 79 grabenwarter (n 71) 59. 80 ibid 58. slavery under the european convention on human rights 142 he continues to write that ―a new obligation is imposed upon member states [of the council of europe], which they have not agreed upon‖. 81 however, we disagree within on the geltungsgrund of this obligation. grabenwarter continues by writing that this ―new obligation‖ 82 will ―bind them [i.e. the states which are parties to the echr but not to the aforementioned protocol and convention] only after ratification of a corresponding additional protocol.‖ 83 while this is true of said legal texts, the basis for the obligation to prevent human trafficking is found not only in customary international law but in jus cogens as human trafficking is a part of slavery 84 and as such absolutely outlawed. on this legal basis, all states worldwide are obliged to take positive action against slavery, including sexual slavery and the human trafficking and exploitation which come with it. as was highlighted in rantsev v cyprus and russia, 85 this obligation is in particular incumbent on states where human trafficking begins and where exploitation happens. the obligation to fight slavery, though, is universal. in particular target countries, such as germany (which after the legalization and regulation of prostitution under the schröder government has become europe‘s brothel 86 ). this obligation is not only objective and limited to the inter-state relations between the parties to the echr but individuals have a right towards the state that the state takes positive action to protect individuals against human rights violations by non-state actors. 87 4. conclusions and outlook after world war ii the states, which ratified the european convention on human rights became models for human rights, which other states strived to emulate. yet, today human trafficking for the purpose of slavery is a highly lucrative business. a lot has been achieved in the last 81 ibid. 82 ibid. 83 ibid 59. 84 see already see jean allain, ‗rantsev v cyprus and russia: the european court of human rights and trafficking as slavery‘, 10 (2010) human rights law review 546, 550 et seq. 85 rantsev (n 27) 308. 86 no author named, ‗brothel crackdown: politicians aim to reform prostitution laws‘, in spiegel online, 22 april 2013, available online at http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/german-coalition-backs-tougherprostitution-laws-to-curb-trafficking-a-895748.html. 87 anne peters, einführung in die europäische menschenrechtskonvention (1st edn, beck 2003) 15. the denning law journal 143 generations but the existing system is not used effectively enough to protect everybody. the law already exists to make slavery history. what is needed now is the political will to enforce it. states, international organizations and non-governmental organizations (ngos) 88 have at their disposal ―a diverse armoury of pressures against delinquent states‖. 89 when it comes to human trafficking, though, almost all states are involved in one way or an other, often simply by turning a blind eye to the suffering of the victims. globalization makes trafficking easier but it also makes it easier to fight it. despite having been outlawed, slavery has been a part of human history for such a long time that even some of the greatest political thinkers and statesmen (and due to the discrimination of women for millennia, records are available mainly of the political thinkings of men, which might contribute to the neglect with which the issue has been treated for too long) such as jefferson 90 and john locke 91 took slavery as a given. but even in the current age of human rights, slavery continues unabated. indeed, it is thought that there are today more slaves than at any other time in human history. 92 while the increase in the overall human population might explain this phenomenon at least in part, the fact that slavery actually still exists despite generations of efforts to eliminate it, is testament to the failure of the international community. it also reflects negatively on the value of human rights to those in power: ―needless to say, human rights are still easier to endorse than to enforce. the steady stream of international conferences and conventions against genocide, slavery, the use of torture, and racism, and for the protection of women, children, and minorities show that human rights remain in need of rescue‖. 93 88 on the important role of ngos, see elena pariotti, ‗non-state actors, international law and human rights‘, in sanford r silverburg (edn), international law contemporary issues and future developments (1st edn, westview 2011) 95, 96. 89 henry j steiner, ‗international protection of human rights‘, in malcolm d. evans (edn), international law (3rd edn, oxford university press 2010) 784, 799. 90 lynn hunt, inventing human rights a history (1st edn, ww norton 2007) 22. 91 ibid 119. 92 mcnally (n 5) 93 hunt (n 90) 208. slavery under the european convention on human rights 144 the universal declaration of human rights 94 (udhr), which outlaws slavery in article 4, is seen as evidence of a global consensus on certain values. 95 the continued existence of slavery and human trafficking, shows that while there might be some (albeit not necessarily universal) consensus that there should be such rights, there is still no consensus as to the enforcement of such rights. otherwise states would take concerted efforts to free the world‘s 27 million 96 slaves. the ideas of humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect are not necessarily dead in the water but international action merely for the protection of human rights is still the exception rather than the norm. the problem of human trafficking and slavery could be solved if all states were not only to create but also to enforce laws to outlaw such crimes. the continued existence of such crimes, in particular violence against women, indicates the absence of a true consensus. however, a consensus 97 is not necessary to find that slavery (and the actions which facilitate it, such as human trafficking and forced prostitution) is absolutely incompatible with the most fundamental human rights. slavery would also be outlawed if there would not be a single word of positive law in this regard. it makes one wonder what it says about a world in which these most basic rights are ignored and indeed violated permanently, where unimaginable wealth and suffering exist next to each other. the continued existence of slavery is a disgrace to the international community and all of us. when used for the aim of creating or establishing a situation of slavery, human trafficking is prohibited by jus cogens. 98 yet, it continues on a large scale: ―despite the fact that there are many international legal instruments applicable when preventing and combating human trafficking, there are also difficult challenges that need to be overcome in order to achieve appreciable results.‖ 99 only relatively few victims 100 are identified 94 united nations, universal declaration of human rights, 10 december 1948, unts 999, 302. 95 norberto bobbio, das zeitalter der menschenrechte ist toleranz durchsetzbar? (1st edn, wagenbach, 1998) 9. 96 didi kirsten tatlow, ‗27 million people said to live in ‗modern slavery‖, in the new york times, 30 june 2013, available online at http://rendezvous.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/06/20/27-million-people-said-to-livein-modern-slavery/?_r=0. 97 for the natural law perspective on this issue, see bobbio, ibid n 95, 9. 98 see also allain (n 84) 550 et seq. 99 venla roth, defining human trafficking and identifying its victims a study on the impact and future challenges of international, european and finnish http://rendezvous.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/06/20/27-million-people-said-to-live-in-modern-slavery/?_r=0 http://rendezvous.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/06/20/27-million-people-said-to-live-in-modern-slavery/?_r=0 the denning law journal 145 and a very small number of perpetrators is actually punished. 101 international law, in particular in europe, already provides a more than sufficient legal basis to require states to take positive action against human trafficking and slavery. the problem at hand is primarily one of insufficient law enforcement. legal responses to prostitution-related trafficking in human beings (2012) 153. 100 ibid. 101 ibid. 185 the denning law journal 2018 vol 30 pp 185-202 statute note money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories: the impact of the sanctions and money laundering act 2018 (uk) john hatchard* 1 introduction the revelations from the panama papers 1 have highlighted the potential use of off-shore shell and shelf companies based in the british overseas territories and crown dependencies to facilitate money laundering, tax evasion, the financing of terrorism and other serious and organised crime. the use of such companies has enabled the natural person(s) who ultimately owned or controlled the company to remain concealed behind a nominee director(s) and nominee shareholder(s).2 this has led to international interest and pressure to increase the transparency in the beneficial ownership of such companies. this note explores the important recent developments towards enhancing beneficial ownership transparency, especially as regards the united kingdom (uk) and its overseas territories (ots) and crown dependencies (cds). it is divided into five sections. this section provides an introduction and background to the issue. section 2 reviews some of the ongoing international efforts aimed at improving transparency in beneficial ownership and that is spearheaded by the financial action task force and the g20. section 3 considers beneficial ownership transparency * professor, school of law, university of buckingham. email: john.hatchard@buckingham.ac.uk 1 for details, see the website of the consortium of investigative journalists accessed 20 july 2018. 2 the conference of state parties to the united nations convention against corruption, report of the international group meeting on beneficial ownership (cac/cosp/2017/crp.5) para 32, also notes that corruption schemes increasingly use new sophisticated types of corporate vehicles with so-called “tax havens or secrecy jurisdictions” being used to facilitate the criminality. mailto:john.hatchard@bu money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories 186 and law enforcement cooperation with reference to the uk, ots and cds. section 4 then focuses on the development of public registers of the beneficial ownership of companies in the ots following the passing of the sanctions and money laundering act 2018. the final section contains a short conclusion. there are 14 overseas territories including anguilla, bermuda, the british virgin islands, cayman islands, gibraltar and the turks & caicos islands 3 whilst the crown dependencies comprises the bailiwick of guernsey, the bailiwick of jersey and the isle of man. 4 all are of international significance as offshore financial centres. yet, as nicholls et al have pointed out, there has been “persistent criticism of the offshore financial sector … since there exist jurisdictions in which legal frameworks and practices obscure the identity of beneficial owners by, for example, placing ownership in the hands of nominee directors and shareholders”. 5 indeed the uk national crime agency has reportedly calculated that £90 billion is laundered through the uk each year and that “this laundering can only be done, by and large, through british overseas territories, which are central to this nefarious activity”.6 the use of off-shore shell and shelf companies to purchase expensive real estate was highlighted in a 2014 study by transparency international which found that 9.3 per cent of properties in the city of westminster, 7.3 per cent in kensington & chelsea, and 4.5 per cent in the city of london were owned by shell companies registered in an offshore “secrecy” jurisdiction.7 the study further revealed that 36,342 london properties 3 the full list is set out in the british nationality act 1981, sch 6. for a useful historical survey of the caribbean ots see peter clegg, ‘non-self-governing territories of the caribbean and debates over autonomy’ in j west (ed), south america, central america and the caribbean 2016 (24th edn, routledge 2016) 33-39: available at accessed 10 july 2018. for a useful history of the ots see foreign & commonwealth office, overseas territories: security, success and sustainability (white paper, cm 8374, 2012). 4 within the bailiwick of guernsey there are three separate jurisdictions: guernsey (which includes the islands of herm and jethou); alderney; and sark (which includes the island of brecqhou). 5 colin nicholls and others, corruption and misuse of public office (3rd edn, oup 2017) para 23.04. 6 andrew mitchell mp in the house of commons debate of the report stage of the sanctions and anti-money laundering bill deb 1 may 2018, 42. 7 transparency international, corruption on your doorstep: how corrupt capital is used to buy property in the uk (transparency international, 2014) 16. http://eprints.uwe.ac.uk/27446/3/sac.essay.21.2.pdf the denning law journal 187 were held by offshore companies with the vast majority being registered in the ots and cds.8 the organisation for economic cooperation and development (oecd) has defined shell companies as: “… entities established not to pursue legitimate business activity but solely to obscure the identity of their beneficial owners and controllers”9 and noted further that a shell company functions as a corporate veil, providing an effective screen separating criminals from illicit financial activities. findlay has also commented that “shell companies that cannot be linked back to the real individuals in control create near-insuperable obstacles for regulators and law enforcement officials”.10 “shelf companies” have also been identified as posing a particular problem as they “provide individuals with a company history and a set of company officials unrelated to the corrupt individual”.11 in this context, a beneficial owner is defined in the financial action task force (fatf) recommendations as follows: “beneficial owner refers to the natural person(s) who ultimately owns or controls a customer and/or the natural person on whose behalf a transaction is being conducted. it also includes those persons who exercise ultimate effective control over a legal person or arrangement”.12 reflecting the often complex ownership and control structures of companies, the fatf recommendations add: “reference to “ultimately owns or controls” and “ultimate effective control” refer to situations in which ownership/control is 8 ibid 5. more than one third of all foreign companies holding london property were incorporated in the british virgin islands (13,831 properties), jersey 14% (5,960 properties), the isle of man 8.5% (3,472 properties) and guernsey 8% (3,280 properties). 9 oecd steering committee on corporate governance, behind the corporate veil: using corporate entities for illicit purposes (paris, 2001) 17. 10 michael findlay, daniel neilson and jason sharman, ‘global shell games: testing money launderers’ and terrorist financiers’ access to shell companies’ (centre for governance and public policy, 2012) 5 < http://www.gfintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/global-shell-games2012.pdf> accessed 20 july 2018. 11 cosp (n 2) para 50. 12 glossary to the fatf recommendations. money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories 188 exercised through a chain of ownership or by means of control other than direct control”.13 thus the need to identify the beneficial ownership of companies, (and not just shell and shelf companies), has become of international and national significance in the fight against serious crime. 2 international efforts to improve transparency international efforts to improve the transparency and availability of beneficial ownership information are of relatively recent origin and have particularly focused on the work of the financial action task force and the g20.14 2.1 the financial action task force (fatf) the fatf is an inter-governmental body comprising 37 members. however, through its system of fatf-style regional bodies, some 190 countries are now members of the fatf “family”. its role is to set internationally recognised standards to combat money laundering and this is done through the fatf recommendations.15 in 2003 the fatf for the first time addressed the issue of beneficial ownership and in particular the need for “competent authorities”16 to have access to beneficial ownership information for the purpose of investigation and prosecution. the most recent set of fatf recommendations are the international standards on 13 ibid. 14 another key player is the global forum on transparency and exchange of information for tax purposes. the global forum is “an international body for ensuring the implementation of the internationally agreed standards on tax transparency and exchange of information in the tax area”: see accessed 15 july 2018. 15 see further accessed 25 july 2018. the uk is a member of fatf. the ots and cds are not members but are subject to assessment as to their compliance with the fatf recommendations. 16 “competent authorities” refers to “all public authorities with designated responsibilities for combating money laundering and/or terrorist financing”. this includes law enforcement and prosecutorial authorities, supervisory authorities, tax authorities and financial intelligence units: see the glossary to the fatf recommendations. the denning law journal 189 combating money laundering and the financing of terrorism & proliferation (the fatf recommendations). published in 2012 they contain (amongst many other things) “essential measures” that all members of the fatf “family” are required to have in place “to enhance the transparency and availability of beneficial ownership information of legal persons and arrangements”. in particular, recommendation 24 states that: “countries should [must]17 ensure that there is adequate, accurate and timely information on the beneficial ownership and control of legal persons that can be obtained or accessed in a timely fashion by competent authorities…”.18 further, an interpretive note to recommendation 24 states that: “competent authorities should [must] be able to obtain, or have access in a timely fashion to, adequate, accurate and current information on the beneficial ownership and control of companies and other legal persons (beneficial ownership information) that are created in the country”. as regards trusts, recommendation 25 states that countries “should [must] ensure that there is adequate, accurate and timely information on express trusts, including information on the settlor, trustee and beneficiaries that can be obtained or accessed in a timely fashion by competent authorities”.19 improving the transparency and availability of beneficial ownership information remains a high priority, especially as few countries, including 17 the glossary to the fatf recommendations states that “for the purposes of assessing compliance with the fatf recommendations, the word “should” has the same meaning as “must”‘. 18 the fourth european union (eu) money laundering directive was published in 2015 and reflects the additional aml obligations contained in the fatf recommendations. eu member states were required to implement the directive by june 2017. 19 in 2014 the fatf published its guidance on transparency and beneficial ownership. this requires states to ensure that measures are in place to: prevent legal persons or arrangements from being used for criminal purposes; make legal persons/arrangements sufficiently transparent; and ensure that accurate and up-todate basic and beneficial ownership information is available on a timely basis. money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories 190 g20 countries, have effective cooperation mechanisms in place.20 clearly, this remains work in progress. it might also be noted that the focus of the fatf is on law enforcement cooperation and there is no mention in the fatf recommendations of the need for member countries to establish a public register of beneficial ownership of companies or trusts. 2.2 g20 the g20 is an informal group of 19 countries and the european union that addresses issues relating to international economic cooperation. reducing corruption remains a high priority and at its 2014 meeting in australia the g20 high-level principles on beneficial transparency ownership (the principles) were agreed. these are a set of “core principles on the transparency of beneficial ownership of legal persons and arrangements and are built on existing international instruments and standards”.21 the principles include the following: 1. countries should have a definition of “beneficial ownership” that captures the natural person(s) who ultimately own or control the legal person or legal arrangement;… 3. countries should ensure that legal persons maintain beneficial ownership information onshore and that information is adequate, accurate and current; 4. countries should ensure that competent authorities (including law enforcement and prosecutorial authorities, supervisory authorities, tax authorities and financial intelligence units) have timely access to adequate, accurate and current information regarding the beneficial ownership of legal persons and legal arrangements. again, there is no reference to a requirement for states to introduce a public register of beneficial ownership. 20 the fatf has reported that to date (july 2018) “… few countries have demonstrated that information is available to competent authorities on the beneficial owner of legal persons and arrangements, or that these persons and arrangements are prevented from being misused.” fatf report to the g20 finance minister and central bank governors (paris, 2018) para 23 accessed 27 july 2018. 21 accessed 15 july 2018. the denning law journal 191 3 beneficial ownership transparency and law enforcement cooperation: the uk, ots and cds 3.1 the constitutional relationship between the uk, ots and cds examining the constitutional relationship between the uk and the ots and the uk and the cds respectively is fundamental to an understanding of recent developments concerning beneficial ownership transparency. the relationship between the uk and the ots is set out in a 2012 uk government white paper entitled overseas territories: security, success and sustainability (the ot white paper): “the uk, the overseas territories and the crown dependencies form one undivided realm…. each territory has its own constitution and its own government and has its own local laws. as a matter of constitutional law the uk parliament has unlimited power to legislate for the territories. territory constitutions set out the powers and responsibilities of the institutions of government, which for most territories include a governor or commissioner, an elected legislature and ministers. governors or commissioners are appointed by her majesty the queen on the advice of her ministers in the uk, and in general have responsibility for external affairs, defence, internal security (including the police) and the appointment, discipline and removal of public officers. elected governments have a wide range of responsibilities” (my emphasis). the italicised words are crucial as they emphasise that the crown retains a residual power to legislate for the ots. indeed this is specifically provided for in some constitutions of the ots. for example, section 125 of the cayman islands constitutional order 2009 states: “there is reserved to her majesty full power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the cayman islands”.22 the exercise of this power is normally undertaken by means of an order in council. responsibility for the ots falls on the uk foreign & commonwealth office. 22 si no 1379. see also the turks & caicos constitutional order 2011 that is noted below. such orders may be subject to judicial review: r (bancoult) v sosfca (no 2) [2008] ukhl 61, [2009] ac 453. http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200708/ldjudgmt/jd081022/banc-1.htm http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200708/ldjudgmt/jd081022/banc-1.htm money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories 192 the cds have a very different constitutional history. the channel islands (and probably the isle of man) have never been a colony or conquered or ceded territory and they are not part of the united kingdom administratively or legally. 23 further, they have never had any parliamentary representation in the house of commons.24 they are selfgoverning dependencies of the crown with their own directly elected legislative assemblies, administrative, fiscal and legal systems and law courts.25 the uk ministry of justice, crown dependencies branch, is responsible for managing the constitutional relationship with the cds.26 as regards uk legislation, the position is as follows: “uk legislation rarely extends to the crown dependencies and should not be extended without first consulting the islands” 23 guernsey and jersey were originally part of the duchy of normandy when duke william, following his conquest of england in 1066, became king william i of england. in 1204 when king john lost normandy to the french, the islands elected to remain loyal to the english crown. the isle of man first came under the english crown in 1399, in circumstances which arguably suggest that it is a conquered territory. the point is of no significance today. see generally ministry of justice, background briefing on the crown dependencies: jersey, guernsey and the isle of man (no date) accessed 20 july 2018. 24 this provides the basis for an argument that the principle that there should be no legislation without representation undermines the power of the uk parliament to legislate for the cds: see protocol to the european convention of human rights, art 3; mathews v united kingdom (1999) 28 ehrr 361. a similar argument might be made in respect in the ots. 25 see r (barclay) v secretary of state for justice [2014] uksc 54, [2015] ac 276. as lady hale, giving the judgment of the supreme court noted: “not being part of the united kingdom, unlike wales, scotland and northern ireland, the bailiwicks are not represented in the parliament of the united kingdom. they are economically self-sufficient. they pay no taxes to the united kingdom and they receive no contribution from the revenues of the united kingdom. they were not settled by, or conquered by or ceded to, the united kingdom as colonies. their link with the united kingdom and the rest of the commonwealth is through the crown, not in the sense of the ultimate executive authority in the united kingdom, but in the sense of the person of the sovereign. the sovereign’s personal representative in each bailiwick is the lieutenant governor” [8]. 26 this involves a variety of different responsibilities including involvement in key crown appointments, processing legislation for royal assent and issuing letters of entrustment authorising crown dependency governments to negotiate and conclude international agreements. the denning law journal 193 authorities and obtaining their consent. in instances where it does extend, it may do so either by virtue of the act itself or by order in council made with their agreement under an enabling provision contained in the act which provides for it to be extended to the crown dependencies” (my emphasis).27 the highlighted words emphasise that uk legislation does not normally extend to the cds and in any event requires prior consultation with, and consent from, each of them.28 it seems doubtful that an order in council made under the prerogative could be effective in respect of domestic matters in the cds without the consent of the local legislatures.29 3.2 law enforcement cooperation between the uk, ots and cds a recent united nations report has noted that “from a law enforcement perspective, the abuse of “foreign” corporate vehicles that are incorporated outside the main jurisdiction where the … offence was committed constitutes the greatest problem, as it requires international cooperation”.30 this is particularly significant in that for the purposes of mutual legal assistance requests, each of the ots and cds is a separate jurisdiction. at the 2016 london anti-corruption summit, the then british prime minister, david cameron, proposed greater compliance by the ots and cds to provide uk tax and law enforcement authorities with access to 27 uk ministry of justice ‘factsheet on the uk’s relationship with the crown dependencies’ (2014) accessed 17 july 2018. this reflects the position set out, for example in the states of jersey law 2005, art 31. 28 for a helpful discussion on the constitutional relationship see michael birt, ‘the power of the uk to legislate for the crown dependencies without consent: fact or fiction?’ (2017) 21(2) jersey and guernsey law review 152. 29 this point is beyond the scope of this note. the issue is explored by birt who argues that the only circumstances where the prerogative power could be exercised contrary to the wishes of the legislature in a cd would be where there has been a grave breakdown in law and order. in any other circumstance, it would be unreasonable and subject to judicial review, applying bancoult (n 23); ibid 161-162. 30 cosp report (n 2) para 33. money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories 194 company ownership records. in april 2016 this resulted in an exchange of notes between the uk government and each of the key ots and the cds.31 in each note, the uk and respective government (referred to as the “participants”) recognised: “the importance of the provision of beneficial ownership information for the prevention and detection of corruption, money laundering, terrorism financing, financing of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and other serious and organised crime”.32 each individual note focuses on three key commitments by each of the participants: i) to provide the law enforcement authorities of the other participant with beneficial ownership information for corporate and legal entities incorporated in their respective jurisdiction; ii) to hold adequate, accurate and current beneficial ownership information for corporate and legal entities incorporated in their own jurisdictions; and iii) to give law enforcement authorities of the participants the “automatic” right to the provision of unrestricted and timely (within twenty-four hours or, where urgently required, within an hour) beneficial ownership information held in the other jurisdiction.33 this is a startling development, especially given the fact that previously, such information could only be requested by the uk via the mutual legal assistance process. these commitments were made having regard to the fatf and g20 initiatives and the uk government’s decision to introduce a public central register of beneficial ownership.34 the exchange of notes therefore provides for the “timely, safe and secure access for law enforcement [and tax] authorities to beneficial 31 beneficial ownership: exchange of notes between the uk government, overseas territories and crown dependencies. 32 see exchange of notes between the government of the united kingdom and the government of the cayman islands in respect of the sharing of beneficial ownership information, para 2. 33 a technical protocol is attached to each exchange of notes setting out the practicalities of the arrangements (the technical protocol). 34 see technical protocol, para 3. the denning law journal 195 ownership information”, with the security of the request and information being provided specifically provided for in each note.35 it remains to be seen whether any legal challenges arise from the exchange of beneficial ownership information in this manner, especially given the time-frame in which the information can be demanded.36 since then, the ots and cds have reportedly made “significant progress in implementing the commitments by introducing legislation and establishing, where they did not already exist, central registers or similar effective systems”.37 this represents a major step forward in assisting law enforcement agencies and tax authorities identify the ultimate beneficial ownership of companies registered in the ots and cds. indeed the commitments place the ots and cds ahead of most other jurisdictions and also exceed the current fatf requirements. in may 2018, the minister for europe and the americas, sir alan duncan, informed the house of commons that the arrangements had been used over seventy times and that this beneficial ownership data had “enhanced intelligence leads and investigations on illicit finance”.38 4 the sanctions and anti-money act 2018: towards the introduction of public beneficial ownership registers whilst making beneficial ownership information available to law enforcement authorities is a major step forward, the panama papers disclosures increased the pressure from civil society organisations, in particular, for states to introduce a public registry of beneficial ownership. 35 see technical protocol, para 7(vi). 36 for example, whether the demand meets the criteria for the provision of such information, especially if it is demanded within an hour. for a critical comment see fillipo noseda, ‘too much information: when the uk gets it wrong’ (2017) 21(2) jersey and guernsey law review 182 especially at 193-194. the author also asserts that “the uk government managed to strong-arm the crown dependencies and a number of overseas territories into signing [the exchange of notes]” at 189-190. 37 see statement to the house of commons by sir alan duncan, minister for europe and the americas, hc deb 1 may 2018, vol 640 accessed 10 july 2018. 38 ibid. https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2018-05-01/debates/18050126000009/beneficialownershipinoverseasterritoriesandcrowndependencies https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2018-05-01/debates/18050126000009/beneficialownershipinoverseasterritoriesandcrowndependencies https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2018-05-01/debates/18050126000009/beneficialownershipinoverseasterritoriesandcrowndependencies money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories 196 the uk is the first g20 country to introduce such a register. section 81 of the small business, enterprise and employment act 2015 amended the companies act 2006 and requires companies to keep a “register of people who have significant control over the company”. a “person with significant control” (psc) is an individual who meets one or more of the following conditions: directly or indirectly holds more than 25% of shares in the company; directly or indirectly holds more than 25% of voting rights in the company; directly or indirectly holds the right to appoint or remove a majority of the directors of the company; has the right to exercise, or actually exercises, significant influence or control over the company; where a trust or firm would satisfy one of the first four conditions if it were an individual, any individual holding the right to exercise, or actually exercising, significant influence or control over the activities of that trust or firm. this is not limited to the trustee of the trust. the annual returns by companies (known as “confirmation statements”) must contain beneficial ownership details. the register is accessible to the public free of charge.39 at that point, the uk government resisted the idea of imposing similar provisions on the ots or cds. in fact some significant progress was later reported by the overseas territories directorate in that several of the ots and cds had already established central registers of beneficial ownership or a similar arrangement, although only montserrat had committed to establish a publicly accessible register.40 in 2017 the sanctions and anti-money laundering bill was introduced in the house of lords. this major piece of legislation was 39 for a review of the operation of the register see global witness ‘in pursuit of hidden owners behind companies’ (2018) accessed 19 july 2018. 40 foreign & commonwealth office, overseas territories directorate freedom of information act 2000 request ref: 0896-17: ‘overseas territories and crown dependencies 2017’ 8 february 2018 ttps://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attach ment_data/file/679038/foi_0896-17_response.pdf> accessed 20 july 2018. in fact jersey established a central register of current beneficial ownership in 1989 as did bermuda in 1981. the denning law journal 197 designed, amongst other things, to prevent money laundering through the use of scottish limited partnerships and to provide power to impose sanctions on individuals for the purpose of preventing, or in response to, a gross human rights abuse or violation.41 originally it contained no provision relating to the establishment of public beneficial ownership registers in the ots and cds and an amendment to do so was rejected by the government. lord ahmad of wimbledon stated that it was only in exceptional circumstances that the uk would legislate for the ots without their consent and that the government wished “to take action within the existing framework of friendly cooperation, building on progress already made”. 42 he also pointed out that the fatf recommendations did not require such registers but that the ots would comply if these became an internationally required standard. in the house of commons, this point was reiterated by sir alan duncan, the minister for europe and the americas, who made it clear that the uk government “would have preferred to work consensually with the overseas territories to make those registers publicly available, as we have done in agreeing the exchange of notes process”.43 however in the house of commons at the report stage, a group of mps from all three main political parties tabled amendments to the bill requiring the uk government to enforce public registers on the ots and the cds by the end of 2020. without an absolute majority in the house of commons, the government decided to concede the point as regards the ots (but not the cds) to enable the enactment of the bill on schedule.44 sir alan duncan informed the house of commons that the uk government recognised the majority view and would not oppose the amendment, this despite his view that legislating directly would damage the autonomy of the ots.45 the act came into force on may 23 2018. section 51 is headed “public registers of beneficial ownership of companies registered in british overseas territories” and provides as follows: 41 popularly known as the magnitsky amendment. 42 hl deb 6 december 2017, c1117. 43 hc deb (n 37) 21. 44 as andrew mitchell mp noted in the house of commons debate on the bill, the acceptance by the government of the new provision “is evidence that, in a hung parliament, power passes from the cabinet room to the floor of the house of commons”: hc deb (n 37) 41. 45 hc deb (n 43). money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories 198 “(1) for the purposes of the detection, investigation or prevention of money laundering, the secretary of state must provide all reasonable assistance to the governments of the british overseas territories to enable each of those governments to establish a publicly accessible register of the beneficial ownership of companies registered in each government’s jurisdiction”.46 such register is to be broadly in line with the uk provisions, noted earlier.47 mindful of the reluctance that some ots might display in establishing such a register, section 51(2) carries a threat in that: “the secretary of state must, no later than 31 december 2020, prepare a draft order in council requiring the government of any british overseas territory that has not introduced a publicly accessible register of the beneficial ownership of companies within its jurisdiction to do so”. not surprisingly, the reaction from some ots was very critical of these provisions with two main concerns being raised. firstly, the fact that a public register would put the ots at an economic disadvantage in relation to other off-shore jurisdictions, such as delaware and panama, which do not have such a register. it was argued that inevitably this would lead to individuals moving their companies elsewhere and thus have a negative impact on the financial and corporate services provided by the ots. this is an understandable concern although it is perhaps unlikely that this will significantly affect those who are using these services for legitimate purposes. of course the only way to resolve this concern conclusively is to establish a level playing field with the global introduction of such registers. this is considered further in the next section. secondly, the threat of an order in council to impose a register of beneficial ownership on the ots undermines the right of the ots to internal self-government. sir alan duncan in the house of commons 46 s49(3) provides that “money laundering” has the meaning given by the proceeds of crime act 2002, s 340(11). 47 s22(7) provides that “a “publicly accessible register of the beneficial ownership of companies” means a register which, in the opinion of the secretary of state, provides information broadly equivalent to that available in accordance with the provisions of part 21a of the companies act 2006”. the denning law journal 199 noted that “her majesty’s government are acutely conscious of the sensitivities in the overseas territories that the new [section] may provoke”. indeed, criticism of the act was soon forthcoming from the ots. for example, in a statement issued on 23 may 2018 the premier of the british virgin islands said: “we are deeply disturbed by the decision in the united kingdom which threatens to impose public registers on the bvi…. the government of the virgin islands is committed to pursuing all available legal channels to ensure that publicly available beneficial ownership registers are introduced in the bvi only if and when they become a global standard, which would establish a level playing field for all…. according to the rule of law and the bvi’s constitution, the fundamental rights of privacy of all persons, including citizens and corporate entities, must be protected and upheld”.48 given the revelations from the panama papers, any efforts by the ots to prevent public disclosure of beneficial ownership suggests that they have something to hide. from a constitutional perspective, the use of orders in council to address uk concerns and requirements in the ots is not uncommon. for example the uk abolished capital punishment as well as discrimination on grounds of sexuality in the ots by way of orders in council. perhaps the most notable example came in 2009 when an order in council was published49 effectively suspending the government of the turks & caicos islands and vesting its powers in the governor. this followed a report by sir robin auld which found that there was “a high probability of systematic corruption in government and the legislature and among public officials” in the islands. this led to the making of the turks and caicos islands constitution order 201150 which increased control of the uk over the islands. in particular section 14 provides: “her majesty reserves to herself power, with the advice and consent of her privy council, to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the turks and caicos islands”.51 48 see ds smith, ‘statement by premier on the royal assent of the sanctions and anti-money laundering bill’ (government of the virgin islands, 23 may 2018) accessed 28 july 2018. 49 the turks & caicos islands constitution (interim amendment) order 2009 placed before parliament on 25 march 2009. 50 si 1681 of 2011. 51 for a detailed discussion of the case see nicholls and others (n 5) paras 11.74 et seq. money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories 200 making laws designed to help combat money laundering, tax evasion and the financing of terrorism is clearly a matter of good governance and requiring each ot to establish and maintain a public record of beneficial ownership falls directly into this category. it is also worth repeating the view of the uk government in the ot white paper that “as a matter of constitutional law the uk parliament has unlimited power to legislate for the territories”. during the parliamentary debate on the bill, a clause requiring the introduction of a similar provision for the cds was withdrawn. this was in recognition of the very different constitutional relationship between the uk and the cds, noted earlier. thus the requirement for public registers does not currently extend to the cds. 5 conclusion the ongoing work of the fatf and g20 highlights the fact that developing transparency in the beneficial ownership of companies is now a global issue in the fight against money laundering, tax evasion, terrorist financing and other serious crime. a key goal in this regard is for tax authorities and law enforcement agencies to have “adequate and timely information on the beneficial ownership and control of legal persons”.52 this is facilitated by the effective exchange of beneficial ownership information between jurisdictions. given their position as major offshore financial centres, the ots and cds play a key role especially as each is a separate jurisdiction for the purposes of mutual legal assistance requests. the exchange of notes between the uk and the ots and cds is therefore an important, and seemingly effective, contribution to this goal. the process provides an excellent example for all jurisdictions to follow and one that the fatf and g20 should continue to actively encourage. the introduction in the sanctions and anti-money laundering act 2018 of a requirement for the ots to introduce a public register of beneficial ownership is far more controversial. the need to address the issue is certainly urgent given the fact that, as noted earlier, £90 billion is reportedly laundered through the uk each year with the ots being “central to this nefarious activity”. however, the use of the 2018 act to impose the will of the uk parliament on the ots through an order in council, if necessary, highlights the uncertain constitutional relationship between the uk and ots. clegg notes that the current arrangements, at least so far as the caribbean ots are concerned, were not intended to be 52 fatf recommendation 24: see the discussion in section 2 above. the denning law journal 201 permanent but were originally proposed as stepping stones en route to independence. thus the balance of administrative responsibilities is in practice often ill-defined.53 as he also notes, it is open to any ot to move towards full independence, if so desired. whilst this issue is beyond the scope of this note, it may be pointed out that the ots have benefited greatly economically from their continued association with the uk, especially as compared to those former colonies which chose to become independent states. whatever the future constitutional relationship between the uk and ots, the key point is that a public register of beneficial ownership must become a global standard and this is where the fatf, with its global reach, must take swift action. so far as the cds are concerned, eu directives and regulations relating to financial services, economic and monetary union and taxation do not apply there.54 thus they do not fall within the scope of the eu 5th anti-money laundering directive which was published on 19 june 2018 and entered into force on july 9 2018. amongst other things, the directive (which was partly influenced by the publication of the panama papers) requires all states to allow “any member of the general public” access to beneficial ownership registers to obtain information concerning the beneficial owner’s month and year of birth, country of residence, and nationality, as well as the nature and extent of the beneficial interest held. member states are obliged to transpose the regulations into national law by january 20 2020. in practice the cds have opted to follow many aspects of eu legislation and standards. given the continued importance of the corporate and financial sectors in the cds, complying with the eu anti-money laundering requirements may well become necessary. in the uk context, the ability of tax authorities and law enforcement agencies to obtain access to beneficial ownership information from the ots and cds enhances the prospect of identifying the person “with significant control” of a shell or shelf company. using the land registry records which provide information about the legal ownership of real estate, many of which are companies registered in off-shore jurisdictions, it becomes possible to link the legal ownership of property to the beneficial owner(s). if this is a foreign politically exposed person (pep)55 53 see peter clegg (n 3) 2. 54 home office, review of financial regulation in the crown dependencies (cm 4109-i, 1998) para 5.3.5. 55 the proceeds of crime act 2002, s 362b(7) inserted by the criminal finances act 2017, states that a “politically exposed person means a person who is— money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories 202 or one of their family members or close associates, this will allow the uk law enforcement authorities to consider applying for an unexplained wealth order (uwo). such an order requires the pep to explain the legitimate source(s) of their wealth. the adequacy of the response or a refusal to provide such information can then be taken into account in any later civil recovery proceedings.56 given the importance of the contribution of civil society organisations (csos) such as global witness and transparency international in highlighting and campaigning for transparency in beneficial ownership, the passing of the 2018 act is a major success. it also offers them the prospect of enhancing their work, and that of other csos, on identifying the beneficial ownership of property and enhancing further the fallout from the panama papers. (a) an individual who is, or has been, entrusted with prominent public functions by an international organisation or by a state other than the united kingdom or another eea state, (b) a family member of a person within paragraph (a), (c) known to be a close associate of a person within that paragraph, or (d) otherwise connected with a person within that paragraph”. 56 see criminal finances act 2017, ss 1-6. mass torts j. g. fleming'*' mass accidents have become a familiar incident of the modern way of life, a by-product of advancing technology in the production, distribution and use of toxic agents, dangerous pharmaceuticals, fast modern transport and other hazardous activities. a single type of product like asbestos or thalidomide, released on a mass market by one or numerous manufacturers, may inflict injury or disease on a vast multitude of consumers or their offspring. or a single accident, like an aeroplane collision, explosion or escape of poison gas (bhopal), may bring injury or death to thousands and dislocation to a whole region. the first is sometimes called a mass products case, the second a mass accident. both entail injury to multiple victims and present adjudicatory problems very different from those faced in routine accidents. the traditional method of case-by-case adjudication and the applicable principles of substantive law, still largely based on an individualistic philosophy of "corrective justice" between man and man, is rather unequal to this challenge. two english cases two mass product disasters have been conspicuous in english experience: thalidomide in the 1960's, opren twenty-five years later. thalidomide (contergan)\ between 1958 and 1961, the distillers company manufactured and marketed under licence in the united kingdom a drug developed by a small, upstart and aggressive german pharmaceutical firm, chemie-griinenthal. the drug was recommended as a non-barbiturate, atoxic sedative and, among others, was taken *professor of law, university of california at berkeley school of law and arthur goodhart professor in legal science, university of cambridge. the child & co. oxford lecture 1988, printed by kind permission of professor fleming and child & co.. 1. the best account, with special focus on the english scene, is by the summy times insight team, suffer ihe children: the slory of thalidomide (1979). sjostrom and nielsson, thalidomide and ihe power of ihe drug companies (1972) deals also with litigation in other countries, including a summary of the german court's justification for terminating the criminal proceedings against officials of chemie-griinenthal. the latter is fully reported in [1971] j.z. 507. 37 the denning lawjournal by women to counteract the strains of early pregnancy. by 1961 a number of newborn infants were born with no, or deformed, limbs, a condition which was linked to the drug about the same time by two gynaecologists, one in australia, the other in germany. eventually some 450 victims emerged in britain, altogether some 8,000 in thirty different countries. in england between 1962 and 1966 proceedings were commenced by the parents of 70 children, 65 of which were settled in 1968 on the basis that they receive 40% of what would have been recoverable if judgment had gone against the defendants.2 the size of the reduction, far beyond a normal discount or settlement, was due, besides disputed fault in testing, to doubts whether the common law recognised a cause of action for pre-natal injury doubts which, at a later stage of negotiations, were somewhat lessened by a favourable australian decision3 and, later yet, prospectively removed by the congenital disabilities (civil liability) act 1976, one of the few lasting legacies of the thalidomide affair. by 1969 distillers had paid out some £1 million to 58 of the claimants. this left 389 other claims which had been started later but eventually qualified under the limitation act. by 1971 distillers, as an act of grace, offered to set up a trust fund of £3% million (originally £2.5 million), spread over ten years. these terms were scathingly castigated by the sunday times in an attempt to arouse public indignation, but distillers immediately sought an injunction against any discussion pending acceptance of the settlement terms on the ground that it constituted an attempt to interfere with the course of justice.4 this legal manoeuvre, supported by the attorneys-general of two successive governments, succeeded in stifling to the very end all factual information regarding the (inadequate) testing procedure by distillers and their german licensors. it is an episode, far better remembered among lawyers, and certainly journalists, than any other aspect of the thalidomide litigation, because it involved an even more divisiveissue freedom of the press and an eventual censure of the house of lords by the european court of human rights.s at first, even discussion in parliament was resisted by invoking the rule against debate on matters sub judice. the matter finally came up on a motion calling on distillers to face up to their moral responsibility and for immediate legislation to establish a trust fund for the children. as a result of continuous agitation in the press and pressure on and by the government the settlement offer was in the end, i.e. after more than 10 years in the courts, increased to £20 million, estimated to be well above the full tort measure of damages. 2. s. v. dis/if/ers co [1970j 1 w.l.r. 114 (two representative actions to set a standard for assessing damages under the settlement). 3. wall v. rama [19721 v.r. 353. 4. aii.-gm. v. times newspapers [1973] qb. 710; [1974] a.c. 273. the injunction was eventually discharged in 1976, shortly before the last four cases were settled. 5. the sundll;y times v. uk [1979] 2 e.h.r.r. 245. 38 mass torts lessons at least two major lessons emerge from this protracted saga. first, that the ultimate outcome was achieved not through the legal process but through extra-legal means. second, that the outcome was not bottomed on principles of legal liability but on an overriding sense of justice. the dismal failure of the legal process revealed several fundamental flaws in the ability of the english system to cope with effective personal injury litigation, especially of mass claims. it is a frequently voiced boast that the division of the english legal profession into solicitors and barristers tends to assure the most skilful representation of the client. alas, this viewpoint focuses primarily on the choice of barrister and trivialises the role of the solicitor. few solicitor firms, outside trade union solicitors, specialise in personal injury claims and acquire anything like the expertise and stamina necessary for energetic litigation. also, litigation being less remunerative than conveyancing and other non-litigious work creates a temptation for less than a hundred per cent effort and, as hazel genn has shown, for cajoling clients into under-value settlements so as to get paid more quickly than in case of protracted proceedings. the original thalidomide claimants did not give careful consideration to the choice of a solicitor with the special expertise and experience their cases required, and there has been criticism of the way in which he dealt with the matter. this points to two critical failures of the afore-mentioned image of superior client representation. first, the choice of solicitor is a blind man's bluff in the absence of advertising or other facilities for identifying specialists in personal injury litigation. fortunately, the intervening years have seen a great improvement in this regard, so much so that it has brought upon the law society angry complaint from the bma.6 secondly, the critical task of assembling the evidence falls to the solicitor; the barrister may not even establish contact with witnesses prior to the trial and is therefore entirely dependent on, and may be handicapped by, the solicitor's preparation.7 the solicitor's task is aggravated by his inability under english procedure to obtain judicial assistance for discovery of evidence (other than of documents). under american practice wide-scale discovery, including the deposition of adversaries and witnesses, is a routine procedure with the result that all relevent evidence available from all sources is likely to be known to both parties prior to trial. by contrast, the thalidomide defendants successfully employed every legal device to withhold information and forbade the use of information from other sources such as the contemporaneous german proceedings. the illuminating forensic history of the thalidomide affair by the insight team of the sunday times, suffer the children, contains a startling indictment of ineptitude 6. see the times, 18 april 1988, protesting the law society's public call on would-be claimants to contact lead solicitors. a recent publication, the legal soo (1988), addressed to potential solicitor recruits, contains information on firms specialising in personal injury work. 7. defending that rule as ensuring the barrister's primary loyalty to the court, is a letter by mr gray qc in the times, 18 april 1988. 39 the denning lawjournal in the cause of the claimants. nor was it confined to the matters already mentioned. the most egregious was the alleged pressure put on clients to accept the defendant's pusillanimous settlement offer which was conditioned on unanimous acceptance. this included the threat of loss of legal aid an unpropitious model for current proposals to channel legal aid to a "lead team" in mass litigation.8 the most troublesome aspect of this story is that these flaws are systemic and unlikely to be effectively remedied without radical reforms affecting the legal profession and legal procedure. it compares most unfavourably with american legal representation on behalf of tort claimants, conducted by specialised and publicity seeking plaintiffs attorneys driven by the incomparable incentive of the contingent fee. the current proposal, discussed later, for modifying legal aid can only marginally affect this comparison. in summary, then, the eventual successful outcome for the thalidomide victims was achieved, not through but notwithstanding the legal process. it was due to the dedicated pursuit of a handful of doctors, scientists and reporters who ultimately succeeded in arousing public indignation through the media and parliament, and forcing distillers to capitulate to terms of social justice. the second lesson was closely related to the first, viz. that the settlement did not reflect principles of tort law so much as superseding notions of social justice, consonant to the imprecation of the sunday times that "there are times when to insist on the letter of the law is as exposed to criticism as infringement of another's legal rights.,,9 it will be recalled that the original settlement offer was discounted to 40% in part because of evidential uncertainties brought about in large measure by the defendant's own conduct. this blanket of information in particular obscured proof of the defendant's testing procedures and knowledge or suspicion of the drug's teratogenic potential, elements essential for proof of negligence. beyond that lay the problem of a duty of care to the unborn, already alluded to. the only official response to the public indignation over thc thalidomide tragedy (apart from a small grant to the trust fund in order to offset income tax) was the appointment of a royal commission, the pearson commission, to report on the general problem of civil liability and compensationjor personal injury. but though its report in 1979 recommended, inter alia, the introduction of strict liability for harmful products to cover situations like thalidomide, it remained stillborn. when eventually strict liability was introduced, it was under compulsion of an ec directive. moreover, it was the british government which insisted on the optional incorporation of a "development risk" defencelo and further diluted that defence 8. another, 'iorribile die/ii, was an attempt, foiled only by the court of appeal, to make the children of dissenters wards of the court and thus obtain judicial co-operation. see sujjer ihe children, siipra n.l, ch.1 i. 9. 24 september 1972. the writer had in mind that the defendant's last year profits were £64.8 millions and that its assets are worth £421 millions. 10. allowing the defendant to plead that "the state of scientific and technical knowledge at the time when he put the product into circulation was not such as to enable the existence of the defect to be discovered": art. 7(e). the defence has not been adopted by the francophone countries and the netherlands. 40 mass torts in the course of enacting it into the domestic legislation of the consumer protection act 1987.ii thus in the end, twenty-five years of soul searching have brought us little, if any, nearer to matching the law to popular expectations, and bode ill for any replay, heaven forbid, of the thalidomide tragedy. a recurring refrain calls for no-fault compensation for dangerous drugs, such as was put into place in sweden and germany in the aftermath of thalidomide. 12 but why, it has been asked, stop at drugs and not extend the programme to all products; indeed, having regard to need, why differentiate between any causes of injury for accident, or, better still, between incapacity from whatever source? 13 opren once again a licensed drug, developed abroad, for dealing with arthritic disease was withdrawn from the american and british markets amidst accusations that it caused serious side effects, including even death. the american manufacturers denied responsibility, contending that all but 30 among 1,300 british claimants suffered symptoms not attributable to the drug and that these and others were caused by excessive doses being prescribed. attempts by 450 british claimants to have their cases tried in indiana, headquarters of the manufacturer eli lilly, were rejected by an indiana court in 1983 on grounds ofjorum non conveniens. last year eli lilly offered a settlement of £21/4million for the 1,200 odd surviving claimants, which was harshly attacked by their lawyers and the media on grounds both of the defendant's profitability and the "grotesque disparity" in the treatment of american and british claimants, the former being paid "gigantic sums" including a $6 million verdict, while the latter were receiving an everage of only $1,800.14 conspicuous in the opren controversy was the impecuniosity of many claimants, which at one time threatened abandoning their c1aimsl5 until a good fairy in the shape of mr godfrey bradman came to their rescue.16 their plight emphasized the failure of the legal aid system to ensure access to justice for that vast portion of the population who were just above the poverty line but lacked the resources to pursue claims in lengthy litigation with a risk, in case of failure, of having to pay the fees not only of their own lawyers but also the defendant's. indeed, even plaintiffs under legal aid have to face the risk of having to bear a, for them, frightening percentage of legal costs.17 11. section 5(e): " ... was not such that a producer ... might be expected to have discovered". this version is currently being contested by the e.c. commission. 12. see fleming, "drug injury compensation plants", 30 am. j. camp. l.297 (1982). 13. see stapleton, disease and the compmsation debate (1986). 14. times, ii december 1987. is. this was precipitated by a ruling (c.a.) requested by the government, that the legal costs would have to be borne per capita by all claimants, including those not qualifying for legal aid: see law magazille, 12 june 1987. 16. see law magazine, 26 june 1987. 17. say, 10 per cent of an estimated £1.5 million in the whooping cough vaccine litigation. total costs were estimated at £5 million: law magazine, 2 october 1987. successful plaintiffs do not derive any benefit from legal aid because the residue of legal costs (after the costs taxed against the defendant) are retained by legal aid out of the award: see davies v. eli lilly rs co. [1987] 1 w.l.r. 1136, at p.1140 ("legal aid helps those who lose cases, not those who win them": per lord donaldson m.r.). 41 the denning law journal their condition compared, in the view of media commentators, very unfavourably with that of american claimants. the latter had so they said the advantage, first of all, of strict products liability. in reality, the more difficult hurdle was that of causation, from proof of which strict liability would no more exempt claimants than a regime of fault liability. we shall see later how american law has sought to ease that burden. in any event, a more significant advantage enjoyed by american litigants was the availability of the contingent fee, hailed as "the key of the door to the courthouse". under what goodhart has called the "american rule", each litigant bears his own lawyer's fees and there is no fee shifting from victor to loser. moreover, in tort cases, the plaintiff does not even have to pay his own lawyer if he loses, the risk being thus borne by the attorney rather than his client. since individual plaintiffs are generally risk averse, if not altogether unable to pay legal fees, this arrangement removes the fearful consequences of losing their case, and indeed provides a partial explanation for american litigiousness and a greater willingness to pursue marginal causes. there is, of course, a price to be paid: if successful, the plaintifps lawyer becomes entitled to a portion of the award one third to one half in order to remunerate him for his efforts in this and other, unsuccessful cases. thus, in a sense, the successful litigant subsidised the unsuccessful; the lawyer, for his part, is an entrepreneur who can evaluate the odds and spread the risk among a larger number of clients. 18 for several reasons, the most cogent being tradition, the contingent fee has been condemned in england (and many other countries) as champerty, in company with such other un-christian vices as usury and gambling. quite frankly, access to justice has not traditionally ranked as an important social goal in this country. not only is actual litigation deplored and discouraged, but the very pursuit of legal claims is viewed with ambivalence. this has borne down hardest on the low-income classes and accounts for the systemic (even systematic) denial of justice for tortious injuries during the nineteenth century and beyond. in order to correct this historic injustice the times leader writer, among others, therefore advocated the "careful" introduction of contingent fees, especially in cases such as opren: "it was reasonable to ask lawyers to share some of the risks; their advice would be none the worse for it", and "it would be a mistake to regard ['the ambulance chasing' lawyer] as the complete refutation of the principle on which the system is based." 19 some years ago justice, the association of reform-minded lawyers, unsuccessfully argued for a modified version of contingent fees in its submission to the royal commission on legal services.20 a more propitious time was now when the clamour over opren had aroused public concern.21 this was a mass tort with 18. see fleming, the americall tort process (1988), ch.6. 19. times, 16 december 1987. 20. justice. lawyers and the legal system: a critique oj legal services ill ellglalld and wales (1977). see white, "contingent fees: a supplement to legal aid?'" 41 m.l.r. 286 (1978). 21. see my article "how enterprising lawyers could help the less well off', fillancial times, 11 march 1988. 42 mass torts more than a thousand plaintiffs. if, instead of handling each claim as a separate unit, they could be aggregated as in an american class action, and a team of lead counsel could represent the whole class before the court, considerable economies could be achieved and legal aid, funnelled to that team, be afforded for the benefit of all. this was the new proposal of the law society to which in substance the lord chancellor gave his blessing in an amendment to the legal aid bill last february.22 procedural changes on the lines of a class action, he added, could be accomplished without legislation by rules of court. we shall try presently to see what can be learned from american experience in such aggregated proceedings. in any event, it is doubtful if su.::h a reform would have produced a different and more satisfactory resolution of the opren litigation. on 9 december 1987, hirst] took the unusual step of canvassing in open court the terms of a settlement reached by the six leading firms of solicitors representing the main body of plaintiffs and eli lilly's solicitors, with the agreement also of the government defendants, the committee on safety of medicine and the licensing authority.23 after stating that the court was neutral, hirst] urged all plaintiffs in the strongest terms to accede lest the settlement break down, and warned that their legal aid might otherwise be discontinued. you will recall a similar episode when the lead counsel for the thalidomide plaintiffs made the same point in order to corral all into a unanimous settlement. this tactic raised not only serious concern on the early occasion about counsels' conflict of interest but also the larger question whether legal aid does not unduly subordinate the interest of individual litigants to administrative efficiency and what is perceived to be the best interest of the group as a whole. this problem would become endemic under the contemplated modification of legal aid in multi-plaintiff litigation, where all claimants are represented by only one legal team. does such a team owe loyalty to each of its many clients? in the united states critics of class actions, among them many plaintiffs lawyers, raise the same objections, though they are often suspected of concern more for their own fees than their clients' welfare. the american experience class actions in the light of american experience,24 english advocates of class actions may be promising themselves too much. those responsible for the introduction of class actions by the federal rules of civil procedure in the mid-1960's did not contemplate their application to tort litigation at all. their principal reason was that tort claims even in mass accidents were unlikely to satisfy one of the essential conditions for class certification, viz. commonality, because damages vary with each plaintiff and are central to their claim. even more, in mass product disasters causation looms large and offers few, even subsidiary, common issues. to revert to 22. davies v. eli lilly ($ co., n.l.]. law rep., 18 december 1987, p.1l83 . . 24. see in more detail fleming, supra n.18, ch.7. 43 the denning law journal the opren case by way of illustration, even if the drug was capable of causing any of the harmful effects complained of, the question whether it actually caused them in each individual case would depend on numerous individualistic factors varying with each patient, such as that his or her deteriorating vision might have been the result of the synergistic effect of other drugs or of consuming excessive doses or just of ageing, not unnatural with a group of arthritic patients. thus, only a negative answer to the only common issue, viz. was the drug capable of causing any of the injuries, could have disposed of all claims uno iau (in one blow) as indeed it did in the recent whooping cough test action.25 another reason for regarding class action treatment as unsuitable for tort claims is that its primary purpose is to make claims for minor losses, which individually would not be worth pursuing, viable when aggravated by numerous plaintiffs, such for example as systematic overcharging of interest by credit card issuers or discriminatory practices in employment or leasing. class actions for such "non-viable, irrecoverable" claims provide an incentive for private law enforcement of social policies and thus occupy a place along with punitive damages and fee shifting (allowing recovery of legal costs, including attorney fees, from the loser as an exception to the general rule). by contrast, tort claims are usually sufficiently substantial in amount to attract lawyers on a contingent fee and can therefore be left to their own devices. american appellate courts have therefore hitherto given no encouragement to certification of class tort actions, to the chagrin of many trial judges overwhelmed with a flood of claimants and the discordant voices of their lawyers, many of whom have reason to dislike class actions because it will adversely affect their fees unless they participate as lead attorneys. more official support has been forthcoming for class actions under a different qualification, viz. where a common fund is inadequate to satisfy all claims, as where the defendant's assets are liable to be exhausted by successive awards of punitive damages and late-comers are at risk of recovering nothing. notably, it is only in this category that all claimants, willy nilly, can be forced into a class action; in cases of commonality so-called "opting-out" must be tolerated for constitutional and other technical reasons. as a result, almost all the spectacular mass tort trials in the united states have relied on other than class action certification. only in the agent orange case, among the more conspicuous mass tort cases, was the trial judge's certification of a class action upheld on appeal; i will later return to other, far more dramatic innovations engineered by the redoubtable judge weinstein in the course of ultimately putting a painful and controversial settlement to bed. the most common aggregative proceeding is the consolidation of claims, especially by multi-district panels which can assign elaims from federal registries all over the country to a single judge for pre-trial disposition. this includes not only the broad-range discovery possible under american procedure (thereby 25. see /11 re paris aircraft crash of march 3, /974,399 f. supp. 732 (d.c. cal. 1975). 44 mass torts saving a great deal of duplication), but extends also to motions on the pleadings and even of summary judgment on particular issues, such as choice of law. indeed in practice, it almost invariably culminates in a settlement into which the judge cajoles the more or less reluctant attorneys and their clients. a paradigm is the turkish airline litigation before the late judge pierson m. hall, a highly experienced aviation judge.26 thus, just as in england,27 consolidation accompanied by one or more test trials on an issue oflaw or damages and followed by settlement remains the usual mode of disposition of mass tort claims. another procedural device, first attempted by the johns-manville corporation in coping with asbestos c1aims,28 and later followed by the a. h. robbins co., manufacturer of the dalkon shield,29 is to seek shelter under chapter 11 of the bankruptcy act. this permits corporate reorganisation where creditors' claims exceed the resources of the enterprise but it is in the creditors' interest to encourage its continued functioning in order to obtain additional compensation out of future profits. burden of proof one of the most frequent difficulties encountered in mass accident cases relates to proof of causality. it has two aspects. first, there is the problem of the indeterminate defendant. it is often unclear which of several manufacturers of, say, a drug produced the particular unit of the product that harmed the plaintiff. the generic character of the product, the inconspicuousness of the exposure event, and the long latency period frequently prevent precise identification of the responsible manufacturer. secondly, there is the problem of the indeterminate plaintiff. especially in pollution cases, the plaintiff can often rely only on general statistical information to suggest that the defendant's emission merely increased the number of sufferers beyond those who could have contracted the disease in any event from other human agents or perhaps legally non-responsible background risks. does this sufficiently identify the plaintiff as one injured, rather than merely threatened, by the defendant? the traditional requirement that the plaintiff prove causality against each defendant on a balance of probabilities reflects our notions of procedural fairness in the individualized confrontation typical of random accidents. it is argued, however, that this "rule is neither rational nor a just means of resolving the systematic causal indeterminacy presented by mass exposure cases.,,30 27. one of the earliest sensational test actions arose from the thetis submarine disaster in which 99 lives were lost (see dullcall v. cammell laird [1942] a.c.264). recent examples are thompsoll v. smiths ship repairers [1984] qb.450, involving more than 20,000 claimants for loss of hearing in shipbuilding work, and loveday v. we/kome foulldatioll, supra n.25, the whooping cough case. 28. see hensler, felstiner, selvin and ebener, asbestos ill the courts: the challenge of mass toxic torts (rand corp. 1985). 29. see mintz, at ally cost: corporate greed, women alld the da/koll shield (1985). 30. rosenberg, "the causal connection in mass exposure cases: a 'public law' vision of the tort system", 97 han'. l. rev. 849, at p.858 (1984). 45 the denning law journal this postulate calls essentially for modification of conventional substantive law in order to exploit the procedural advantages of class actions in mass tort cases. to what extent has substantive law in america already bent to this challenge? 1. the /ndetenninate deftndant modifications of the conventional rule, which places the burden of proof on the plaintiff to identify which one among a group of potential culprits was responsible for his injury, have actually preceded the advent of class actions. most of these emanated from california, and especially the more radical of them have not, at least not yet, been widely followed elsewhere. while the earlier cases involved random accidents, the problem is destined for a more prominent role in products liability claims involving design defects, as already shown by the des, agent orange and asbestos cases. alternative liability the earliest, so-called "alternative liability", theory originated in the case of summers v. tic? 1 where two hunters, using shotguns, fired simultaneously in the direction of the plaintiff, one shot putting out his eye. the court reversed the conventional burden of proof, holding that where a single injury has been inflicted by one or the other of two negligent defendants, but the plaintiff cannot prove which one, it was for each of them to exculpate himself by establishing on a balance of probabilities that he was not the one. the rationale of this decision was that the equities between an innocent plaintiff and two negligent defendants, each one of whom could have oaused his injury, favour placing the risk of proof uncertainty on the latter.32 it has been questioned whether this principle should be confined to two defendants, in which case the odds on either one's being the culprit are 50:50. contribution could ensure that each bore 50 per cent of the loss, so that the extent of each one's liabilitywould in effect reflect the probability of his having caused the injury. while we are in general reluctant to accept statistical proof of culpability, particularly on the question of identification, those concerns have much less weight in application to defendants whose negligence has once been established. moreover, matching the extent ofliability to the degree of probable causation is an accepted rule for assessing damages for future contingencies.33 thus the chance of future arthritis or epilpesy, even ifless than "more probable than not" (51 per cent?), justifies an award, not for 100 per cent, but for the discounted value of its probability (which may be more or less than 50 per cent). applying the same 31. 33 cal.2d 80, 199 p.2d i (i948);followed by the supreme court of canada in cooky. lewis [1951] s.c.r.830. 32. restatement, torts, sec011d 54338 (1965). this principle has been repeatedly applied in chain collision and water pollution cases. it is also behind cases which shift the burden of proof to a negligent tortfeasor to show for how much of the damage he is not responsible. 33. this is well established in english law: see fleming, the law of torts 7th ed. (1987), at p.206. not so well in american law: see king, "causation, valuation and chance", 90 yale l.j. 1353 (1981). 46 http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0044-0094(1981)90l.1353[aid=2967649] mass torts rationale to proof, uncertainty on causation both with respect to the question of whether it would have made a difference had the defendant been careful34 and to the present question of which one of several negligent actors caused the injury is therefore not as great a departure from conventional premises as might have first appeared. on the other hand, the principle would not reach to cases where the alternative cause or causes are of innocent origin as in wilsher v. essex a rea health authority.35 that was the case of a prematurely born infant suffering from various illnesses including oxygen deficiency. while in intensive care he was negligently given excessive oxygen and later discovered to be suffering from damaged retinas, a condition that could have had other causes. the house of lords refused to shift the burden of proof to the defendant on the issue of causation as the lower courts had done, merely because the defendant's negligence had entailed a substantial risk of being responsible. that this decision, though couched in rather conservative terms, does not foreclose a different result when the alternative causes are all of negligent origin could look for support to another pair of cases36 whose compatibility rests on just such a distinction in the context of "superseding causation". whether it will is a question raised in a pending appeal to the lords in a case where the plaintiff suffered tetraplegia after being struck successively by two negligent drivers.37 market share the most innovative theory to date was launched by the california court in sindell v. abbott laboratories.38 having rejected all the preceding precedents, including that of joint enterprise, as unsuitable for application against the more than 300 manufacturers of des because they would have exposed each of them to joint and several liability for every injury caused by a "defective"genetic drug, the court discerned a more equitable solution in limiting each manufacturer's liability merely to its market share. that way, when all claims had been satisfied, no one defendant would have had to pay for more injuries than were statistically attributable to him. a number of objections have been raised against this solution. perhaps the most formidable is that it departs from the prior art not merely by lacking all precedent but by being incompatible with the traditional notion of tort as a system of individual responsibility. this was not corrective but distributive justice. allocation of responsibility was based no longer on proof of particular but of statistical causation. despite the court's disavowal, this was indeed an 34. however, the house of lords have recently declined to do so: wilsher v. essex a.h.a. [19881 2 w.l.r. 557; see also kay v. ayrshire (5arrall h.b. [1987j 2 all e.r. 417 (h.l.). 35. supra n.34. 36. joblillg v. associated dain'es [1982] a.c.794; baker v. willoughby [1970j a.c.467. 37. 26 ca1.3d 588, 607 p.2d 924 (1980). 38. see filzgerald v. lalle [1987] qb.781 (c.a.). 47 the denning law journal industry-wide liability. even if defensible in terms of economic efficiency,39it did not conform to basic notions of individual justice. secondly, the assumption that all would work out at the end of the day was wishful thinking. the court was content with the plaintiffs joining the manufacturers of a "substantial share" of the des market, apparently viewing even 70/80 per cent as too ambitious. moreover, it was left uncertain whether a plaintiff could still collect the whole of his judgment from anyone defendant or was limited to the latter's market share. in the first eventuality, the cost of securing contribution and the risk of insolvency beyond his own share would still be borne by each defendant. how does this really differ from solitary liability except insofar as contribution will be regulated by reference to market share rather than other possible criteria of responsibility? the indeterminate plaintiff in the preceding situations the plaintiff knew that he had suffered injury as a result of another's tort but did not know precisely whose. this, the problem of the indeterminate defendant, has its converse image in situations where the claimant is one of several victims, only some of whom have been injured by a single tortfeasor, but who are unable to say which one among them. to illustrate this, the problem of the indeterminate plaintiff, suppose she is one of a group of persons exposed to a toxic emission from the defendant, but the same symptoms also emanate from independent "background risks". for example, in the nevada nuclear explosion case the plaintiffs could point to a strong positive association between their cancer and exposure to ionizing radiation, but their cancer was indistinguishable from that also prevalent and attributable to unknown causes.40 similarly, in the agent orange case, dioxin was present in the vietnam countryside besides the amount in the defoliant used by the us forces, procured from seven identified american chemical companies.41 typically, the association of the injury with the defendant's activity rests on statistical rather than specific (anecdotal) evidence. thus the evidence may show that, after the defendant's emission, the incidence of the particular disease rose from 100 to 190 for a given population. here, doubts about statistical proof are compounded by the fact that it does not even tip the balance of probabilities, i.e. 50 per cent plus. in the wake of sindell, proposals have been made to apply a mirror-image solution to the instant problem so that the defendant would be held responsible for, and the plaintiffs as a group could recover, 9/19 of their injuries.42 39. see calabresi, "concerning cause and the law of torts", 43 u.'chi.l.rev. 69 (1973), especially at pp.84-91. 40. allen v. u.s. 588 f.supp. 247 (d.utah 1984). the same applies to adverse reactions from many drugs, without any clear distinction between iatrogenic and spontaneous illness: see newdick, "strict liability for defective drugs in the pharmaceutical industry", (1985) 101 l.qr. 405, at pp.420-30. 41. in re "agent orange" product liability litigation 597 f.supp.740 (e.d.n.y. 1984). 42. delgado, "beyond sindell: relaxation of cause-in-fact rules for indeterminate plaintiffs", 70 calif l. rev. 881 (1982). 48 mass torts the proposed formula would exact from the defendant an amount precisely proportioned to his share of responsibility for the total incidence of the disease in the area. besides loss spreading, it would promote deterrence and economic efficiency by internalizing the accident cost to the enterprise that is in the best position to reduce accidents and pass on the cost to its beneficiaries by means of insurance and higher prices. rather less satisfactory is the solution at the plaintiffs' end. proportional recovery, by which each member of thl class is compensated in proportion to the damages sustained by the class as a whole, undercompensates some (90 in the preceding example) and overcompensates others (100). but this is still better, so it is contended, than either to compensate none or to compensate all for the full amount of their injuries. the first to adopt this rationale was the ever innovative judge weinstein, in certifyingagent orange for class action treatment. 43 the departure from traditional concepts, propounded in agent orange, is indeed manifold and startling. on the basis of mere statistical evidence of a product's propensity for injury, it sanctions a cause of action by unidentified plaintiffs against unidentified defendants without specific proof of the defective nature of the product or of its having caused injury to a particular plaintiff. in short, most elements of products liability have been collapsed into mere statistical proof of causation.44 while it is true that, strictly speaking, the court's reasoning related only to the fairness of the settlement, it sought approval for an approach to liability that would sever most links to traditional tort principles. afterthought the prospect of enlisting class actions for the radical solution of social problems envisaged by these proposals enjoys far from universal support. for even if the goals are worthy, to entrust such drastic legal change to a selection of activist judges instead of to the traditional venue for political decision in a democracy challenges accepted constitutional understandings. the distance separating these perspectives is nowhere more strikingly illustrated than by the justification for the agent orange settlement enforced by judge weinstein: "even though the evidence presented to the court to date suggests that the case is without merit, the testimony of almost 500 witnesses undoubtedly did serve once again to bring to the public's attention how unfairly vietnam veterans have been treated. they have been abused, rejected and humiliated after serving bravely. their voices should be heeded by the government and public for whom they fought ... 43. supra n.40. 44. sherman, "agent orange problem and the problem of the indeterminate plaintiw', 52 brook/jill l. rev. 369 (1986), at p.390. . 49 the denning law journal whether or not that pain was caused by agent orange, it is shared by a disproportionately large number of vietnam veterans. they and their families should receive recognition, medical treatment and financial support ... the public received the 'benefit' of combat service and should help to defray the cost ... our country is rich in public and private resources of every kind. those resources should be made available to members of the class.,,45 this statement not only turns its back on any dichotomy between principle and policy in judicial decision making, but invokes a goal of social psychology as justification for wealth re-distribution, far removed from any conventional objective of accident compensation policy, let alone of tort law. one might be tempted to dismiss this scenario as but illustrating the jazzy strain of american jurisprudence, but should be chastened by the memory that the thalidomide settlement also fell well beyond the "shadow of the law", though lacking so indiscreet a spokesman. mass litigation is not the only solution for mass accidents. whether the procedure is individualized or aggregative, the tort system reveals its inefficiencies in starkest colour in dealing with mass claims. the funds available for compensation are limited by the resources of the defendants, including liability insurance cover. that even industrial giants can be driven into bankruptcy has been translated from rhetoric to reality in the wake of the asbestos litigation. the most depressing feature is that the exorbitant cost of administering the tort system not only threatens the survival of industries peculiarly exposed to risk of mass claims, like the pharmaceutical and chemical industries, but depletes the available funds for compensating victims by staggering litigation costs. to the extent that traditional rules are already being modified in order to facilitate recovery by victims, the tort system is being distorted, even superseded. if the conventional tort law is thus proving itself inadequate to the task, should we not, instead of merely tinkering with it, consider the more radical solution of entirely replacing it by a compensation scheme? 45. supra n.39, at pp.857-58. 50 for the purposes of right to self-determination, how does one define people in context of kashmir 333 the denning law journal 2014 vol 26 pp 333-336 book review raising freedom’s banner how peaceful demonstrations have changed the world paul harris sc aristotle lane, oxford, 2015 price £12.00, pp 265, isbn 978-0-9933583-0-2 susan edwards* raising freedom’s banner is essential reading for students studying constitutional and administrative law, for those with an interest in human rights and also for those engaged in peaceful protests the world over. paul harris is a practising barrister in england and wales and a senior counsel in hong kong. he founded the bar human rights committee of england and wales. he has acted in several cases involving the right to peaceful protest, a right preserved by much struggle which he meticulously charts throughout the pages of his truly rich and wonderful historical and legal account. paul harris successfully represented falun gong in upholding their right to protest outside a government building in hong kong as part of a peaceful hunger strike against the treatment of falun gong in mainland china. as any visitor to chinatown in london or indeed elsewhere will know falun gong simply wish to pursue their peaceful beliefs in taoist and buddhist teachings. 1 for paul harris protest is the visible existence of the bastion of freedom. harris embarks on this comprehensive historical and global journey documenting the history and development of protest and the evolution of laws that have both sought to defend, to limit, and to extinguish it. it was magna carta that established the right to peaceful protest, and then embodied in the right to petition the king. 2 the doctrine that the king is not beneath man, but beneath god and the law became a foundation stone cast in eternity throughout the centuries. as harris points out the right to petition became a key issue in the constitutional struggles between the stuart kings and parliament in the seventeenth century, a contest ensuing between whether the right existed or whether petitioning the king could * professor of law, university of buckingham and editor of the denning law journal. 1 2. 2 16. book review 334 amount to treason. 3 harris weaves his journey through time and place considering the role of protest in the process of pressure for democracy in democratic revolutions in france, russia, egypt and the ukraine all of which ended in personal tragedy some bringing about the sought after change and social revolution, whilst others not so. it is impossible to do justice to this book in such a short review and in this “embarrassment of riches” it is not possible to identify which instances of protest have been more important in building our contemporary laws. harris researches the evolution of the law to protect the right to protest and also the attempts of the state to curtail the power of the people both thoroughly and extensively. so for example in 1715, the riot act was passed whereby if more than twelve people were assembled and refused to disperse within one hour they would be hanged, although the riot act was concerned less with protest and more with rebellion. 4 in 1817, the seditious meetings act otherwise known as the “gagging act” was introduced to curtail people’s power prohibiting meetings of more than fifty people and if breached then imprisonment for twelve months followed. 5 clearly the groundswell movement towards protecting the right to protest suffered many setbacks at each stage as parliament tried to contain the power of the people and crush opposition. at st peter’s square, manchester in 1819 some 60,000 people had gathered, including woman contingents as well as children, for a meeting to discuss parliamentary reform. the yeomanry plunged into the crowd to arrest hunt who was about to speak, it then turned into a massacre with the yeomanry trampling the crowds and attacking them with sabres. and so at the “peterloo massacre” eleven people were killed and 400 injured. 6 the power of the people in some circumstances has also led to what is called “civil disobedience” where protestors themselves act outside a law that they regard as, in itself, unlawful. and so from the suffragette movement to gandhi who defied the “whites only” dictate and travelled on a “whites only” train in south africa 7 in his pursuit of “satyagraha”, which translated means “firmness for truth”, harris carefully documents the force of civil disobedience for real social and political change. in this “truth” harris documents the resolve of martin luther king who 3 18. 4 22. 5 36. 6 42. 7 127. the denning law journal 335 “perfected the style of demonstration that came to symbolize the civil rights movement” based on non-violence. 8 but legal measures of all kinds have been historically used against the most peaceful of protestors and harris clearly shows that in so far as the interests of the people are concerned history repeats itself. (for example, the labour leader, jeremy corbyn is concerned with what he calls the “social cleansing” of london where social housing becomes unaffordable and ordinary people are forced to move out of the city). hubbard v pitt 9 concerned the granting of an injunction against social workers who had organised a campaign on behalf of tenants in islington and were protesting against the redevelopment by so called “entrepreneurial” developers bent on a process of “gentrification” which was driving ordinary people out of london. prebble and co applied for, and was granted, an injunction following their claims that the protest was going on outside their premises. lord denning in the court of appeal dissented and did not support the granting of an injunction against the protesting social workers since he did not consider a group of protestors on a saturday morning amounted to an unreasonable use of the highway. denning opined “finally, the real grievance of the plaintiffs is about the placards and leaflets. to restrain these by an interlocutory injunction would be contrary to the principle laid down by the court 85 years ago in bonnard v perryman, 10 and repeatedly applied ever since.” 11 harris is also concerned with the power of the police who over the centuries have acted as buffers between the state and civil society in their role in maintaining public order in peaceful protest. he singles out for special treatment the several decisions of the courts with regard to the use of police powers in the policing of demonstrations. the european court of human rights (echr) in the case of austin and others v. the united kingdom, 12 which effectively authorises the use of “kettling” as a legitimate method of containment of protestors under certain circumstances (in this particular case anti-capitalism demonstrators) is singled out for special comment. harris is critical both of the house of lords judgment in this case and the echr which he regards as guilty of “complacent blindness” 13 adding, “it is tempting to feel that a court of 8 151. 9 [1976] 1 qb 142 (harris 171). 10 [1891] 2 ch 269. 11 ibid hubbard v pitt (harris 178). 12 (application nos. 39692/09, 40713/09 and 41008/09). 13 180. book review 336 human rights which shows so little respect for liberty is scarcely worth keeping.” the victims of police power and state power have as harris demonstrates often been the student body whether it be students demonstrating against university fees or in other countries against state intervention or military intervention. at kent state university 14 an antiwar demonstration against the vietnam war ended in tragedy with four students shot dead and nine others wounded. students at tian an men square suffered at the hands of the government police but their peaceful resistance had a momentum that effected significant change. 15 indeed, as he documents, the peaceful protest can be instrumental in expressing the views of the people outside the ballot box. it was “stop the war coalition” and other groups that protested against the involvement of the uk in the iraq war in 2003. as harris reminds us tessa jowell was going to ban the rally because amongst other things she worried about the threat to the likely damage to the grass. she relented. the late tony benn and the late liberal democratic leader, charles kennedy both spoke out against the war on the basis that it was illegal in the absence of a un resolution. given the strength of support against the iraq war it was thought we would not see the likes of eschewing the parliamentary process again. there have been already been demonstrations against military intervention in syria. as harris demonstrates throughout this book preserving and defining the right to protest is essential for those who feel excluded from the political process and for those who distrust it. the exercise of the right to peaceful protest is the palpable evidence that freedom lives. 14 187. 15 216. human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 258 denning law journal 2015 vol 27 pp 258-278 the nuremberg trials and their legacy for the rights of patients and research subjects paul weindling “the nuremberg code” when does clinical research designed to save lives and advance medicine become assault and murder? in the twentieth century the line between legitimate research on human subjects and criminal assault has been variously drawn. the demands of the researcher and the voice of the research subject and patient have received varying recognition. with the upswing of clinical research in the early twentieth century and some dramatic breakthroughs in medicine there was a tendency to heroise the researcher in the “fight” against disease. in nazi germany, there were strong pressures to conduct research on lives deemed worthless in the hope of producing valuable breakthroughs in medical research to benefit the nation and race. after all, if the mentally ill and racially inferior jews and gypsies were going to be killed, their bodies might still serve a useful purpose. after ww2 the nuremberg trials were conducted on the basis of “crimes against humanity”, and by documenting wartime atrocities did much to safeguard human rights and dignity. after the four-power international military tribunal at nuremberg came the trial against 20 nazi doctors and three ss administrators: this concluded with a declaration on the conduct of research based on the autonomy and consent of the research subject. on 18 august 1947 a tribunal of three judges at nuremberg promulgated these guidelines on the conduct of human experiments, and how research subjects could be protected. the judges spoke of the author paul weindling, ma, phd, ml is welcome trust research professor in the history of medicine, oxford brookes university. his research interests cover the history of eugenics, international health organizations, and the victims of nazi coerced experimentation. he is a trustee of cara, the council for at-risk academics. he was recently awarded the anneliese mayer prize which he holds at the german national academy of sciences, leopoldina in halle, germany, and he is senior fellow of the wiesenthal institute for holocaust studies, vienna, email: pjweindling@brookes.ac.uk. the denning law journal 259 requirement for a “voluntary consent” on the part of the research subject. this declaration was unique among all the nuremberg trials, both the international military tribunal of 1945-46 and the subsequent series of united states-conducted “successor trials” at nuremberg from 1946 to 1951. the doctors‟ trial was the only occasion that a set of principles arising from the judicial proceedings was promulgated. the judges stated that while the principles provided rationales for their verdicts, they also hoped that these principles would establish guidelines for best practice in research. these principles have subsequently been called the “nuremberg code” and have been linked with the emergence of the principle of “informed consent”. these principles represent a significant extension of liberties in that they protect an individual‟s body and personal autonomy. contrary to what is often assumed, the term “informed consent” does not appear in the original statement of principles. the term “nuremberg code” is also retrospective, and applied only in the mid-1960s. 1 certainly ideas of consent have become fundamental for clinical research. indeed, they have been extended to all clinical practice. a further step during the 1990s is to see consent as governing all aspects of human relations. important issues arise: first, how well the medical or doctors‟ trial took on aboard nazi medical abuses, which were ultimately genocidal? what distinction there might be between “voluntary consent” and “informed consent”? here issues arise concerning disclosure of medical information concerning the rationales of the experiment on the one side, and the autonomy of the research subject on the other. the historiography divides into two camps. one sees the nuremberg verdict on the nazi doctors and medical officials as central. the other sees a series of case law verdicts as leading to informed consent. coincidentally both strands consider the post-war period with the rise of clinical research as crucial. 2 1 paul weindling, „consent, care and commemoration: the nuremberg medical trial and its legacies for victims of human experiments‟ in volker roelcke, sascha topp and etienne lepicard (eds), silence, scapegoats, self-reflection: the shadow of nazi medical crimes on medicine and bioethics (v & r academic 2014) 29-46. certain passages in the paper cover similar ground, and that the current piece explores issues within a wider context of human rights history 2 ruth faden, tom l beauchamp and nancy king, a history and theory of informed consent (oup 1986). henry k beecher, research and the individual (little, brown 1970). jay katz, experimentation with human beings (1st edn, russell sage foundation 1972). the nuremberg trials and their legacy 260 the medical trial happened to be the first of a series of trials dealing with different sectors of the nazi system of power. the trial was also distinctive in that victims gave eloquent testimony about what they had endured at the hands of their medical torturers. at times the judges asked for opinions from both defendants and prosecutors for their views on the conduct of medical research. in this sense the trial was also an ethics tribunal. it meant that the trial documentation gained iconic status as an overview of human experimentation and atrocities under national socialism. after the trial, involved lawyers and psychiatrists arranged care and supported efforts to secure compensation. the legacy of the nuremberg medical trial has substantial importance in medicine of the second half of the twentieth century when there was an upswing of clinical research, and an evident need for ethical regulation. the legacy of the doctors‟ trial or more accurately the medical trial – as three nazi officials were prosecuted may be viewed as consisting of the ethical requirement of consent, and the lesser known efforts to provide care, and to commemorate the victims. the question was raised around the time of the nuremberg trials as to those victims who were killed, and how they could be best commemorated? an international scientific commission on war crimes worked parallel to the medical trial to assemble details of all unethical experiments and research by the nazis. 3 the task emerged as too great for the limited resources at the time, and the commission was further marginalised in the post-war medical politics. the focus became that of legally based “informed consent”. however, the history is wider ranging and more complex. it is often overlooked how several of the nuremberg trials considered evidence for medical atrocities. human experiments and coerced research were already raised at the four-power international military tribunal. they were given a high profile as part of a general pattern of nazi atrocities. during the following period of united states administration, the trials of air marshall milch and the ss economic administrator oswald pohl also considered the coerced and often fatal experiments. other trials 3 paul weindling, „die internationale wissenschaftskommission zur erforschung medizinischer kriegsverbrechen‟, angelika ebbinghaus and klaus dörner (eds), vernichten und heilen. der nürnberger ärzteprozess und seine folgen (aufbauverlag, 2001), 439-451. paul weindling, nazi medicine and the nuremberg trials: from medical war crimes to informed consent (basingstoke, palgrave-macmillan: 2004). the denning law journal 261 at nuremberg dealt with atrocities perpetrated by specific groups (as the judiciary, high command and industrialists). 4 the fact that victims did not volunteer or consent to the experiments was part of the prosecution case in the successor trials. the issue was raised in the trial against 23 officials of the ig farben chemical corporation, when the extensive typhus (fleckfieber) experiments at buchenwald were part of the prosecution case as count three concerning war crimes. the defence countered that conscientious tests with animals were carried out to ensure the safety of the drugs. 5 moreover, the defence alleged that the criteria for criminality of experiments established at the medical trial were not met. the defence argued, using evidence from the dachau camp doctor, helmuth vetter (a former scientist with ig-farben at leverkusen and who later oversaw experiments at the concentration camps of auschwitz and mauthausen-gusen), that rather than (criminal) experiments, there had been allegedly legitimate “clinical tests” or “practical tests.” 6 “medical experiments” figured as part of count three (slave labour) in the charges against the defendants. here the charge was of: “experiments on human beings (including concentration camp inmates), without their consent, were conducted by farben to determine the effects of deadly gases, vaccines, and related products.” 7 himmler had ambitions for the ss to become a major producer of pharmaceuticals, surpassing ig-farben. he authorised large-scale infectious disease experiments in concentration camps as a way of realizing these schemes. typhus, transmitted by infected lice, was denounced as a “jewish fever” that had to be conquered as it was endemic in eastern poland and the soviet union. the ss medical researchers effectively stole an innovative vaccine devised at the pasteur institute in paris and produced from typhus rickettsia cultured on rabbit lungs. at the concentration camp of buchenwald ss medical researchers infected prisoners, using some prisoners (who mostly died) as “passage-persons” to maintain cultures of the vaccine, and others as test subjects for the new vaccine. 8 4 paul weindling, „victims, witnesses and the ethical legacy of the nuremberg medical trial‟ in kim priemel and alexa stiller (eds), the nuremberg trials (berghahn books 2013) 74-103. 5 trials of war criminals before the nuremberg military tribunals under control council law no. 10 (washington: us government printing office 1949) [hereafter twc] ig farben case, vii 250. 6 ibid 253, 328. 7 ibid vii, 54, 55 (indictment). 8 paul weindling, epidemics and genocide in eastern europe (oup 2000). the nuremberg trials and their legacy 262 the defence at the ig-farben trial took the position of a collective denial of responsibility and knowledge of the criminal experiments at auschwitz. 9 the accused pleaded that they were conscientious professionals. the judges accepted the distinction between an experiment (versuch) and a clinical test or trial: “without going into detail to justify a negative factual conclusion, we may say that the evidence falls short of establishing the guilt of said defendants on this issue beyond a reasonable doubt…the question as to whether the reports submitted to farben by its testing physicians disclosed that illegal uses were being made of such drugs revolves around a controversy as to the proper translation of the german word “versuch” found in such reports and in the documents pertaining thereto. the prosecution says that “versuch” means “experiment” and that the use of this word in said reports was notice to the defendants that testing physicians were indulging in unlawful practices with such drugs. the defendants contend, however, that “versuch”, as used in the context, mean “test” and that the testing of new drugs on sick persons under the reasonable precautions that farben exercised was not only permissible but proper. applying the rule that where from credible evidence two reasonable inferences may be drawn, one of guilt and the other of innocence, the latter must prevail, we must conclude that the prosecution has failed to establish that part of the charge here under consideration.” 10 this verdict of the judges at the ig farben trial that “tests” were permissible effectively reversed the verdict and guidelines pronounced by the judges at the close of the medical trial. the distinction between a therapeutic “test” and an experiment relied on some skilful conjuring with terminology by the defendants and defence lawyers. here, it can be seen that the nuremberg trials left an ambivalent and contradictory legacy, on the one hand with guidelines to protect research subjects, and on the other hand permissive allowing constant clinical testing. the nuremberg medical trial of 1946–47 was necessarily selective as to who was available for prosecution, and since then only clusters of victims have been identified. in the early 1980s günther schwarberg, a journalist for the illustrated magazine stern, named a set of child victims for his reconstruction of the life histories of the “twenty children” killed in 9 case vi, closing statement for all defendants, twc (n 5), viii 972. 10 ibid viii 1172, case vi (decision and judgment). the denning law journal 263 hamburg after transport from auschwitz for a tuberculosis immunisation experiment. the question arises whether what schwarberg achieved in microcosm can be achieved for the totality of victims? victims of experiments have only recently been systematically researched, and the evidence is that there were at least 15500 victims of the coerced research. 11 there is a strange irony regarding the ethical and legal protection of victims of medical atrocities. this is that the principles of informed consent and protection of personal data lead to the withholding of victim-related data. a sort of “catch 22” situation arises: that the information about victims cannot be released without their consent, but you will never know who the victim may have been unless this is released. such a situation prevents the reconstructing of victims‟ life histories – something that provides a long overdue historical basis for compensation and recognises victims and survivors. the effect is not to protect the victims but to protect the identities of the perpetrators of medical atrocities. moreover, the idea of a “nuremberg code” with “informed consent” as a key feature can be seen as retrospective constructs dating from the 1960s. from about this time, the first efforts to identify victims arose, but this was (and remains) a highly marginalised activity, outside the historical mainstream. the medical trial was in chief prosecutor telford taylor‟s words “no mere murder trial”, by which he meant that human experiments were more complex in terms of their intention and organisation than straightforward acts of violence. in fact, the prosecutors delegated to the medical case construed medical atrocities as acts of violence and murder, but ethical issues were periodically discussed in court. the resulting judicial guidelines on human experiments provided research subjects with safeguards, both at an individual and collective level. how public was the judicial declaration on human experiments? the nuremberg trials were conducted under military security. yet throughout journalists, the german delegation of medical observers, other medical observers and national delegates were present. in 1949 the neurologist alexander mitscherlich who led the german medical chambers included the judicial guidelines as a contribution for a future international agreement. 12 although 10000 copies of his analysis of the medical trial, 11 paul weindling, victims and survivors of nazi human experiments: science and suffering in the holocaust (bloomsbury 2014); paul weindling and others, „the victims of unethical human experiments and coerced research under national socialism‟, endeavour (2015). 12 alexander mitscherlich and fred mielke, wissenschaft ohne menschlichkeit (lambert schneider 1949) 267-68. cf alexander mitscherlich, fred mielke (eds), the nuremberg trials and their legacy 264 wissenschaft ohne menschlichkeit (science without humanity) were printed, it is likely that the circulation was in fact limited through the antagonism of senior clinicians. the reissued edition in april 1960 did include the judicial guidelines, and the book has shaped all subsequent analyses of the medical trial, at least in germany. the ethical discourse was by no means restricted to the courtroom. victims had established an ethical agenda prior to the medical trial. there was an explosion of human rights declarations around 1946-48, as the un general assembly convention on the crime and punishment of genocide of 9 december 1948 and the un declaration on human rights of 10 december 1948. the un declared genocide as a crime under international law: “genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) killing members of the group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.” 13 here, the judicial declaration should be considered in the context of a wider human rights discourse. figures like the campaigner for the recognition of genocide as an international crime, raphael lemkin saw how minorities – whether ethnic, religious or cultural were inherently in peril and vulnerable to persecution and wholesale extinction. lemkin escaped the nazis when poland was invaded, and invented the term “genocide” in 1944. the issue of genocide was significant in shaping issues for prosecution at the nuremberg medical trial. the medical das diktat der menschenverachtung (lambert schneider 1947). mitscherlich, mielke, medizin ohne menschlichkeit, dokumente des nürnberger ärzteprozesses (s fischer 1960). mitscherlich, mielke (with contributions by ivy, taylor, alexander and deutsch), doctors of infamy: the story of the nazi medical crimes (henry schuman 1949). 13 united nations treaty series, art ii, vol 78 (1951) 277. the denning law journal 265 intelligence officer, john thompson, provided a link between the nuremberg medical trial and international organisations like unesco. 14 towards a code the term “nuremberg code” was not used until the 1960s. the idea of consent was qualified in a variety of ways, for example as “enlightened” or “voluntary”. once one scrutinises its origins, status and meaning, the nuremberg code and the associated idea of “informed consent” are retrospective constructs of a more recent bioethical discourse – when there was a “codification of the code” from the 1980s. the origins of “informed consent” lie in prisoner protests against maltreatment. during the war, victims protested that coerced experiments violated their rights as prisoners. on 4 march 1945 liberated auschwitz prisoner doctors made an international declaration on how prisoners had been treated as experimental animals; they hoped that the allies and neutral states would bring to trial those responsible. their intention was that bringing the perpetrators to justice would mean that such atrocities should not recur in the future. survivors and witnesses of human experiments called for documentation of nazi medical atrocities, justice and compensation. the released prisoners organised committees and issued newsletters about the experiments. by asking when the issue of unethical experiments was first raised, and by whom and in what circumstances, we find that the research subject, and medical understanding of the victim is at the core of the story. this contact with victims was lost, when what later became known as the nuremberg code has achieved recognition. the allied medical intelligence officer, john thompson, who drove forward an ethical agenda to tackle “medical war crimes”, illustrates this loss of perspective. crucial was the encounter with victims, in his case survivors at bergen-belsen. thompson‟s position was to combine martin buber‟s idea of a communing relationship of physician and patient with a spiritually based philosophy of the whole person. in late november 1945 thompson flagged up the issue of nazi human experiments by introducing the concept of a “medical war crime”. thompson defined what scientific practices were criminal, and began documenting where and when the criminality occurred. he alleged that 90% of the work of leading german clinicians and researchers was criminal. in november 1945 he 14 paul weindling, john w thompson, psychiatrist in the shadow of the holocaust, (rochester university press 2010). paul weindling, „zwischen forschung und genozid, „der nürnberger ärzteprozess 1946/47: raphael lemkins standpunkt über menschenversuche und genozid‟ (2007) 48 acta historica leopoldina 79-87. the nuremberg trials and their legacy 266 was the first to identify the human experiments as “medical war crimes” – this new term provided a basis for joint medical and legal investigations. thompson alleged that “the sacrifice of humans as experimental subjects” was widespread in germany. he demanded comprehensive documentation and ethical analysis. he was convinced that inaction would condone the experiments, and that “there is equally a danger that these practices may continue in germany or spread to other countries.” 15 thompson secured an inter-allied meeting of war crimes investigators. he established the international scientific commission at nuremberg to document and ethically analyse all unethical medical experiments, not just those which took place in concentration camps, as it became allied policy to prosecute only the latter. thompson provides a corrective to a standard bioethical approach of seeing a progressive development of codes from the generalised hippocratic oath to the helsinki declaration by the world medical association of 1964 when “informed consent” was key: “9. in any research on human beings, each potential subject must be adequately informed of the aims, methods, anticipated benefits and potential hazards of the study and the discomfort it may entail. he or she should be informed that he or she is at liberty to abstain from participation in the study and that he or she is free to withdraw visor her consent to participation at any time.” this approach moves from the hippocratic oath, to the reich regulations on the conduct of research with humans of 1931, to the nuremberg code, and then on to helsinki declaration. thompson‟s response to the concerns at the nuremberg trials was to put the suffering person first: he combined buber‟s idea of a communing relationship with the roman catholic philosopher jacques maritain, person-based philosophy. by way of contrast, other medical experts at the nuremberg, the american physiologist andrew ivy and neurologist leo alexander looked back to hippocrates. we know from the work of thomas rütten that hippocrates was an ambivalent basis. 16 ivy‟s “outline of principles and rules of experimentation on human subjects”, presented at a meeting at the pasteur institute on 1 august 1946, importantly began with the demand: 15 ibid. 16 thomas rütten, „hitler withor withouthippocrates? the hippocratic oath during the third reich‟ (1997) 12 korot 91-106. the denning law journal 267 “i. consent of the subject is required; i.e. only volunteers should be used. (a)the volunteers before giving their consent, should be told of the hazards, if any.” ivy‟s agenda of a set of guiding principles was intended as a modern form of hippocratic oath, and his public speaking frequently mentioned the oath. at the same time, his outlook was permissive in terms of research, even though he recognised ethical limitations. the issues of animal and human rights converged. ivy was at root a mechanistic physiologist, relying on animal experiments. again, there is a contrast to thompson, who advocated that students should learn from their own bodies rather than animal experiments. the ethos of ivy‟s viewpoint was geared to the take-off of clinical research and trials. two implications were: “voluntary or informed consent provided a safeguard within a model of science that was reductionist. the relationship was contractual between researcher and subject, or by extension physician and patient.” ivy briefed the legal staff of general taylor on the ethics of experimenting on prisoners. the public should not lose confidence in “ethical experimentation.” ivy‟s route was essentially a bargain struck between researcher and subject, and by extension between physician and patient. taking a philosophical view, the corresponding epistemology in the analysis of experimentation was empirical and associationist, and mechanistic in its presuppositions. the german medical observer at the medical trial, the neurologist, alexander mitscherlich reflected on what was the human component in doctor-patient relations? mitscherlich declared that it would be a mistake for physicians to distance themselves from the trial, by seeing the accused in terms of an individual lapse of moral standards. in fact, every doctor needs to recognise what happens when the individual suffering human being becomes an object or a case – “einen fall”. 17 this position represented a quite fundamental critique of mechanistic reductionism as the epistemological basis of medicine. survivors of experiments were key prosecution witnesses at the nuremberg medical trial. they included four of the ravensbrück “rabbits” (these were 74 polish women experimental subjects who were originally 17 alexander mitscherlich, „der arzt und die humanität: erste bemerkungen zum nürnberger ärzteprozeß‟ die neue zeitung 20 december 1946. the nuremberg trials and their legacy 268 called “rabbits” by fellow prisoners and used the name to express defiance, solidarity and contempt for their tormentors). as the literary critic george steiner has observed, the nazis used euphemisms like “disinfection” to disguise their murderous conduct. the “rabbits” used their name as a very direct protest against what they considered the injustice of being condemned for resistance, but then gratuitously abused for experiments. another victim giving evidence concerning his experiences of malaria experiments and then of survival in freezing water experiments at dachau was a roman catholic priest, leo michalowski, also from poland. 18 the nuremberg prosecutors had appealed in the press and on the radio for victims‟ testimony. the survivors‟ voice was heard strongly. the resulting evidence brought out links to “euthanasia” and genocide. in one dramatic courtroom incident, the roma victim of a dachau seawater drinking experiment, karl hoellenrainer, punched the experimenter the austrian internist, wilhelm beiglböck. this was an exceptional confrontation in its directness, but is indicative of the stress of the courtroom encounter. those survivors who gave evidence were representative not only of the groups experimented on – as sulphonamide treatment of wounds, or seawater drinking, but even more broadly of victims as a whole. 19 their role raises a crucial issue of how many victims there were and how widespread the experiments. “enlightened consent” the neurologist leo alexander realised that the legal basis of the medical trial – the prosecution of war crimes as crimes against humanity was too narrow. he tried to broaden the basis of the trial by applying the genocide concept. alexander argued that the german research represented “killing methods for a criminal state”, and as “an aggressive weapon of war”. 20 as in ivy‟s draft code of 31 july 1946, alexander required consent, and voluntary participation of the experimental subject. while ivy required the experiment to be useful, alexander preferred a more generalised 18 harvard law library, „nuremberg trial project‟ (harvard law school library_ accessed 14 october 2015. 19 weindling, „victims, witnesses and the ethical legacy of the nuremberg medical trial‟ (n 4 ) 74-103. 20 alexander papers, durham nc 4/34 memorandum to taylor, mchaney and hardy, „the fundamental purpose and meaning of the experiments in human beings of which the accused in military tribunal no 1, case no 1) have been indicted: thanatology as a scientific technique of genocide‟. the denning law journal 269 viewpoint, that the experiment should not be unnecessary; both agreed that results should be for the good of society. alexander amplified the concept of consent, as based on proven understanding of the exact nature and consequences of the experiment. he considered that a doctor or medical student was most likely to have the capacity for full understanding. the degree of risk was justified by the importance of the experiment, and the readiness of the experimenter to risk his own life. 21 alexander as a neurologist had a greater psychological understanding than ivy, when he defined what constituted “enlightened consent”. his criteria were “legally valid voluntary consent of the experimental subject” requiring: a. the absence of duress. b. sufficient disclosure on the part of the experimenter and sufficient understanding of the exact nature and consequences of the experiment for which he volunteers, to permit an enlightened consent on the part of the experimental subject. the idea of an enlightened consent gave the subject greater agency than being merely a recipient of passive information. his outline of principles went on to state: “2. experiments should be humanitarian with the ultimate aim to cure, treat or prevent illness, and not concerned with killing or sterilization. 3. no experiment is permissible when there is the probability that death or disabling injury of the experimental subject will occur. 4. a high degree of skill and care of the experimenting physician is required. 5. the degree of risk taken should never exceed that determined by the humanitarian importance of the problem. ethically permissible to perform experiments involving significant risks only if not accessible by other means and if he is willing to risk his own life. 6. …the experiment must be such as to yield results for the good of society and not be random and unnecessary in nature.” 21 leo alexander, „ethics of human experimentation‟ (1976) 1 psychiatric journal of the university of ottawa 40. the nuremberg trials and their legacy 270 finally, to protect the research subject, alexander included special provisions to protect mentally ill patients, requiring where possible the consent of the patient in addition to the next of kin or guardian. this provision was not included in the eventual code. the judges adopted ivy‟s notion of voluntary consent, which was less comprehensive than alexander‟s enlightened consent. they shifted the focus away from the physician to the research subject. what was novel was the right to withdraw from the experiment. ivy had required far less when he called for informing the subject of potential hazards. the view that the code “grew out of the trial itself” omits the formative preliminary period, and the crucial inter-allied discussions. 22 while the code was not applied in sentencing, the judges followed ivy in intending that it should prevent future abuses. alexander and ivy cited the hippocratic notion of the doctor‟s duty of care for a patient. hippocratic ideas were opaque given the problems of translation and interpreting the semi-mythical hippocrates. they became subsumed in the political ideology of totalitarianism, in shifting responsibility to an abusive state. medical opposition to interference in the doctor-patient relationship meant that – in ivy‟s words “we must oppose any political theory which would regiment the profession under a totalitarian authority or insidiously strangle its independence.” 23 ivy found support in the medical press. an editorial in the british medical journal diagnosed the problem as political: “the surrender, in fact, of the individual conscience to the mass mind of the totalitarian state.” 24 morris fishbein, the editor of the journal of the american medical association (jama) linked the evidence on compulsory sickness insurance to the deterioration of the ethics of the german medical profession. 25 physicians turned the abuses of nazi medicine into a rallying cry against the socialisation of medical services. the autonomy of science reflected a situation of doctors (notably through the british medical association) opposing central state planning and the welfare state. the scales of justice were heavily tilted by the weight of cold war requirements for strategically 22 evelyne shuster, „fifty years later: the significance of the nuremberg code‟ (1997) the new england journal of medicine 1436; evelyne shuster, „the nuremberg code: hippocratic ethics and human rights‟ (1998) 351 lancet 974. 23 ac ivy, „nazi war crimes of a medical nature‟ (1948) 139 the journal of the american medical association 131. 24 „doctors on trial‟ (1947) 1 british medical journal 143. 25 washington university (seattle) beals papers, box 1 folder 16 fishbein to beals, 20 may 1947. the denning law journal 271 relevant clinical research, and by professional defence of the status of the individual practitioner. in june 1947 the british medical association issued a statement on war crimes and medicine, diagnosing that the corruption of medicine arose from its becoming “an instrument in the hands of the state to be applied in any way desired by its rulers.” the view conveniently absolved physicians from primary guilt. 26 the world medical association has remained the main international body setting international standards on human experimentation: it was first at this association that voluntary and enlightened consent became “informed consent”. the nuremberg code thus arose from the concerns of allied medical war crimes investigators as they encountered the survivors of the human experiments and gathered the records of medical atrocities in concentration camps and clinics. thompson took a crucial initiative in convening an international committee of forensic pathologists and other medical and legal investigators. his international scientific commission offered an alternative tribunal to a public trial that of expert evaluation conducted in closed session. the debates on research provided the initial stimulus for the formulation of a code of experimental ethics. the judges reverted to ivy‟s notion of “voluntary consent”, while they recognised the autonomy rights of the experimental subject in having the freedom to leave the experiment at any time. the judicial promulgation of the guidelines left the status of these guidelines unresolved. although promulgated to a military tribunal, the proceedings were conducted under a glare of publicity with press, and medical, legal and governmental observers. it meant that the guidelines were effectively published. subsequent accounts of the trial, the us abbreviated edition and the digest by the medical observer alexander mitscherlich, included these. ivy warned how the evils of bureaucratised and unethical nazi science could recur. the lesson ivy drew from nuremberg was that it was necessary to sustain clinical freedom for the medical researcher. the cancer drug krebiozen offered the hope for a non-toxic therapy. unfortunately, the drug was bogus, and ivy was discredited. ivy has been further discredited in that historian jon hearkness argues that ivy committed perjury at nuremberg. in contrast to the uk, experiments on prisoners were established practice in us penitentiaries. ivy maintained that statesville, illinois penitentiary experiments had the approval of an ethical committee. although this committee had been 26 „war crimes and medicine‟, statement by the council of the association for submission to the world medical association, (bma 1947). the nuremberg trials and their legacy 272 appointed, it had not met, a mitigating factor is that ivy did correspond with committee members on an individual basis. one might also see ivy as taking in effect “chairman‟s action”. so while technically giving a misleading impression regarding the committee, there were some exonerating circumstances. 27 ivy has also been – unfairly – lambasted as incompetent in his evidence at nuremberg. while infectious diseases were not a special area of his expertise, ivy did well regarding digestive physiology regarding the seawater drinking experiments. he had conducted a self-experiment, and was tolerant when research subjects absconded. he astutely noticed that the accused medical researcher beiglböck altered evidence in his prison cell. ivy is a tragic figure, and although not beyond criticism does merit a degree of rehabilitation, as not unethical in his experiments, and as essentially well motivated. ivy‟s engagement with krebiozen shows something more positive than just scientific naivety: as motivated by support for a non-toxic cancer cure. so while he allowed scientific standards to lapse, the motive was patient welfare. here we see a common pattern with medical scientists involved at nuremberg. alexander moved from neurology to psychiatry, more concerned with care for the whole person. thompson similarly moved from neuro-physiology to education (initiating the unesco programme for germany), and then also to psychiatry. for, the contact with victims remained a determining experience. those driving forward the ethical agenda cared for victims. alexander supported the efforts to look after the polish “rabbits” indicate this, with the efforts of others in the usa to organise care and therapy. legacies the victims‟ perspective opens the way to more fully historicised concepts and procedures in the understanding of the patient both historically and in modern clinical contexts. informed consent as the cardinal principle of physician-patient relations is a very recent innovation, and linked to the “birth of bioethics” since the early 1970s when dedicated institutes – the kennedy institute and hastings centers were founded in the united states. 28 bioethics chimed with more critical and sceptical views of science as part of the counter-culture of protest since the 1960s. 27 jon m harkness, „nuremberg and the issue of wartime experiments on us prisoners: the green committee‟ (1996) 276 jama1672. 28 albert jonsen, birth of bioethics (oup 1998). the denning law journal 273 bioethicists – as an emerging lay professional group wanted a code as part of a sense of the need to regulate innovations. a code also served to legitimate bioethicists‟ nascent endeavours. thus the nuremberg principles became referred to as the “nuremberg code” during the early 1960s. many of the nuremberg trials dealt with aspects of unethical medical research. in formulating a set of principles, the american judges had two aims: first to make clear the principles supporting their judgment. second, at the prompting of ivy who was expert witness to the court – to issue a series of guidelines that might prevent such abuses occurring in the future. ivy had two objectives: first, that there should not be a massive public surge of outrage against all clinical research. in this sense the judicial principles that he recommended were permissive – it was the lay judges who empowered the research subject by inserting that the subject could terminate the experiment at any time. second, that public opposition to vivisection should be defeated by showing that human research was by far the greater cruelty. there is a thin thread of evidence linking the helsinki declaration of 1964 to what has been called – retrospectively the nuremberg code, the judicial pronouncement of 19 august 1947. on the other, and here philosophical commentaries are enlightening – consent goes back to the contract tradition in philosophy. this has echoes of commercial contracts, as well as of the regulation of political power between subject and ruler. 29 to their credit, the first major collection on the nuremberg code was edited by the boston university bioethicists george annas and michael grodin in 1992. despite their important efforts, the history of informed consent remains problematic as de-historicised and restricted to a series of legal verdicts. it involves less the democratising of clinical knowledge but the notion of being informed. here the subject takes a passive role, with the expert being actively in authority, as instructing about risks etc. the term “nuremberg code” is retrospective construct: it appears to have first been used from 1963. on the one side, the american bioethicist, jay katz argued that although the nuremberg code was an important symbolic statement, it had no major role, as case law was decisive. 30 his view contrasts to that of annas and grodin that “all contemporary debate on human 29 neil c manson and onora o‟neill, rethinking informed consent in bioethics (cup 2007) 30 jay katz, experimentation with human beings: the authority of the investigator, subject, professions, and state in the human experimentation process (russell sage foundation 1972). the nuremberg trials and their legacy 274 experimentation is grounded in nuremberg”. they commend – rightly in my view – the remarkable “focus on universal ethical codes in the context of a trial.” but their view is ironically as fixated on courtroom procedure as katz. the harvard anaesthetist henry beecher, a noted critical voice against unbridled experimentalism, in 1966 cautioned against excessive experimentation, and characterised the nuremberg code as “legalistic”, whereas helsinki more wholly ethical in spirit. 31 american bioethicists have been content to work through a legal framework, and since 1973 references have been made to nazi doctors in us court rulings. 32 the legacies have conventionally been considered at a medical level – at that of the world medical association, and the transition to the helsinki declaration‟s principles on human experimentation. what this shows is that the judicial principles were ignored, then the effort was made to introduce a hippocratic style “code of geneva”, and finally informed consent came to operate. while both paths are significant, it seems to me that two elements are missing: the commemoration, and care of victims of the experiments. the twenty children were commemorated anonymously, not least on a memorial plaque dating from 1967. the journalist günther schwarberg first found photographs in 1977, and a list of names in 1978. (two were incorrect; one identified by the mother in 1982, and another by his sister in 2015). it meant that relatives could be finally informed as to their children‟s fate. a memorial dates from 1980, and rose garden from 1982. in 1994 two dutch victims were commemorated by a memorial stone in eindhoven. this commemorates the children by name. in 1995 on the 50 th anniversary streets were named in the hamburg district of burgwedel after the children. 33 in 1985 the radical historian götz aly called for the destruction of body parts from anatomical collections. until this time, institutions felt aggrieved when accusations were levelled against them, and aly was primarily concerned to show the networks of perpetrators. the distinguished biochemist otto butenandt declared this an insult to the dignity of the max planck society, the prestigious research organisation directed by him. then things suddenly changed in 1989. this culminated in a conference of german university ministers and rectors in 1989. in december 1990 histological specimens and brains of 33 children and 31 george annas, michael a grodin (eds), the nazi doctors and the nuremberg code (oxford: oup 1992) 205. 32 ibid 206-8. 33 günther schwarberg (tr), the murders at bullenhuser damm: the ss doctor and the children (indiana up 1984); schwarberg, meine zwanzig kinder (steidl 1996). the denning law journal 275 youths killed in 1940 at brandenburg-görden and held by the max planck institute for brain research in frankfurt were buried. but representatives of german academic institutions were present, rather than relatives or other nazi victims. 34 removal of body parts was done rapidly in the federal republic from 1989, virtually as (to use a national socialist phrase) a nacht und nebel (“night and fog”) action in that the “contaminating” specimens disappeared without documentation. the idea was not to document and to establish provenance. there is consequently no listing of institutes which held body parts deriving from nazi persecution and genocide. in austria, the process took longer but has been more thoughtful, as individual urns at the zentralfriedhof vienna received the parts of victims in 2002. memorials for victims of research atrocities are few, and only exceptionally commemorate victims with the dignity of their full name. the strasbourg gravestone for the victims of the jewish anatomical collection is stark and dignified, yet necessarily anonymous. the identities of the victims are now known, and we can understand how auschwitz was a selection centre for victims across europe. the most personally and engaged is for the twenty children selected in auschwitz, experimented on with a tuberculosis preparation at neuengamme concentration camp, and brutally killed in the cellar at bullenhusen damm on 20 april 1945. here the lives of the children have been reconstructed with a caring dignity. in heidelberg, carl schneider‟s victims are commemorated, but the memorial depersonalises. known victims have been de-identified. 35 history offers an important form of public accountability for medical malpractice. the historian can assess whether practitioners and researchers have shown due care for persons in their care. unless one names, we cannot identify, understand the extent of the atrocity and the suffering. for without a name, we cannot understand the networks of institutions, how a person was transferred from camp to camp, and clinic to clinic. there has been a lack of compensation for victims. the un human rights division passed on 4 july 1950 a resolution on the plight of victims of the so-called scientific experiments. the federal german 34 „trauerfeier für präparate von ns-opfern‟, frankfurter allgemeine zeitung (19 december 1990). 35 paul weindling, „from scientific object to commemorated victim: the children of the spiegelgrund‟ (2013) 35 history and philosophy of life sciences 415; christoph mundt, gerrit hohendorf und maika rotzell (eds), psychiatrische forschung und ns euthanasie: beiträge zu einer gedenkveranstaltung an der psychiatrischen universitätsklinik heidelberg (heidelberg 2001). the nuremberg trials and their legacy 276 ministry of finance turned down numerous applications from the mid1950s onwards. under regulations of 1953 and 1956 the bonn government denied compensation on the grounds that the experiments were not harmful, or that the victim was not in need. at first sterilisation victims and all former resistance combatants were automatically excluded, but then given the lowest rate of compensation. while 87 sterilisation victims received 2000 dm, only one had received compensation for sulphonamide experiments, albeit at a far higher rate. the german governmental position was regarded with contempt both by survivors‟ representative bodies, and psychotherapists, sympathetic to what was becoming recognised as “survivors‟ trauma”. there was hardly any effort to cover the full costs of care, and to provide medical assistance for victims. the demands of sterilisation victims for operative reversal of sterilisation were ignored. sickness insurance funds have never responded to the need to redress medical injuries. most attention was given to the maimed and injured “rabbits” of ravensbrück, but generally the situation has been and remains one of neglect and marginalisation. the final chapter in the history of compensation is that of the injuries falling into the category of “sonstige personenschäden” attached as subsidiary to the forced labour compensation. here, the single lump sum compensation has been often retraumatising and perceived as a further injury. this view was vividly stated by the sterilisation survivor, simon rozenkier to the new york times in 2003. 36 by the early 1960s the federal german government wished to declare the post-war era over, and terminate compensation procedures, which still did not adequately recognised medical crimes. 37 doctors who were former nazis adjudicated on compensation applications. their diagnostic categories were relics of the nazi era. 38 psychiatrists pointed out that by labelling a claimant as a hereditary schizophrenic, the germans were denying responsibility for the traumatic after effects of the experiments. at this point john thompson teamed up with the new york psychiatrists martin wangh, kurt eissler and william niederland, who had pioneered analysis of “survivors‟ syndrome”, to organise the provisional committee for victims of human disasters in 1964. the committee protested to the german chancellor erhard that 43% of compensation claims were 36 steven greenhouse, „capping the cost of atrocity; survivor of nazi experiments says $8,000 isn't enough‟ new york times (new york, 13 november 2003). 37 christian pross, wiedergutmachun:. der kleinkrieg gegen die opfer (athanäum 1988) 110. 38 ibid 142. the denning law journal 277 rejected by the federal german government, which disregarded clear evidence of damage to health because of “outmoded” medical knowledge. 39 their studies acted as symbolic bridge between first hand observers of the atrocities and concerned social scientists and historians. in september 1964 jay katz asked taylor about preparatory drafts of the final code. 40 the committee invited the yale psychologist, robert lifton to address the meeting on psychological effects on the hiroshima and nagasaki victims – indicating a wish to critically engage with the psychology of the victor. 41 lifton contacted leo alexander, mchaney and telford taylor, as his interest was aroused by the problem of the nazi medical psychology. 42 the meeting rekindled recognition for the victims of human experiments, and marked an entry point of historians and bioethicists into the field. the nuremberg code at last began to achieve legal recognition, although this has been a lamentably slow process. we are left with an irony. data protection laws and ethics are meant to protect victims. the effect is to protect perpetrators, by concealing the places where a particular victim was selected. on balance, data protection laws protect the perpetrators, and the legal, administrative and financial agencies supporting research. despite germany‟s efforts in holocaust recognition, commemoration and memorials are few for victims of medical atrocities. the medical victims can be seen as marginalised, misunderstood, and essentially forgotten – indeed, never recognised in any meaningful way. there is no death book giving the names for all victims of the “euthanasia” killings. while a number of institutions have memorials for victims of “euthanasia” at respective institutions, but full names are never given in the federal republic (in contrast to austria). at most, as at the heidelberg psychiatric clinic, the first name and initial is given. public prosecutions could allow names to be cited. here, we may cite the history of the adolescent, ernst lossa, who was a medically murdered victim at kaufbeuren, as an exception. 43 informed consent has become a sacrosanct principle of bioethics. consent forms have become part of routine clinical procedure in the uk. 39 robert j lifton, „provisional committee to chancellor ludwig erhard‟ (1965) new york public library, lifton papers, provisional. 40 columbia law library telford taylor papers, ttp-cls-14/5/6/115 katz to taylor 2 september 1964; taylor to katz 11 september 1964. 41 nylp lp martin wangh to lifton 7 feburary 1965. 42 ttp-cls-14/6/16/343 lifton to taylor 3 july 1979. nypl lifton papers box 5 alexander to lifton 10 oct 1978. 43 paul weindling, „“jeder mensch hat einen name”: psychiatric victims of human experiments under national socialism‟ (2010) 7 die psychiatrie 255. the nuremberg trials and their legacy 278 one point of concern is that informing requires expertise and specialist knowledge. how to inform meaningfully is intrinsically problematic. the risk is that the information will be so technical and expert that the subject ultimately relies on trust which is however not part of the system. the irony of the current situation is that an ethic nominally to protect the person has the effect of depersonalising and limiting the ethical obligation of physician to patient in terms of a formulaic contract. we find a situation of anonymisation and depersonalisation reflected in our limited understanding too of nazi medical atrocities limited to perpetrators, and disinterested in victims and their life histories. in the federal german republic, there has been a situation of nominal and inadequate compensation. every conceivable barrier has been placed to block understanding of victims of medical atrocities. the system generally is one of screening out the identity of the individual person. the anonymised blacked out or partially suppressed names are synonymous with a society uncomfortable with the legacy of a traumatic past. the strict confidentiality required serves to protect institutions and bureaucrats from scrutiny. the question remains, whether the mission to legitimate clinical research rendered the code too permissive in what it condoned, and too weak in its laying down of safeguards for the patient? editorial one feature of the legal scene since the war, and more particularly in more recent years, has been the proliferation of legal journals. accordingly the editor of a new journal may well be expected to provide some special reason to justify yet another periodical, and to explain in what way it seeks to fill in a gap in the literature. some indication, indeed, appears from the very name of our journal. unusual as it is for a legal journal to adopt the name of a judge it is thought to be unprecedented for one to adopt the name of a living judge. but lord denning, of course, is unique. he is fond of quoting shakespeare, and we could all appropriately quote it back at him: "he was a man, take him for all in all, i shall not look upon his like again." (hamlet: act i, scene 2) the original idea was that without being in the normal sense a specialist publication, the denning law journal should not be entirely generalist but should relate to the enormous impact that lord denning has had, directly or indirectly, upon the development of the law during a period that covers all or virtually all of the professional careers of most of those currently engaged in the law, whether as judges, practitioners or academics. it was, of course, absolutely crucial to the project as conceived that it should have the approval of lord denning, who had previously shown his interest in buckingham by giving his name to, and opening, the denning law library. we count ourselves extremely fortunate in the support we have received from lord denning, particularly in his willingness to become the patron of the journal which has the privilege of bearing his name. we have been equally fortunate in persuading lord scarman to become chairman of the editorial advisory board, and in obtaining the ready agreement of the other distinguished lawyers whose names appear on the title page to give their assistance by joining the board. their guidance will help the editors and the editorial committee in their efforts to ensure that so far as possible the contents of the journal are worthy of the name it bears. the policy of the journal is to publish scholarly articles upon matters which relate to the central themes of lord denning's life, work, philosophy and vision. 5 the denning law journal these themes include: i) the importance of developing the common law; ii) the need for judicial and community recognition of the importance and urgency of reform and modernisation of law; iii) the importance of preserving the traditions of judicial independence, integrity and creativity; iv) the importance of reflecting upon the interplay between law and morality; and v) the essential role to be played by the law in the defence of the individual in the modem state. this first issue, dedicated to lord denning, is somewhat different in two respects from the style and content we envisage for future issues. first, the emphasis is much more directly and personally concerned with lord denning's life and work and his own contribution to the law than is expected to be the norm in later issues. secondly, we have taken a deliberate decision to include some material particularly relevant in the light of the emphasis referred to, even though it has previously been published elsewhere. we have done this in cases where we judged that it might well not have come to the attention of many of our readers, and where it was particularly appropriate to this inaugural issue. included in this category is an autobiographical piece by lord denning himself. needless to say, contributors mayor may not agree with lord denning's views on the issues they discuss. no stranger to controversy and a believer in the cut and thrust of argument as a way towards achieving the right result, lord denning is, we believe, the last person who would wish to see a conformist approach. we look forward to publishing a wide range of views which will, we hope and believe, be of interest to all those interested in the development and future of the common law, and be a step towards what should be, in lord denning's words, the common goal of lawyers, namely the "pursuit of truth and justice". in conclusion it is only right, and i would wish, to give due credit to mr clifford hall, the staff editor of the journal, who originated the idea which has led to the publication of this first issue. his enthusiasm ensured that the project went forward despite various difficulties that arose during its period of gestation. i would also like to acknowledge the help and encouragement that have been given by the vicechancellor of the university of buckingham, dr michael barrett, whose support has led the university to take formal responsibility for the venture: it is a happy chance that the first issue appears in the tenth anniversary year of the founding of the university. php 6 access to the us federal courts: only interested parties need apply? barry hough * in the progress towards a comprehensive system of administrative law withering fire has been directed at the doctrine of locus standi as traditionally expounded. the dichotomy forged by the civil law between public and private rights, the former belonging to, and finding their protection in, the crown as parens patriae, and the laner belonging to the right-holder, is simplistic and inadequate in a pluralistic society in which there exist "numerous groups, communities and collectivities" 1 between the individual and the state. a system which regards a remedy as a correlative of a right or interest is somewhat paradoxical; for in public interest litigation the court is expected to have regard to, and to protect, the public interest, but must do so at the instance of an individual affected in his private capacity. applied most strictly, this tends to undermine the rule oflaw since, if no suitably qualified challenger will present himself as plaintiff, the unlawful conduct of the' defendant may continue without a remedy.2 moreover, administrative law has developed somewhat illogically to a point at which it cannot protect the meritorious but unqualified litigant in cases such as gouriet v. union of post office workers,3 but it can offer protection to the unmeritorious litigant affected by an administrative decision which is vitiated by procedural defccts.4 no-one has recognised the deficiencies of the traditional system more than lord denning whose work in this field is well recorded. for him there could be no barrier raised against the individual who' brought a bonafide complaint to the notice of the court. an individual with a prima facie case could overcome the threshold issue. for example; in r. v. paddington valuation-officer, ex p. peachey property corporation ltd. 5 he statcd: "of the school of law, university of buckingham. \. capalletti, "vindicating the public interest through the courts: a comparativist's contribution", access to justice 3 (1979) 514, 52\. see, e.g., the sierra club in sierra club v. monoll 405 u.s. 727 (1972), 2. col/riet v. l!nion ojpost office worker.; [1978] a.c. 435 provides an example in which this may have been the case. 3. supra n.2. 4. in cases where there has been a failure of natural justice an unmeritorious applicant may still be granted relief: ridge v. baldwin [1964] a.c. 40. see also, per lord denning, in annamll/llhodo v. oi/fields worker.;' trade union [1961] a.c. 945, 956. 5. [1966] i qb. 380, 400. 85 the denning law journal "i do not think grievances are to be measured in pounds, shillings and pence. if a ratepayer or other person finds his name included in a valuation list which is invalid, he is entitled to come to court to have it quashed. he is not to be put off by the plea that he has suffered no damage." (emphasis supplied) hence mr blackburn, whose injury was fundamentally no greater than that of the community at large, may have had standing to challenge the prosecution policy of the metropolitan police6 and, later, the unlawful manner in which the greater london council was exercising its powers of film censorship;7 and mr mcwhirter had his day in court to challenge the proposed broadcasting of an allegedly pornographic film notwithstanding that the attorney-general had refused his fiat to relator proceedings.8 as is well known, the house of lords adhered to a more traditional exposition of the standing rules; 9 but there are clear signs that, following the introduction ofr.s.c. order 53, a less restrictive approach has been adopted based on the "sufficient interest" formula.lo it is striking that, whilst lord denning was engaged in re-fashioning english law, similar developments could be traced in other common law jurisdictions and, in particular, the united states. the expansion of the law of standing in federal law has largely been the work of the supreme court. arguably, this trend reached its zenith in us. v. scrap,ii after which concern was expressed that further progress would allow the judiciary, almost by self-invitation, to step beyond the jurisdiction to which it is confined by art. iii of the federal constitution. this notwithstanding, there exists a line of authority which places a fundamental reinterpretation upon art. iii thereby posing new questions touching upon the proper role of the courts in the settlement of disputes. the resulting tensions in the law are not dissimilar to those which sparked between the court of appeal and the house of lords whilst lord denning held office as master of the rolls. developments in the federal c0urts constitute a most valuable study, and the purpose of the present article is to examine and evaluate these as an instructive approach to similar problems which have faced our own courts. it will be shown how, in federal law, the law of standing developed away from a 'strict legal rights' theory to one where access to court was based primarily upon the challenger having suffered some "injury in fact"; how that formula was expanded to the point where "any identifiable trifle" could suffice to generate locus standi; how subsequently the concept of "injury in fact" was limited by the adoption of strict rules requiring that the "injury" be sufficiently proximate to the action challenged; how, in spite of the recent narrowing of the standing concept, 6. [1968] 2 qb. 118. 7. r. v. greater london council, ex p. blackbunl [1976] 1 w.l.r. 550. 8. r. v. independmt broadcasting authon'ty, ex p. mcwhirter [1973] qb. 629. 9. gouriet v. union of post office workers, supra n.2. 10. i.r.c. v. national federation of self-employed and small businesses lid. [1982] a.c. 617; r. v. hammersmith f5 fulham borough coul/cil,ex p. people before profit [1981] ].p.l. 869. 11. 412 u.s. 669 (1973). 86 access to the us federal courts: only interested parties need apply? there remains a line of authority which holds that rules of standing based upon the self-interest of the litigants in the outcome of the litigation are not strictly warranted by art. iii of the federal constitution; and how it is that in certain circumstances any plaintiff may have access to court notwithstanding his own lack of interest in the outcome, provided that the court, on hearing him, can be assured that he will present every view which would have been advanced had the right-holders themselves been before the court. it is not impossible that, at some future date, the abandonment of the traditional "injury-standing" philosophy will be based on an expansion of this line of authority. standing in the u.s. federal courts article iii of the united states constitution places a fundamental limitation upon the competence of the federal courts: their jurisdiction is limited to "cases" or "controversies".12 it has been stated that this rests upon "a single basic idea the idea of separation of powers." 13 the orthodox interpretation of art. iii is that it requires a live dispute between self-interested parties.14 it follows that the courts have never pronounced upon "abstract", "conjectural" or "hypothetical" issues; 15 for example the supreme court has declined to advise the executive on the "construction of treaties, law of nations, and the laws of the united states.,,16 art. iii has been held to prohibit both the litigation of third-party rights,17 and 12. article iii, section 2 1. the judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the united states, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies between two or more states; between a state and citizens of another state; between citizens of different states; between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects. 13. ai/en v. wright 104 s.ct. 3315, 3325 (1984) per justice o'connor delivering the judgment of the supreme court. 14. if the plaintiffs claim is settled, or he loses his interest in the matter, after the filing of the action, he will lose a legally cognizable interest in the matter which is then "mooted". the courts will generally decline to rule on a matter which has been "mooted", unless the facts are "capable of repetition, yet evading review" in a similar matter. for example, if the plaintiffs interest in the matter is that she is pregnant and denied an abortion by virtue of state laws which she alleges are unconstitutional, she would lose her interest upon the birth of the child. if the court held that her claim were "mooted" by the birth of the child it would effectively deny the plaintiff all chance of appellate review of her case. in the normal process an appeal could not be heard within the normal gestation period of 266 days. thus, a strict application of the "mootness" doctrine would effectively deny her, and every other pregnant challenger, the opportunity to contest the constitutionality of the statute on appeal with the result that the constirutionality of the statute would always evade review in the superior courts: see roe v. wade 41 0 u.s. 113, 125 (1975). 15. allen v. wright, supra n.13. 16. twenty-nine questions concerning the construction of a pending treaty were submitted to the supreme court for its opinion by president washington in 1793. the court declined to consider the matter since no live dispute within art. 1il was involved. the matter, in the absence of a "case" or "controversy", was merely advisory and outside the function of the judicial branch of the state. 17. tilestoll v. ulima ii 318 u.s. 44 (1943). but this seems to admit of exceptions: see singleton v. wulff 966 s.ct. 2868 (1976). 87 the denning law journal generalized grievances.18 the requirement that the plaintiff should demonstrate a "personal stake in the proceedings,,19 is seen as a "core component" of art. iii and derives "directly from the constitution."zo although art. iii is not explicit about the nature of the interest which the plaintiff must demonstrate in the proceedings, and indeed is silent as to whether or not any interest need be shown, nonetheless the courts have felt able to require that an interest must be demonstrated by the litigant and to determine the nature of that interest having regard to the policy function of the law of standing and prevailing social attitudes. originally, the "cases" or "controversies" principle was construed so as to limit the judicial role to the settlement of private disputes. judicial control of administrative action could only proceed at the instance of an individual directly affected in his private legal rights. tennessee electric power co. v. tennessee valley authority is a leading decision in which the "legal interest" test was advanced. it was there held that standing pre-supposed " ... that the right invaded is a legal right. one of property, one arising out of contract, one protected against tortious invasion, or one founded on statute which confers a privilege.,,21 fundamentally, the "legal interest" test denied the individual any protection of non-economic values, the aesthetic, conservational and recreationa1.22 it also. limited the scope for potential challenge to what would generally be a small class of persons affected in their legal rights. the supposed justification for such a rule was that it prevented a multitude of claims arising out of one unlawful act23 and yet would ensure the vindication of the rule of law because the greatest incentive to challenge unlawful conduct lay with those economically affected. however, experience in the united states demonstrated that the fear of judicial inundation could not, by itself, justify continued adherence to such a narrow standing formula as the "legal interest" test. individuals do not trifle with the courts. in recognition of this, and in the limited context of the michigan environmental protection act 1970, the standing barrier was removed since it was felt that if anti-pollution controls were to be effective the private individual must have a central role in the enforcement of the legislation. the act enabled any individual to bring proceedings against anyone else to ensure the protection of the air, water, and natural resources of the state. significantly, michigan is highly 18. schlesinger v. reservists to stop the war 418 u.s. 208 (1974). 19. baker v. carr 369 u.s. 186, 204 (1962). 20. per o'connor]. in allen v. wright, supra n.l3. see per bark]. (concurring) in vanderjagt v. o'neil 699 f. 2d. 1166, 1178-1179: "all of the doctrines that cluster about art. iii not only standing, but moomess, ripenness, politica] question and the like relate in part.. to an idea which is more than an intuition, but less than a rigorous and explicit theory, about the constitutional and prudential limits to the powers of an unelected judiciary in our kind of government." 21. 306 u.s. 118, ]37-]38 (1938). 22. in association of data processingv. camp 397 u.s. 150, 154 (1970), the supreme court emphasized that standing could be based upon <\ threat to these kinds of interests as well as economic loss. 23. this was a policy which was, perhaps, imported into federal law from england. an early statement appears in william's case, 5 co. rep. 72b, 73a. 88 access to the us federal courts: only interested parties need apply? industrialized with extensive mining and manufacturing undertakings within its boundaries, especially around detroit, all of which could pollute four of the five great lakes which lie within the state. however, the courts were not swamped with claims. in the years following the introduction of the act, and notwithstanding the immense potential for litigation, only a comparatively small number of claims were brought under it each year.24 the clear lesson was that the restrictive doctrine of standing could not be justified as a protection for the courts from numerous claims arising out of a single unlawful act. 25 the supreme court responded by abandoning the "legal interest" test in favour of a more extensive standing formula. in association of data processing v. campz6 it was held that access to federal courts would be available to a plaintiff who could demonstrate that: ". .. the challenged action has caused him injury in fact, economic or otherwise. ,,27 and additionally that: " ... the interest sought to be protected is arguably within the zone of interest to be protected or regulated by the statute or constitutional guarantee in question. ,,28 a bi-partite test for standing was thereby introduced. further developments in the law of standing were founded upon the first limb of the test which confirmed the view that standing must depend upon some personal "stake" in the outcome of the litigation.29 this only begged the further question as to what kinds of interest would be sufficient. the second limb of the test was more enigmatic. it is proposed now to consider how the federal courts applied the injury-standing limb of the test; secondly to examine the meaning and value of the "zone of interests" part of the test; and then to consider the most recent developments which have been designed to set new jurisdictional limits through an insistence that the injury complained of must not be too remote from the illegal conduct of the defendant. injury in fact it has been stated that "injury in fact" requires only that the plaintiff show that he has suffered some harm as a result of the defendant's allegedly unlawful conduct.3o the supreme court has confirmed this view by expressing approval of davis' conclusion3! that any identifiable, even though only trifling, loss would satisfy the new standing formula.32 naturally, according to this liberal 24. approximately twenty five cases each year in the years immediately followingthe enactment of this provision. 25. moreover the supreme court reasoned that the "legal interest" test was circular: "the legal interest test goes to the merits. the question of standing is different .. ": 397 u.s. 150, 153 (1970). 26. 397 u.s. 150 (1970). 27. ibid., at p. 152. 28. ibid., at p. 153. 29. supra n. 19. 30. vining, legal identity, at p. 29. 31. "standing: taxpayers and others:', 35 u. chicago l. rev. 601, 603 (1968). 32. u.s. v. scrap, 412 u.s. 669 (1973). 89 the denning law journal interpretation, a variety of non-economic injuries will suffice,33 but it has been held that neither the possible risk of future injury,34 nor the mere exposure of the plaintiff to unlawful action without consequent loss will generate standing.35 the extent to which the "injury in fact" test had broadened the categories of individual entitled to come to court is demonstrated in the scrap case,36 which illustrates the willingness of the supreme court at that time to explore the very limits of the art. iii "cases" or "controversies" principle. scrap, the plaintiffs in this case, challenged a decision of the inter-state commerce commission (lc.c.) to impose a surcharge on railway freight. it was argued that this would augment reliance on non-recyclable goods which, in tum, would cause litter in the washington metropolitan area. scrap, an ad hocenvironmental protection group, alleged that the lc.c.'s decision had been reached without the preparation of the environmental impact statement required by statute. the group's interest in the matter was merely that it used the area in question for recreational purposes. there was no threat to anything which members of scrap owned, yet the supreme court held that such detriment as they suffered was sufficient to constitute "injury in fact". the use of the environment purely for recreation was an interest which the courts had jurisdiction to protect. one interesting feature of the case is that the court was not inhibited by the indirect nature of both the injury and the remedy awarded. for example, the court could not be sure that the quashing of the lc.c.'s decision would alleviate the grievance of scrap; that would be the responsibility of members of the public who used the area in question. thus the court did not require a guarantee that its intervention would redress the "injury in fact" upon which the standing of the group was based. subsequently, however, the supreme court has used the standing barrier in order to deny a claim where it could not positively be shown that the relief sought would provide a remedy for the complaint alleged.37 it is also interesting to note that the loss alleged by scrap was shared in equal measure with other members of the community at large, thereby demonstrating that public values can be the concern of the individual litigant; indeed the case all but suggests that a "private attorney-general" can maintain an action to vindicate the public interest. this notwithstanding, it is also arguable that scrap is but an application of the "injury in fact" principle within the framework laid down by the supreme court in the data processing case. the concern expressed in the latter case that the antiquated "legal interest" test prohibited the protection of non-economic values, itself suggests the propriety of the concern of the members of scrap with the recreational interests which they shared with all other members 33. dala processing v. camp 397 u.s. 150, 154 (1970). 34. roe v. wade 93 s.ct. 705, 714. 35. allen v. wrighl104 s.ct. 3315 (1984). 36.412 u.s. 669 (1973). 37. see, e.g., warth v. seldin 422 u.s. 490 (1975), discussed ilifra. 90 access to the us federal courts: only interested parties need apply? of the community. however, in spite of the bold liberalization of standing achieved in scrap the courts were initially careful not to erode further the notion of "injury in fact". for example, in sie"a club v. morton38 an environmental protection organisation sought, on behalf of its members, to resist the commercial development of a site of great natural beauty adjacent to the sequoia national park. without alleging that any of its members had suffered any harm as a result of the granting of permission to develop that site, the club asserted that, by its nature, it had a special interest in the conservation and maintenance of national parks which would justify the court in awarding it standing to sue. however, the supreme court held that, since the pleadings did not reveal that any "injury in fact" had been suffered by the club's members the action could not proceed in that form. a jortiori standing was denied in o'shea v. littleton39 where the plaintiffs based their claim upon the rights of third parties who, they alleged, had been discriminated against on the grounds of their race and colour in the county's criminal justice system. the appellants had suffered no harm in their own private capacity and so the suit could not be maintained. significantly, the invitation to treat the exposure of the plaintiffs to the illegal conduct of the defendant, without any further 'loss', as constituting "injury in fact", was not accepted by the supreme court recently in allen v. wn'ght.40 as a result of these "cases,it is manifest that the supreme court has been prepared to accept any concrete harm suffered in one's personal capacity as sufficient to generate standing to sue, but that loss suffered by third parties, or the mere exposure to unlawful conduct without any harm resulting in one's private capacity, will not suffice. yet the promise of the data processing case has been fulfilled in so far as the courts will intervene to protect an individual whose interest in the matter was not purely economic, and thus the kinds of injury which will suffice for standing purposes would include the aesthetic, recreational and cultural interests upon which a high value is necessarily placed in a civilized society. the second limb of the data processing test: the zone of interests, protected or regulated the interpretation placed on art. 111 by the supreme court not only requires the plaintiff to demonstrate "injury in fact" but also that the interest he seeks to protect is " ... arguably within the zone of interests to be protected or regulated by the statute or constitutional guarantee in question.,,41 doubts have been expressed as to whether or not this provides any workable supplement to the "injury in fact" limb of the test.42 in the data processing case itself, brennan and white jj., who 38. 405 u.s. 727 (1973). 39. 414 u.s. 488 (1974). 40. supra n. 35. 41. associalion ofdalaprocessingv. camp 397 u.s. 150, 153 (1970). 42. vining, legal identity, p. 104 el seq.. 91 the denning law journal delivered dissenting opinions as to the imposition of this second limb of the test, posed the following questions: "what precisely must a plaintiff do to establish that the interest sought to be protected ... is arguably within the zone of interests to be protected or regulated by the statute? how specific an interest must he advance? will a broad, general claim, such as a competitive interest suffice, or must he identify a specific legally protected interest? when, too, is his interest 'arguably' within the 'zone'? does a mere allegation that it falls there suffice? if more than an allegation is required, is the plaintiff required to argue the merits? and what is the distinction between a 'protected' and a 'regulated' interest? is it possible that a plaintiff may challenge agency action under a statute that unquestionably regulates the interests at stake, but that expressly excludes the plaintiffs class from the statutory beneficiaries."43 brennan and white 11 concluded that the standing formula comprised merely "injury in fact". the language of the second limb (the zone of interests proteaed or regulated) suggests that the constitutional guarantee in question must intentionally set out to protect or regulate the interest advanced by the plaintiff before he can have standing to sue. thus, the intention of the legislature in enacting a particular measure is directly at issue. in the united states this has been criticised as unsatisfactory and, ultimately, unworkable. a leading commentator44 has stated that the "statutory beneficiary" inquiry detracts from the central issue, which is determination of harm for the purpose of invoking the judicial role. if the individual has suffered such harm, then he will have suffered "injury in fact" and, by itself, that would satisfy art. iii. the problems inherent in the notion of the "statutory beneficiary" have been judicially recognised, and it may be that this limb of the data processing test is no longer regarded as helpful in any standing inquiry. significantly, in duke power v. carolina environmental stud)' group45 the supreme court established that the constitutional requirements for standing were that the appellant should have suffered "injury in fact" and, additionally, that there should be a causal connection between the injury alleged to have been suffered and the challenged conduct. one commentator has observed that the failure even to note the second limb of the data processing test is "as much a reflection of its irrelevance as its desuetude.,,46 it is likely that the second limb of the data processing test has been abandoned. henceforward, the approach adopted in duke power is probably to be regarded as 43.397 u.s. 150, 177. 44. supra n. 42. 45. 98 s.ct. 2620 (1978). 46. 92 ham l. rev. 253, 261. as ely states, it is difficult to justify the "zone of interests" limb of the test since, in constitutional matters such as the due process guarantee, all citizens of the united states might arguably be within the zone of interests to be protected. this limb of the test is almost meaningless in such matters. 92 access to the us federal courts: only interested parties need apply? authoritative. the plaintiff will have standing if his "injury in fact" is sufficiently proximate to the challenged conduct. the causation requirement in a series of cases the supreme court appeared to resile from the liberal attitude that it had adopted in the scrap case.47 it had been noted with concern, even in scrap itself, that the court had been asked to follow "an attenuated line of causation to the eventual injury",48 quite apart from the fact that the "injury in fact" rule had been so undermined that "any identifiable trifle" could constitute a legally cognizable injury.49 as a result, a renewed search for jurisdiction limitation was begun based upon the concept of remoteness of injury. in warth v. seldin50 it was decided that remoteness involves two related ideas; first, that the plaintiff must show directness of injury and, secondly, redressibility of injury in so far as the relief sought will remove the harm of which the plaintiff complains.51 the directness of injury requirement is a valid one because, in highlighting the defendant's factual responsibility for the plaintiffs injury, the rule ensures that the proper defendant is identified in the suit. the redressibility requirement is thought to emanate from a rule of constitutional law that the court will have no jurisdiction to pronounce upon the matter if its judgment will not affect the controversy between the parties. however, it can be argued that those two requirements have been misapplied or not applied at all. one issue to be resolved was whether these twin causation requirements would prohibit the award of standing to a litigant whose injury was only inflicted indirectly, as, for example, had been the case in scrap. 52 as mentioned above, the members of scrap would have had difficulty in establishing that the possibility of an increase in litter in the environment would be eradicated by the court's intervention in that case. thus a redressibility requirement, strictly applied, could exclude all claims based upon "injury in fact" inflicted only indirectly. however, although in linda r.s. v. richard d. 53 the court declined to award standing to the appellant in these circumstances, a less restrictive attitude now seems to have gained ground. the redressibility requirement, for example, can be satisfied if there is a likelihood, 54 or perhaps a substantial likelihood, 55 that the relief sought will redress the plaintiffs injury. similarly, the plaintiffs injury 47. warth v. seldin 422 u.s. 490 (1975); linda r.s. v. richard d. 410 u.s. 614 (1975); simon v. eastem kentucky welfare rights organization 426 u.s. (1976); and lately, allen v. wright 104 s. ct. 3315 (1984). 48.412 u.s. 669, 688 (1973), per stewart]. 49. ibid., at p. 689 n. 14. 50. supra n. 37. 51. whether the relief sought must, if granted, inevitably redress the injury has been a controversial matter and is discussed below. 52. supra n. 32. 53.410 u.s. 614 (1975). 54. ai/err v. wright, supra n. 47, at p. 3325. 55. duke power v. carolina e,lvirolmumtal study group 438 u.s. 59. 93 the denning law journal need only be "fairly traceable" to the defendant's conduct.56 thus formulated, the twin causation requirements seem to embrace "injury in fact" inflicted indirectly, and standing has been awarded in these circumstances notwithstanding the decision in linda r.s. v. richard d.57 nonetheless, there remains a hesitancy to award standing in these circumstances and this has deprived some would-be litigants of access to court. even in cases in which there has been certainty as to the standards to be applied, the results seem to defy a coherent exposition. simon v. eastern kentucky welfare rights organisation58 illustrates the confusion which clouds the causation issue. here standing was ostensibly denied because the plaintiffs could not show directness of injury. the action was brought by a financially disadvantaged class who sought to challenge a policy of the internal revenue service which conferred a favourable tax status on hospitals which treated poor people only in emergency cases. on behalf of the class it was argued that this policy decision encouraged discrimination in the provision of hospital care against less well-off citizens in violation of their constitutional rights. standing was denied because the supreme court, although apparently paying lip-service to the notion that standing could be awarded to those suffering only an indirect injury, rejected the argument that the quashing of the internal revenue service's policy would remove the incentive to discriminate, thereby providing an indirect remedy for the injury suffered. this argument was dismissed as being "speculative".59 however, it is not unreasonable to assume that individuals will respond to tax incentives; indeed the purpose of granting such an incentive is to promote the activity in question, and the removal of that incentive, by the same token, may discourage it. hence, in contrast to its decision in scrap, the supreme court now seemed willing to intervene only where it would be certain that the granting of relief would alleviate the "injury in fact" upon which the claim was brought. normally, this would be in cases of injury inflicted directly. however, in other cases where the court seems to have been willing to consider the merits the causation requirement has been applied in a less rigorous manner, and standing has been awarded in respect of "injury in fact" inflicted indirectly upon the plaintiffs. this was particularly so in duke power v. carolina environmental study group. 60 in this case an environmental protection group challenged the validity of a federal statute, the price-anderson act, which limited the amount of damages which could be recovered against companies licensed to operate nuclear power stations in the event of a nuclear accident. the act has been passed in order to make the development of the nuclear industry more attractive to investors. the group 56. simoll v. eastem kmtudry welfare rights orgallizatioll and ai/m v. wnghl, supra n. 47. 57. e.g., duke power v. caro/illa elivironmmta/ study group, supra n. 55, and regmts of the university of califomia v. bakke, infra n. 61. 58.426 u.s. 26 (1976). 59. ibid., at pp. 43-44. 60. 98 s. ct. 2620 (1978). 94 access to the us federal courts: only interested parties need apply? alleged that two nuclear plants, which were in the process of being constructed, would cause low-level radiation, thereby affecting the water temperature and wildlife in nearby lakes. had simon been followed, the group would have had difficulty in establishing redressibility since it was unlikely that it could demonstrate that the low level radiation problems were "fairly traceable" to the price-anderson act. similarly it would have been difficult to prove that there was a substantial likelihood that the quashing of the act would cure those problems. the nuclear power stations were already partially constructed and, in view of the substantial commitment of funds already made, it was unlikely that the companies would dismantle the power stations simply because the limit on liability for nuclear accidents had been removed. however, the court held that the group had standing to sue. reliance was placed upon evidence which showed that the companies would not have become involved in the nuclear industry without the safeguards of the price-anderson act. the act was therefore held to have encouraged the growth of the nuclear industry and it was this which forged the necessary causative link between the "injury in fact" and the challenged provision. this being so, it is not easy to understand how in simon the granting of tax concessions to private hospitals, whose medical fees excluded poor patients, did not encourage the hospitals to maintain their activities. the two decisions seem difficult, if not impossible, to reconcile. however, perhaps the most interesting comparison is that between warth v. seldin 61 and regents of the university of california v. bakke.62 in the former case various litigants challenged a city zoning or planning ordinance which, they alleged, prevented the construction of cheaper housing in the city of penfield. it was argued that this violated the constitutional rights63 of the poor since the ordinance would have the effect of denying them access to homes in the city. however, those litigants who based their challenge on the ground that, enjoying only a low or moderate income themselves, the ordinance injured them personally, failed to show that their injury would be redressed by the intervention of the court. house prices were regulated by market forces which, it was held, were beyond judicial influence. however, the market forces argument cannot logically dispose of the case. just as house prices may have been the product of market forces, so were incomes, and it is reasonable to suppose that, in fixing wages, account would have been taken of the local housing costs. naturally, those on low or moderate income would then, presumably, have been able to afford the cheaper property had it been available. the plaintiffs argument was that such housing was not to be constructed by virtue of the zoning ordinance, and it was that legislation, and not market forces, which excluded these litigants from the penfield area. on the facts, it is therefore argued 61. supra n. 37. 62.438 u.s. 265 (1978). 63. as well as rights under the civil rights statute 42 u.s.c.s. c.l. 1981-1983. 95 the denning law journal that the "substantial likelihood" test for redressibility was satisfied as far as these litigants were concerned, and that therefore they should have been awarded standing to sue. in bakke's case standing was awarded on legally similar facts. broadly, a white male applicant was denied a place at a medical school which, in respect of a number of its places, discriminated in favour of minority groups. bakke's academic record was more distinguished than some admitted under this programme and so he alleged that his exclusion violated his constitutional rights. however, he faced the same difficulty concerning the redressibility requirement that had proved fatal to the claims in warth v. seldin. even if the court declared the admissions policy to be unlawful, bakke would not necessarily be admitted to the school. access would still be regulated by the school itself, just as access to penfield in warth v. seldin was considered to have depended upon extraneous market forces: both were outside the control of the court. the supreme court responded by re-examining bakke's injury. it was held that, in truth, his injury was the loss of opportunity to compete for all the places in the school by virtue of the challenged admissions' policy. of course, had a similar approach been adopted in warth v. seldin some of the plaintiffs might also have been awarded standing to sue. after all, they had been denied the right to compete for the more modest property which would have been available in penfield in the absence of the zoning ordinance. arguably these two decisions are also incapable of reconciliation. in conclusion, it seems that although the supreme court has accepted the principle that injury inflicted indirectly may be cognizable, the decisions betray an obvious lack of coherence. the re-definition of bakke's injury makes a nonsense of the decision in warth v. seldin. this haphazard approach has led to judicial doubts as to whether the causation principle is not employed merely as a camouflage for the court's aversion to the plaintiffs claim.64 in considering the causation issue, the problem no longer seems to be the formulation of an appropriate test, but rather, in the light of value judgments which appear to have crept into these recent decisions, of ensuring its consistent application. this haphazard application of the causation rules, allowing the court to award standing in some cases, but not in others which are legally indistinguishable, highlights a continuing, deep-seated, confusion affecting the most basic jurisdictional issues. therefore, in spite of the recent attempts to formulate definitive principles regulating the standing inquiry, the most fundamental questions seem to remain unresolved: what kinds of dispute are amenable to judicial settlement? what kinds of grievance entitle an individual to invoke the aid of the court? have any new solutions to these questions been postulated? 64. per brennan j. (dissenting) in allen \'. wright 104 s. ct. 3315, 3341 (1984). 96 access to the us federal courts: only interested parties need apply? the future of the injury-standing principle the law is still in a transitional stage and the answers to the above questions have not been found. recently, however, there have been signs that possible future developments in the law of standing may be based upon a radical re-appraisal of art. iii which might result in the abandonment of the whole "injury-standing" philosophy. at present this attenuated line of authority is confined to particular circumstances which are thought to be exceptional and only of limited application. but if ever an exception were likely to undermine the general rule, these cases show such a potential since their rationale is precisely that art. iii does not require the individual litigant necessarily to demonstrate any personal interest in the outcome of the suit. it has been stated that art. iii does not, of itself, require that the judicial role be confined to the settlement of disputes between self-interested parties.65 that is a limitation which the courts have placed upon themselves, but which has, in the past, been thought to emanate from an. iii. it has been argued that the "cases" or "controversies" principle merely seeks to entrench the adversarial nature of the judicial process.66 at the heart of this is the notion that the courts depend primarily upon full argument provided by the parties. in order that a just settlement can be reached, each must put forward every view which could be seriously advanced in support of his own case. this has been dubbed "vigorous advocacy" by one party of his own rights.67 however, the quality of "vigorous advocacy", it is now thought, can exist without the plaintiff having any personal interest in the outcome of the litigation; in other words the plaintiff's challenge may be based upon third party rights, because the former may be in a position to advance that cause as effectively as the right-holders themselves. access to court then becomes a question of fact namely whether the challenger can advance every point which might have been made by the right-holders themselves. as will be indicated, the most important consideration is the 'proximity' of the relationship between the challenger and the right-holder. the origins of this view are of respectable antiquity in federal jurisprudence, and are echoed even in our own law.68 an early statement in federal law appears in holden v. hardy,69 in which a state statute prevented employees in the mining industry from working in excess of eight hours each day. a mine owner argued that the statute violated the equal protection clause of the federal constitution in so far as it inflicted particular hardship on his employees and removed from them the right to labour as long as they pleased. the supreme court, in doubting his right to base his challenge upon the loss suffered by third parties, stated: "[his] 65. u.s. parole commissioner v. geraxhly 100 s. ct. 1202 (1980). 66. this has been accepted for a considerable period. hitherto, howcver, only thc plaintiffs cognizable interest guaranteed adversity: bakerv. carr 3669 u.s. 186 (1962), and o'shea v. liltlelon 414 c.s. 488 (1974). 67. sec, e.k.• u.s. parole commissioner v. gerakhl)', mpra n. 65. 68. john v. ras 119691 2 all e.r. 274, 282, per tvlegarry j. 69. 18 s. ct. 383 (1898). 97 the denning law journal argument would certainly come with better grace and greater cogency from his workers." 70 "vigorous advocacy" by the mine owner of the rights of the employees was not likely in this case since they did not enjoy similar interests in the action. clearly the de-regulation of the working hours in mines might lead to exploitation of the miners by the owners, and thus it was likely that the employees would have wished to resist de-regulation. hence, the litigation of the third party rights in this case could not proceed. however, in u.s. parole commissioner v. geraghty,71 the supreme court did hear an appellant who lacked any interest in the suit in the traditional sense. the case concerned a prisoner who, whilst still in custody, sought to challenge the validity of parole release guidelines on behalf of himself and others similarly affected by them. during the course of the suit however, he was released from prison, and so lost his personal interest in the suit. it is settled law that he could have continued to represent the class, in spite of his own lack of a personal interest, if he obtained a certificate from the district court that his action was properly framed.72 this had, however, been denied to him. he wished to appeal against the ruling of the district court, but found himself in the impossible position of not having a cognisable injury in the suit and thus being unable to invoke the aid of the court even by way of appeal from the denial of certification. the supreme court approached the difficulty by examining again the fundamental purposes of the art. iii "cases" or "controversies" principle. at one level the resulting opinion appears to accept the orthodox view that "the imperatives of a dispute capable of judicial resolution are sharply presented issues in a concrete factual setting, and self-interested parties vigorously advocating opposing positions."73 however, in spite of the apparent emphasis placed upon the need for self-interest as an "imperative" of the court's jurisdiction, the supreme court awarded standing to the plaintiff in this case notwithstanding his lack of a personal interest in the outcome of the suit. the crucial finding was that the plaintiff remained a "vigorous advocate" of the class members' interests who were still affected by the parole guidelines in question. whilst "vigorous advocacy" may depend upon the advancement by the plaintiff of a personal interest in the suit, the notion embraces cases in which a non-interested litigant appears before the court. the initiative in this case is thus the divorce of "injury in fact" from the art. iii "cases" or "controversies" principle where effective advocacy can be provided by other means. in determining whether a litigant can provide vigorous advocacy when seeking to litigate third party rights, two considerations seem to assume a greater 70. ibid .. at p. 390. 71. supra n. 65. 72. the certificate is available under federal rule of civil procedure 23. an example of its use appears in sosna v. iowa 419 u.s. 393 (1975). 73. 100 s. ct. 1202, 1212 (1980). 98 access to the us federal courts: only interested parties need apply? importance than all others, and it is these which have allowed the courts to justify this form of litigation as an exception to the general principles of standing. first, there must be a close relationship between the litigant and the third party right-holders; second, the right-holders must find some difficulty in enforcing their own rights, although, as will be seen, in practice little weight seems to be attached to this latter principle. singleton v. wuljf74 provides a typical illustration of this type of litigation. two licensed physicians challenged the constitutional validity of a statute restricting the availability of abortion treatment under the medicaid programme on the grounds that it violated the constitutional rights of their female patients. the court, finding that the doctor/patient relationship was a relationship of confidence, and also that women who might otherwise wish to enforce their own constitutional rights would encounter problems75 which would inhibit their willingness to come to court, allowed the challenge by the physicians. since, it was held, a woman relied upon the doctor to perform any abortion, the interests of both in this challenge could be regarded almost as synonymous. it was stated that "there seems little loss in terms of effective advocacy from allowing the assertion of [the patients' rights] by a physician."76 as was stated in holdetl v. hardy,77 the convergence of interests enjoyed by the right-holders and the challenger is a necessary safeguard for the former, since the challenger will then be able zealously to present their mutual interest in the case, and the principle of res judicata could not then prejudice the right-holders. relationships of sufficient mutuality have been held to include that between teacher/pupil and parent,78 and somewhat controversially, in carey v. population seroices international,79 between vendor and purchaser in a case which concerned the regulation of the marketing of contraceptives. if the latter case is a correct exposition of the law it might not be unreasonable to take the view that the interests of the environmental protection group and the owners of the land threatened with pollution in scrap converged to the extent that litter pollution would almost certainly have been opposed by both. it might therefore have been conceivable that there was no injustice done in hearing only the members of scrap and not the right-holders, since the former could supply the same 74.96 s. ct. 2868 (1976). 75. the court identified "mootness" as the first difficulty encountered (see n. 14 supra). secondly, it was felt that a woman might be deterred by considerations of privacy. significantly, the court admitted that both of these considerations might easily be overcome. mootness could be avoided by the application of the "capable of repetition, yet evading review" principle (n.14 supra); and the litigation' could proceed anonymously as, e.g., in roe v. wade (supra n. 14). thus, the justification for allowing a claim by a non-interested party based upon the supposed difficulty that the right-holders would encounter if enforcing their own rights is somewhat tenuous, and could be regarded as a scarcely veiled attack upon the general injury-standing principle itself. 76. single/on v. wulff, supra n. 74, at p. 2876. 77. supra n. 69. 78. pierce v, society of sisters 268 u.s. 510 (1925). 79.97 s. ct. 2010 (1977). 99 the denning law journal "vigorous advocacy" as the right-holder themselves if they had instituted proceedings. however, in spite of the broadening of the exceptions to the "injury-standing" philosophy, the supreme court in allen v. wright80 emphatically resisted its abandonment. "injury in fact" suffered by the plaintiff is, it was held, of "constitutional significance" and necessarily inherent in art. iii since it was the purpose of that article to foster the separation of powers within the constitution. the judicial branch has no power to decide upon "abstract" issues which fell within the preserve of the representative branches of the state. the judicial power was confined to "specific" matters in which each party had an identifiable stake in the outcome. doubt has therefore been cast upon the propriety of a re-interpretation of art. iii based upon geraghty's case,81 and it is probably unlikely that any fundamental developments in standing are imminent. however, it is important to note that where the court is willing to consider the merits, the matter may well be held to fall within one of the exceptions to the ordinary standing principles. although one purportedly rests upon the narrow grounds that the plaintiff must share a close relationship with the right-holders and that the latter must have some difficulty in enforcing their own rights, the exception is in fact very much more expansive than this formulation suggests. its breadth was revealed by the supreme court when it held that the relationship of vendor and consumer may fall within its parameters,82 in a decision which goes far beyond what had hitherto been acceptable. as a result of this case, the precise limits of this exception category must be in considerable doubt, and its further expansion could, by itself, threaten the orthodox rules of standing based upon "injury in fact". it is now arguable that the continued broadening of the categories of relationship which justify a departure from the orthodox standing principles, coupled with the questions surrounding the true rationale of art. iii, may ultimately lead to an erosion of the injury-standing principle. conclusion the doctrine of locus standi, in its outmoded proprietorial mould, served to exclude the public spirited litigant who stepped forward to challenge unlawful public action in a matter in which he had no legally cognizable interest. consequently, where the attorney-general refused to act, the courts were forced to wait upon a challenge by a member of a possibly small class of those who had suffered the kind of injury which the court would recognise. although, perhaps, the greatest incentive to come to court lay with those affected by the unlawful public action in question, increasingly, those who have wished to do so have been motivated by reasons other than the protection of a personal right or interest of their own. however, under the traditional doctrine of standing, the court has declined to hear the public spirited 80. 104 s. ct. 3315 (1984). 81. supra n. 65. 82. supra n. 79. 100 access to the us federal courts: only interested parties need apply? litigant who lacks a recognized interest in the outcome of the suit, no matter how meritorious the substance of his case.83 in both english law and united states federal law recent developments have sought to strike an appropriate balance between instituting an aaio popularis on the one hand, and enforcing a rigorous doctrine of standing which would inevitably disqualify the meritorious but otherwise unqualified litigant on the other. for lord denning the matter was clear: the court should entertain causes brought bona fide by an individual who could demonstrate a prima facie case that a public authority had breached its public duty. this was the tenor of his judgment in the peachey-property case,84 and it was a theme which he re-iterated in the blackburn cases.85 the house of lords appears to have been persuaded by the pragmatism of such an approach in i.r.c. v. national federation of self-employed and small businesses ltd., 86in which it envisaged circumstances in which a litigant, otherwise lacking a sufficient interest, might nonetheless have standing to sue.87 equally, the supreme court in the data processing case seems to have recognised the prevalence of the public policy considerations weighing upon the standing doctrine. it released the doctrine from its proprietorial chains, but retained the need for the plaintiff to show some detriment in his private capacity. it continued to expand the categories of person entitled to sue in scrap, in which non-economic values were held to constitute "injury in fact", and standing was awarded even though the loss was inflicted only indirectly. data processing and scrap mark significant progress towards a comprehensive system of administrative law in the united states. it is lamentable, however, that the causation principle has been employed subsequently in such an arbitrary manner. the suspicion perhaps cannot be avoided that the denial of standing to litigants such as those in warth v. seldin was predicated upon covert policy reasons which, if disclosed, would perhaps reveal a judicial aversion to the merits of the plaintiffs case. parallel developments in areas generally regarded as justifying a special treatment outside the ordinary standing rules continue to indicate the need for a certain flexibility in the application of the general principle itself. in order to avoid the inconvenience of the normal rules the supreme court has loosened the confines of the exceptional categories, and has justified its decision to do so by questioning the long accepted orthodoxy that art. iii entrenches the injury-standing principle as part of the federal constitution. moreover the continued broadening of the categories of those entitled to circumvent the "injury in fact" requirement may cause the eventual atrophy of the injury-standing 83. e.g., gouriet v. union of post office workers [1978] a.c. 435. 84. [1966j 1 qb. 380, 400. 85. r. v. commissioner of police of the metropolis [1968] 2 qb. 118; blackburn v. a/lornry-generaj [19711 1 w.l.r. 1037; r. v. police commissioner, ex p. blackburn [1973j qb. 241; r. v. greater lonmn council, ex p. blackburn [1976] 1 w.l.r. 550. 86. [1982j a.c. 617. 87. ibid., per lord wilberforce at p. 633; lord fraser at p. 647; lord roskill at p. 662. 101 the denning law journal principle. but, even then, there will be a need for jurisdictional limitations; for, as lord denning said in the peachey property case,88 a 'busybody' should not be entitled as of right to invoke the judicial process. whether or not the united states courts would be able to hold that such a person could not provide "vigorous advocacy" has yet to be decided. however, notwithstanding the valuable work already undertaken by the supreme court, when the courts come to examine these issues the questions to be resolved will be the fundamentally perennial ones: which types of dispute are suited to judical resolution? and when is an individual entitled to invoke the judicial process? these will always remain the raw issues of the standing question, and perhaps it is not desirable that one solution, fixed for all time, should ever be realized; for each generation should be free to choose the values which its society will cherish and to decide how these values will be protected. 88. supra n. 84. 102 civil proceedings in a beleaguered society the rt. hon. lord lowry * when looking for a subject for the child & co lecture, i thought it had better be one on which i could pose as some kind of authority. that narrowed the field considerably, but also made it a safer one in which to wander. many people have already their own ideas about the diplock courts (where they got some of those ideas from i could not pretend to say), and i have had to express my ideas on them to two lord chancellors and seven secretaries of state in the past fifteen years, so i felt that it might be wiser and more profitable this time to consider the impact of the "troubles", as they are euphemistically called, on civil proceedings in northern ireland. inevitably many of the examples will be cases in which i have been involved. this reminded me in a salutary way of a remark made by a man who was my friend, the late judge conaghan, qc., when four of us, then relatively young junior counsel, were getting ready to have lunch one friday: "and now", he said, "for another story of which i am the hero." that, i am afraid, accurately describes, unless one is very careful, about ninety per cent of legal and golfing reminiscences; therefore i must be careful. sir john ross, the last lord chancellor of ireland, published one book of reminiscences and threatened another. there was an unaccountable delay, but the attorney-general, denis henry (who was our first lord chief justice), thought of the solution. "i am told", he said, "that the compositor has run out of capitall's." neither i nor my brethren, much as i admire them all, are the heroes of this story. i am confident that our judicial brethren in england and wales and in scotland would cope equally well with our unusual problems if called upon. my object is simply to show how the courts have reacted to an extraordinary situation. for nearly eighteen years the queen's peace itself has had to meet in a part of her kingdom a vigorous and continuous challenge, and the queen's justice has had to be administered during that time without fear or favour. in such circumstances the rule of law is under threat. in a civil war situation cicero proclaimed, "inter anna silent leges." as the trial judge in r. v. gibney and others! i remembered this and said: • lord chief justice of northem ireland. the child & co london lecture 1987, delivered in the inns of court school of law and reprinted by kind permission of lord lowry and child & co.. 1. [1983] '13 n.i.j.s. 109 the denning law journal " 'amid the clash of arms the laws are silent': so cicero exclaimed over 2000 years ago. during the greatest conflict of our history lord atkin2 bravely ventured to contradict this assertion. now, too, peace, order and society itself are under fierce and constant attack and that is why we must remember lord atkin's famous dictum; 'in this country, amid the clash of arms the laws are not silent. they may be changed, but they speak the same language in war as in peace'." i continued: "this war is being waged by organisations which style themselves armies and observe military procedures, but it has not invaded, and will not be allowed to invade, the courts. the rule of law has prevailed and will continue to prevail there. we will accept but one standard of proof in criminal cases, namely, proof beyond reasonable doubt. this is a concept difficult enough to describe, but easy for an honest man to recognise, which brings to criminal adjudication, whether by a jury or by another tribunal, a certainty and a finality which can be absent from civil proceedings. it is a statement of the obvious that maintaining the rule of law means deciding cases according to law, and the paramount law in criminal cases is that guilt cannot be established save by proof beyond reasonable doubt." you may recall that toward the end of 1971, as a result of complaints in northern ireland, a committee of privy counsellors was appointed to consider "whether, and if so in what respects, the procedures currently authorised for the interrogation of persons suspected of terrorism and for their custody while subject to interrogation require amendment." lord gardiner, famous as a champion of the rule of law, submitted a minority report in which he stated that unauthorised procedures of interrogation had been used which were illegal and would continue to be so unless the law was amended, pointing out at the same time that it was not unnatural for the royal ulster constabulary, who had used the procedures, to assume that the army had satisfied themselves that the procedures which they were training the police to employ were legal. i do not need to discuss the report,3 which was submitted on 31st january, 1972, but i have been struck by the coincidence with my judgment in r. v. gibney inherent in the words used by lord gardiner at paragraph 12, p.15: "the situation in northern ireland is one in which members of the irish republican army are conducting a campaign of terror which includes brutal murder, arson, the use of explosives against innocent men, women and children and outrages of all kinds. there is virtually a war going on between 2. in liversidge v. anderson [1942] a.c. 206, at p.244. 3. cmnd. 4901. 110 civil proceedings in a beleaguered society the government of northern ireland and the irish republican army and in this conflict the lives, not only of innocent civilians but of the police and army, are at stake in circumstances of appalling difficulty for the members of those forces whose courage, resolution and behaviour are all so well known." the comparison between lord gardiner's clear perception of the crisis and his ultimate opinion of the methods used to meet it is, i submit, based on the rule of law, which is the mark of a civilised society. that rule involves a respect for impartial justice. it protects the weak against the strong and the individual against the state. it is most at risk, and therefore most in need of protection, when the state itself is in danger. you may ask whether the rule oflaw ought to be upheld at the risk of the safety of the realm. my answer is, first, that the judges are sworn and obliged to judge according to law. if doing that truly endangers the state, then the law must be changed. but conflict between the rule of law and the public good is more apparent than real. a heavy price can be paid, in terms of stability, if the state itself, through its judges, spurns the rule of law. when i turned to the northern ireland law reports and the northern ireland judgments bulletin (the latter founded on an idea which my predecessor, lord macdermott, imported from cyprus), i was surprised by the number of cases which can be said to arise from the troubles. i shall have to be selective, dividing the subject and picking a few examples. i really cannot in the space available afford a consideration of all the interesting legal points arising from these cases. i plan to look first at actions by individuals against the executive for false imprisonment, assault and similar torts, then at claims for compensation for criminal injuries to the person and to property. next i shall notice the impact of emergency powers, apart from criminal trials. after that, i shall invite you to look at experience in prison, both disciplinary and administrative, and will pass from there to the political mainly local government scene. after that i wish to say something about judicial review, which has been widely resorted to, as you will presently find out. and finally, i shall try to extract some general conclusions from what i have said. my division of topics is arbitrary. there must be overlapping. and, lest you should suppose that the courts are mainly concerned with the kind of cases i am going to talk about, it may be no harm to state that personal injury claims are still the main diet of the queen's bench division and that the county court, chancery and family division business continues with ever-increasing volume, to say nothing about ordinary criminal work, in the volume of which hitherto we have not yet caught up with the mainland. i would first explain that we have three lords justices and six puisne judges, as well as myself, in the supreme court. each is available for every kind of work in addition to his first commitment and all sit in the crown court. there are thirteen county court judges. of these one is chief social security commissioner, another is president of industrial tribunals and a third is president of the lands tribunal. 111 the denning law journal as well as exercising civil jurisdiction at first instance, they hear appeals from magistrates and in that capacity are subject to judicial review and to appeal by case stated. they are also judges of the crown court and, in accordance with my directions given with the authority of the lord chancellor, try all kinds of offences except murder. there are seventeen resident magistrates and a number of deputies. all are barristers or solicitors, like stipendiaries in this jurisdiction. 1. actions against the executive i deal here mainly with claims for false imprisonment and assault, including trespass to the person by shooting, in proceedings commenced by writ of summons or in the county court by civil bill. in the high court the plaintiffs are under our law (s. 62 (1)(d) and (e) of the judicature (northern ireland) act 1978 and its predecessor, the act of 1877) still entitled to a jury, but they have set down nearly all the cases for trial by a judge alone, which some people may regard as an interesting commentary on the judge-alone diplock courts. the facts in these cases, often complex and hotly disputed, as well as the legal issues and, where appropriate, the amount of damages and the question whether aggravated or exemplary damages should be awarded, have therefore by consent almost always been entrusted to the determination of a judge. there are all kinds of action. let me give you one example, walsh v. ministry of deftnce.4 it involved no legal points and was a case of mistaken identity. the plaintiff, a young schoolteacher, was arrested by the army at 6.30 a.m. at home, taken to a police station, where she was kept for two hours. she was released when it seemed that a mistake had been made, but received no explanation, reassurance or apology and she sued for damages alleging that she was "unlawfully detained and kept against her will in degrading circumstances, where she was assaulted, subject to trespass on her person, humiliated, degraded and wrongfully and falsely imprisoned." as i said in my judgment, this was in technical language an accurate description. the defence denying the unlawfulness of the arrest was persisted in up to the morning of the trial and then abandoned. having set out the facts and my comments, and having referred to rookes v. barnard5 and to a decision by kelly l.j. in a similar case, lavery v. ministry of deftnce, 6 i concluded: "the conduct of the defendant's agents at the briefing (and, by unavoidable inference, before it) renders the defendant liable to pay exemplary damages under lord devlin's first common law heading for oppressive and arbitrary action by the servants of the government. i wish to make it clear that there is no evidence that private moran or any other soldier in the patrol behaved badly or that anything gratuitously oppressive was done at springfield road: 4. [1985] 4 n.lj.b. 1. 5. [1964] a.c. 1129. 112 6 [1984] 7 n.1.j.b. civil proceedings in a beleaguered society the fault, and it was a grievous fault which infringed the liberty of an innocent subject, lay with higher authority." i awarded £4,000, to include exemplary damages. recently, in hamilton v. chief constable7 hutton j. awarded £4,000 for an assault in a police station. the case required disputed facts to be elucidated and the judge concluded: "there is nothing in the present case to suggest that the assault by the constable was sanctioned or connived at by any police officer senior to him, but the judgment of kelly l. j. in lavery v. ministry of defence makes it clear that exemplary damages can be awarded against the body or person vicariously liable under common law or statute for an isolated and un sanctioned assault carried out by a soldier or police officer of junior rank, where the nature of the assault and the surrounding circumstances are such that the court considers that exemplary damages should be awarded." many other allegedly similar cases, i should add, have been decided in favour of the defendants. there are two important cases in which the ministry of defence was sued. in farrell v. ministry of defence8 the army got wind of what was believed to be a plan to blow up a bank in newry. they posted snipers on rooftops with a view of the bank. three men approached the bank and looked to be trying to rob two men who were putting a money bag in the night safe. the soldiers gave evidence that they challenged the three men, who ran away; they then opened fire and killed the three men. their right to shoot depended on section 3(1) of the criminal law act (northern ireland) 1967, which is identical with the corresponding provision in force in england: "3(1) a person may use such force as is reasonable in the circumstances in the prevention of crime, or in effecting or assisting in the lawful arrest of offenders or suspected offenders or of persons unlawfully at large." the widow (by then mrs farrell) of one of the deceased (named mclaughlin) sued the ministry for damages and the case was tried with a jury which was asked, and answered, questions as follows: "1. did the soldiers fire because soldier a suspected with reasonable cause (a) that the husband of the plaintiff and two other men had attempted to place an explosive bomb or an incendiary device in or at the provincial bank, and (b) that such explosive bomb or incendiary device would endanger life? answer: (a) yes (b) yes 7. 1986 unreported. 8. [1980] n.r. 55. 113 the denning law journal 2. if the answer to questions l(a) and l(b) is 'yes', was it reasonable in the circumstances (including the reasonable suspicion of soldier a) in the prevention of crime for the soldiers to fire to kill: answer: yes 3. if the answer to questions l(a) and l(b) is 'yes', was it reasonable in the circumstances (including the reasonable suspicion of soldier a) in effecting the lawful arrest of the three men for the soldiers to fire to kill? answer: yes 4. did the soldiers fire after soldier a had twice shouted at the three men to halt? answer: yes 5. when the barman mr o'neill was at the night safe in the front wall of the provincial bank did the husband of the plaintiff and two other men attempt to rob him of the money he was going to place in the night safe? answer: yes 6. was the shooting entirely out of proportion to the occasion? answer: no 7. was there fault on the part of the husband of the plaintiff which contributed to his death? answer: yes 8. if answers to questions 2 and 3 are 'no' and answer to question 7 is 'yes', what percentage reduction should be made in the damages having regard to the responsibility of the plaintiffs husband for his own death? not answered (% reduction)." the effect of the answers was a verdict for the defendant and the plaintiff appealed. we ordered a new trial, being dissatisfied with the form of the questions and certain parts of the judge's charge, but the ministry appealed to the house of lords, which restored the verdict. having regard to the pleadings and the course of the trial, it does appear that we were wrong to lay so much stress on the need to consider the question of negligent planning, which made it inevitable that escaping men could not be stopped except by shooting them. looking back, i think that our fault was to make a better case for the plaintiff than she made herself a dangerous course, having regard to the duty of the plaintiff to give the defendant notice of her case. i therefore recognise the force of viscount dilhorne's observations on this part of the appeal. because it was a jury trial, there were available no findings of fact, and this did not help the plaintiff. counsel for the 114 civil proceedings in a beleaguered society ministry conceded at the trial that the soldiers would not have been entitled to shoot if their object was to prevent the escape of attempted robbers. although she had lost, mrs farrell found a means of taking the government to strasbourg, where they agreed to pay her quite a lot of money. lynch v. ministry of defence,9 tried by hutton j. without a jury, was a more clearcut case on the facts and the law, which was again section 3(1) of the 1967 act. the plaintiff, driving a car at night in belfast, failed to obey a soldier's red light signal to stop. he was fired on and hit, crashed his car, was badly injured and sued the ministry. the defendant in these circumstances had to justifythe act of firing, and the learned trial judge, although he rejected the reasonableness of shooting to effect an arrest, accepted that the soldiers in firing were using reasonable force in the prevention of crime. he therefore found against the plaintiff and the judgment was not appealed. the outline facts were agreed but all the other facts were disputed. two points are noteworthy. first, criminal cases from northern ireland were referred to, in which section 3(1) had been canvassed, including the decision of the house of lords in attorney-general jor northern ireland's reference. 10 secondly, the passages which the learned trial judge cited at page 229 from the speech of lord diplock and from the judgment ofjones l.j. in theattorney-general's reference and at page 230 from my judgment in an attempted murder case, r. v. mcnaughton, ii tend to show that the crime which is to be prevented need not be imminent in order to make the shooting reasonable. some cases where false imprisonment was alleged made necessary the interpretation of the enabling statute. an example is mckee v. chief constable .for northern ireland,12 where the house of lords, reversing a majority decision of the court of appeal, restored the judgment of the trial judge (macdermott j.) and held that the power to "arrest without warrant any person whom he suspects of being a terrorist" means that a constable makes a lawful arrest if he has an honest, though not necessarily a reasonable, suspicion that the person arrested is a terrorist. the house approved the interpretation by mcgonigal j. of a special powers regulation in in re mcelduff,13 a habeas corpus application in which the arrest was held invalid for other reasons. the remedy of habeas corpus has been freely resorted to. i refer to in re close, 14 in re murph/5 (where o'donnell j. held detention of young persons to be lawful but stated that they ought to have conditions no less favourable than those of convicted young persons serving a sentence) and ex parte lynch,16 where i held that the treatment and conditions of detention accorded to a person lawfully 9. [1983] n.!. 216. 10. [1976] n.!. 169; [1977] a.c. 105. 11. [1975] n.!. 203. 12. [1985] 1 all e.r. 1. 13. [1972] n.!. 1. 14. [1972] n.!. 27. 15. [1973] n.!.].b. nov. 16. [1980] n.!. 126. 115 the denning law journal detained do not touch on the lawfulness of that detention and do not therefore give rise to the remedy of habeas corpus. one of the most interesting habeas corpus applications was quigley v. chief constable, ruc,17 where the sister of linda quigley, whose husband was due to give evidence as an accomplice (or "supergrass") against several accused charged with terrorist offences, applied for a writ of habeas corpus directed to the chief constable to produce linda quigley before the queen's bench division of the high court. she had disappeared with her husband and children from their home in londonderry and later appeared at londonderry recorder's court to pursue a civil claim of her own. her solicitor deposed that mrs quigley consulted with him before court in a place guarded by police and that she expressed a wish to meet relatives who were at the courthouse, but that at the end of the case she left with the police. the respondent's affidavit stated that mr quigley had been taken to a place of safety because terrorists were looking for him, that mrs quigley had gone with him voluntarily, but, while this might well be right, the court considered that a prima facie inference of restraint on mrs quigley existed. the next stage is described in in re quigley. is the respondents made a return to the writ stating that mrs quigley was livingwith her husband and children and that they were receiving police protection by their own wish. "she was free to go where she wished", and the respondents could not therefore produce her body. the applicant sought to impeach the return, alleged contempt of court and cited section 3 of the habeas corpus act 1816. the court held the return good but inquired in accordance with section 3, and then heard mrs quigley in chambers. sitting finally in open court again, hutton j. declared that the facts set forth in the chief constable's returns were true and concluded:19 "after having appeared before me in chambers mrs quigley had a meeting with her sister and other relatives here in the royal courts of justice, and at her own wish she is going to rejoin her husband and children." 2. criminal injuries criminal injury claims for injury to the person and damage to property have been known to the irish courts since 1836. the cost of a successful claim was once borne by county and district rates and now falls on central funds, which is particularly logical where terrorism is concerned. the claim is made to the secretary of state, from whom there is an appeal to the county court and thence to the high court. a case can be stated by either court to the court of appeal on a point of law. the relevant statutes lay down the form and time for application and embody restrictions on the right to recover which are dictated by the terrorist background. someone who has been involved in terrorism cannot recover; a 17. [1983] n.r. 238. 18. [1983] n.r. 24s. 19. p.2s7. 116 cml proceedings in a beleaguered society requisite condition is that full disclosure of facts known to the applicant is made in his application; and, even after an award is made (either by himself or by a court), the secretary of state can withhold all or part of the compensation pending the answers to such reasonable requests (and the reasonableness of a request is justiciable) as the secretary of state may make for further information. the reports are full of these cases and you can imagine the questions of law and fact which must be resolved in order to see what the statutory provisions mean and whether they apply. authorities in the law of tort are called in aid on questions of causation and damages, and decisions in criminal injury cases are in their tum applied in the field of tort. not wishing to venture beyond this brief outline, i shall mention only one case, in which the court of appeal adjourned a case stated in o'dowd v. secretary of statl-° until the house of lords had given its decision in mcloughlin v. o'brian.21 this enabled us to decide with confidence in favour of the applicants, who had suffered nervous shock when three close relatives were murdered and another was wounded in a shooting incident, and the applicants had arrived on the scene shortly afterwards. as well as being concerned with nervous shock, we had to consider the meaning of the words "directly attributable", and the case is a good example of the interaction between tort and criminal injury cases. having derived much assistance in o'dowd from mcgregor v. the board of agriculture jor scotland,22 i cannot resist saying how much more help we could obtain from the session cases, had we the time and the industry to look more often in that direction. 3. emergency powers i shall treat emergency powers by referring to three cases under the civil authorities (special powers) act (northern ireland) 1922. the first, r. (hurne) v. londonderry jj.,23 is of some legal and historical interest and i regard it as an example of a collision between the rule of law and the apparent safety of the state (not by reason of its own facts but because of the wide effect of a decision against, the executive). the case took the form of an application to the divisional court for an order of certiorari to quash a conviction by the magistrate for infringing a regulation under the special powers act, as i shall call it, which made it an offence for a person in a group of three or more persons not to disperse when ordered to do so by, among others, a member of her majesty's forces. the main ground for seeking to quash the conviction relied on the fact that, unlike the parliament of the united kingdom, the northern ireland parliament operated under what could be called a written constitution, consisting of sections 4 and 5 of the government of ireland act 1920, with the result that it was possible for an act of parliament to be ultra vires; a regulation could also be ultra vires, not only for being outside the 20. [1982] n.!. 210. 21. [1983] 1 a.c. 410. 22. [1925] s.c. 613. 23. [1972] n.!. 19. 117 the denning law journal scope of its parent act, but also for inconsistency with sections 4 and 5 of the 1920 act. the defendants were the well-known politican, mr john hume, and four other members of the sdlp who, it seems, had decided to test the validity of the unpopular special powers regulations by sitting on the footpath and refusing to be moved on by the army. the point of the case was that regulation 38 conferred certain powers on members of the armed forces, whereas section 4 of the 1920 act forbade the northern ireland parliament to make a law "in respect of' what were called reserved matters, such as the crown, taxes, foreign relations and "the navy, the army, the air force etc. etc.". in the circumstances prevailing then and since this challenge raised a much more serious issue than the right of a soldier to move on a small group of people who were doing no real harm, because there were in existence other special powers regulations which gave soldiers a power to stop and search at roadblocks and elsewhere and also a power of arrest, which had been exercised many times already. with the activities of the ira at full blast, the whole security system was at risk. the result turned on the interpretation of the words "in respect of", and crown counsel, now carswell j., exercised his considerable intellect and ingenuity in a vain effort to put a gloss on the ordinary meaning of that phrase. we held the regulation to be ultra vires and quashed the conviction. as soon as we had given judgment, the northern ireland act 1972 went through all its stages in both houses at westminster in one day, declaring the parliament of northern ireland to have, and always to have had, power to make regulations of this kind. the court did not resent this, nor, i believe, could anyone else: it was a proper remedial exercise, since there was in the regulations nothing to object to except their invalidity. the legislation was frankly, but necessarily, retrospective. merely to confer immunity for past acts would not have been enough. therefore, when in r. v. gonnan24 a man who had been arrested under special powers regulation 11 was charged with escaping from lawful custody, as the trial judge i held that regulation to be valid in spite of hume's case and because of the validating 1972 act; the rule of law does not invariably side with the citizen. my second example of emergency powers is r. (secretary of state) v. recorder of belfast,25 which raised the question whether various orders made by the minister of home affairs between october 1969 and october 1970 obliging the owners of licensed premises to close were "aas ... involving interference with private rights of property". if so, compensation was payable under section 11(1) of the special powers act. if not, the owners contended, the orders were invalid because the restriction on opening hours amounted to a "taking" of their property contrary to the general prohibition against taking property without compensation in section 5 of the 1920 act. the recorder of belfast held in favour of the owners and ordered an arbitration but the court of appeal, affirming gibson]., held that the word "act" in section 24. [1974] n.1. 152. 25. [1973] n.1. 112. 118 civil proceedings in a beleaguered society 11(1) applied only to physical steps and not to an order. we further held that the restriction on opening was not a taking within the meaning of section 5. the case was a difficult one and splendidly argued, and i was both surprised and sorry that the large, and presumably wealthy, body of owners did not appeal to the house of lords. i feel that the loser in my third emergency powers case was most unfortunate. it was r. (mccreesh) v. county court judge forarmagh, 26 in which the applicant owned a garage and service station in newtownhamilton which catered for heavy goods vehicles on a main route between the republic of ireland and great britain via the port of lame. the army erected security barriers on all streets into newtownhamilton so that passing traffic was diverted, but the applicant still had access from his premises to the street. the applicant claimed compensation under section 25(1) of the northern ireland (emergency provision) act 1973, which was the successor to section 11(1) of the special powers act, but in the court of appeal, reversing gibson l.]., who had reversed the county court judge oudge babington qc.), we held that, although the applicant had a special and individual interest in the public right to the relevant part of the highway and would, apart from statute, be entitled to sue for damages, yet there was no interference with his private right of direct access to the highway, and therefore there was no right to compensation under section 25(1). 4. prisons: disciplinary and administrative aspects. looking first at the disciplinary side, it is generally accepted that judicial review will lie to a board of visitors. a number of prisoners have contended that they are entitled to legal representation at a board hearing absolutely, and not just at the board's discretion according to the criteria in ex parte tarrant,27 a decision of the divisional court which we have followed with no misgivings. indeed the convention on human rights seems to point the same way. article 6(3) provides: "every person charged with a criminal offence has the following minimum rights (c) to defend himself in person or through legal assistance of his own choosing or, if he has not sufficient means to pay for legal assistance, to be given it free when the interests of justice require." the house of lords has in in re hone28 given leave to appeal from our court of appeal on this question of absolute right and we shall all await the outcome with interest. i enjoyed reading the whole of sir patrick neill's lecture29 and in particular i was cheered by his joining issue on page 7 with your court of appeal's decision in 26. [1978] n.r. 164. 27. [1984] 1 all e.r. 799. 28. 1986 unreported. 29. the child & co lecture, 1985. 119 the denning law journal r. v. deputy guvernor of camphill prison, ex parte king30 to the effect that a prison governor's award cannot be the subject of judicial review. our court of appeal, although mindful of the respect which we always entertain for the decisions of your court of appeal, went the other way in in re mckiernan,31 much attracted by the observations of kerr l. j. in the divisional court, but not then aware of the view which sir patrick had expressed in his lecture. i understand that ex parte leech (unreported) will provide an opportunity for the house of lords to consider the question. on the administrative side, we have corne across a few attempts to query by judicial review executive decisions by the governor and have also had an application32 to quash an order by the secretary of state forbidding mr mccartney, who is serving a sentence of life imprisonment for a terrorist offence, to receive a visit from an elected sinn fein councillor. i heard and refused the application and in doing so made an observation the bearing of which may be appreciated when i pass to the political cases: "it is natural to ask why the respondent's decision should be deemed reasonable when this court has held that members oflocal authorities cannot lawfully take steps to prevent sinn fein councillors from participating in local government business. the difference is that sinn fein councillors are, in the present state of the law, entided as individuals to take their seats and that the other members of the council have no legal power to prevent them from doing so, whereas the respondent here has a right under rule 58(1) to regulate visits to prisoners according to the discretion conferred on him by that rule, so long as the discretion is reasonably exercised within the meaning of the wednesbury case. the anomaly is explained by the absence of a statutory power in the one case and its presence in the other." 5. politics and local government sinn fein is taken to be the political wing of the ira and accordingly the presence of its members on elected bodies has been gready resented. this has caused unionist councillors to try to exclude from the work of the council sinn fein councillors by appointing a special committee consisting of all the members of the council, except the two sinn fein members, to deal with all the council's functions, with the exception of making a rate, borrowing money and acquiring, holding or disposing of land, being the matters expressly excepted by statute from the powers of a committee. hutton j. held, with the aid of authority, that he could take judicial notice of the policy and aims of sinn fein.33 he continued: 30. [1985] q,b. 735. 31. [1985] 6 n.l].b. 6. 32. in re pius mccartney, 1986 unreported. 33. [1985] 7 n.lj.b. 22. 120 cml proceedings in a beleaguered socie1y "therefore i take judicial notice of the facts that the policy and aims of sinn fein are to take power in northern ireland with a ballot paper in one hand and an armalite in the other, that sinn fein gives unambivalent support to the 'armed struggle', which is the euphemism used by sinn fein to describe terrorist murders and other violent crimes committed by the provisional ira, and that when the elected representatives of sinn fein take part in the normal work of an elected council this is just one plank of their policy, th~ other plank being the unambivalent support of murder and other acts of terrorist violence committed to overthrow democratic government in northern ireland." then, having considered all the resolutions aimed at excluding sinn fein from the council's deliberations and finding that they complied with the test of reasonableness posed by associated provincial piaure houses ltd. v. wednesbury corporation,34 and also having noted an elected assembly's power to protect itself, as described by the earl of selbome in barton v. taylor,35 he concluded that the council had no power to exclude members by reason of the objects of their organisation and that the resolution to appoint a committee was ultra vires because the statutory power to do so could not validlybe exercised for a purpose other than that for which the power was created. in the course of his judgment he said (at pas): "i consider that the decision whether or not members of sinn fein should be prevented from sitting as councillors, because it is the policy of sinn fein to support terrorist murder and violence, gives rise to an issue of great general importance and is a decision to be made by the government and parliament and not by individual councils. i am confirmed in this opinion by the consideration that, if an individual council has powers by a majority vote to exclude sinn fein councillors, it appears that, depending upon the strength of the various political parties in the individual council chambers, sinn fein councillors would be excluded from some councils in northern ireland but not from others." carswell j. had to pronounce on a further effort by craigavon council in in re french and others' application.36 the unionists hit on the idea of requiring a declaration against violence as a prerequisite of sitting on the council, but this offended against the plain words of section 21(1) of the northern ireland constitution act 1973 which, as the council argued and as the judge recognised, was enacted for a very different purpose. again, carswell j. considered that the challenged resolutions would have passed the wednesbury test, if that had been the problem. he made this observation:37 34. [1948] 1 k.b. 223. 35. (1886) 11 a.c. 197,203. 36. [1985] 7 n.i.].b. 48. 37. ibid., p.68. 121 the denning law journal "i feel that i should state in conclusion that is has been my concern throughout this matter, sitting as a court of law, to deal purely with the legal issues arising from it. i can only declare and apply the law as in my judgment it presently stands, whether that state of the law may be regarded by any section of the population as satisfactory or deficient. i do not propose to express any opinion on whether the law should be amended. that is within the domain of parliament and her majesty's government, and i do not wish to be taken to express or indicate any views upon such a matter." in in the application of christopher neeson38 the court of appeal approved the reasoning in curran's case and french's case and, for similar reasons, was obliged to hold bad a new idea, which was to create four different committees, each comprising all the council members except sinn fein. carswell]., having quoted the description of sinn fein which i reproduced above, went on in french's case: "notwithstanding these facts which are, in my view, undeniable and universally known, sinn fein has been permitted to operate as a political party without being proscribed, and that being so, it has to be regarded by the law as a legitimate political party whose members are legally entitled to stand for election and take their seats as councillors." in the court of appeal i put it another way: "like carswell j. i adopt what hutton j. said in curran's case, but i do not subscribe to the view that sinn fein has to be regarded as a lawful organisation (or by necessary implication as a 'legitimate political party') just because it has been allowed since 1975 to operate as a political party without being proscribed. that is a different thing from saying, in the present state of the law, that individual members of sinn fein, if not otherwise disqualified, cannot legally stand for election and take their seats as councillors, if elected; but they are entitled to do so despite their membership of sinn fein and not because of it." one can see from these cases, and also appreciate, the difference in the result from that obtained in relation to the administrative ban on prison visiting. the unionist protest against the hillsborough agreement signed on 15th november, 1985 ("the anglo-irish agreement") has also involved the courts. belfast city council, as a protest, adopted a policy of adjourning its meetings and by resolution delegated all its functions (except three which there was no power to delegate) to the town clerk. mr cook, an alliance councillor, obtained from hutton j. a declaration that the council's resolutions were unlawful and an order of mandamus to compel the council to resume normal working: in re cook and others' application.39 the court of appeal affirmed the relief thus granted and, 38. 1986 unreported. 39. [1986] i n.i.j.b. 43 and 89. 122 cml proceedings in a beleaguered society when the council did not comply, the applicant issued contempt proceedings which resulted in the council's being fined £25,000. similar proceedings regarding other district councils have reached various stages of development and it would not be right for me to comment on pending litigation. as hutton]. observed when dealing with applications against a number of councils: "the resolutions were passed as part of the political protest against the angloirish agreement. this court is in no way concerned with the suggested merits or demerits of the anglo-irish agreement; the court is only concerned to decide the issue whether or not the resolutions which are now challenged by the applicants are lawful or unlawful. as the learned lord chief justice stated in delivering the judgment of the court of appeal in cook's case at p.103, it is the duty of the court 'to decide the point at issue according to law and without fear or favour, affection or ill-will'." the learned judge also recalled other observations which i made in that case (at pp.92-3): "what, however, the council is not entitled to do is to refuse or deliberately neglect to discharge its statutory obligations as the elected local authority for the belfast district and thereby to deprive the ratepayers and citizens of belfast of the council's services. nor is it entitled to carry out development in the shape of the banner (which is an advertisement within the meaning of the planning (control of advertisements) regulations (northern ireland) 1973) without first having obtained planning permission. these are the unlawful acts of which the applicants have complained. it is clear that the real dominant purpose of the majority of the council in passing and implementing the resolutions complained of was to oppose the angloirish agreement but, however legitimate a political objective this is thought to be, its legitimacy could not justify or validate the unlawful conduct to which we have referred, and the object of the majority of the council (or even hypothetically of the entire council) cannot with impunity be pursued by the unlawful means which the council, by a majority, has chosen to adopt ... the council's decision was from the local government standpoint, and we emphasise those words, (the local guvernment standpoint) the negation of all the principles according to which local government is carried on through discussion and debate among elected representatives, culminating in decisions on a wide variety of important matters. to say this is not to call in question the ability of the town clerk; but to leave all these matters to a paid official, no matter how competent, is simply not the way to carry on local government. it is in fact completely unreasonable in the wednesbury sense and (we emphasise these words again) in the local guvernment context. as for this step being a way of pursuing a lawful object we hold that it is a wholly unreasonable and therefore unlawful means of pursuing that object, 123 the denning law journal since it undermines the accepted principles of local government in the way that we have pointed out. to put forward section 129 as a shield against the accusation of wednesbury unreasonableness does not prevent the decision to refrain from activity and to delegate everything to the town clerk which could lawfully be delegated from being unreasonable. it is the activity of the elected representatives which is the essence of local government, as distinct from giving the whole matter into the hands of the town clerk to make all the decisions and transact all the busines of which he is legally capable." i do not have to emphasise the wide extent of the discretion which the court is obliged to exercise when it comes to the question of enforcement and considers the impact of its orders on individual councillors. 6. judicial review general points you will have noticed the liberal resort which parties have had to judicial review in order to attain their object of challenging all kinds of decisions and adjudications. the same thing has happened in england and i am prompted to make a few general points. you will recall that in r. v. northumberland compensation appeal tribunal, ex parte shaw 40 the divisional court and the court of appeal rediscovered the weapon of quashing a decision for error of law on the face of the record (and not simply for excess or absence of jurisdiction). this was a weapon the existence of which had been denied by a very distinguished court of appeal in racecourse betting control board v. secretary of state for air. 41 in r. v. crown court for knightsbridge 42 griffiths l. j. again emphasised that for over a hundred years the use of certiorari to quash a decision for error of law on the face of the record fell into disuse, pointing out that, so far as criminal jurisdiction was concerned, this could be largely attributed to the short form of conviction introduced by the summary jurisdiction act, 1848. the northumberland case came as a surprise to the bench and bar in ireland, both north and south, since the weapon referred to had never become rusty, but continued to be wielded vigorously throughout the period in question. our bible on certiorari was r. (martin) v. mahon/4 in which gibson ]., a master of the common law, said:44 "certiorari lies (a) where there is want or excess of jurisdiction when the inquiry begins or during its progress; (b) when in the exercise of jurisdiction there is error on the face of the adjudication; (c) where there has been abuse of jurisdiction (as by mis-stating the complaint, esc., or disregard of the essentials of justice and the conditions regulating the functions and duty of 40. [1951] 1 k.b. 711; [1952] 1 k.b. 338. 41. [1944] ch. 114. 42. [1982] qb. 304 43. [1910] 2 lr. 695. 44. ibid., at p.731. 124 cml proceedings in a beleaguered society the tribuna!); (d) where the court is shown to be disqualified by likelihood of bias or by interest; (e) where there is fraud." the case is one of historical interest, because lord o'brien l.c.j. took the opportunity to assemble a divisional court of eight judges in order to extirpate the heresy committed by palles c.b., (sitting in the exchequer division in 1888 and differing from a decision of the queen's bench division on the same point in the same case two days earlier) when he ruled that, notwithstanding the refusal of certiorari to quash a conviction for lack of evidence, habeas corpus would issue to release the convicted prisoner. we have long memories in ireland and not only in politics. but the northumberland case did not introduce the revolution. that happened in 1977 when a procedure known as judicial review was introduced by order 53. for the first time all or any of the remedies of certiorari, mandamus, prohibition, a declaration and damages could be claimed together in proceedings on the crown side; interrogations could be administered and discovery obtained and oral evidence and cross-examination of a deponent on his affidavit were made more accessible. but no new substantive remedy was provided, except the power in rule 9(4), when certiorari was sought, to remit the matter to the lower deciding authority. this power was confirmed by section 31 (5) of the supreme court act 1981. of course, the changes encouraged the use of judicial review because the new procedure provided a more effective way of reaching the goal. i refer my readers to lord denning's observation in the court of appeal reported in o'reilly v. mackman45 and to lord diplock's in the same case.46 the 1977 innovations followed recommendations by the law commission. almost the same reforms were discussed in the report of the committee on the supreme court of judicature of northern ireland (1970 cmnd 4292, paragraphs 103-116) and these came to fruition in the judicature (northern ireland) act 1978, ss. 18-25 and a new order 53 which came into operation on 1st january, 1981. apart from the new procedural advantages, a homely way of describing the change is to say that, except for your section 31 (5) and the new possibilities introduced by our sections 21 and 25, we started with five golf clubs and can now put them in one bag but we cannot play any shots with them which we could not play before. but there is an atmosphere of change, and that atmosphere has been promoted by the new procedure. in the northumberland case denning l. j. stated:47 "it will have been seen that throughout all the cases there is one governing rule: certiorari is only available to quash a decision for error oflaw if the error appears on the face of the record." 45. [1983] 2 a.c. 237, at pp.253-256 46. at pp.277-282. 47. at p.351. 125 the denning law journal be it noted that this was said in a case where the lower deciding authority was not a court but a tribunal. other things have been said more recently which, i feel, must be very deliberately weighed, having regard to sir patrick neill's statement that since 1977 "the flow of decided cases has accelerated at a dizzy pace." if aljolson were still here, he might exclaim "you ain't heard nothing yet!" i can see merit in approaching courts and other deciding authorities differently, so far as legal error within jurisdiction is concerned, but you will not expect me to discuss such a big subject in my present context. but, what is very important, no matter how orthodox the proposed remedy, is to decide what constitutes the record. many of you will be familiar with the helpful discussion of this point by griffiths l. j. in the knightsbridge crown court case already mentioned. here again i would like to reserve my options for the moment. my feeling is that against the benefit conferred by the new light we must set the danger of being encouraged to ransack with a view to upsetting them all kinds of orders and decisions which until recently would have been regarded as invulnerable to attack by certiorari. and, on the question of unreasonableness, we must beware of relaxing the tests propounded by the court in wednesbury and by lord diplock in ccsu v. minister for the civil service. 48 lastly, we might reflect that it is much easier to obtain leave to apply for judicial review than it was to get a conditional order to quash. this, too, may have had an influence on some final orders which have been granted recently. 7. conclusion now let me try to sum up. you will have seen how easy it is, however apolitically one sets sail, to be engulfed in a whirlpool of politics. indeed that has ceased to be a novel danger in this country. therefore one needs plenty of ballast and ought to cultivate that preference which the late lord justice harman expressed49 for an upright posture. in his thoughtful and valuable collection of essays entitled the judge so lord devlin, discussing the aequum et bonum, the concept of justice according to the merits, as distinct from justice according to law, had this to say;51 "in the first place, justice according to law by imposing a norm also secures it. against the number of cases in which the law hinders the good judge from expressing the aequum et bonum, there must be put the number in which it prevents the bad judge from giving effect to idiosyncratic notions. for most of the law's history the public has looked upon it as a protection against corrupt or stupid judges. when the public thinks of the law as obstructive, it is a high mark of confidence in the judiciary. 48. [1985] a.c. 374, 410g. 49. in re goldschmidt [1957] 1 all e.r. 513, at p.5h. 50. a.v.p. 1979. 51. op. cit. at p.s8. 126 civil proceedings in a beleaguered society akin to this consideration is the thought that the law is a protection for the judges themselves. for the law does and ought to embody the collective wisdom. no judge who applies it can be accused of partiality. a judge who has to reach his conclusion without its guidance or who feels sufficiently confident to reject the guidance puts his personal reputation at stake." more recently lord mccluskey in his inspiring reith lectures has said: "law which is uncertain is bad in principle, even if the results in particular cases can be justified. when longstanding rules can be abandoned, when too many cases divide judicial opinion and can be decided either way, then the warning signals should be out." he further observed that in the law avoidable uncertainty is an evil, and unfettered judicial freedom of choice a vice. let me hark back to liversidge v. anderson,52 not for the purpose of challenging anything said in landmarks in the law, that splendid book by my much loved and admired friend lord denning, but in order to draw a moral. if there is a conflict between expediency and strict law, let the conflict be recognised, and if the law ought to be changed by parliament, then let it be changed and the sooner the better. some of the lessons i have learnt (but one's education is never complete) are the following: 1. the courts must be seen to act independently of the executive and not to be its servants and agents. 2. the courts should not make policy, particularly in a community where even people of goodwill are not agreed on the social and political means to salvation. 3. nor must we bend the facts or the law to achieve what looks like a fair result. "justice" achieved for one side by this method amounts to injustice for the other. 4. the rule of law must be seen to prevail. finally, a story of which counsel is not the hero but which illustrates both error on the face of the record and the conflict between law and the safety of the state. about 1949 i was resisting an application to quash a disjunctive conviction and had found an authority in the shape of r. (patterson) v. tyrone jj. 53 decided on 16th november, 1914 (the date is relevant) by a divisional court in which palles c. b. presided. the conviction recorded that the defendants "did unlawfully buy, detain or receive from soldiers or other persons acting on their behalf military property." there are dozens of cases like this, falling almost indiscriminately on either side of the line. the court had held that this conviction was not bad for uncertainty but, when i hopefully tendered my offering, black l. j. only said, "stealing military equipment was not a very popular offence during the retreat from mons." 52. [1942] a.c. 206. 53. [1915] 2 i.r. 162. 127 for the purposes of right to self-determination, how does one define people in context of kashmir 346 the denning law journal 2014 vol 26 pp 346-349 book review the legal duel: the trips agreement and drug access issues is the agreement actually the cunning manoeuvre it has been dubbed? kenya-india case studies dr brenda p mey, peter lang gmbh, frankfurt 2013 isbn 9783631628010 price £66.00 pb jae sundaram the problem of access to medicines became acute with the entry of the trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights (trips) agreement in 1995 and caught a number of developing countries around the world, unawares. brenda p mey’s book on access to drugs issues is a study of this particular problem faced in two developing countries, namely india and kenya in the aftermath of the implementation of the trips compliant patent legislation. the two developing countries taken up for study are geographically located in two different continents, namely asia and africa with differing backgrounds and strikingly similar problems. dr mey’s book is a brainchild of her phd thesis of the same title, and a library reference work in every sense. it showcases her talents as a researcher and analyst on the subject matter of lack of access to medicines (in this case india and kenya) as a direct result from the implementation of trips agreement, which grants an extended patent protection to pharmaceutical and chemical products besides others. most developing countries and least developed countries were not fully aware of the consequences of an extended pharmaceutical patent protection sought to be introduced through the world trade organization’s (wto) multilateral trading system, and were hence not fully prepared when the trips agreement was implemented. india and kenya, who produce affordable off-patent generic medicines which in turn are widely used in frontline treatment of diseases like hiv/aids, malaria, etc., in other developing countries and least developed countries around the world. both india and kenya, as members of the wto were required to introduce trips senior lecturer in law, law school, university of buckingham. email: jae.sundaram@buckingham.ac.uk. the denning law journal 347 compliant intellectual property legislation into their domestic laws, which was to impact their pharmaceutical industry, particularly their capacity to produce and export generic medicines. notwithstanding the impact on domestic manufacturing of generic medicines, the trips agreement had also seriously affected the access to affordable medicines for millions of people around the world due to a multi-fold increase of patented pharmaceutical products. the overall theme of the book focuses on the extent to which the ip rights regime (including flexibilities) introduced under the trips agreement has been used as a tool for enabling access to affordable medicines in india and kenya, and the effect of the trips regime on their domestic pharmaceutical industry. as the book is based on the author’s phd thesis, the groundwork is detailed and the questions raised to achieve the goals set out are clear and specific. the core objective of the book is to find answers to the question posed in the title through the examination of provisions relating to the protection of pharmaceutical patents contained in the trips agreement, and in the domestic patent law legislations implemented in india and kenya following the entry of the trips agreement. the key questions raised on the above theme are, i) what flexibilities are built into the trips to assist the developing country member states (especially to suit kenya and india), to enable them to pursue pro-public health policies geared at facilitating access to medicines; ii) what are the limits that prevent the application of these flexibilities at national levels; iii) how the obligation to promote and protect the right to health may limit the exploitation of the flexibilities contained in the trips agreement; iv) how have the two countries, kenya and india, exploited the flexibilities at national levels to promote cost-effectiveness in their health sectors, while still acting within the overall confines of the trips; and lastly v) what are the problems encountered by kenya and india in the effective implementation of the flexibilities. the use of a range of research methodologies including exploratory, descriptive, qualitative and quantitative methodologies, and interpretation and analysis of court cases, benefits the work. in particular, kenya’s and india’s experience with the actual implementation of the trips has been clearly brought out. the use of different methodologies has been attributed to the fact that the study is interdisciplinary and not limited to intellectual property rights protection. as a precursor to the case studies, dr mey has devoted a chapter of the book to the study of the philosophical foundations/justification for grant of extended protection for pharmaceutical patents under the trips agreement. this chapter with the analysis of property rights theories, tracing the origins from the utilitarianism to the incentive based economic justifications. dr mey covers the theories propounded by locke, kant and hegel, hume and bentham to the more recent works of hettinger lemley from the twentieth century. this part of the book is probably one of the most important areas of book review 348 the study, as it also seeks to balance the justification for patent protection with the right to life contained in various international conventions, including universal declaration of human rights (udhr), international convention on economic social and cultural rights (icescr), and in other regional human rights instruments like the african charter on human and peoples rights (achpr). in her quest to seek answers to the above lead questions, dr mey carefully presents the historical background of both countries taken up for study. kenya and india both former british colonies inherited from their common colonial ruler parliamentary democracy, civic administration, and the common-law legal systems (including ip rights legislations and practices). kenya and india’s ip laws mirrored britain’s patent system dating back to 1856, and were replaced in later years in the post-colonial era. one other reason for the comparative study of patent laws in kenya and india is attributable to the fact that both kenya (in sub-saharan africa) and india (asia) possess a healthy pharmaceutical industry (developed in their post-colonial era), yet the two countries are worlds apart. the indian pharmaceutical sector is, in comparison to kenya’s, much more advanced and remains a major supplier of pharmaceuticals products to both kenya, and other developing countries. indian pharmaceutical sector, although produces bulk drugs for most disease segments, is still mainly dominated by generics medicines developed on the back of a process patent system introduced in the pre-trips era. this legislation was introduced in india in 1971, on the back of recommendations from the justice iyyangar committee, which recommended a clear departure from the product patent model introduced under british rule. with the above laws from 1971, india was able to address the public health concerns domestically and also at the same time accord the foreign patent holders operating in india some form of protection for their inventions. all this was to change with the entry of the trips agreement in 1995, which introduced a product patent system and a 20-year period of patent protection for pharmaceutical products and others. india, till such time it introduced the trips compliant patent laws, had for years been an important supplier of affordable generic pharmaceutical products to many developing countries. to put things in perspective, african countries account for 15% of india’s us $8 billion pharmaceutical exports. kenya, the third-largest african market for generic drugs from india, is estimated to have imported drugs worth more than us $70 million in 2008. the introduction of the trips agreement had not only seen a rise in the prices of patented pharmaceutical products in developing countries, who don’t have a proper health care system, but also has seen the drying up of affordable generic pharmaceutical products from india. one of the populations seriously affected from the problem is those affected by hiv/aids and living in developing countries and least the denning law journal 349 developed countries, and in particular in sub-saharan africa, as they are unable to access frontline antiretroviral (arv) drugs for their treatment. coming to the social economic conditions of the kenya and india, the dr mey points out that although kenya is classified alongside india as a developing country, its industrial development and scientific capacity is not as advanced as india’s. she most importantly observes that intellectual property rights can be said to be better established in kenya than in india through patent laws that are fully trips-compliant. she is also quick to point out that problems of corruption, weak institutional and regulatory frameworks for implementing and enforcing ip rights have “continually restricted the ability of both countries to effectively protect and enforce their ip rights in a manner that allows them to progressively participate in international trade negotiations and international standard-setting processes.” the introduction of intellectual property rights protection in the wto negotiation process and thereafter in the multilateral trading system is dealt with clearly, and so is the opposition from the developing country member states of the wto. it is very obvious that the work is based on a phd thesis as demonstrated by the structure, the research questions raised and the methodologies and the style employed. this does not in any way diminish the intensity of the work in addressing the key issue of access to medicines in india and kenya, with the entry of the trips agreement. while intellectual property laws are said to encourage innovation and remains an interesting area of study in the twenty first century, the enforcement of the intellectual property rights relating to pharmaceutical products at the wto, through the instrument of trips agreement appears to be strained, and coming at a heavy cost, i.e., human cost. there had been a few titles on the subject of access to medicines, and the plight of the patience in developing countries who suffer needlessly due to the extended protection afforded to pharmaceutical patents under the trips agreement, but the one under review is different and presents a balanced study of two developing countries who have a developed pharmaceutical sector in the post-colonial era, but have struggled in the implementation of the trips agreement. for the serious researcher, the book by dr mey presents a stark picture of the realities of access to medicines in the developing countries of india and kenya, and how the reality in the ground had changed since the implementation of the trips agreement into their statute books. overall, dr mey’s book is well researched, presenting a sensitive picture and offering an insight into the legal, political and economic realities of the problems faced by the two countries in their efforts to find a balance in the implementation of the trips agreement. abstract law and political reality in the post-european-accession british constitution j. w bridge'*' "the tide is advancing. it is no use our trying to stop it, any more than king canute did. he got his feet wet. i expect we shall all get our feet wet too." lord denning! introduction just over fourteen years ago the united kingdom acceded to the european communities. membership has necessarily involved accepting "the whole corpus of accumulated community law, particularly in the decisions of the court of justice since 1952.,,2 among those decisions, by far the most important and significant lay down the twin doctrines of the supremacy of community law and the direct enforceability of community law in the courts of the member states.3 at midnight on 31 december 1972/1 january 1973 we therefore entered a new constitutional world which is not an amorphous one but one which exists within a designed framework established by the treaties.4 our membership was initially subject to a period of transition,s but after that had passed we became subject to the full scope and force of community law. as the european court put it: "the expiry of the transitional period laid down by the treaty meant that, from that time, those matters and areas explicitly attributed to the community came under community jurisdiction."6 whilst some still minimise the domestic impact of membership of the community as little more than participation in a europe des ·professor of public law in the university of exeter. 1. "the incoming tide (inaugural lord fletcher lecture, 10 december 1979), in the lord fletcher leaures 1979-1982 (1983), 3 at pa. 2. house of lords, select committee on the european communities, session 1977-78, 17th report, the enlargement of the community, vol. 1, annex a, para. 2. 3. see d. lasok and j. w. bridge, an introduction to the law and institutions of the european communities 3rd ed. (1982), pp. 116-153. 4. cf j. d. 8. mitchell, "constitutional law", in then and now 1799-1974 (1974), 73 at p.loo. 5. see treaty and act of accession 1972,)0 1972, l73/4. 6. case 231/78 e. c. commission v. united kingrkim [1979] e.c.r. 1447 at p. 1461. 23 the denning law journal patties,7 the general consensus of scholarly opinion is that the impact has clearly been constitutional, even if views differ over the sense in which that term should be employed.8 within that consensus, with one major exception,9 runs a common theme that while the continuing nature of the sovereignty of the united kingdom parliamentlo remains intact, a range of practical considerations permit us to honour the legal obligations of community membership. this is borne out by the fact that over the past fourteen years, despite the apparently precarious and uncertain nature of our membership, ii we have very largely played the game according to community rules. our judges have not only arrlied community law they have also acknowledged its supremacy, at least dejaao, and the eponym who graces this journal has been credited with accomplishing a "dexterous revolution".13 parliament, subject to one exception to be discussed later, has made no apparent attempt to legislate contrary to community law. further, when the court of justice has adjudged the law of the united kingdom to be deficient in its implementation of community objectives the necessary corrective action has been taken.14 it is the aim of this article to examine the apparent paradox that while the new european dimension of our law "has not yet upset the basic properties of the legal universe"ls there have nevertheless been major and, it will be argued, enduring 7. see i. harden and n. lewis, the noble lie (1986), at p.310. 8. see, for example, p. bromhead, britain's droeloping constitution (1974) ch.22; o. hood phillips, constititional and administrative law 6th ed. (1978), at pp. 142, 146 and 222; j. usher, europnm community law and national law (1981); t. c. hartley andj. a. g. griffith, guvtrflment atullasp 2nd ed. (1981), at pp. 403-407; l. collins, european community law in the united kingdom 3rd ed. (1984), at pp. 21-33; c. turpin, british gllvernment and the constitution (1985), ch.5; s.a. de smith, constitutional and administrative law 5th ed. (1985), at pp. 37-38, 90-94,104,108; e. c. s. wade and a. w. bradley, constitutional and administrative law 10th ed. (1985), at pp. 81-82,102-103,135-138. 9. see the writings of j. d. b. mitchell, in particular "what happened to the constitution on 1st january 1973?", (1980) 11 cambrian law rroiew 69, who argued that by entering a new but established polity the british constitution experienced a revolutionary change which varied its fundamental legal principles. on the possible transfer of sovereignty see j. usher, european community lars>and nalionaj law (1981). 10. see h. w. r. wade, "the legal basis of sovereignty", [1955] cambridge lawjoumal172 and h. l. a. hart, the concept of law (1961), at p.146. the writer subscribes to this view. 11. as suggested by lord bridge of harwich, "attempts towards a european constitution in the light of the british legal system", inj. schwarze and r. bieber (eds.) eine verfassungjureuroptj (1984), atpp. 119-120. 12. for a review of the cases see d. n. clarke and b. e. sufrin, "constitutional conundrums: the impact of the united kingdom's membership of the communities on constitutional theory", in m. p. furmston, r. kerridge and b. e. sufrin (eds.) the effect on english domestic law ofmembenhip of the european communities and of ratification of the european convention on human rights (1983), 32 at p.57 d seq. 13. see t. r. s. allan, "parliamentary sovereignty: lord denning's dexterous revolution", (1983) 31 oxford journal of legal studies 22. 14. for example, the passenger and goods vehicles (recording equipment) regulations 1979, s. 1. 1979, no. 1746 made in response to case 128/78 e. c. commission v. united kingdom [1979] ecr 419, and the equal pay (amendment) regulations 1983, s. 1. 1983, no. 1794 made in response to case 61/81 e. c. commission v. united kingdom [1982) ecr 2601. as to u.k. sources generally, see sweet & maxwell's encyclopedia of european community law, vols. a i and ii (1973 and continued). 15.0. l. keir and f. h. lawson, cases in constitutional law 6th ed. (1979), preface, at p. v. 24 abstract law and political reality in the british constitution constitutional changes. the starting point will be a consideration of what the community expects of a new member and the british government and parliament's perception of and response to that expectation. from there, the reality of the relationship between community law-making and parliamentary sovereignty will be examined together with the role of part i of the european communities act 1972. finally an overall assessment will be attempted. the obligations of membership and the terms of british' accession the procedure for the admission of a new member state under article 237 of the eec treaty includes the commission expressing an opinion on the application. the several opinions expressed by the commission in connection with the sequence of applications made by the united kingdom clearly spell out the basic terms of membership. in 1963 the commission expressed the view that "any application for accession to the community would mean that the country concerned unreservedly accepted the rules and objectives of the treaty of rome.,,16 it was also made clear that the united kingdom would have to accept not only the treaty but also the substantial advances which had been made since the treaty was signed 17 and community law would have to be given the same force in the united kingdom as in the original member states. 18 four years later, at the time of the united kingdom's second application, the commission made an extensive study of the prospects for enlarging the community. 19 it referred to the scope of the obligations of new members in the following terms: "today, belonging to the communities necessarily means accepting not only their original charters the treaties but also the objectives of political unification affirmed in the preambles to the treaties ... similarly, new members will have to accept the decisions taken since the treaties were adopted. these decisions are the fruit of an often hard-won compromise between the six, and they have also established an incontestable de facto solidarity between them. it would be impossible and illusory to attempt to call them into question. consequently, as a general rule, a solution to the concrete problems will have to be sought by working out transitional measures and not by amending the existing rules."zo in this opinion the commission took specific note of the differences between the united kingdom legal system and the legal systems of the six in the context of 16. eec commission, report to the european parliament on the state of the negotiations with the united kingdom (1963), at p.12. 17. ibid., at p.l11. 18. ibid., at p.l04. 19. e. c. commission, opinion on the applications for membership received from the united kingdom, ireland, denmark and norway, com (67) 750. 20. ibid., at p.5. 21. ibid., at p.103. 25 the denning law journal the proper application of community law in the united kingdom. in the commission's view, "the problems involved in establishing the conditions under which community law will have its full effect in the united kingdom do not in fact differ in character from those already encountered by the present member states.'l21 the commission was satisfied that the transfer to the community, as required by the treaty, of certain legislative powers "with the consequences this entails for the legislative activity of parliament (adoption of measures required by community law, present and future; avoidance of measures incompatible with community law)" could be validly effected by act of parliament.22 the negotiations which led to membership proceeded on that basis so that in its favourable formal opinion on the eve of the signature of the treaty of accession the commission was able to declare: (i) that the treaties, their political objectives and all existing acts of the community institutions were accepted without reserve; (ii) that essential features of the community legal system were the direct applicability of community law and its precedence over national provisions conflicting with it; and (iii) that accession entailed recognition of the binding force of those rules and of the indispensable nature of their observance as a guarantee of the effectiveness and unity of community law.23 therefore, by the treaty and act of accession 1972, "the provisions of the original treaties and the acts adopted by the institutions of the communities" became binding on and applied in the united kingdom from 1 january 1973 subject only to the transitional arrangements.24 it is very clear from government statements, parliamentary debates and other sources that the nature of the legal obligations of membership and their constitutional significance for the united kingdom were fully appreciated. in two of the commission opinions cited earlier reference is made to specific undertakings by her majesty's government to "subscribe fully to the various aims which the governments of the member countries of the community had set themselves",25 to accept not only the economic but also the political objectives of the treaties,26 and to accept "an unprecedented innovation in united kingdom constitutional law" namely the "subordination of municipal law to community law which is directly enforceable". 27 as early as 1962 the then lord chancellor, lord dilhorne, in a debate on britain and the common market said: "if one subscribes to the objectives of the treaties it follows that one cannot logically object to the degree of supra-national determination and administration necessary to secure the 22. ibid 23. e. c. commission, opinion of 19 january 1972 on applications for accession to the european communities by denmark, ireland, norway and the united kingdom, jo 1972, l73/3. 24. act of accession 1972, art. 2. 25. supra n. 16, at pp. 13-14. 26. supra n. 19, at p.18: 27. ibid., at p.103. the recent assertion by lord denning that upon accession the aims of the community were merely economic but have subsequently become political and legal is, with respect, unfounded; see house of lords debates, 5th series, 1985-86, vo1.479,col.1055 et seq. 26 abstract law and political reality in the british constitution uniform application of policy throughout the member states to attain these objectives . . . by agreeing to be bound by the treaty we, of course, commit ourselves to comply with the provisions of that treaty.,,28five years later, under a different government, a white paper was published which assessed the legal and constitutional implications of united kingdom membership.29 in a debate on that document the new lord chancellor, lord gardiner, said: "we have made it clear that it would not be our intention to change the nature, spirit or workings of the community any more than would inevitably result from the fact that the number of members had increased from the present figure.,,30 both conservative and labour governments were therefore ad idem on this fundamental issue and the negotiations which led to accession in 1973 proceeded on this agreed basis.3) parliamentary approval of the decision of principle to join the community was also secured on that basis.32 final confirmation of this, it is submitted, was given by means of the referendum on united kingdom membership in 1975. the "renegotiations" which led up to the referendum were largely focussed on such specific issues as changes in the common agricultural policy and the methods of financing the community budget.33 but one objective of the "renegotiations" potentially struck at the fundamental principles of community law, namely the retention by the united kingdom parliament "of those powers over the british economy needed to pursue effective regional, industrial and fiscal policies" .34further, the right was reserved "to propose changes in the treaties if it should tum out that essential interests cannot be met without them.,,35 the referendum was therefore seen as addressing itself to a unique issue which had "fundamental implications for the future of this country, for the political relationship between the united kingdom and the other member governments of the community, and for the constitutional position of parliament.,,36 in the event the "renegotiations" turned out to be a classic instance of parturiunt montes nascitur ridicu/us mus. on its own admission the labour government did not achieve all its objectives in full.37 the treaties remained 28. house of lords debates, 5th series, 1961-62, vo1.243,co1.421. 29. legal and constitutional implications of united kingdom membership of the european commullities (1967), cmnd.3301. 30. house ('flords debates, 5th series, 1966-67, vo1.282,co1.l205. 31. for example, mr geoffrey rippon in the second reading debate on the european communities bill relied on the 1967 white paper and on the statements of lord gardiner: house of commons debates, 5th series, 1971-72, vo1.831,cols. 278, 279. similarly the conservative government in 1971 confirmed and adopted the negotiating stance which its predecessor had taken: the united kingdom alld the european communities (1971), cmnd.4715, para.22. 32. for the debate on the issue of principle, see house of commons debates, 5th series, 1970-71, vol.823 at cols. 911, 1094, 1234, 1480, 1731 and 2076. 33. see renegotiation of the terms of entry into the european economic community (1974), cmnd.5593. 34. ibid., para.3, at p.4. 35. ibid., para.l5. 36. referendum on united kingdom membership of the european community (1975), cmnd.5925, preface, at p.2. 37. membership of the european community (1975), cmnd.5999, at p.9. 27 the denning law journal unamended.38 in relation to the specific areas of parliamentary lawmaking raised in the "renegotiations", the government appears to have been satisfied that any problems could be solved by administrative means.39 on the more general and fundamental issue of the role of parliament and its relationship with community law the government did little more than re-iterate what had already been said in the 1967 white paper: "national courts are required to apply directly applicable community law and to give it priority should it conflict with nationallegislation.,,4q therefore the significance of the "renegotiations" as far as the fundamental legal obligations of membership were concerned was to confirm them. that confirmation was then included in the terms of the government's recommendation to the electorate to vote for staying in the community.41 the explanatory booklet which the government circulated to all households prior to the referendum referred to the practical restraints on national freedom of action in the modern world and then said: "it is the council of ministers, and not the market's officials, who take the important decisions. these decisions can be taken only if all the members of the council agree. the minister representing britain can veto any proposal for a new law or a new tax if he considers it to be against british interests. ministers from the other governments have the same right to veto.,,42 the clear implication of this is that in all cases where the veto is not invoked the decision will be accepted by the british government and implemented. the referendum was seen by the british government as a unique event and as "the means by which the british people will decide th"e issue of our membership of the european community.,,43 the clear-cut vote in favour of continuing membership may therefore be said to have signified popular approval of the terms of membership. once the "momentous decision" to join the european communities had been made the way forward was very clear. as lord diplock put it in the house of lords' debate on the, european communities bill: "that decision having been made, the obligations which we thereby undertake under the treaties make it inevitable what we have to do to comply with them. the constitutional and legislative system of this country makes it inevitable how, within comparatively narrow limits, we have to do it, and this bill does no more than give legal effect to that political decision."44 to some extent, as lord diplock's observation implies, 38. although the government reserved the right to propose treaty revision in future if necessary, ibid., at p.8. 39. ibid., at p.7 and membership of the european community: report on retlegotiation (1975), cmnd.6003, paras.52-68. 40. cmnd.6003, para.133; the 1967 white paper is quoted at length in para.l34. 41. ibid., paras.114-141. 42. britain's new deal in europe, (hmso, 1975) at p.12. 43. statement by the prime minister on january 23, 1975, supra n.36, annex a, at p.lo. also see g. winterton, "the british grundnorm: parliamentary supremacy re-examined", (1976) 92 l.qr. 591 and a. w. bradley, "the sovereignty of parliamentin perpetuity?", inj.jowell and d. oliver (eds.), the changing constitution (1985) 23, at pao. 44. house of lords debates, 5th series, 1972, vo1.333,col.l275. 28 abstract law and political reality in the british constitution the british government and parliament were faced with a not unfamiliar objective, namely that of giving domestic effect to the provisions of treaties to which the united kingdom had become a party. legislation for this purpose is necessary because of the long-standing constitutional principle that "adherence to a treaty does not of itself have the effect of changing our internal law even where provisions of the treaty are intended to have direct internal effect as law within the participating states."4s the "constitutional innovation",46 however, lay in accepting future community law as enforceable in the united kingdom, enabling community law to override national law so far as inconsistent with it, and requiring the courts of the united kingdom to seek and accept the rulings of the european court.47 the aim of part i of the european comrtmnities act 1972 is to achieve all of those crucial objectives. it is very clear from that act and from official and unofficial statements made about it that those responsible for its preparation fully accepted the traditional view ofpariiamentary sovereignty.48 as lord dilhorne, l.c. put it in a debate in 1962: "an act of parliament would be required to apply these treaties ... that act of parliament, like any other, could be repealed by a subsequent act; and if that happened the treaties would cease to be law in this country ... parliament could repeal the act applying these treaties; it cannot be prevented from doing so.,,49 this traditional approach therefore relies upon the doctrine of parliamentary restraint to ensure that future laws made by parliament are at all times compatible with community law. lord dilhorne, earlier in the speech cited above, said: "in any subsequent legislation of our own we should have to take good care that it did not conflict with any community regulations or directives."so this theme of restraint is taken up by the 1967 white paper,sl by lord gardiner, l.c.s2 and by mr geoffrey rippon when he was introducing the european communities bill in the house of commons. 53 again, as was pointed out at the time, 54 as a matter of principle the doctrine of parliamentary restraint was not unprecedented, s5 although here its scope and its significance for domestic law were both clearly 45. legal and constitutional implications of united kingdom membership of the europeall coml/llmities (1967), cmnd.3301, para.22. also see mcwhirter v. attorney general [1972] c.m.l.r. 882, per lord denning, m.r., at p.886. 46. cmnd.3301, para.22. 47. ibid., paras.22, 23 and 28. 48. see sir geoffrey howe, "the european communities act 1972", (1973) internationalaffairs i, at p.8. 49. house of lords debates, 5th series, 1961-62, vo1.243, cols.421-422. also see the foreign secretary (earl of home) to the same effect, ibid., co1.279. 50. ibid., co1.420. 51. cmnd.3301, para.23. 52. house of lords debates, 5th series, 1966-67, vo1.282, co1.1202. 53. house of commons debates, 5th series, 1971-72, vo1.831, co1.279. 54. see nn.51 and 52, supra. 55. for example, restraint in relation to legislation in conflict with the statute of westminster, 1931 and as a result of treaty constraints imposed by membership of ga ti, nato, and the un. 29 the denning law journal novel. successive british governments in contemplating the practicalities of honouring the obligations of membership of the european community therefore proceeded on the basis that proper restraint would be exercised by parliament. in terms of lord dilhorne's striking simile: ''just as a person does not contemplate divorce when embarking on matrimony ... so here, if we decide to join, we must, i submit, do it wholeheartedly and with the intention of playing our full part as a member of the community in fostering its purposes and objectives."s6 thus the apparent risk to the unity and uniformity of community law represented by the continued existence of the "ultimate sovereignty of parliament"s7 would in practice be removed by the political fact of british membership. thus true to british constitutional tradition and practice a wholly conventional and pragmatic means of achieving the supremacy of community law was adopted, supported by a statutory injunction to the courts in favour of community law.s8 sir geoffrey howe, speaking on behalf of himself and his ministerial colleagues, said at the time: "we did not believe that we could have done more than this to resolve, in advance, every problem or possible conflict that might perhaps arise in the future."s9 it has already been pointed out that the commission of the european communities was fully satisfied that the united kingdom would be able to honour the obligations of membership by the political and legal means proposed, despite the retention of the ultimate sovereignty ofparliament.6o it is indeed arguable that the doctrine of parliamentary restraint is entirely compatible with article 5 of the eec treaty which requires member states to "abstain from any measure which could jeopardise the attainment of the objectives of this treaty,,61 and does not in terms call for a legal guarantee of such abstention. it was not doubted that acceptance of membership of the european community on the terms negotiated would have far-reaching consequences for the practical exercise of law-making power by parliament. this was fully appreciated, for example, by the royal commission on the constitution the deliberations of which took place against the background of the accession negotiations.62all members of the royal commission accepted the traditional doctine of the supremacy of parliament,63 but it was acknowledged that british membership of the european community would involve "the acceptance of a measure of government from 56. house of lords debates, 5th series, 1961-62, vo1.243, coia22. 57. a term used by mr geoffrey rippon: see house of commons debates, 5th series, 1971-72, vol.831, co1.278. 58. by virtue of european communities act 1972, s.2(4) to be discussed further below. on the aim of that subsection see supra n.57 and lord hailsham, l.c. in house of lords debates, 5th series, 1972, vol. 333, co1.1230. 59. "the european communities act 1972", (1973) 49 international affairs 1, at p.lo. 60. supra n.21. 61. emphasis added. 62. the royal commission began its work in 1969 and reported in october 1973. 63. see the royal commission's report, vol.1, cmnd.5460, para.56. 30 http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0020-5850(1973)49l.1[aid=5905418] http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0020-5850(1973)49l.1[aid=5905418] http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0020-5850(1973)49l.1[aid=5905418] abstract law and political reality in the british constitution brussels".64 therefore, in the context of the royal commission's consideration of devolution, a practical consequence of membership would be that "the powers that might be devolved and the freedom with which those powers could be exercised by the regions would be restricted by community provisions applicable within the united kingdom."65 the dissenting minority on the royal commission agreed with this and said that "it would hardly make sense ... to seek to devolve legislativepower and sovereignty ... in those matters where legislative authority is in fact moving from london to brussels.,,66 as mr enoch powell, a well-known opponent of british membership, put it recently "in 1972 the house made a comprehensive renunciation of its powers legislative and financial and of british judicial authority and of the control of the house over policy. it did that on the basis of the treaty to which we were acceding ... ,,67 community law, parliament and the european communities act the assertion was made at the outset that during the fourteen years of membership the united kingdom has been a full and loyal participant in the new constitutional and legal order which it has entered. despite what lord bridge has suggested is an "inherent weakness of our constitution,,68 the forecast of a pair of early commentators has proved accurate and we have "found enough constitutional space to ensure the supremacy of directly applicable community law ... ,,69most attempts to analyse how this has happened have tended to focus on part i of the european communities act and the role of the judges. this is understandable because those matters have a high visibility and are overt manifestations of the actuality of british membership. whilst it is not intended to deny the important part played by the act and by our judges, it is submitted that there are less public but more fundamental factors which explain and in a real sense guarantee our fulfilment of the conditions of membership. these involvethe nature of community law and the part played by the united kingdom government in law-making both by the community and by parliament. in the first place, a characteristic feature of community law as a new and independent legal order with the goal of achieving economic integration is that in a number of important fields it replaces the domestic laws of the member states.70 to take two major instances, both the rules of customs law and of the law relating 64. ibid., para.409. 65. ibid., para.404. also see para.413 to the same effect. 66. see the "memorandum of dissent by lord crowther-hunt and professor a. t. peacock", ruyal commission's report, vol.2, cmnd.5460-i, para.83. also see paras.86 and 88 to the same effect. 67. in a debate on the european community and the single european act, house of commons debates, 6th series, 1985-86, vol.93, cols.352-353. as to the single european act, see european communities no.12 (1986), cmnd.9758. 68. supra n.ll, at p.1l7. 69. g. child and j. evans, britain, europe and the law (1973), at p.20. 70. see generally j. usher, european community law and national law (1981), ch.3. 31 the denning law journal to agriculture currently in force in the united kingdom are the relevant rules of community law. the commissioners of customs and excise and the intervention board for agricultural produce respectively are performing community functions in pursuance of directly applicable community regulations.71 as the european court has said in relation to customs law: "the common customs tariff [has] replaced the national customs tariff of the member states and, subject to review by the courts responsible for applying and interpreting community law, in particular on questions raised under article 177 of the treaty, the community authorities alone have jurisdiction to interpret and determine the legal effect of the headings which it comprises."n a recent case provides a clear illustration of the practical effect of this ruling in the united kingdom. h.m. customs seized consignments of inflatable, life-size "sex dolls", which were being imported into the united kingdom from the federal republic of germany, on the grounds that the seizure was justified by the public morality exception in the rules of community law concerning the free movement of goods.73 the seizure was challenged in an english court which sought a preliminary ruling on the point from the european court. that court ruled that the public morality exception did not apply to these goods since they were not prohibited from manufacture or sale within the united kingdom. the seizure was therefore an unjustified restriction on imports contrary to article 30 of the eec treaty.74 the outcome of this case was subsequently challenged in questions asked in the house of lords. 75lord denning criticised the european court's ruling and asked: "are we not entitled to go by the treaty of rome itself and to ignore, if you please, the wrong decisions of the european court, or can we not tell our courts to cock a snook at the european court?,,76but the government's spokesman made it clear that no such option was in fact open: "under the treaty of rome the government are bound by the judgment of the european court of justice. henceforth customs and excise will apply their controls on imported goods in line with the court's judgment.,,77 given the direct applicability of the relevant rules of law and the acknowledgement of the binding nature of the european court's interpretation of them, the government, as the manager and initiator of parliament's legislative business, is clearly not going to introduce bills relating to customs matters. the field has been pre-empted by community law. while parliament, as a matter of law, retains the authority to 71. see halsbury's laws of england 4th ed., vo1.51, european communities, title 3: application of community law in national courts, paras.3.28, 3.29. 72. case 38/75 douaneagent der n. v. nederlandse spoorwegen v. ilispecteur der invoerrechten ell accjnzc1l [1975] e.c.r. 1439, at p.1449. for cases to similar effect in relation to agriculture see]. usher, supra n.70. 73. see eec treaty, art.36. 74. case 121/85 conegate ltd v. h.m. customs and excise [1986] 1 c.m.l.r. 739. 75. house of lords debates, 5th series, 1985-86, vo1.475,co1.702. 76. ibid., co1.703. also see lord denning's comments in house of lords debates, 5th series, 1985-86, vo1.479,cols.1057-1058. 77. supra n.75, col. 702, per the secretary of state for employment (lord young of graftham). 32 abstract law and political reality in the british constitution legislate in that field, as a practical matter the opportunity to do so will not arise. in such situations as these there can be no real risk of our domestic law conflicting with community law because community law occupies the field. secondly, while the substantive content of community rules is a matter of community law, whenever those rules are changed or new ones made the participation by the united kingdom in the community's law-making processes is of supreme constitutional significance. it must be remembered that the council is the principal community legislator both in the sense of law-making in its own name and in the sense of having authority to confer law-making powers on the commission.78 as a member of the council the united kingdom government therefore participates in all exercises of this legislative authority. under the terms of the eec treaty two patterns of voting are employed in the council: a qualified majority as defined in article 148 (2), as amended; and unanimity. unanimity is required most notably for the issuing of directives by the council under article 100 for the purpose of the approximation of laws. in such a case each member state in effect has a veto. if a directive is issued then, by definition, each member state will have voted in favour of it. such a vote by the united kingdom government implies that the government is willing and intends to take the necessary implementing measures by introducing legislation or otherwise, as appropriate. the practical effect of this is to limit significantly the scope for parliamentary legislation in the field covered by the directive since it may reasonably be supposed that any legislation proposed by the government in this connection will be tailor-made to serve the objectives of the directive to which agreement has already been given. as the house of lords select committee on the european communities has put it: "in concrete terms, the issue by the council of a directive under article 100 takes out of the democratic process of the united kingdom's parliament a part of that country's legislative activity. moreover, since a directive once adopted can be repealed only with the agreement of all the member states, the result of the directive is to move to the council part of the country's legislative activity with no practical possibility of getting it back.,,79 as far as regulations are concerned the general voting requirement is a qualified majority,80 subject to the availability of an extra-legal power of veto under the terms of the luxembourg accords of 196681 whenever "very important interests" of one or more member states are at stake. again, a range of practical possibilities present themselves. if the united kingdom government forms part of a qualified majority in favour of a regulation, or if it opposes a regulation and is out-voted and does not invoke the luxembourg accords, then a regulation will be made. such a 78. see d. lasok and j. w. bridge, supra n.3., chs. s, 6 and 8(d). 79. session 1977-78, 22nd report, approximation of laws under article 100 of the eec treaty, para. is. 80. see eec treaty, art.148(2), as amended. 81. see eec bulletin, 1966, no.3, at pp.9, 10. also see d. lasok and j. w. bridge, supra n.3, at pp.181-18s. 33 the denning law journal regulation, as a directly applicable act82 and by virtue of section 2 (1) of the european communities act 1972, will without further enacnnent be recognised and available in law, and be enforced, allowed and followed in the united kingdom. in such a situation any conflict with prior united kingdom law will be resolved in favour of the regulation by the simple operation of the lex posterior rule. since in such a case the united kingdom government will have taken part in the preparation and enacnnent of the regulation and will have either voted in favour of it or at least acquiesced in it, the likelihood of the government introducing incompatible legislative proposals in parliament is extremely remote.83 if, on the other hand, the united kingdom government invokes the luxembourg accords and uses the veto, then no regulation will be made until the government is satisfied that our "very important interests" have been safeguarded and until then there can be no possibility of conflict with our domestic law on that particular issue. although under the terms of the single european act,84 for the purposes of completing the community's internal market, there will be a move from unanimity to qualified majority voting it has been made clear that the luxembourg accords remain in place and unaffected.85 successive british governments have taken very seriously the responsibilty, in effect remitted to them by parliament through passing the european communities act 1972, for safeguarding united kingdom interests in the deliberations of the council which result in directly applicable community law.86 this has not always endeared the united kingdom to the other member states: "although the united kingdom faithfully implements decisions once they have been taken, other member states see it as reluctant to allow the decisions to be taken in the first place and insisting on every detail being explored and settled in advance.,,87 while in a sense this may make the united kingdom seem less extrovertly communautaire than some members, in terms of comminnent to community law once the decisions have been taken the united kingdom may in some respects be said to be more communautaire than some. this need to be fully convinced before a decision is taken also makes it highly unlikely that any contradictory national legislation will in practice be introduced in parliament. for the practical reasons rehearsed above it is submitted that united kingdom legislation expressly opposing the requirements of community law is extremely 82. by virtue of eec treaty, art.189. 83. cf lord gardiner, l.c., house of lords debates, 5th series, 1966-67, vo1.282,co1.1203. 84. see european communities no. 12 (1986) cmnd.9758, in particular arts.13-19. 85. see the statement by the foreign secretary (sir geoffrey howe), house of commons debates, 6th series, 1985-86, vo1.96,cols.319-321. for a less sanguine view see house of lords select committee on the european communities, session 1985-86, 12th report, the single european act and parliamentary scmtiny, paras.l4 & 15. 86. cf membership of the european commullity: report on renegotiation (1975), cmnd.6003, para. 136 and house of lords select committee on the european communities, session 1984-85, 14th report, european union, para.46. 87. house of lords report on european union, ibid., para.27. 34 abstract law and political reality in the british constitution unlikely given the political fact of continuing british membership: "it is unlikely that parliament in these circumstances would wish to proceed with matters inconsistent with treaty obligations.,,88 a working assumption can therefore be advanced that at any given time the community rules, in the making of which the united kingdom has participated, will fill the occupied field of community concern and that united kingdom legislation, apart from where it is designed to achieve some community goal, will concern itself with the remaining unoccupied field. the united kingdom government is effectively in control of the legislative programme of the british parliament and is also a community legislator through its membership of the council. the government is therefore well-placed to maintain compatibility between the two legal orders. the effectiveness of part i of the european communities act 1972 and the nature of the demands placed on the judiciary by our community membership must therefore be considered against this background of political reality;89 consideration in the light of abstract law while intellectually challenging will not, given the nature of our constitution, tell us much about how the system works in practice. any discrepancies between community law and laws made by the british parliament are therefore likely to be unintentional and the result of inadvertence or faulty drafting. therefore the combination of the statutory rule of construction in favour of community law90 and the requirement that our judges interpret and apply community law in accordance with the case law of the european court91 provide perfecdy adequate practical means of correcting such discrepancies. as sir geoffrey howe has put it: "what the act seeks to do ... is to enjoin our courts, in their interpretation of future legislation, to give full effect to the concept of 'enforceable community rights' which, as defined in section 2 (1) (and the treaties), contains the element of supremacy ... all, therefore, that our courts have been required to do is simply to limit the consequences of any united kingdom statute that does conflict with community law, though in the case of a future statute any limitation of its consequences would be confined to what is practicable and would not be likely to iron out a conflict which was plainly intentional.,,92 this expectation, faciliated by the consistent exercise of parliamentary restraint, has been realised in the form of lord denning's landmark judgment in macarthy's ltd. v. smith, in which he advanced the principle of construction that the courts should always presume that parliament intended to legislate in conformity with our obligations as a member of the community unless the contrary is stated in express 88. mr geoffrey rippon, house of commons debates, 5th series, 1971-72, vo1.831, co1.279. 89. as j. d. b. mitchell once observed "constitutional law is, at least, a half-brother to politics": supra n.4, at p.73. 90. see european communities act 1972, s.2(4). 91. ibid., s.3(1). 92. supra n.48, at pp.7 and 10. 35 the denning law journal terms.93 this principle has subsequently received a measure of support from the house of lords.94 the assertion that the european communities act 1972 can only be amended or repealed by intentional and express terms in a subsequent act raises questions concerning the doctrine of implied repeal. that doctrine, which is seen as a corollary to the traditional doctrine of the sovereignty of parliament, takes the lex posterior rule to its logical extreme and provides that "when two acts conflict the later is construed as amending or repealing the earlier one.,,95 if a directly applicable rule of community law, which is enforceable in the united kingdom by virtue of section 2 (1) of the european communities act 1972, says x and an act of the united kingdom parliament of a later date says x minus 1, has that later act impliedly repealed either the european communities act pro tanto or the community rule in question? it is submitted that the answer to that question is "no" and that that answer has much more to do with the scope of the doctrine of implied repeal and the relationship between community law and the european communities act than it has with the doctrine of the supremacy of community law. the fallacy inherent in the view that the doctrine of implied repeal applies in situations like the hypothetical one mentioned above96 has already been exposed by evelyn ellis: "implied repeal occurs where, as in the vauxhall and ellen street cases, statute 1 makes provision for a particular situation and then statute 2 is passed saying something different about that same situation. there is thus an inconsistency between the two acts and, to the extent of this inconsistency, statute 2 prevails over and impliedly repeals statute 1. in the macartkys type situation there is a conflict between community law and an english statute, but there is no conflict between the european communities aa and any other piece of legislation; the only inconsistency is as between the community law on sex discrimination and the english statute. accordingly, there is no question of the repeal of the european communities act either impliedly or otherwise.'197 an important contributing factor to this outcome is of course the generality of the terms of sections 2 and 3 of the european communities act. those provisions reflect both the separate nature of the rules of community law and their continuing significance for the english legal system. but, in addition, their generality distances the actual rules of 93. [1979] 3 c.m.l.r. 44, at pp.46-47. lord denning re-iterated this principle in his what next i'l the law (1982, at pp.296-300. also see t. r. s. allan, supra n.13. 94. see garlarld v. british rail engineering ltd. [1983] 2 a.c. 751, per lord diplock (giving the unanimous judgment of the house), at p.77t. also see o. hood phillips, "a garland for the lords: parliament and community law again", (1982) 98 l.qr. 524 and t. r. s. allan, "parliamentary sovereignty and the eec", [1982] public law 562. 95. per lord hailsham, l.c., house of lords debates, 5th series, 1972, vol. 333, c01.1230. 96. see o. hood phillips, "has the incoming tide reached the palace of westminster?", (i979) 95 l.qr. 167 and "high tide in the strand? post 1972 acts and community law", (1980) 96 l.qr. 31. 97. "supremacy of parliament and european law", (1980) 96 l.qr. 511, at p.513. the cases cited in the passage quoted are vauxhall estates ltd. v. liverpool corporation [1932] 1 k.b. 733, ellm street estates ltd. v. minister of health [1934] 1 k.b. 590, and macarthys ltd v. smith, supra n.93. 36 abstract law and political reality in the british constitution community law from the rules of united kingdom law thus avoiding a direct confrontation between them and making implied repeal in the situation described above impossible. but is the implied repeal of the european communities act impossible in all situations? clearly there is no obstacle to its implied repeal in a situation in which there is an inconsistency between that act and a later act. 98 in this connection it is interesting to consider whether section 1 (3) of the european communities act has been impliedly amended by section 6 of the european assembly elections act 1978. section 1 (3) of the 1972 act lays down a procedure whereby her majesty in council may specify a treaty to be a community treaty for the purposes of the european communities act subject only to the order in council being approved by both houses of parliament. various additional treaties have been so specified from time to time, for example the financial provisions treaty of 1975 which amended the community's budgetary arrangements.99 implicit in this procedure is the rule that the making of treaties is an executive act in which parliament plays no role.! section 6 of the 1978 act introduces a constitutional novelty by stating that no treaty which provides for any increase in the powers of the assembly shall be ratified by the united kingdom unless it has been approved by an act of parliament. that provision is clearly designed to limit the crown's power of treaty-making in an area of particular concern to the community. it requires in respect of a particular type of treaty prior statutory approval rather than approval by parliamentary resolution after the treaty has been concluded. thus there are here two acts which say different things about the same situation and in accordance with the doctrine of implied repeal it must be presumed that the latter act prevails as a matter of united kingdom law. it does not necessarily follow that such constitutional change will impede the united :kingdom's acceptance and implementation of any future treaty which may confer additional powers on the european parliament. any such treaty would require the unanimous approval of the member states.2 where such a treaty is in fact made then presumably the united kingdom government of the day would secure the passing of the required act of parliament.3 that has in fact just happened for the first time. two of the provisions of the single european act 1986 amend the eec treaty to give the european parliament the right to assent to the future accession of new members and associate members.4 we therefore find in the european communities 98. see evelyn ellis, ibid., at p.514. 99. see european communities (definition of treaties) order 1976, 5.1. 1976, no.217. i. see blackburn v. auornry general [1971] 1 w.l.r. 1037, per lord denning, m.r., at p.1040. 2. under the terms of eec treaty, art.236. 3. if such an act was not passed then the united kingdom would clearly have committed a breach of eec treaty, art.5 by failing to take all appropriate measures to ensure fulfilment of community obligations. for a case in point see case 128/78 ec commission v. united killgdom [1979] e.c.r. 419 (the tachograph case). 4. arts. 8 and 9 which amend eec treaty, arts. 237 and 238 respectively; see european communities no. 12 (1986), cmnd.9758. 37 the denning law journal (amendment) act 1986, the principal aim of which is to amend the european communities act 1972 in the light of the single european act,5 a section which provides: "for the purpose of section 6 of the european assembly elections act 1978 the single european act is hereby approved.,,6 the house of lords in garland did not expressly rule out the possibility of the implied repeal of a rule of community law by a later british statute. but it is suggested that, by giving broad support for lord denning's constructionist approach and given the likely nature of actual inconsistences between british statutes and rules of community law, judicial decisions resolving such inconsistencies in favour of community law are effectively guaranteed. conclusion it is clear that since 1 january 1973 the united kingdom has accepted and participated in a form of two-tier central government with an accompanying duality of legal orders.7 policy-making and law-making are no longer the exclusive concern of the united kingdom government and parliament; significant areas of policy-making and law-making have been transferred to the institutions of the community, with the important rider that such policy and law takes precedence over conflicting national policy and law. in support of the political decision to accede to the community our parliament has, in effect, identified the area within which community law will operate and within that area it has refrained from exercising its own law-making power other than as required by community law. clearly something very remarkable has happened but not, it is submitted, something which is entirely unprecedented. one commentator has spoken of the process of joining the european communities in the following terms: "britain's accession to the european communities was analogous to a constitutional amendment of an unprecedented kind, and the process followed for the decision to join was in itself a constitutional exercise. wholly new processes might have been used, but instead the ordinary parliamentary legislative procedure was made to serve this unusual purpose."s this is indeed no more than the history of constitutional change in this country would suggest: "it has always been convenient, if at all possible, to disguise change as continuity, even where continuity might be ambiguous.,,9 this, in turn, 5. excluding the provisions of the single european act which relate to co-operation in the sphere of foreign policy. 6. section 3(4). 7. c[ report of the royal commission on the constitution, vou, cmnd.5460, para.410 and w. wallace, "less than a federation, more than a regime: the community as a political system", in h. wallace, w. wallace and c. webb (eds.), policy making in the european commlmity 2nd. ed. (1983) 401, at pp.406, 410. 8. p. bromhead, britain's developing constitution (1974), at p.213. 9. j. d. b. mitchell, "the sovereignty of parliament and community law: the stumbling block that isn't there", (1979) 55 international affairs 33, at p.39. 38 http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0020-5850(1979)55l.33[aid=6038180] abstract law and political reality in the british constitution reflects the familiar dichotomy between continuing abstract constitutional legality and changing political constitutional reality.1o in terms of the former, parliament retains its absolute power to legislate on any conceivable matter; in terms of the latter, parliament's power is limited in accordance with "an established pattern of commitments", ii the content of which is subject to change. the factors which, as has been argued above, ensure practical british compliance with the obligations of membership of the community are the necessary products of the fact of a continuing and willing british membership. while legally nothing has changed, constitutionally, i.e. politically, there has been a major re-allocation of legislative power: "to this extent, and in the area occupied by community law, parliamentary sovereignty may be said to be in abeyance.,,12 or, as sir leslie scarman (as he then was) has put it, british membership of the community has ended "in fact, if not in theory, parliament's power on all occasions and whenever it chooses to legislate as it alone thinks fit.,,13 any future british legislation which was intentionally and expressly contrary to community law or which repealed the european communities act would reflect not so much a re-assertion of the legal sovereignty of parliament as an exercise of the political sovereignty of the government of the day and, consequently, a fundamental change in britain's relationship with the community. a consideration of the constitutional impact of membership of the community naturally prompts comparisons with the emancipation of the british empire. the apparent distinction between the territorial extent of legislative authority on the one hand, and the scope of the subject matter of legislation on the other is one of no practical significance, given the continuing and absolute nature of the legal sovereignty of parliament. nor can the apparent efficacy of the legislative measures for the emancipation of the british empire be taken to establish parliament's capacity legally to limit its own powers. such a conclusion is fallacious since it fails to give proper weight to the long-established and prevailing views, not least in commonwealth countries themselves, of the extent of the legal powers of the british parliament. long after lord sankey's famous dictum in british coal corporation v. the king, 14the governments, parliaments and courts of canada and australia have fully acknowledged the continuing nature of the legislative supremacy of the british parliament. in litigation arising out of the patriation of the canadian constitution, for which purpose canada requested and 10. this dichotomy is also reflected in the title of the 1967 white paper, legal and constitutional implications oj united kingdom membership oj the european communities, cmnd.330 i. it has also received some judicial recognition: see lord denning's reference to "a constitutional point" in macarthys ltd. v. smith [1979] 3 c.m.l.r. 44 at p.47 and sir robert megarry's express reservation in respect of the european communities act in manuel v. attorney general [1983] ch. 77, at p.86. 11. g. watson, the british constitution and europe (1959), at p.65. 12. c. turpin, british g(!ljernment and the constitution (1985), at p.284. 13. "law and administration: a change in relationship" (1972) 50 public administration 253, at p.255. 14. [1935] a.c. 500, at p.520. 39 http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0033-3298(1972)50l.253[aid=5892864] the denning law journal consented to the passing of the canada act 1982 by the united kingdom parliament, the supreme court of canada held that "the legal competence of [the british] parliament ... remains unimpaired, and it is for it alone to determine if and how it will act.,,15 and, further, speaking of the statute of westminster, 1931: "whatever the statute may import as to intra-canadian conventional procedures, there is nothing in it or in the proceedings leading up to it that casts any doubt in law as to the undiminished authority of the parliament of the united kingdom over the british north america act, 1867.,,16 the recent australia act 1986,17 passed at the request and with the consent of australia to achieve a similar purpose, also proceeded on the same basis and against the background of the acknowledgement by the high court of australia that "the united kingdom parliament could of course repeal the statute of westminster. it could repeal the commonwealth of australia constitution act.,,18 therefore, the reason for the effectiveness of the emancipation of canada and australia lies not in any formal legal restraint on the british parliament (for none is possible), but in the political reality of the relationship between the united kingdom and those countries.19 that relationship is a constitutional relationship which is based on "the acceptance of a doctrine, almost amounting to a principle in itself, that the great self-governing dominions are not any longer in tutelage but are constituent units of the british commonwealth of nations.,,2o just as, constitutionally, it is out of the question for the united kingdom to legislate for canada or australia without its request and consent, so it is equally out of the question for the united kingdom parliament to invade the area occupied by community law or otherwise legislate contrary to it. the nature of the constitutional relationship is different in each case but both involve the continuing exercise of political restraint on parliament and in each case the end result is the same. to adopt the terminology ofmr justice rand of the supreme court of canada, within the area occupied by community law the 15. reference re amendmmt of the col/stitutioll of callada (nos 1, 2 alld 3) (1982) 125 d.l.r. (3d) 1, at pal. 16. ihid., at p.42, emphasis added. also see manuel v. attorntry-general [1983] ch.77 (megarry, v.c. and c.a.). 17. see i. s. dickinson, "the australia act 1986 an end to constitutional links between australia and the uk", (1986) 136 new law journal 401. 18. bistriev. rokuv (1976) 135 c.l.r. 552, at p.567 per murphy,]. by the same token it could also repeal the canada act 1982 and the australia act 1986. 19. it is ofinterest that in the commonwealth v. queensland murphy,]. cites british membership of the european community as one of the factors which confirms the independence and political separation of australia from the united kingdom; see (1975) 134 c.l.r. 298, at p.334. 20. the commonwealth v. kreglinger f5 fernau lid. (1926) 37 c.l.r. 393, at pp.413-414 per isaacs,]. who also cites the report of the imperial conference of 1926 to similar effect. more recent opinions of the judicial committee in ibra/ebbe v. the queen [1964] a.c. 900, bribery commissioner v. rallasillghe [1965] a.c. 172, and akar v. attorntry-gmeral of sierra leolle [1970] a.c. 853 are not relevant in this context because they are concerned with the powers of the parliaments of ceylon and sierra leone and not with those of the united kingdom parliament. on this point see comlaekv. cope (1974) 131 c.l.r. 432, at p.452 per barwick, c. j.. 40 abstract law and political reality in the british consti1ljtion united kingdom parliament has become a "bare legislative trustee" for the community?l given continuing political commitment to the community, the practical guarantee of our loyalty is at least as effective as in those member states which have a written constitution.22 by means of what lord watson, almost 100 years ago, aptly termed "the silent operation of constitutional principles"23 there has once again occurred "a constitutional, not legal, abdication of sovereignty,,,24, this time in favour of the european community. recent attempts to re-open this issue in the context of the acceptance and implementation of the single european act are quite misconceived.25 the crucial constitutional decision was taken in 1972, after very careful consideration, and confirmed in 1975. the single european act is no more than a logical progression of what was decided then.26 to vary lord denning's sea metaphor, very much more than our feet have become wet, we are rather in mid-channel and swimming strongly with the current. 21. i.e. rand, "some aspects of canadian constitutionalism", (1960) 38 canadian bar reviw 135, at p.l45. 22. sed quaere whether we now have a form of written constitution subject to judicial review exercised by the european court. 23. cooper v. stuart (1889) 14 app. cas. 286, at p.293. 24. a. berriedale keith, the dominions as suvereign states (1938), at p.122. 25. see the parliamentary debates on the second reading of the european communities (amendment) bill: house of commons debates, 6th series, 1985-86, vol.96, cols.316-393 and house of lords debates, 5th series, 1985-86, vo1.479,cols. 1004-1034, 1046-1088. also see letters to the times on 6, 8,12,16,19,23,26 and 28 may, 1986 and r. scruton, "may the lords preserve us", the times, 23 september 1986, at p.l2. 26. cf. lord bethell, home of lords debates, 5th series, 1985-86, vol. 479, cols.l061-1062. 41 environmental law as an academic subject j. f. garner'*' it is the purpose of this article to endeavour to define the contents of this seemingly new subject and to suggest how it might be presented as a course for a law degree, at either undergraduate or postgraduate level, in universities and polytechnic law schools in this country (with suitable adaptations for scotland). environmental law sounds new and it is certainly new in a law school syllabus sense, but in reality it is as old as the common law itself. the mediaeval statutes that prohibited the planting of trees within 100 feet of the king's highway were designed to protect the passerby from the arrows of robin hood and his men as they passed through sherwood forest. william shakespeare's father was fined in 1584 by the town council of stratford for allowing a dung-heap to accumulate outside his house. james i had passed an ordinance against the burning of "sea coal" within a specified distance of his palace at westminster. so we must start with the common law, and that means primarily the law of nuisance. smoke that may injure a potential plaintiffs health or that of the begonias in his garden may be made the subject of an injunction or give rise to an action for damages. sundry noises, smell and smuts from a petrol depot that disturbed the peace at the plaintiff's home were the subject of successful nuisance proceedings in halsey v. esso petroleum co. ltd .. ! the common law is perhaps most zealous in its protection of the property rights vested in private owners. thus the water in the adjacent river or stream must not be polluted by the agency of some other person higher up the stream and the plaintiff is entitled to a flowof water passing his land in its natural state, unaffected by colour, smell, quality, or temperature, and undiminished in quantity: young v. bankier distillery co.,z but this does not apply to underground percolating water not flowing in a defined channel: bradford v. pickles.3 air and water quality, freedom from unreasonable noise and objectionable substances placed on adjoining land, are therefore assured by the common law to the owner or occupier ofland. he is entitled to peaceful enjoyment of his property "emeritus professor of public law, university of nottingham. 1. [1961] i all e.r. 145. 2. [1897] a.c. 691. 3. [1895] a.c. 587. 51 the denning law journal uninterrupted by the unreasonable use of his neighbour's land: sic utere tuo ut alienum non laedas. also, if a particular nuisance is so serious as to affect a substantial number of her majesty's subjects in a particular locality, the attorney-general may intervene and take proceedings for an injunction to prevent further commission of such a public nuisance: au. -gen. v. p. ya. quarries ltd ..4 but the common law as it has developed has not concerned itself with the rights of the community as such. proceedings in nuisance will depend on the initiative of a land owner or occupier and will be subject to the accidents of litigation, and in particular on the resources and energy of an individual plaintiff. the cholera epidemic and appalling squalor of town life in victorian times made it vitally necessary for parliament to intervene and the great public health acts of 1848 and 1875 were the result. duties were placed on local authorities to provide adequate sewerage systems and the concept of statutory nuisance (now to be found in section 92 of the public health act 1936) has proved to be of great practical benefit. in the twentieth century laws affecting the environment have blossomed apace. by far the most important has been the town and country planning legislation under which the right to develop land has been nationalised. under the town and country planning act 1947 and its successors a land-owner may not, subject to certain detailed exceptions, carry out development on his land without first obtaining permission from the local planning authority. for this purpose "development" means not only the carrying out of building and other operations but also the making of a material change in the use of his land (from which, however, agricultural operations are excepted). this seminal legislation, sensitively used, is potentially of the greatest importance as an advance guard to protect and conserve the environment. however, since the end of the second world war, parliament has passed three major measures in the fight to preserve the environment and curb pollution. these are: the clean air act 1956, supplemented by the act of thc same name of 1968, the control of pollution act 1974, and the wildlife and countryside act 1981. these three acts utilise in different ways four separate but linked mechanisms. these are absolute or qualified prohibitions of specified activities enforced by the criminal law, a licensing system again buttressed by enforcement provisions in default of compliance, special areas within which a particular regime of conduct is to be observed, and systems of management for specified areas. the latter operate through specialised agencies, often enforceable by agreements based on the ordinary law of contract. these mechanisms are built on top of the common law of nuisance as already explained and in no way supersede it. we will now discuss these four mechanisms separately. 4. [1957] 1 all e.r. 894. 52 environmental law as an academic subject licensing the outstanding example of this mechanism is, of course, to be seen in the town and country planning legislation. however, one of the earliest controls using the licensing mechanism in the environmental field was s.112 of the public health act 1875 (since replaced by s.107 of the act of 1936). this required the licensing by the local authority of certain offensive trades such as blood boiling, gut scraping, rag and bone dealing. this was followed by the alkali works etc. regulation act 1906, which required the carrying out of any of a long list of scheduled processes (since extended under the health and safety at work etc. act 1974) to be registered annually with h.m. alkali inspectorate (now replaced by h.m. pollution inspectorate). any such works must be carried out in such a manner as to use "the best practicable means" to ensure that no noxious gases or fumes are emitted into the atmosphere. this statute has proved to be of great importance in the prevention of chemical pollution, but did not have any effect on the emission of carbonaceous vapours from domestic chimneys. also, by reason of the defence of "best practicable means", it has been ineffectual in preventing the escape of sulphur and nitrates from generating stations which are the most important constituents of the phenomenon known as "acid rain". the whole system of town and country planning legislation is based on the licence for planning permission to carry out development coupled with the strict enforcement powers given to the local authority. it is a criminal offence to ignore the terms of an enforcement notice requiring compliance with conditions thus imposed in a planning permission, or requiring the demolition of a building erected without permission or stopping a use of land which has been changed from a previous use without permission. the current town and country planning act of 1971, which has already been amended on many occasions, also elaborates separate codes. these provide for the licensing of alterations or demolition of listed buildings of architectural or historic interest, for the felling or other destruction of trees and woodlands that have been made the subject of special orders, and for the display of advertisements on land. this last system of licensing is similar to the quite separate control contained in s.3 of the control of pollution act 1974, under which a licence must be obtained from the county council for the deposit of waste on any land. such a licence will be refused or issued subject to elaborate conditions the compliance with which will be closely monitored by the county council and subjected to criminal penalties in the event of a failure to comply with any of the conditions. the discharge of trade effluents into the public sewerage system is subject to licensing administered by the water authority. further, the consent of the water authority is necessary before a new discharge is made to a river, stream, estuarine or coastal waters under their control. in all these cases, and indeed in relation to licensing systems generally, it will be a criminal offence to carry out the activity in question without first obtaining a licence and most frequently the statute will empower the licensing authority to 53 the denning law journal impose conditions in the licence, with which it will then normally be an offence to fail to comply. monitoring due compliance with the terms of such a licence will normally be the duty of the licensing authority. special regimes the concept of the special regime whereby a government agency, such as the secretary of state, the countryside commission, the nature conservancy councilor a local authority, is empowered by parliament to designate a defined area of land to be subject to specialised controls, is a common feature of modern conservation law. thus the secretary of state may designate national parks and areas of outstanding natural beauty which then become subject to stricter planning controls than those applying generally. special authorities or combinations of local authorities are appointed to supervise the national parks, but in all these cases land ownership remains in private hands. the minister of agriculture may designate environmentally sensitive areas in which local farmers may be entitled to special grants to enable them to desist from certain farming activities that would harm the environment. the nature conservancy councilor a local authority may designate nature reserves, and may in some cases acquire the land in a reserve and manage it so as to preserve the fauna and flora. somewhat similarly the nature conservancy council may designate land as being a site of special scientific interest (sssi), and the landowner will then be entitled to compensation if he is refused permission to carry on some activity that would harm the nature of the land as an sssi. on a somewhat smaller scale, a local authority may declare land in an urban or rural area to be a conservation area, which again would subject the land to a tighter than normal planning regime. another example of a special regime is the making of a limestone pavement order by the secretary of state under s.34 of the wildlife and countryside act 1981. also special controls may be imposed in respect of moorland areas under s.42 of the act of 1981. access to open country by members of the public may be secured by orders made under s.59 of the national parks and access to the countryside acts 1949. for a somewhat different purpose, a local authority may declare an area to be a smoke control area, which will mean that within the area only "authorised fuels" (a term which includes gas and electricity) may be used for space-heating purposes. this device has been most effective in controlling the emission of carbonaceous vapours into the atmosphere, but it has had no effect on the emission of sulphur or nitrates. somewhat similar are noise abatement zones, within which the noise level may not be exceeded without the consent of the local authority, who may also require these levels to be reduced. other examples of a special regime are the measures designed for the regeneration of inner cities and depressed areas. these include the enterprise zones and special planning zones whereby would-be 54 environmental law as an academic subject developers can obtain some measure of freedom from normal planning controls and in some cases from local taxation. the urban development corporations are designed to secure the same objectives on a somewhat larger scale. the ordinary local authorities in the area are replaced by special corporations with wide powers and nominated, and funded, by central government. the first two urban developments corporations (merseyside and london dockland) are reported to have been reasonably successful, having been created in 1981, and now (1987) four more have recently been designated by the secretary of state. management the most general example of a management agreement is that contained in s.52 of the town and country planning act 1971, supplemented by s.33 of the local government (miscellaneous provisions) act 1982. under this, a local planning authority may enter into an agreement with a prospective developer of land regulating the manner in which such development is to be carried out. these agreements are currently very popular and are sometimes used, but not always, to achieve environmental objectives. such an agreement will be enforceable by the local authority against the developer in accordance with the usual principles of the law of contract, and in the case of the 1982 act agreements against subsequent land owners. under s.39 of the wildlife and countryside act 1981 a local authority may enter into a management agreement with the owner of land for the purpose of conserving or enhancing the natural beauty or amenity of the land or so as to promote its enjoyment by the public. similar agreements may be entered into by the nature conservancy council in respect of land within an sssi. the minister of agriculture may under s.18 of the agriculture act 1986 enter into an agreement with the owner of agricultural land within an "environmentally sensitive area" (esa) providing that the owner shall refrain from specified sensitive activities that would harm the nature of the land as an esa. in return the minister would arrange for compensation to be paid to any such owner. six areas have been designated as esas at the time of writing, 1987, although some 25 further areas are understood to be under consideration. the management agreement in its various forms is a useful and subtle device enabling a government agency to monitor the day to day use of land in the interest of the environment. private ownership of the land continues and an owner who is restricted in the activities he is permitted to pursue will often be entitled to compensation. criminal sanctions without the enforcement of the criminal law, a considerable portion of conservation law would be ineffectual. the penalties of the law, or the threat of such penalties, lies behind the licensing system already described. the deposit of waste on land, the discharge of effiuent into a stream, the failure 55 the denning law journal to observe the best practicable means to prevent the escape of noxious vapours into the atmosphere, in each case without the relevant consent or approval, or to fail to comply with conditions imposed in such a consent or approval, are all made offences by the relevant legislation. so is the failure to comply with the terms of an enforcement notice issued under the town and country planning legislation. however, in addition there are many instances of specific offences, quite apart from the licensing systems. thus it is an offence to deposit noxious or polluting matter into a river or stream, or to emit dark smoke into the atmosphere from a chimney of a dwelling-house or factory or from an open site. it is an offence to deposit litter in the open air where the public have access, or to burn cable in the open air. the protection of fauna and flora depends almost entirely on the criminal law. thus it is an offence to kill, take or maim a wild bird of a species listed in the wildlife and countryside act 1981, or to disturb its habitat, subject only to the defence that the person responsible had been duly authorised by a licence from the nature conservancy council, or was~e owner of the land where the incident was committed. similar provisions apply'to the picking or destruction of wild plants, and to the killing of certain wild animals listed in the act. badgers and their setts are especially protected by the badgers act of 1974, as amended by the act of 1981 (itself amended in this respect by the act of 1985 of the same name) and deer are protected in some measure in the close season, by the deer act 1960. salmon and certain freshwater fish are protected under the salmon and freshwater fisheries act 1975. the criminal sanctions of the wildlife and countryside act 1981 are unusually stringent. not only maya convicted offender be fined by the court but the bird, animal or plant which was the subject of his offence may be confiscated. further, if he is charged with the taking etc. of a number of birds or plants etc., the maximum fine will be assessed according to the number of items involved. rights of way the protection and maintenance of rights of way and public rights of access to the countryside does not really fit into this fourfold classification of the statutory mechanisms of conservation law. these rights of the public are basically part of the common law right of any of her majesty's subjects to use the queen's highway to pass and repass on their lawful occasions. over the years, with the urbanisation of large areas of the countryside, the common law has had to be supplemented by elaborate procedures for the protection of footpaths and bridleways, for the creation of new public paths and long distance routes, and for the recording of existing rights of way. these provisions are now to be found in the highways act 1980, the national parks and access to the countryside act 1949, and part iv of the wildlife and countryside act 1981. in addition access of the public to open country may be assured by an access agreement or order made under s.59 of the national parks and access to the countryside act 1949. 56 environmental law as an academic subject conclusion the enforcement and monitoring of these diverse provisions is the responsibility of a wide variety of agencies. general oversight is, or should be, provided by the department of the environment, and grants towards the cost of refraining from certain agricultural activities in the interests of the environment are made by the ministry of agriculture, fisheries and food. local authorities are primarily responsible for the administration of the town and country planning legislation, the clean air acts, and for the controls over the deposit of waste on land, although nuclear waste is the responsibility of the national nuclear industry executive. the countryside commission and the nature conservancy council have a variety of supervisory and advisory functions and may in certain circumstances make grants for specific projects. there are also a wide variety of voluntary bodies and pressure groups concerned with the environment, such as the cpre, the rspb, and the several county trusts for nature conservation. all of these monitor the operation of the existing law and from time to time agitate for its reform. in recent years, many directives affecting the environment have been made by the eec and adopted by member states. these have concerned the quality of drinking water, the cleansing of bathing beaches, standards for the emission of sulphur into the atmosphere and the emission of lead. the directive requiring the preparation of an environmental impact statement before a major project is undertaken, will come into force in july 1988. these directives, when in force, have the effect of requiring the uk government to bring our legislation into line with the provisions of each directive. regulations made by the eec on the other hand have direct effect under the european communities act 1972. in addition, there are a number of international treaties to which the united kingdom is a party which are concerned with the environment. these treaties are not automatically part of the law of the united kingdom, but they may have a considerable influence in suggesting improvements in legislation as indeed was the case with many of the provisions of the wildlife and countryside act 1981. 57 human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 41 denning law journal 2017 vol 29 pp 4167 the penalty rule: 1 a modern interpretation kal kc leung* 1 abstract this paper focuses on the common law doctrine of the penalty rule and the recent supreme court decision in cavendish square holding v makdessi and parking eye v beavis. the state of the penalty rule prior to the judgment was unsatisfactory and criticized by both commentators and practitioners alike. its indiscriminate application and unclear criteria was a needless source of uncertainty for both contracting parties and lawyers. nevertheless, their lordships in makdessi refused to abolish the penalty rule but acknowledged its limited application in the modern commercial context. this paper accordingly aims to justify the continued existence of the doctrine on theoretical grounds within the english private law framework despite its practical obsolescence. keywords: agreed remedies, penalty rule, freedom of contract, cavendish v makdessi 2 introduction contract law lies at the heart of commercial law along with its central doctrines of freedom of contract and pacta sunt servanda.2 an important aspect of the freedom of contract is that contractual parties may agree upon remedies in the event of a breach of contract. as hugh collins notes, “most written contracts…pay considerable attention to agreed remedies.”3 a liquidated damages clause, a clause that quantifies the sum payable upon breach by the defaulting party, is a useful example of an agreed university of oxford, university college london. 1 as termed by the supreme court in cavendish square holding v makdessi [2015] 3 wlr 1373. the rule against penalties, and the penalties doctrine, will be used synonymously for the penalty rule. 2 roy goode, commercial law in the next millennium (the hamlyn lectures series, sweet & maxwell 1998) 31. 3 hugh collins, the law of contract (4th edn, cambridge university press 2003) 365. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 42 remedy. liquidated damages clauses serve various practical purposes: they reduce the uncertainties and expenses of pursuing damages under the default contract rules, allocate the risk of loss and allow parties to price the contract more accurately,4 and ensure that the innocent party receives a subjectively-satisfactory compensation that might not be recoverable in an ordinary action for damages due to proof of actual loss. in contrast the penalty rule is an impediment to liquidated damages and its underlying doctrine freedom of contract. the penalty rule applies on a breach of contract and renders an agreed remedy clause (traditionally a liquidated damages clause) to be a penalty and unenforceable. because of its unprincipled application, the rule has been described as a “blatant interference with the freedom of contract”,5 impossible to rationalise,6 and a recipe for disaster.7 nor has the longstanding debate over the rule waned. in the past decade, penalty clauses have been at the forefront of judicial discussion both in australia and in the united kingdom. in the united kingdom, the issue of the penalty rule reached the court of appeal twice within two years and culminated in the supreme court decision of the joint appeals in cavendish v el makdessi (“makdessi”) and parkingeye v beavis (“parkingeye”) in november 2015.8 3 the present study whilst the supreme court in makdessi explained the penalty rule to be based on public policy, their reasoning for continuing to uphold the rule (i.e. refusing to abolish the doctrine) is not entirely convincing. specifically, lords neuberger and sumption were doubtful that “the courts would have invented the rule today if their predecessors had not done so three centuries ago”.9 such apprehension about the rule leads to questions over the precise purpose of the rule against penalties in contract law and the modern commercial world. 4 samuel rea, ‘efficiency implication of penalties and liquidated damages’ [1984] journal of legal studies 148. 5 makdessi v cavendish square holdings [2013] ewca civ 1539 [44]. 6 robophone facilities ltd v blank [1966] 1 wlr 1428, 1446 (diplock lj). 7 sarah worthington, ‘common law values: the role of party autonomy in private law’ in a robertson and m tilbury (eds), the common law of obligations: divergence and unity (hart publishing 2015). 8 makdessi (ca) (n 5); parkingeye v beavis [2015] rtr 27. see also andrews v ausralia and new zealand banking group [2012] hca 30; paciocco v australia and new zealand banking group [2015] fcafc 50: australian high court (judgment pending). 9 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [36]. the denning law journal 43 this paper attempts to fill this void by providing a rationalisation of the “modern” penalty rule based on the supreme court judgment and developments in the past two decades. i assert that the major criticisms against the rule, namely uncertainty over when the rule operates,10 and its abrogation of party autonomy,11 are genuine but inconsequential concerns as the rule has been confined in its application since the late nineties and with the culmination of the recent supreme court decision has become all but symbolic especially within the commercial context (i.e. where neither party deals as a consumer). i consequently argue that the doctrine’s survival is justified since the penalty rule is consistent with other well-established principles within english private law and is best viewed as a constituent of a coherent and rational set of private law rules. thus, not only would the abolishment of the penalty rule prove no more beneficial in practice for commercial parties, it would also lead to an anomalous and unnecessary contrast to principles within contract law and the law of unjust enrichment. the focus of this paper will be on the commercial context (although there will be discussions of the consumer case parkingeye) as this is the area the rule is most relevant. many standard contracts in various industries contain agreed damages clauses such as those in the construction industry (by the joint contracts tribunal). the majority of recent case law concern also only commercial parties, a development largely attributable to the rise of consumer protection mechanisms such as the unfair contract terms act 1977 (“ucta”) and the unfair terms in consumer contracts regulations 1999 (“ucctr”) (both consolidated under the consumer rights act 2015). the discussion will be threefold. part i sets the scene with an examination of the supreme court decision in makdessi. in particular, i discuss the reformulated two-stage test for determining a penalty, and their lordship’s dismissal of “genuine pre-estimate” and “a sum in terrorem” as factors in the finding of a penalty clause. the concept of a “legitimate interest” points towards a high threshold for the finding of a penalty clause and serves as important judicial recognition that commercial parties often have an interest in enforcing the contract beyond simple financial compensation. i conclude with a discussion of the justifications offered against abolishing the doctrine. 10 r halson, ‘remedies for breach of contract’ in m furmston et al (eds), butterworths common law series: the law of contract (4th edn, butterworths law 2007); lucinda miller, ‘penalty clauses in england and france: a comparative study’ [2004] international and comparative law quarterly 79. 11 worthington (n 7). the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 44 part ii examines the penalty rule in in its modern form beginning with colman j’s decision in lordsdale finance12 and its subsequent development. by demonstrating the rule’s consistently limited application in practice, criticisms against the rule are tempered. i examine the rare occasions that the courts made the finding of penalty clause and argue that this was due to a misunderstanding of the rule as it has developed since lordsvale.13 part iii puts forth my justification for the penalty rule and its modern role, elaborating on an argument introduced but not fully explored by the supreme court.14 i demonstrate that the penalty rule is consistent with other firmly established doctrines within english private law including the limited availability of specific performance and punitive damages as remedies, as well as the principle within the law of unjust enrichment that no party, even though innocent, should be allowed to unfairly enrich himself at the expense of another. 4 part i: makdessi v cavendish 4.1 facts and background the state of the penalty rule prior to the supreme court decision was beyond unsatisfactory: smith had described the penalty rule as “indiscriminate in effect and uncertain in application”15 and whincup had considered it very difficult to say which clauses will be upheld and which will be rejected.16 when clarke lj in the court of appeal held the disputed clauses in makdessi, clauses carefully negotiated by well-advised commercial parties, to be penalties, commentators were understandably equally critical of both the decision and of the penalty rule itself.17the appeals of makdessi and parkingeye were of disparate ilk: the former 12 lordsvale finance v bank of zambia [1996] qb 752. 13 jeancharm v barnet football club [2003] ewca civ 58; county leasing v east [2007] ewhc 2907 qb; unaoil v leighton offshore [2014] ewhc 2965 (comm). 14 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [39]. 15 jonna smith, ‘penalty clauses: essential protection or anachronistic and uncommercial?’ (construction law conference, 2015) accessed 12 december 2015. 16 michael whincup, contract law and practice (5th edn, 2006 kluwer) 369. 17 janet sullivan, ‘lost on penalties’ [2014] clj 480; e peel ‘unjustified penalties or an unjustified rule against penalties?’ [2014] law quarterly review 365; w day, ‘penalty clauses revisited’ [2014] journal of business law 512. the denning law journal 45 concerned disputed clauses within a contract subject to extensive negotiations where both parties were advised by “very experienced lawyers”, whereas the latter case concerned a clause in a consumer contract. as lord mance aptly explains: the two cases lie at the “opposite ends of a financial spectrum”.18 the appeals were also the first time either the supreme court or house of lords had considered the penalties doctrine in over a century and thus the decision serves as a new landmark for the penalty rule in english law. 4.1.1 facts of cavendish mr makdessi was a key figure in the marketing world of the middle east and the co-founder and majority shareholder of the largest advertising and marketing communications group in that region. makdessi agreed to sell 47.4% of his shares in his company to cavendish holdings (a subsidiary of the world’s largest advertising company), and to certain restrictive covenants. the breach of such covenants (under clause 11, titled “protection of goodwill”) 19 disentitled makdessi from receiving the final two instalments of the purchase price (clause 5.1), a substantial sum in the tens of millions, and required makdessi to sell his remaining stake to cavendish at a substantially reduced price, a value that excluded his goodwill to the business (clause 5.6). 4.1.2 facts of parkingeye parkingeye ltd managed the car park at riverside retail park in chelmsford, essex. numerous “reasonably large, prominent and legible” signs reading “2 hour max stay… failure to comply… will result in parking charge of £85” were displayed throughout the car park.20 mr. beavis, a local chip shop owner, overstayed by nearly an hour and argued that the £85 charge was unenforceable as a penalty at common law. or that that the charge was unfair and unenforceable under the utccr. 18 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [116]. 19 cavendish square holdings v makdessi [2012] ewhc 3582 (comm) [4]: 11.1. each seller recognises the importance of the goodwill of the group to the purchaser and the wpp group which is reflected in the price to be paid by the purchaser for the sale shares. accordingly, each seller commits as set out in this clause 11 to ensure that the interest of each of the purchasers and the wpp group in that goodwill is properly protected.’ (italics supplied). 20 parkingeye (n 8) [2]. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 46 4.2 criticism of the dunlop test the supreme court acknowledged and described the penalty rule to be an “ancient, haphazardly constructed edifice which has not weathered well…”21 for many years, the courts had struggled to apply standard tests formulated over a century ago, namely the four propositions set out by lord dunedin in dunlop pneumatic tyre v new garage & motor.22 lord dunedin’s second proposition has been relied upon the most by subsequent courts: the essence of a penalty is a payment of money stipulated as in terrorem of the offending party; the essence of liquidated damages is a genuine covenanted pre-estimate of damage.23 the rigidness of this dichotomy has caused decades of difficulties for the judiciary. as miller points out, lord dunedin’s second proposition assumes that an agreed damages clause is either liquidated damages or a penalty. even where one function is more dominant than the other, it is not always the case that the other function is entirely absent (i.e. the two functions are not mutually exclusive). 24 for example, a clause may be a genuine pre-estimate, but it may still have an element of deterrence, even if to a lesser extent. similarly determining whether a clause is a penalty on the concepts of “in terrorem” and genuine pre-estimate is obfuscating, since a party may not be the least terrorised by the prospect of having to pay an exorbitant fee upon breach but under the old test, may well be entitled to protection from the courts. miller considered classification under this test as potentially “misleading”.25 a related problem emerges from this timeworn distinction. the two disputed clauses in makdessi were restrictive covenants and certainly much more complex than what lord dunedin may have contemplated in his time. the breach of the two clauses would have deprived the obligor makdessi, tens of millions of dollars in value, but the immediate loss stemming from the loss would have been minimal for cavendish. nevertheless the loss of goodwill resulting from the breach of the clauses was of great importance to cavendish and the value of the marketing 21 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [3]. 22 [1915] ac 79. 23 ibid 86; modern cases have preferred “intended to deter” as opposed to “stipulated as in terrorem”. 24 miller (n 10) 82. 25 ibid. the denning law journal 47 company, and would have been very difficult to assess.26 a decade earlier mance lj (as he then was) acknowledged the problem that the penalty rule’s premise on a strict dichotomy between genuine pre-estimate and a penalty could not possibly cover all possibilities of clauses operating upon breach. 27 the supreme court in makdessi agreed that the penalty rule had become the prisoner of artificial categorisation, a result of the unsatisfactory distinctions between penalty and genuine pre-estimate, and a genuine pre-estimate and a deterrent. confirming miller’s analysis, lords neuberger and sumption held that a penalty and a genuine preestimate are not natural opposites or mutually exclusive categories and that whether a contractual provision is a penalty is whether it is penal, and not whether it is a pre-estimate of loss.28 4.3 the reformulated test: “legitimate interest” whilst lord dunedin’s traditional four tests in dunlop remains useful for straightforward cases of agreed damages (i.e. a clause stipulating a fixed sum payable upon breach), it had otherwise become too rigid and unfortunately had been treated in a quasi-statutory manner, something that lord dunedin himself never intended. the majority held the new test for ascertaining whether a contractual provision was penal to be: …whether the impugned provision is a secondary obligation which imposes a detriment on the contract-breaker out of all proportion to any legitimate interest of the innocent party in the enforcement of the primary obligation”29 lords mance and hodge provided differently worded tests to the same substantive effect.30 there are two ascertainable elements to the test: firstly, whether one contracting party has a legitimate interest in enforcing the primary obligation of the other party, and secondly, whether the detriment to the latter party is out of all proportion to such an interest. the concepts of genuine pre-estimate of loss and deterrence that had once been at the heart of the rule are notably absent. 26 makdessi (ca) (n 5) [109]. 27 cine bes filmcilik v uip [2004] 1 clc 401 [15]. 28 makdessi (sc) (n 1), [31] (lords neuberger and sumption) [152] (lord mance). 29 ibid [32]. 30 ibid [152] (lord mance) [255] (lord hodge); see also [293] (lord toulson). the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 48 it was emphasised that the penalty rule was only applicable to secondary obligations. this distinction in practice however may prove difficult to delineate and even in makdessi there was disagreement over whether clause 5.6 constituted a primary or secondary obligation. lords hodge and clarke, contrary to the majority believed the clause to be a primary obligation but kept an “open mind” over clause 5.1.31 there is indeed still a degree of uncertainty and certainly scope for future litigation over this distinction.32 nonetheless the wording suggests a high standard for a successful invocation of the penalty rule. we might contrast this wording directly with another of lord dunedin’s proposition from dunlop that “a clause will be held to be a penalty if the sum stipulated for is extravagant and unconscionable in comparison with the greatest loss that could conceivably be proved.” 33 the new legitimate interest element requires courts to take into account why a party might seek to enforce the clause as opposed to concentrating solely on whether the clause was a genuine preestimate. their lordships pointed towards dunlop itself as an example: a sum of £5 was stipulated for the sale of each tire in breach of the agreement was incommensurate with the actual loss suffered from the sale of one tire, but was not incommensurate with the wider interest that dunlop had in enforcing the damages clause. indeed, their lordships believed this broader interpretation to be the best way of explaining dunlop.34 lord mance, comparing dunlop with makdessi, held that in each case, “the focus should be on the overall picture, not on the individual breaches”.35 an isolated reading of the new test, where a clause will be a penalty only where its enforcement is “out of all proportion” to any legitimate interest, ceteris paribus, is prima facie tougher for the party seeking relief than it traditionally was under lord dunedin’s formulation. more telling are the dicta of the supreme court justices. the majority judgment affirmed passages by diplock lj from robophone that the court should not be eager to make the finding of a penalty clause, and lord woolf in philips hong kong that any stringent approach would lead to undesirable uncertainty.36 where both parties are properly advised and of comparable bargaining power, their lordships believed there to be a strong initial presumption that the parties themselves are the best judges 31 ibid [270] (lord hodge), [291] (lord clarke). 32 j smith and m mccreath, ‘no penalty? cavendish v makdessi: the rule against penalties redefined’ [2016] cri 3. 33 dunlop (n 22) 87. 34 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [22]. 35 ibid [172]. 36 ibid [33]. the denning law journal 49 of what is legitimate in provisions dealing with the consequences of a breach.37 lord hodge remarked that “judges should be modest in their assumptions that they know about business”, and acknowledged that there were real benefits in allowing parties to agree the consequences of a breach of contract.38 the supreme court definitively refused to follow its australian counterpart in andrews v australia and new zealand banking in holding that the penalty rule could apply without the requirement of a breach of contract.39 for our purposes it is important to note that the decision refusing to follow andrews was influenced by the fear that an expansion of the court’s supervisory jurisdiction (into what has always been governed by mutual agreement) would lead to uncharted areas of uncertainty.40 again we can see evidence of the judiciary’s desire for legal certainty, a theme prevalent in the judgment. 4.4 application to the facts the supreme court upheld the validity of the clauses in both cases, affirming the court of appeal’s decision in parkingeye and overruling its decision in makdessi. 4.4.1 makdessi v cavendish the majority believed clause 5.1 to be a price adjustment clause and “in no sense a secondary provision”, and that in this particular case was outside the jurisdiction of the penalties doctrine.41 whilst the withholding of the interim and final payments in clause 5.1 had no relationship to the measure of damages arising from the breach (and would have been disproportionate as a genuine pre-estimate), it was believed that cavendish had a legitimate interest in the observance of the restrictive covenants which extended beyond the recovery from the breach of clause 11. the fact that the breach of clause 11 would cause very little in the way of recoverable loss to cavendish was considered “beside the point”.42 in reaching said conclusion, lords neuberger and sumption emphasised that 37 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [35] (italics supplied). 38 ibid [259]. 39 ibid [34]. see also [130] (lord mance’s lone dissent). 40 ibid [42]. 41 ibid [74]. 42 ibid [75]. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 50 the parties on both sides were “sophisticated, successful and experienced commercial people bargaining on equal terms with expert legal advice.”43 clause 5.6 which required the transfer of makdessi’s remaining shares at a reduced price was similarly justified by the same legitimate interest behind clause 5.1. the court was notably attuned the business rationale behind the clause: their lordships explained that since makdessi’s efforts and connections were no longer available to the company and would be applied to benefit the company’s competitors, there was a strong case for cavendish to pay a price for the remainder of the shares net the value of makdessi’s goodwill.44 4.5 parkingeye v beavis the supreme court equally held the parking fine of £85 in parkingeye not to be a penalty. it decided that there was a legitimate interest on the part of the park management to enforce the fee for overstaying beyond the two hours, and that £85 was not out of all proportion to this interest. the interest of enforcing the clause, the court held, was a key part of the entire car park scheme: to make efficient use of parking space for the retail outlets and to use the proceeds from the charge as an income stream towards operating profits. 45 the court further reached the conclusion that £85 was not disproportionate whilst referencing the maximum charge of £100 set by the british parking association and the fact that many motorists use the car park aware of the charge. the widespread usage of such a payment structure and level of charge in the uk further supported the conclusion that the clause in question was not a penalty.46 4.6 justifications against abolishment or restrictions whilst counsel for cavendish argued “with considerable forensic skill” for the abolishment of the penalty rule,47 the supreme court unanimously rejected cavendish’s primary and secondary submissions that the rule either be abolished or restricted to non-commercial cases or cases involving payment of money. the majority offered three main justifications against the abolishment of the penalty rule with lords mance and hodge offering largely similar reasons. in examining these 43 ibid. 44 ibid [82]. 45 ibid [99]. 46 ibid [100]. 47 ibid [36]. the denning law journal 51 justifications, which i shall term the “prevalence”, “protectionist”, and the “legal consistency” justifications, i respectfully address the first two and explain why they are not a convincing account for the continued existence of the rule. i put forth my support for the third justification, a justification that i will further develop in part iii. regarding the prevalence justification, the supreme court justices noted that that rule is not only long-standing in english law but is common to all major systems of law with those of the united states, germany, france, switzerland, belgium, and italy provided as examples.48 it is perhaps unfortunate that the court did not elaborate further upon this line of reasoning. whilst uniformity amongst the law of contracts internationally may be an important consideration, it is far from a trump reasoning for upholding the penalty rule. on account of the brevity of their lordships’ explanation and the lack of analysis as to why other legal jurisdictions continue to apply the penalty rule, it appears that the supreme court’s reasoning is analogous to lemmings following each other off a cliff. there certainly was an opportunity to have salvaged this argument. for example, colman j in the case of lordsvale clearly argued that the penalty rule ought not to apply on the facts of that case (an interest clause upon default) because inconsistency between the law applicable in london and new york would have been a great disservice to international banking.49 the protectionist justification concerns gaps in statutory regulation and the protection of parties not covered by either the ucta or the utccr: “there are major areas, notably non-consumer contracts, which are not regulated by statute.”50 this justification, whilst normatively sound, is not entirely consistent with the court’s application of the penalty clause in recent cases. as professor chuah contests, under the newly reformulated test, whether the detriment is out of all proportion to the legitimate interest is a very difficult threshold to cross (he believes the standard to be much higher than mere unreasonable)51 and thus it seems unlikely that the courts can afford the legal protection that they have promised under this justification. revisiting modern penalty clause authorities later on, i show that the courts have rarely found a clause to be a penalty, with only one lone instance where a small business was protected. thus the second justification leads to an unhealthy divergence between what the court claims the penalty rule can accomplish and what it 48 ibid [36]. 49 lordsvale (n 12) 767. 50 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [38]. 51 j chuah, ‘penalty clauses a clarification of principle’ [2016] student law review 48. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 52 in practice does accomplish and actions always speak louder than words. for such reasons, the second justification is not entirely satisfactory. before discussing the final legal consistency justification, we might note lord mance’s reasoning where his lordship starts from the contrary position holding that “there would have to be shown the strongest reasons for so radical a reversal of jurisprudence which goes back over a century in its current definition and much longer in its antecedents.”52 this demonstration of judicial conservatism is understandable and might be the best way of understanding the thinking behind the supreme court’s reasonings, but an argument along the lines of: if it is not [completely] broken, don’t fix it, is itself not satisfactory for justifying the disparity between the rule’s existence and the rule’s application. finally, the legal consistency justification maintains that the penalty rule is consistent with other well-established principles within english private law including the equity of redemption, relief from forfeiture, refusal to grant specific performance.53 as this paper aims to prove, not only does this reasoning not conflict with the rule’s restricted application, it is the best principled legal justification for upholding the modern penalty rule. the penalty rule, thus viewed a manifestation of a strand of private law jurisprudence, merits its existence even if, as day argues, the rule is now “de facto extinct”.54 5 part ii: the modern penalty rule the penalty rule has been applied few and far between since colman j’s decision in lordsvale: professor peel (discussing the court of appeal’s decision in makdessi) noted: “such a finding [of a penalty clause] is a rare event and the decision is worthy of note for this feature alone …”55 whereas jackson j in alfred mcalpine commented: “looking at the bundle of authorities provided … i note only four cases where the relevant clause has been struck down as a penalty.”56 the modern penalty rule, delineated by what christopher clarke lj terms the “new approach”, has, as a matter of authority shifted english law towards a laissez-faire approach towards agreed damages clauses within the commercial context. the supreme courts decision in makdessi was an affirmation and continuation of this development. 52 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [162]. 53 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [39]. 54 w day ‘a pyrrhic victory for the doctrine against penalties: makdessi v cavendish square holding bv’ [2016] journal of business law 115. 55 peel (n 17) 365. 56 alfred mcalpine capital projects v tilebox [2005] ewhc 281 (tcc) [48]. the denning law journal 53 5.1 the penalty rule’s development 5.1.1 modern origins lordsvale finance professor macfarlane and christopher clarke lj consider lordsvale as the inception of the modern approach. 57 in that case it was held there was no reason to strike down a clause as a penalty if in the circumstances the clause could be explained as “commercially justifiable” provided that the dominant purpose was not to deter the other party from breach.58 lordsvale concerned two syndicated loan agreements entered into by the defendant bank of zambia. it is important to note the international nature of these transactions: the original syndicate was entered into by banks led by sumitomo (based in japan) and the now defunct bcci (founded by a pakistani financier) with of course, the defendant bank of zambia (the country’s central bank). the loan sums were both calculated in american dollars at $100m and $130m. the international emphasis is important for contextualising the decision and understanding the penalty rule’s shift in emphasis as a result of the exigencies of international parties conducting business in england. as colman j recognised in his decision, the disputed clauses in the case were of “considerable importance for english banking law”.59 on the facts, both loan agreements provided that in the event of default, not only was the defendant required to pay an interest rate of 1.5% during the default period, but an additional and unexplained 1 per cent, amounting to a total 2.5% interest rate. the defendants contended this additional one percent to be a penalty and in terrorem as its sole function was to ensure compliance with the loan agreements. colman j disagreed, holding that, whilst an additional one percent in interest was not a genuine pre-estimate and entailed an element of deterrence, the disputed clauses were not penalties.60 this case is firstly an excellent example of the tension between the penalty rule’s jurisdiction and the flexibility required by modern commerce. on one hand colman j’s interpretation and endorsement of commercial justifiability might seem to poke a large and unsettling hole in 57 b macfarlane, ‘penalties and forfeiture’ in j mcghee (ed), snell’s equity, (33rd edn, sweet & maxwell 2015) paras 13 012; makdessi (ca) (n 5), [84]. indications of judicial reticence towards the penalty rule have predated lordsvale: e.g. philips hong kong v ag of hong kong [1993] ukpc 3 and the scaptrade [1983] 2 ac 694, 702. 58 lordsvale (n 12). 59 ibid 761. 60 ibid 767. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 54 lord dunedin’s second proposition. on the other hand, a contrary decision would have gone against the common practice of loan agreements charging higher default interest rates (which parties are otherwise perfectly entitled to contract into).61 colman j noted london to be “one of the greatest centres of international banking in the world” and that the courts of new york were prepared to enforce such “prevalent provisions”.62 if we recall the “big bang” deregulation of the financial markets under the thatcher government and its following developments a decade earlier, colman j’s concept of commercial justification might be viewed as aligning the law with commercial practice. the second point is that lordsvale is an instance of a judge considering factors not strictly relevant for determining whether the clause was a genuine pre-estimate. this admission of broader considerations allows for judicial maneuver: for example colman j reasoned the additional interest rate applicable upon the defendant’s default to be proportionate by taking into account that a borrower with bad credit, (i.e. the bank of zambia in default) would incur more expensive costs for borrowing than a borrower who has good credit. the result from lordsvale is that the courts will not only focus on the question of a genuine pre-estimate, but also on the wider question of whether there is a legitimate commercial justification. the concept that delineates the modern rule unfortunately is also the problem that has plagued it. how much a court must focus on commercial justifications in relation to deterrence is uncertain, and depending on how one frames this question, if asked at all, will invariably lead to differing results as evident in recent case law. 5.1.2 court of appeal approval in the two decades since lordsvale, the english courts, influenced by the concept of commercial justifiability, have not found the disputed clauses to be penalties in the majority of cases.63 an important judicial endorsement of colman j’s decision comes from mance lj in cine bes where the court of appeal gave credence to the concept of commercial 61 j maccarthy, ‘loan agreements: default interest’ (1996) 11(7) journal of international business and law 144. 62 lordsvale (n 12), 767. 63 bluewater energy v mercon steel [2014] ewhc 2132 (tcc); lancore v barclays bank [2008] ewhc 1264 (ch); e-nik v department for communities and local government [2012] ewhc 3027 (comm); associated british ports v ferryways [2008] ewhc 1265 (comm); steria v sigma wireless [2008] blr 79; bnp paribas v wockhardt [2009] ewhc 3116 (comm). the denning law journal 55 justifiability. the importance of the case also lies with mance lj’s finding that a part of the disputed clause (enforcement costs incurred from prior litigation between the parties) “was understandable in the overall context of the settlement of [their] prior litigation” and therefore not penal.64 cine bes was also the first time a lord justice of appeal unequivocally believed that the popularised dichotomy from dunlop to be rigid and obsolescent. in this way the decision, whilst not necessarily comprehensive, serves as an important steppingstone away from the rule’s ancient origins towards its modern, and rational form. the following year arden, clarke and buxton ljj in murray v leisureplay unanimously approved of the approaches taken in lordsvale and cine bes.65 arden lj included the justification element in her “practical step by step guide” to penalty clauses as a part of the court’s final inquiry stage: where the claimant can prove that the agreed amount payable does not constitute a genuine pre-estimate, the court should ask whether there was some reason that could justify the discrepancy between the amount payable under the clause and the amount payable under common law damages.66 buxton lj (with whom clarke lj agreed) took a broader approach than that of arden lj, re-examined the house of lord’s decision in dunlop, and put forth an explanation of dunlop in commercial rather than deterrent terms, emphasising the need to look at any disputed clause in its commercial context.67 this disagreement, which christopher clarke lj (wrongly) believed to be not …as marked as it might appear …”68 is indicative of the troubles that judges have faced in framing the commercial justification concept. the supreme court recently clarified the issue and affirmed buxton lj’s wide approach, disagreeing with arden lj in treating commercial justification as evidence that the clause was not intended to deter.69 5.1.3 a prevalent judicial attitude whilst the speeches of mance lj in cine bes and arden lj in murray are the most recognised, the post-lordsvale sentiment of a restrained penalty rule is equally evident in other decisions. for example, jackson j in alfred mcalpine explained that “the courts, are predisposed, where possible, to uphold contractual terms which fix the level of damages for 64 cine bes (n 27) [33] (italics supplied). 65 [2005] ecwa civ 963, irlr 946. 66 ibid [54]. 67 ibid [118]. 68 makdessi (ca) (n 5) [124]. 69 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [28]. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 56 breach …”70 and held that a liquidated damages clause for £45,000 a week in damages in a building contract not to be a penalty, whilst burton j in m & j polymers made the finding that the “take or pay clause was commercially justifiable …, and did not have the predominant purpose of deterring a breach of contract.”71 the courts have reached the same conclusion against the finding of a penalty in cases concerning demurrage clauses,72 agreed damage clauses in employment contracts,73 as well as in yacht construction contracts.74 beatson j’s remarks in general trading perfectly reflects the changed attitude of the courts: at the outset of the hearing i inclined to the view that this clause inserted, at the very end of the negotiations, was penal because of the size of the difference between the amount of the loan to be guaranteed and the amount of the loan notes that would be cancelled. in the light of the evidence, however, and the broader approach of buxton and clarke ljj in murray v leisureplay, i am satisfied that it is not.75 to drive home the point, there have been a series of cases where the court, whilst not finding the contested clause(s) to engage the penalty rule, nevertheless held obiter that they would not have found the clause to be penal had it fallen with the scope of the rule.76 it is clear that, as a starting point, the modern penalty rule has been very limited in its application. establishing this as the norm, we can examine the rare instances where the courts have found a clause to be penal post-lordsvale as to whether they are exceptions or rather, a misunderstanding of the rule’s modern application. 70 alfred mcalpine (n 56) [47](3). 71 m & j polymers v imerys minerals [2008] ewhc 344 (comm) [46]. 72 mediterranean shipping v cottonex anstlat [2015] ewhc 283 (comm), [2015] 1 clc 143. 73 tullett prebon v ghaleb [2008] ewhc 1929 (qb). 74 azimut benetti v darrell healey [2010] ewhc 2234 (comm). 75 the general trading company v richmond corporation [2008] ewhc 1479 (comm) [133]. 76 ibid; euro london v claessens international [2006] ewca civ 385; henning berg v blackburn rovers football club [2013] ewhc 1070 (ch); edgeworth capital v ramblas investments [2015] ewhc 150. the denning law journal 57 5.2 exceptions or misconceptions? in analysing the decisions where the court did make a finding of a penalty, this paper will avoid jobson v johnson 77 and workers trust v dojap 78 as both cases concern the penalty rule’s relationship with the relief from forfeiture, an area that the supreme court considers unresolved. 79 similarly, this paper will only examine post-lordsvale case law, omitting preceding decisions such as bridge v campbell discount and lombard north, as subsequent developments have notably altered the interpretation of dunlop and the penalty rule.80 it is submitted that the three authorities that we will reexamine in jeancharm, county leasing and unaoil, 81 are instances where the commercial justification was either not applied or misapplied and that with an accurate application of the modern rule, these clauses would be upheld as enforceable liquidated damages and a fortiori would be upheld under the new supreme court test, which demonstrated above, is harder for proving a penalty clause. 5.2.1 jeancharm v barnet football club [2003] jeancharm is the first significant finding of a penalty clause since the shift in lordsvale. the case concerned an agreement for the supply of football kit from jeancharm to barnet. the contract contained a late payment provision where 45 days after the payment date, barnet would incur interest at the rate of 5% per week on any outstanding sums. there was also significantly a reciprocal obligation on jeancharm within that same clause that barnet would be entitled to a late penalty of 20 pence per garment per day; a total of 5,000 replicas had been ordered for each of the 1999/2000 and 2000/2001 seasons.82 the court of appeal unanimously held the clause to be a penalty. first and foremost jeancharm was decided after the high court’s decision in lordsvale but before cine bes and murray where the concept of commercial justifiability gained widespread judicial acceptance. in jeancharm, jacob j, delivering the leading judgment, relied exclusively on lord dunedin’s formulation of genuine pre-estimate as the determinative factor as to whether a clause was to be regarded as penal. 83 whilst 77 [1989] 1 wlr 1026. 78 [1993] ac 573. 79makdessi (sc) (n 1) [17], [18], [87]. 80 see also the australian high court decision in andrews (n 8). 81 jeancharm; county leasing; unaoil (n 13). 82 jeancharm (n 13) [3]. 83 ibid [11]. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 58 lordsvale was discussed, jacob j interpreted colman j’s dicta narrowly and considered the decision justified only on the basis that on those facts “…the borrower was a risky borrower”.84 consequently, the reciprocal obligation on jeancharm within the clause had not been given adequate consideration. within the modern approach, provisions within a clause are generally weighed as a whole. for example, in azimutt-benetti, the court rejected submissions that the clause was a penalty because although “the clause places an obligation on the buyer, … it also places an obligation on the builder”.85 similarly in murray, arden lj considered that the disputed clause had advantages for both sides.86 the same conclusion could have been reached here jeancharm was obligated under that same clause to a penalty of 20 pence per garment per day had it been late in its delivery. thus, the purpose of the clause, to use the words of blair j in azimutt-benetti, was “to strike, or seek to strike, a balance between the interests of the parties”.87 reinterpreted in this way, the clause would certainly not be deemed a penalty. interestingly, even before the modern approach had fully developed, commentators had considered jeancharm to be “an exceptional case”.88 5.2.2 county leasing v east [2007] in this case, the defendant mr east, had entered into a long-term business loan with county leasing ltd., a company directed by mr and mrs kirkpatrick (who were also majority shareholders of the company). east and the kirkpatricks had known each other for over 25 years and had “done business on many occasions”.89 the loan agreement contained a certain clause 5 where, upon a failure to pay a specified instalment within 7 days of its due date, east would be liable to repay the principal and all interest over duration of the term of the loan (20 years).90 at the time of east’s default, the principle amount outstanding was £378,000 and repayment with interest would have cost east £1.2 million. 91 the high court judge deemed clause 5 to be a penalty and unenforceable, relying 84 ibid [16]. 85 azimutt-benetti (n 74) [26]. 86 murray (n65) [76]. 87 ibid [76] 88 h lal, ‘liquidated damages’ [2009] construction law journal 569, 571. 89 county leasing (n 13) [5]. 90 such a clause is best classified as an acceleration clause in that it accelerates, as oppose to increasing the liability of the debtor. 91 ibid [41]. the denning law journal 59 solely on lords dunedin and parmoor’s speeches in dunlop and obiter dicta by sir donaldson mr in the angelic star.92 there are two paths around this decision, neither which compromise our argument: the first is to argue that county leasing was decided without a proper understanding of the modern approach, the second is to confine the case to its facts accepting county leasing to be a commercial case concerning the penalty rule, but to take nuanced view that this decision was reached in light of east conducting business as a sole trader as opposed to through a limited company. regarding the judge’s reasoning, counsel for the claimant cited neither cine bes or murray as authority but rather relied on the consumer credit act 1974, arguing that the clause was not an “an extortionate credit bargain” and thus not a penalty.93 it was however emphasised that east was an experienced businessman, had entered into agreements with very similar terms as clause 5 with the claimants before, had access to legal advice before contracting and had been warned specifically by letter by county leasing to take legal advice before entering into the agreement.94 the judge failed to take such consideration into account and that the contract was freely entered into by parties of comparable bargaining power who had entered into similar agreements for many years. nor did the judge consider whether the “predominant purpose” of the clause was to deter breach, taking into account any possible commercial justifications, before he made the finding of a penalty clause. the decision was largely based on brief obiter dicta in the angelic star, a shipping case decided itself exclusively premised on the rigid dichotomy (“proposition 2 in the speech of lord dunedin”)95 developed from dunlop, a dichotomy that we criticised in part i, was equally doubted in murray and largely discarded by the supreme court in makdessi.96 alternatively, we might give the judge the benefit of the doubt and reconsider county leasing not as a true commercial case. if we view this case more so a consumer case as opposed to a commercial one, one would certainly consider any oppression as more oppressive towards east in principle. because east contracted into the loan agreement as a sole trader (as opposed to via a limited company) he was personally liable for any losses incurred, not having benefitted from limited liability had he formed and incorporated a company, the finding of a penalty clause can be 92 [1988] 1 llr 122. 93 county leasing (n 13) [86]. 94 ibid [113]. 95 ibid [115], [117]. 96 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [31]. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 60 justified since potential personal bankruptcy is arguably more severe than a potentially failed business. furthermore, to elaborate on a point by zimmermann, 97 because an agreed damages clause places the debtor under a conditional obligation that is to take place in the future, the natural confidence in one’s ability to render performance often leads one to underrate the often gravely detrimental nature of a clause; on this view, the hubris and error of one sole trader may be viewed as more deserving of relief from the penalty rule than that of a larger company with multiple directors benefitting from limited liability. 5.2.3 unaoil v leighton offshore [2014] unaoil is the most recent instance of a judicial finding of a penalty clause taking place after the court of appeal’s decision in makdessi but before the supreme court’s overturning of that decision upon appeal. it is an exemplary example of the inconsistent emphasis placed on the concept of commercial justification. unaoil concerned a memorandum of agreement between leighton offshore ltd, a contractor and unaoil ltd, a subcontractor. both parties agreed that leighton would appoint unaoil as its subcontractor for the onshore construction work if it succeeded in its bid for a substantial oil infrastructure project in iraq.98 the agreement however also contained an agreed damages clause, clause 8.1, stipulating that if leighton did procure the oil project but did not adhere to the terms of their subcontract agreement, i.e. appoint unaoil as its subcontractor, it would pay an agreed amount of $40 million us dollars to unaoil. notably, the contract was amended afterwards, reducing the contract price from $75 million to $55 million dollars in a final attempt to make leighton’s bid more competitive; clause 8.1 however remained unaltered. leighton won the bid but eventually elected not to appoint unaoil as its subcontractor. unaoil sought to enforce the agreed damages clause whilst leighton argued that it was a penalty. eder j found the clause to be “extravagant and unconscionable with a predominant function of deterrence [sic] without any other commercial justification for the clause”. the most cogent criticism against this decision is the inadequate focus on the commercial realities of the agreement. eder j acknowledged, but did not address, the inclusion of the clause as a counterbalance to certain risks as a possible justification: in the course of evidence the chairman of unaoil, when questioned as to how the liquidated damages amount was 97 r zimmermann, the law of obligations: roman foundations of the civilian tradition (ch 4, 1996 oup) 106. 98 unaoil (n 13) [3]. the denning law journal 61 calculated, explained that “‘in iraq estimates are not estimates. things change…i just take a view and go forward’’ and “that the clause was considered a ‘sort of insurance for high profit in an area where other people see a perceived high risk.’”99 a separate criticism is that eder j premises his decision on how $40 million as an agreed damages would have been a genuine pre-estimate of the loss and not a penalty had the contract price remained at $75 million and hence if the contract price was reduced, it could no longer be a genuine pre-estimate and thus a penalty.100 the judge importantly conceded “the reason why the figure…was not reduced at the same time was not explained … perhaps … a mistake or an oversight. i do not know.”101 both parties clearly had the opportunity to amend the clause 8 when amending the contract price and having not done so, by all accounts had still agreed to the clause. yet without firmly establishing the clause was either due to an oversight (or mistake), eder j provided leighton with a very generous benefit of the doubt, at odds with the modern penalty rule and the predisposition that the courts are to uphold contractually fixed damages for breach; jackson j notably reiterated in alfred mcalpine that such a “predisposition is even stronger in the case of commercial contracts freely entered into between parties of comparable bargaining power.” 102 the unaoil decision is disappointingly stultifying and certain commentators have described the decision as a “trap for the wary”.103 5.3 final words an understanding of the penalty rule’s modern development has shown that the rule is in keeping with the needs of commercial parties. the new supreme court test in makdessi has clarified that broader interests (including commercial) need to be given adequate consideration. any concerns over legal uncertainty and inconsistent application have thus been alleviated, and any remaining concerns that might arise from the overly cautious can be answered by shrewd drafting around the doctrine by either making any sums payable on an event other than breach or to frame the clause as a primary obligation. 99 ibid [18]. 100 ibid [71]. 101 ibid. 102 alfred mcalpine (n 56), [48](3) (jackson j). 103 v bange, ‘reducing risk with liquidated damages’ [2015] construction law 6, 7. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 62 6 part iii: a modern rationalisation it is important to note that commercial parties are not concerned with the existence or abolishment of the penalty rule either way: the businessman almost exclusively wishes to know whether agreed damages contained in his contract will be upheld by the courts or deemed unenforceable as a penalty (and if so, how he might protect himself); 104 earlier discussions should hopefully have assuaged his concerns that the courts rarely make the finding of a penalty in commercial contracts. the rare finding of a penalty, however, does not mean the rule has entirely lost its bite; lord halsbury’s example of a penalty payment of a million pounds for a building contract worth fifty pounds would in all likelihood still be deemed a penalty clause.105 the discussion here is primarily academic and aims to answer the pundit’s inquiry: if the penalty rule is scarcely used, why not abolish it altogether? the answer lies beyond the rule itself and in an examination of other areas of private law. within english private law, the modern penalty rule is not only not an anomaly, but is perfectly coherent and should be rationalised as a manifestation of important principles within the law of obligations. this is a bold and arduous disagreement with diplock lj in robophone who described the rule as “anomalous” and famously declared: “i make no attempt, where so many others have failed, to rationalise this common law rule. it seems to be sui generis.”106 the penalty rule encapsulates three related principles that we will summarise as the aversion towards oppression, punishment and unfairness. consistency within the law is intrinsically valuable: support for the current english position on punitive damages, specific performance and unjust enrichment logically lends support to the existence of a penalty rule as they rest upon the same three principles encapsulated by the penalty rule. supporting one but not the other is analogous to having a window removed from one’s home and leaving a hole in the wall; when a storm comes, even if all the other windows are shut, their effectiveness in keeping the room dry will be greatly diminished.107 104 p devlin, ‘the relation between commercial law and commercial practice ’ [1951] modern law review 249, 254. 105 clydebank engineering v castaneda [1905] ac 6, 10. 106 robophone (n 6). 107 for a lack of a better example. the denning law journal 63 this paper will not discuss the equity of redemption or relief from forfeiture as noted by the supreme court,108 but the analysis can equally be extended to such doctrines. 6.1 the law on specific performance the order for specific performance is an equitably remedy granted at the discretion of the courts. chitty defines specific performance as “the remedy available in equity to compel a person actually to perform a contractual obligation.”109 this remedy however is rare in practice and even rarer in commercial cases.110 furthermore it will not be binding on the courts even if parties agree to it in the contract as “it is not the function of the court to be a rubber stamp”.111 lord hoffmann’s judgment in co-operative insurance society v argyll stores (argyll) sheds light onto english law’s reluctance towards specific performance.112 there are references to all three principles in his lordship’s speech. without explicitly acknowledging anti-oppression as its proper basis for limiting specific performance, it is a sentiment prevalent throughout the judgment. in explaining “constant supervision” as a reason why courts should limit granting specific performance, lord hoffmann explained that due to the “heavy handed nature” of the court’s power (its enforcement mechanism of finding the defendant in contempt of court), it would be unacceptable to make the defendant run his business under the “sword of damocles”.113 perhaps his lordship may have fared better to acknowledge anti-oppression as a separate reason for limiting specific performance,114 but the principle against oppression was evidently a factor behind his decision. further on, his lordship acknowledges that whilst undoubtedly it is the defendant has put himself in such a position by his breach of contract, “the purpose of the law of contract is not to punish wrongdoing …”115 this is equally consistent with the law’s position on punitive damages. whilst english law’s current position on specific performance has its 108 makdessi (n 53). 109 h beale, chitty on contracts (33rd edn, sweet & maxwell 2015) para 27-004. 110 whincup (n 16) 373. 111 quadrant visual communications v hutchison [1993] bclc 442 [452] (butler-sloss lj). 112 [1998] ac 1. 113 ibid [13]. referring to the greek anecdote of living in constant fear of negative consequences. 114 a burrows, ‘judicial remedies’ in principles of the english law of obligations (oup 2015) para 4.192. 115 co-operative insurance (n 112) 15. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 64 critics, even critics such as rowan who have persuasively argued in favour of upholding agreed remedies, acknowledge there is some force to this principle against oppression, especially when the specific performance sought is personal in character such as in employment contracts.116 6.2 the law on punitive damages punitive (or exemplary, vindictive) damages go beyond normal compensatory damages as a form of punishment against the defendant. specifically addis v gramophone established that punitive damages could not be recovered for breach of contract.117 the house of lord’s decision in rookes v barnard clarified the law regarding punitive damages for civil wrongs laying down only two narrow categories where punitive damages could be recovered at common law;118 in any case, punitive damages have been described by mcgregor as “effectively outlawed”.119 lord devlin, in his leading judgment, expressed three considerations for the court’s to consider regarding exemplary damages and the second is especially of note. in his second consideration, his lordship found that exemplary damages often amount to greater punishment had the conduct actually been criminal, and this would all have been imposed without the safeguard that criminal law provides an offender with (e.g. right to trial by jury). lord reid’s speech in broome v cassell echoes this sentiment: “to allow pure punishment in this way [exemplary damages] contravenes almost every principle which has been evolved for the protection of offenders”.120 professor street similarly identified as a critique against exemplary damages that, the “sharp cleavage between criminal law … and the law of torts and contract … is a cardinal principle of our legal system.”121 reflecting back on penalty clauses, there is certainly a common underpinning between exemplary damages and lord neuberger and sumption’s comment in makdessi that: “the innocent party can have no proper interest in simply punishing the defaulter”.122 rowan believes that 116 s rowan, ‘for the recognition of remedial terms agreed inter partes ’ [2010] law quarterly review 448, 472. 117 [1909] ac 488; cf a-g v blake [2000] ukhl 45. 118 [1964] ac 1129, 1227. 119 h mcgregor, ‘restitutionary damages’ in p birks (ed) wrongs and remedies in the twenty-first century (clarendon press 1996) 203. 120 [1972] ac 1027, 1087 121 h street, principles of the law of damages (sweet & maxwell 1962) 34-6. 122 makdessi (sc) (n 1) [32]; (italics supplied). the denning law journal 65 the introduction of exemplary damages for breach of contract would require the reconsideration of other rules within contract law, including the penalty rule and the restricted availability of specific performance, amongst others.123 comparing the penalty rule with punitive damages, rowan believes “this [penalty rule] [similarly] constitutes a resounding rejection of deterrence and punishment as acceptable aims in the law of contract.”124 6.3 the law of unjust enrichment the english legal position against unfairness links the penalty rule with infrequent specific performance and the law of unjust enrichment. it is a qualified notion however, as lord roskill explains: “it is not and never has been for the courts to relieve a party from the consequences of what may in the event prove to be an onerous or possibly even a commercially imprudent bargain.”125 within the penalty rule, the principle against unfairness is subsidiary, applicable only to secondary obligations in the same way there will normally be no claim in unjust enrichment so long as a contract subsists.126 the principle against unfairness, that no party, even though innocent, should be allowed to unfairly enrich himself at the expense of another, underlies quantum meruit claims in void contracts such as mohammed v alaga 127 and in cases of non-existent contracts 128 and is a longstanding principle of english law that can be traced as far back to the 18th century foundational case of moses v macferlan.129 even where the claimant is in breach, the innocent party is not allowed to retain the benefits if not provided for under the contract. for example in dies v british and international mining, stable j allowed the recovery of part of the purchase price by the claimants who, in breach of contract, refused to take delivery of goods and pay the rest of the purchase price. stable j’s fortified his view by referencing the penalty rule, and explained that it would be a “manifest defect in the law” if the vendor 123 s rowan, ‘reflections on the introduction of punitive damages for breach of contract’ [2010] oxford journal of legal studies 495. 124 ibid 509. 125 export credits guarantee v universal oil [1983] 1 wlr 399, 403. 126 c mitchell, ‘unjust enrichment’ in a burrows (ed) principles of the english law of obligations (oup 2015) para 3.226. 127 [1999] 3 all er 699. 128 british steel v cleveland engineering [1984] 1 all er 504. 129 (1760) 97 er 676. the penalty rule: a modern interpretation 66 could retain both the goods and the money irrespective of whether the money corresponded to the amount of actual damages.130 this principle is equally evident behind the restricted availability of specific performance. in argyll, lord hoffmann was convinced (by millett lj’s reasoning) to refuse specific performance due to the injustice that might arise “by allowing the plaintiff to enrich himself at the expense of the claimant” because the “loss which the defendant may suffer through having to comply with the order … may be far greater than the plaintiff would suffer from the contract being broken.”131 7 conclusion we have thus come full circle. initial doubts over the penalty rule have emerged into an appreciation of the rule’s modern role and underlying justifications. part i examined the background leading to the supreme court decision in makdessi and the judgment itself. it was argued that the reformulated test would be a high threshold for parties attempting to prove that a clause was penal. the justifications offered against abolishing the doctrine were not altogether convincing and the “legal consistency” justification required furthered elaboration. part ii considered the origins and development of the “modern” penalty rule. the decisions in cine bes and murray firmly established commercial justifications as a factor when arguing over the penalty rule before the courts. as a matter of authority, the courts have almost entirely refrained from applying the rule. the varying emphasis placed on the aspect of commercial justification however, had unfortunately led to its inconsistent application with its entailing legal uncertainty; we reconciled the three isolated instances with the modern norm. part iii rationalised the rule’s continued existence in spite of its limited application. it was shown that the penalty rule is not anomalous, but rather a constituent of a rational set of private law principles. brief discussions and comparisons were made with english law’s position on specific performance, punitive damages, and certain forms of unjust enrichment. to contrast professor teitel's remarks in 1988 that the penalty rule, which lacked the certainty of enforcement yet placed an undue premium on draftsmanship, gets the “worst of both worlds”,132 the modern penalty 130 [1939] 1 kb 724, 744. cf sumpter v hedge [1898] 1 qb 673. 131 argyll (n 112) 15. 132 gh treitel, remedies for breach of contract: a comparative account (oxford university press 1998) 233. the denning law journal 67 rule by delineating its narrow application allows commercial parties to freely conduct business and include agreed damage clauses in their contracts as needed without undue fear of judicial intervention. on a theoretical level, the rule aligns itself with other doctrines within private law and serves as a lighthouse, illuminating important principles that run through the english law of obligations. for the purposes of right to self-determination, how does one define people in context of kashmir iii obituary gordon goldberg, llb, ma, barrister, (1938-2015) former reader in law and master of moots at the university of buckingham died on 13 june 2015, the feast day of saint anthony of padua. the university received many tributes from alumni and former academic colleagues. we cannot print them all but we are sure our readers would wish to share in some of them. “in these days of powerpoint presentations, virtual learning environments, research excellence frameworks, student surveys, peer review, personal developments plans, and all the bureaucratic paraphernalia surrounding teaching in higher education, one can despair that no room is left for inspirational teachers. perhaps gordon goldberg and his like are a dying breed, but it could never be said of gordon that he went quietly. in his time at the university of buckingham, he left an indelible mark on a whole generation of law students. he will also long be remembered in the town if only for riding his bicycle everywhere with his academic gown flying in the wind behind him. central to understanding gordon‟s power and influence were two loves, his love of the common law (he never really reconciled himself to britain‟s membership of the european union) and his love of and respect for students (for whom he could have infinite time and care). from both he expected a beauty and precision obituary iv of language. all of this was seen, not just in the formal teaching environment, but also in his conduct as master of moots. i doubt we will see his like again.” (deputy vice-chancellor, professor alistair alcock) “out of my law lecturers at buckingham, he stood out as kind, engaging, non-judgemental, thoroughly decent and knowledgeable. i have never forgotten the genuine kindness and respect i received from mr gordon goldberg” (donna i. achara, alumna) “like lord denning, gordon respected the power of language. his unique use of english both ancient and modern was developed into a unique, distinct and memorable prose. gordon was passionate about law, its impartiality and its justice. unsurprisingly, the case of prohibitions del roy [1607] ewhc j23 (kb), in which sir edward coke in challenging the power of king james asserted that cases were to be decided „but by the artificial reason and judgment of law‟ was central to gordons quest that law was above no man. he had a reputation far and wide and when the honourable justice debbie mortimer was appointed to the federal court of australia in 2013 it was mentioned in the speech given in her honour that in 1987, she was articled to gordon goldberg of goldberg and window solicitors, richmond. in her address when she was sworn in she said of gordon goldberg „he is a formidable lawyer and i learned a great deal from him. he deplored the use of pro forma documents and precedents, instead advising me, "dear, go and read the relevant legislation and any court rules and then read the cases and work it out". reading the relevant legislation and any court rules, then reading the cases and working it out, is, i have found, rather a sound general approach to the practice of the law‟. gordon was not only a man of reason he was also a man of passion for teaching and will also be remembered for his generosity of spirit and love for his students” (dean of law, professor susan edwards) “he took the „academic stage‟ of legal education seriously and would never compromise on its demands. it meant – and does mean – that students studying law understand those key principles that give it its very strength and purpose. this is not always an easy task to undertake. one can make the distinction between the obscurity of expression and the expression of obscurity. gordon was never guilty of the former, but viewed the latter as pardonable. he was, after all, the denning law journal v endeavouring to explain difficult concepts. difficult though they were, they were still well worthy of the effort. i am sure that many a law student – just as i did – finally understood, finally realised the wisdom of gordon‟s words long after they were spoken.i am sure that he did know – or at least suspect – what a colossal impact he had had on generations of lawyers who graduated from all the institutions which he adorned”. “he was a man, take him all in all, i shall not look upon his like again.” hamlet, act 1 sc 2, 1, 187. (owain blackwell, former academic colleague) the denning law journal 93 denning law journal 2019 vol 31 pp 93-121 evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa simisola akintoye* ayobami joshua** * senior lecturer in law, de montfort university law school. ** senior lecturer in law, adekunle ajasin university, ondo state, nigeria. 1 judge keba m’baye (inaugural address of the third teaching session of the international institute of human rights (july 3, 1972)) 5 human right journals, 503, cited in stephen marks ‘the human right to development: between rhetoric and reality’ (2004) 17 harvard human rights journal 137-168 at 138. 2 salim bashir magashi, ‘the human right to development in nigeria’ (lld thesis, faculty of law of stellenbosch university 2006) 2. 3 ibid. 4 joseph m isanga, ‘rule of law and africa development’ (2016) 42 north carolina journal of international law and commercial regulation 57. 5 ibid., 58. introduction the right to development appears to mean different things to many people. judge keba m’baye, a distinguished senegalese jurist, is credited with initiating the discourse on the concept of ‘development’ as a human right in a 1972 lecture held at the international institute of human rights in strasbourg, where he asserted that ‘every man has a right to live and live better’.1 to promote development and eventually the dignity of human beings, human rights and development have become two mutually related ideas that remain critical for any genuine, equitable global structuring or restructuring.2 the disproportionate pattern of the global economic system in the aspect of international economic development, particularly glaring on the african continent, has dominated several academic discussions since the period of decolonisation of the less developed countries of the world and still remains so till date.3 although african continent has seen a measure of economic growth since the 1990s, yet most of this growth is unsustainable and tenuous.4 simply put, africa is far from a genuine economically developed region; and one of the significant reasons for this is the absence of true foundation for sustainable economic development, particularly the rule of law.5 94 evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa as noted by currot: the rule of law, by providing the framework for protecting private property and individual freedom, creates the stability and predictability in economic affairs necessary to promote entrepreneurship, saving and investment, and capital formation. it is nonsensical to expect … economic development in africa without addressing the institutional factors, such as the lack of rule of law, which are responsible for africa’s failure to develop in the first place.6 it logically follows that in the absence of the rule of law, the prospects of the application of the right to development as a human right to the many developmental challenges faced on the african continent are dim, when viewed against the background of the developmental crisis on the continent of africa with its negative trickling down effect on the human worth and dignity of the overwhelming majority of the populace who are pitifully enmeshed in abject poverty, pauperisation, maternal mortality, diseases, hunger and malnutrition. this paper shall provide the reasons that undergird this perspective; it is obvious that the apparent economic development disparities among nations in the globalised world have produced severe socioeconomic consequences that challenge the universal concepts of equality, equity and fairness; concepts that are at the heart of both human rights and development discussions.7 human rights, development, right to development and the rule of law human rights human rights are those basic rights which all persons everywhere and at all times equally have by virtue of their status as human beings.8 article 1 of the universal declaration on human rights states that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.9 it follows therefore that every human is entitled to enjoy 6 nicholas adam currott, ‘foreign aid, the rule of law and economic development in africa’ (2010) 11 ubotsljp 14. 7 arjun sengupta, ‘the human right to development’ in bard a andreassen and stephen p marks (eds), development as a human right: legal, political and ethical dimensions (cambridge 2008) 13–15. 8 william idowu, ‘the special right, theory within the context of human rights: how not to reconstruct sexual equality’ (2012) 3 human rights review 1. 9 united nations, ‘universal declaration of human rights’ (united nations, 1948) the denning law journal 95 basic fundamental human rights that are universal in nature.10 there are diverse theories and theorisations about human rights. in intellectual discourses about the rule of law, the polemics usually swing between the natural law scholars and the legal positivists.11 to the legal positivist, human rights are products of law duly enacted by an authority empowered by law to do so; and thus commending people to obey or otherwise attract sanctions; in consequence, it is bereft of any moral or religious influence. conversely, the naturalists argue that human rights accrue to persons because they are human beings; they are ‘inherent, fundamental and inalienable, universal, eternal and unalterable moral truths which attach to all human beings by virtue of their humanity.’12 the latter view represents the most acceptable definition of human rights and is reflected in the international human rights conventions. as an instance, the office of the united nations high commissioner for human rights (ohchr) defines human rights as: inherent to all human beings whatever over nationality, place of residence, sex, nationality or ethnic origin, colour, religion, language or any other status. we are all equally entitled to our human rights without discrimination. these rights are all interrelated, interdependent and indivisible.13 it has been said that the above definition captures the entire gamut of the theoretical, idealist and practical nature of human rights.14 the above descriptions suggest that human rights are essentially ‘law based’, in that a right should derive its status, relevance and enforceability from the law, even though it originated from somewhere else. this is in line with the argument accessed 6 october 2018. 10 yemi akinseye-george, improving judicial protection of human rights in nigeria (cslj, abuja 2011) – cited in olusegun, o and ajigboye, o. “realizing the right to development in nigeria: an examination of legal barriers and challenges.” [2015] journal of sustainable development, law and policy 6 (1): 145-168. 11 see generally margaret mcdonald, ‘natural rights’ in jeremy waldron (ed), theories of rights (oup 1984). 12 ibid. 13 office of the high commissioner for human rights, ‘what are human rights’ (2015) https://www.ohchr.org/en/aboutus/pages/frequentlyaskedquestions.aspx accessed on 12 december 2019. 14 magashi (n 3) 19. https://www.ohchr.org/en/aboutus/pages/frequentlyaskedquestions.aspx https://www.un.org/en/document /udhr/ 96 of the positivists who postulate that to be enforceable, a right must be derived from a recognised source.15 development the term ‘development’ is a problematic concept.16 it has been one of the most ambiguous terms in intellectual discourses and it continues to generate controversies among scholars in related disciplines. in general terms, it is multidimensional, and could be viewed from political, economic and social angles.17 development has been conceptualised as a multidimensional process, involving major changes in social structures, popular attitudes and national institutions, as well as the acceleration of economic growth, the reduction of inequality and the eradication of absolute poverty.18 rodney, however, sees beyond people’s perception of development, and conceived development in its economic, political and social terms. in his view, development requires that emphasis be laid on both ‘increase in output and changes in the technical and institutional framework by which it is produced’.19 put differently, development is basically about the process of change which lies around the different facets of life.20 amartya sen sees development in terms of both physical and psychological realities.21 the physical reality of development could be created in the existence of visible and concrete edifice like roads, hospitals, schools and factories among others. psychological reality consists in the capability of the citizens to enjoy the utility of physical development.22 15 most human rights originated from morality and religion. however, they only become recognised and enforceable when they gain a legal endorsement. a good example is the incorporation of human rights in the universal declaration of human rights (udhr) which was adopted on 10th december 1948. perhaps without the declaration, modern societies would have been denuded of human rights. 16 samson ayobami joshua, ‘the relevance of the rule of law to good governance and development in nigeria’ (phd thesis, faculty of law obafemi awolowo university 2017) 39. 17 ibid. 18 michael paul todaro, economic development in the third world (4th edn, longman 1989) 23. 19 walter rodney, how europe underdeveloped africa (bogle—l’ourverture 1972) 47. 20 ibid. 21 amartya sen, development as freedom (oup 1999). 22 ibid. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa the denning law journal 97 the popular thinking in the modern world is to conceive development in terms of economic growth of a country, and the gross domestic product (gdp) is often used as the parameter to measure it. for example, the united nations development programme (undp) in one of its human development report (hdr) suggests that development is an end, while economic growth is the means to such end.23 furthermore, the world bank perceives ‘development’ as an entire range of changes in a particular society or social entity. it considers the test of development, mainly, to be the needs to improve quality of life, provide better education, create higher standards of life and nutrition, reduce poverty, promote cleaner environment, guarantee equality of opportunities and sustain individual freedom and richer cultural life.24 importantly, the united nations declaration of right to development (undrd) in its preamble sees development as a comprehensive process involving the economic, social, cultural and political processes; with the objective of sustainable improving people’s well-being, based on their meaningful participation in the development process.25 right to development generally, the international bill of rights comprising the 1948 universal declaration of human right (udhr), the international covenant on civil and political rights (iccpr) and the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights (icescr), both from 1967, are acknowledged as precursors to the right to development (rtd).26 although none of the earlier mentioned international instruments expressly mentions the rtd, their provisions have implicitly27 promulgated the rtd into existence. a good example is article 22 of the udhr which provides for the rights of every individual in the society to social security and realisation of his economic, social and cultural rights, which are deemed indispensable for their dignity and free development of his personality.28 invariably, rtd 23 undp hdr (1996). 24 quoted in professor bolaji owasanoye, ‘rule of law and national development’ in epiphany azinge and bolaji owasanoye (eds), rule of law and good governance (nials, 1999) 309. 25 magashi (n 3) 31. 26 olusegun and oyeniyi (n 11) 148. 27 olajumoke o oduwole, ‘international law and the right to development: a pragmatic approach for africa’ (inaugural lecture as professor to the prince clause chair in development and equity 2013/2015, the hague, may 2014). 28 see article 22, udhr accessed 6 october 2018. https://www.ohcr.org/en/udhr/documents/udhr_translation/eng.pdf/ https://www.ohcr.org/en/udhr/documents/udhr_translation/eng.pdf/ 98 has both external and internal dimension. the external dimension addresses inequality of the global political economy reflected in great inequities. thus, this aspect of the right engages the responsibilities of states internationally when acting individually or collectively. the internal dimension of the right focuses on the obligations of every state to initiate domestic policies that promote the realisation of fundamental rights of all its citizens. margot salomon29 has observed that the rtd derives its ‘intellectual origins and legal claims’ jointly from article 28 and articles 55 and 56 of the united nations charter. some other treaties with development components include the international convention on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination (icerd),30 convention for the prevention and punishment for the crime of genocide (cppcg)31 and the international convention on the suppression and punishment of the crime of apartheid (spca),32 among others. originally perceived as a ‘third generation’ or ‘solidarity right’33 the rtd was explicitly established by article 1(1) of the undrd which states: the right to development is an inalienable human right by virtue of which every human person and all people are entitled to participate in, contribute to and enjoy economic, social, cultural and political development, in which all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully realized.34 furthermore, articles 2(3) and 3(3) impose a duty on the states to design appropriate national development policies and to cooperate with each other in 29 margot e salomon, global responsibility for human rights: world poverty and the development of international law (oup 2007). 30 adopted and opened for signature and ratification by general assembly resolution 2106 (xx) of 21 december 1965 entry into force on 4th january 1969. https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/cerd.aspx 31 adopted by the general assembly of the united nations on december, 1948. 32 adopted by the general assembly of the united nations on 30 november, 1973. 33 stephen marks, ‘the human right to development: between rhetoric and reality’ (2004) 17 harvard human rights journal 137. in the 1970s and 1980s the rtd was introduced as one of several rights belonging to a third ‘generation’ of human rights. the first ‘generation’ consisted of civil and political rights conceived of as freedom from state abuse. the second ‘generation’ consisted of economic, social and cultural rights claims made against exploiters and oppressors; while the third ‘generation’ consisted of solidarity rights belonging to peoples and covering global concerns such as development, environment, humanitarian assistance, peace, communication and common heritage. 34 united nations charter < www.un.org/en/documents>/ accessed 6 october 2018. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/cerd.aspx http://www.un.org/en/documents the denning law journal 99 ensuring development and eliminating obstacles to development respectively.35 it is now commonly acknowledged that rtd alludes to both an individual and a collective right.36 besides, the holders of the collective right are the people, to whom are owed obligations by the national government and international cooperation of governments to translate this right to a concrete reality for the people to enjoy.37 rule of law because of its significance, the concept of the rule of law has attracted a great deal of attention from scholars down the countries.38 the phrase ‘rule of law’ emerged as a theoretical concept formulated and debated by philosophers and legal theorists, and at the same time, it is a legal concept used by lawyers and judges.39 its meaning is informed by both moral and legal theorists who investigated the abstract moral and political goals contained in the concept.40 accordingly, the rule of law is not simply ‘a set of mechanical rules to be followed; it is rather a set of loose, vague and indeterminate principles; which require interpretation in the light of the values which it is designed to realize.’41 because of its amenability to varying definitions and interpretations by philosophers and legal theorists, the literature on the rule of law is diverse and extensive.42 brian tamanaha has stated that the rule of law means that government officials and citizens are bound by, and therefore should abide by law.43 35 ibid. 36 oduwole (n 28) 5. 37 ibid. 38 randall peerenboom, ‘the future of rule of law: challenges and prospects for the field’ (2009) 1 hague journal on the rule of law 7. 39 ibid. 40 ibid. [9], in his article titled: ‘the future of the rule of law: challenges and prospects for the field’, r peerenboom explains that as the field has expanded, so have the definitions of the rule of law expanded. he stated that many definitions, in circular fashion, have been engrafted to the rule of law, in view of the objectives which it is meant to achieve, such as the protection of property rights, low crime rates and also democracy and political rights – see also francis fukuyama, ‘transitions to the rule of law’ (2010) 2(1) journal of democracy, 33–44; adriaan bedner, ‘an elementary approach to the rule of law’ (2010) 2 hague journal of the rule of law, 48–74. 41 funmilola tolulope abioye, ‘rule of law in english speaking african countries: the case of nigeria and south africa’ (phd thesis, faculty of law university of pretoria 2011) 160–161. 42 lon l fuller, the morality of law (yale university press 1964), 41. 43 brian z tamanaha, ‘the history and elements of the rule of law’ (2012) 2 singapore 100 as stated earlier, the rule of law has remained a dynamic concept and the tenets encapsulated in the concept are limitless;44 as such, it embraces, in a narrower sense, terms such as due process, procedural justice and legal formality. in accordance with the foregoing context, dennis lloyd highlighted the basic tenets of the rule of law to include the following:45 (a) independence of the judiciary independence of the judiciary is synonymous with freedom from interference or pressure from the executive and legislative arms of government, along with friends, relations and peers. an independent and impartial judiciary is basic to the promotion of the rule of law; in that, it is the judiciary that has the responsibility of ensuring that both the government and the governed act in accordance with the laws. judicial independence finds justification in the requirement of the separation of powers and the promotion of the rule of law.46 (b) speedy trial of accused persons the issue of speedy trial of persons accused of criminal offence is central to the concept of rule of law. the axiom ‘justice delayed is justice denied’ is quite valid. delay in criminal trial would fetter the freedom of the accused unnecessarily. besides, delay defeats the purpose of justice as time, resources, and opportunities are needlessly wasted. it amounts to a loss, not only to the society, but to the accused and the complainant/victim. (c) judicial review another significant tenet of the rule of law is the principle of judicial review. it implies that there exists adequate judicial control over executive and legislative actions. in practice, it means no member of the executive arm of government journal of legal studies, 232–233. 44 professor francis chijioke nwoke and professor dakas cj dakas, ‘the rule of law as a cornerstone of democracy and good governance’ (proceedings of the 39th annual conference of nalt 2003) 80. 45 lloyd dennis, the idea of law (penguin books 1964) 161–164. 46 david pollard, neil parpworth and david hughes, constitutional and administrative law (4th edn, oup 2007). evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa the denning law journal 101 shall exercise his executive function where there is no legal foundation for such act; whenever he does, the court has the power to nullify such act. in the same vein, the legislature shall not pass any law which is ultra vires its lawful powers. were the legislature to offend, the court will strike down the offending legislation.47 (d) adequate legal assistance for the indigent it is also important that adequate assistance be given by the state to indigent citizens, who are accused of crime but are too poor to afford the cost of getting a good defense counsel. the tenet of equality of all persons before the law can only be well served if this safeguard exists. (e) freedom and independence of advocates rule of law thrives better in a society where those charged with the duty of advocacy enjoy freedom and independence. today, the persons, who by training and experience, are charged with the duty of advocacy are lawyers; they occupy an eminent position in determining, in every society, the fate of the rule of law. without a strong, virile, vibrant, independent, respected, fearless and research-oriented bar, the rule of law can hardly thrive.48 (f) the principle of presumption of innocence another safeguard of the rule of law is the principle that every person accused of committing an offence shall be presumed innocent until he is proven guilty. furthermore, the principle states that no person shall be guilty of an offence which is not specifically laid down in some law established prior to the date the alleged offence was committed.49 this expansive view of the rule of law has been adopted by most modern countries, particularly constitutional democracies, and the tenets are carefully enshrined in their various constitutions. 47 brian z tamanaha, on the rule of law (cambridge university press 2004). 48 mehr chand mahajan, looking back: the autobiography of mehr chand mahajan, former chief justice of india (har-anand publication 1963). 49 this principle is expressly enshrined in the constitutions of most common law countries. for example, see s 36 (5), (8) and (12) of the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of nigeria. 102 the relationship between human rights, development and the rule of law in the context of rights-based approach to development human rights and development experience has shown that no development regardless of how well designed and conceptualised can flourish without same form of legal prescriptions.50 arguably, law and development are two mutually inclusive concepts.51 it is in recognition of this fact that united nations declaration of right of development (undrd) defines development as a human right.52 it has been stated earlier in this study that human right are those basic rights which all persons everywhere and at all times equally have by virtue of their status as human beings; it follows therefore that every human is entitled to enjoy basic fundamental human rights that are universal in nature. when viewed from this angle, it is logical to conclude that the right to development considers not only the marriage of human rights and development but also that development is in itself a human right.53 it is in this regard that the millennium development goals (mdgs), the new partnership for africa’s development (nepad) initiatives as well as the renewed sustainable development goals (sdgs) initiatives all have human rights undertones. rule of law and development it has been argued that law can only function as a tool of development if it functions as it ought to, by imposing meaningful restraints on government actors and in limiting arbitrary state action;54 obviously the relationship between rule of law and (economic) development cannot be overemphasised. seth w norton has observed that property rights are necessary for growth.55 he further examines empirical research that demonstrates that improved specified property rights 50 magashi (n 3) 32. 51 mamman lawan, ‘law and development in nigeria: a need for activism’ (2011) 55 jal, 59–85. 52 article 1 undrd. 53 magashi (n 3) 33. 54 randall peerenboom, china’s long march toward rule of law (cambridge university press 2002). 55 seth w norton, ‘poverty, property rights and human well-being: a cross national study’ (1998) 8 catoj 233. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa the denning law journal 103 indicate higher levels of human development56 and that there is compelling proof that enhanced property rights greatly reduce the degradation of the world’s poorest people; whereas weak property rights increase the degradation of poor people.57 in the same vein, tamanaha posited that certainty, predictability and security play a key role in (economic) development.58 the relevant question here is will african countries (the focus of this study) achieve development if they adhere to the rule of law? right-based approach to development agenda the milestones in the evolution of the universal right to development and later rights-based development are well documented in the literature, and there is no need to dwell extensively on that in this study. the right to development (rtd) was explicitly established by article 1(1) of the united nations declaration of right to development (undrd), which guarantees, among other things, that right to development is an inalienable right of every human person. although it is now commonly acknowledged that this right refers to both an individual and a collective right, and that the collective right is vested in the people with a corresponding obligation resting on national governments, as well as a duty of international cooperation among states; yet right from the commencement of the rtd, there had arisen, between the developing and developed countries of the world, an argument about the holder of the right conferred by the rtd and those obliged to carry out the duty created by the right. the developing countries have taken the position that they were the right holders while the developed countries were the duty bearers (that is obliged 56 ibid. [234]. 57 ibid. 58 brian tamanaha, a concise guide to the rule of law (st. johns legal studies 2007). tamanaha stated the above three prerequisite features of law that satisfies the demands of the concept of rule of law. he further argues that one function of the rule of law is to impose legal restraints on government (i) by requiring compliance with existing law, and (ii) by imposing legal limits on law-making power. this thesis finds supports in joseph raz ‘the rule of law and its virtue’, (1977) 93 l.q. rev, 198–201 where raz identifies eight principles of the rule of law; viz (i) laws should be prospective, open and clear; (ii) laws should be relatively stable; (iii) the making of particular laws (legal orders) should be guided by open, clear, general rules; (iv) the independence of the judiciary must be guaranteed; (v) the principles of natural justice must be observed; (vi) courts should have review powers over the implementation of the principles of the rule of law in respect of administrative action and legislation; (vii) courts should be easily accessible; and (viii) the discretion of law enforcement agencies should not be allowed to pervert the law. 104 to perform the duty created by the rtd in favour of the developing countries). in effect, developed countries have largely continued to refuse interpretations of the undrtd (that legally require them to give aid to particular developing countries, while developing countries continue to demand for more aid and concessions, a fairer international trade climate, access to technology and debt relief from developed countries on the ground that they (i.e. developing countries) face daunting development problems as well as potent threat of marginalisation in the globalisation era. at this point, it is needful to consider the nature and content of rtd. the right to development the right to development means that development is, itself, a human right and thus it prescribes the manner by which development can be viewed from the human rights perspective. the content of the right to development includes participation, international co-operation, self-determination, good governance, and equality of opportunity, among others.59 to start with, the concept of participation suggests that individuals, groups and peoples should get involved in development activities, thereby making it possible for them to have the right to decide collectively and elect their own representative organisations.60 it is also important that they have control over those fundamental choices on issues affecting them and engage in all those mechanisms related to their welfare.61 as such, every form of inequality or discrimination on the grounds of sex, ethnicity, disability, religion and every other kind that could negatively impinge on the enjoyment of their human rights should be rejected. it remains to be seen whether this is the reality in the international community of states, particularly in less developed countries (including african countries). moving on to international co-operation, the united nations by virtue of its charter acknowledges the duty of international co-operation among states. in that context, international community of states and multinational bodies are required to co-operate to promote and enforce the human rights of all persons.62 the implication of this is that a state cannot act alone, that is, without giving 59 magashi (n 4 ) 123. 60 olusegun and oyeniyi (n 12) 151. 61 ibid. 62 irene hadiprayitno, ‘poverty, the right to development and international human rights law’ (2005) ssrn 2004 accessed 28 march 2019. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa http://ssrn.com/abstract=669227 the denning law journal 105 consideration to how its policies would have impact on other countries. the impact of the policies and practices of the developed countries on the less developed countries and vice versa, and the reaction of both necessitates international co-operation.63 a good illustration of this is foreign aid from developed countries to the needy less developed countries. the most important questions, however, is how well have such aids translated to better development for the recipient countries to foster genuine co-operation between the donor-developed countries and the developing countries? the united nations declaration on the rights to development (undrd) maintains that development connotes the full realisation of the right of peoples to self-determination, and by virtue of that right, they can pursue their economic, social and cultural development without limitations.64 self-determination in this sense is particularly significant to developing countries, (which largely include african countries), most of which are still economically and, to some extent, politically dependent on the developed countries, some of which once colonised them. governance connotes the traditional processes and institutions by which a given country exercises power. this embraces the means by which governments are chosen and replaced, the ability of the government to initiate and effectively execute policies and the measure of respect the citizens and the government have for the institutions established to actualise economic and social relations.65 according to its 1997 yearly report, the united nations development program (undp) acknowledges participation, transparency, responsiveness, consensus orientation, equity, effectiveness and efficiency, accountability and strategic vision as core characteristics of good governance. all these characteristics are given significant attention by the un in the context of institutional reforms and other international agencies; against the background of the strategic relevance of good governance to the actualisation of right to development. lastly, the undrd affirms equality of all its beneficiaries by emphasising that development policy should be geared towards improving the well-being of the entire population and of all persons.66 besides, states are enjoined to respect and promote the rights of all citizens regardless of race, sex, language or religion.67 63 ibid. 64 article 1(2) undrd. 65 olusegun and oyeniyi (n 12) 153. 66 article 2(3) undrd. 67 article 6(1). 106 this implies that every person should have access to education, health care and employment on equal terms. all the foregoing laudable provisions are at the core of the content of rtd; though laudable as they are, it is debatable whether their actualisation in concrete terms has been achieved in most nations of the world, especially, in the context of this paper, in african countries. right to development under international law the right to development is a synthesis of existing rights. to this end, the twin covenants (the ccpr and the cescr) constitute important sources of the right since in substance and spirit, they were drawn, from the udhr.68 this is even more so considering that two vital components of the right to development, which are self-determination and international co-operation, are both recognised under these covenants.69 additionally, the twin covenants contain specific rights that have direct positive implications on the right to development as an umbrella right. for example, the icescr recognises the right of everyone to work,70 to social security,71 to cultural life,72 and to education which must be free and compulsory at least at the primary level and accessible at higher levels.73 similarly provision of adequate standard of living, adequate food, clothing, housing, continuous improvement of living conditions of persons are recognised under this instrument.74 the icescr even goes ahead to recognise that everyone must be free from hunger.75 with regard to the right to health, article 12 (1) of the icescr provides the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest 68 the undrd preamble 4 provides: ‘recalling the provision of the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights and of the international covenant on civil and political rights’. 69 see common art 1 iccpr and icescr; see also *undrd preamble 6 which provides: ‘recalling the right of peoples to self-determination, by virtue of which they have the right freely to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development’. at present 167 states have ratified both on 29 july 1993. accessed 28 september 2018. 70 icescr art 6. 71 icescr art 9. 72 icescr art 15(1)(a). 73 icescr art 13. 74 icescr art 11(1). 75 icescr art 11(2). evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa https://treaties.un.org/pages/viewdetails.aspx?src =treaty&mtdysg-no=iv-4&chapter=4&lang=en https://treaties.un.org/pages/viewdetails.aspx?src =treaty&mtdysg-no=iv-4&chapter=4&lang=en the denning law journal 107 attainable standard of physical and mental health. to achieve this, states must take charge by ensuring the reduction of stillbirth and infant mortality rate as well as ensuring the healthy development of child.76 states must also ensure that all aspects of hygiene and the environment are improved, in addition to putting genuine efforts in the ‘prevention, treatment and control of epidemic, endemic, occupational and other diseases’ as well as in the creation of conditions which would assure medical services to all and medical attention in the event of sickness.77 the right to development as a concept only came into existence at the un level in 1986 with the adoption of the undrd.78 the un mandated the high commissioner for human rights to acknowledge the necessity of promoting a balanced and sustainable development for all peoples and also ensure the actualisation of the right to development, as established in the declaration on the right to development.79 the high commissioner was further mandated to establish a branch to be responsible for and the promotion and protection of right to development.80 it should be noted that the undrd is not a unique document in the sense of containing completely new rights not previously covered.81 it more or less reproduced existing human rights and obligations contained in the twin covenants into a single document with the purpose of harmonising them and pursuing them together. its uniqueness lies in its articulation of developmentrelated rights and, where necessary, expanding these rights82 like the instruments highlighted earlier, the undrd emphasises the need for international co-operation as a universal remedy for its achievement83 it is arguably one of the few known international instruments that defines human rights as an entitlement of both individuals and peoples at the same time.84 human rights are largely conceived as individual entitlement.85 76 icescr art 12(2)(a). 77 icescr art 12(c)(d). 78 undrd; see also stephen marks, ‘the rights to development: between rhetoric and reality’ (2004) 17 harvard human rights journal 137–138. 79 ibid. [138]. 80 ibid. [139]. 81 bonny ibhawoh, human rights in africa (cambridge university press 2018). 82 ibid. [33]. 83 undrd art 1(3). 84 undrd art 1(1). 85 see text below. 108 right to development under the african human rights regime most african countries have shown willingness to commit to the right to development. this is gleaned from the affirmation of this right as a peoples’ right in the african charter on human and peoples’ rights (achpr)86 and their contemporaneous continuous commitment to development at regional, sub-regional and national level. as a matter of fact, the achpr was the first enforceable document to contain the right to development thereby making the african continent to be the first in conceiving it.87 the achpr unambiguously provides that ‘states shall have the duty, individually or collectively, to ensure the exercise of the right to development.’88 article 1 of the achpr necessitates the african union (au) member states to take steps to ‘recognise the rights, duties and freedom enshrined in the charter and shall undertake to adopt legislative or other measures to give effect to them.’89 the achpr is the most important african treaty on human rights.90 generally, most african states provide for developmental rights, especially economic, social and cultural rights in the form of fundamental objectives and directive of state policy (fodpsp).91 however, ethiopia, malawi, cameroon and uganda have gone further and recognised the right. the challenge of non-express recognition of human rights, through fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy, usually results in legal tension with respect to questions of supremacy between constitutions and international law at times even involving extant laws.92 generally, the african human rights system is fully grounded in its articulation of the right to development as a human right.93 86 african (banjul) charter on human and peoples’ rights (adopted 27 june 1981 entered into force 21 october 1986) oau doc gab/leg/67/3 rev 5,21 ilm 58(1982) (achpr). 87 magashi (n 4 ) 119. 88 article 1 of achpr. 89 ibid. 90 magashi (n 4) 119. 91 for example, constitution of the federal republic of nigeria (1999) chapter ii; constitution of the republic of ghana 1992 chapter 006; and the constitution of united republic of tanzania (1977) part i. 92 magashi (n 4) 121. 93 ibid. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa the denning law journal 109 extent to which the effective enforcement of the rule of law in africa has assisted the human rights-based approach to development individually, several african states have adopted new constitutions, some of them explicitly entrenching the rule of law as a core value in constitutional governance.94 these states have also constituted courts with the jurisdiction to conduct judicial review, thus ensuring a system of checks and balances to reign in executive overreach.95 several african states provide in their constitutions for the rule of law.96 but, as on a continuum, there are varying approaches to the rule of law depending on the history and political context of each country. south africa south africa is a beacon of hope for the region with regard to how the rule of law can be instrumental to development. even in south africa however, issues have arisen with regard to the extent the executive is willing to embrace the concept of the rule of law. the south african constitution provides that ‘the republic of south africa is one, sovereign, democratic state founded on the following values … supremacy of the constitution and the rule of law’.97 but while south african courts have pronounced themselves on the scope of the rule of law, judges have not been as unanimous with regard to its meaning and scope. the notion of rule of law was at the heart of the decision in masethia v president of the republic of south africa.98 at issue was procedural fairness as a requirement of the rule of law.99 reading for the majority, justice moseneke ruled that the requirement of procedural fairness had been met because the president’s constitutional power to appoint the head of each of the intelligence services was concomitant with the power to dismiss.100 therefore, masethia’s argument that the president was required to adhere to the audi alteram partem principle by affording him a hearing before deciding to dismiss him was without merit?101 the majority insisted that the exercise of executive power should not be constrained by a procedural 94 infra part 6. 95 ibid. 96 ibid. 97 south african const, ch., 1(c), 1996. 98 masethla v president of south africa cct 01/07 [2007] zacc 20. 99 ibid. [179]. 100 ibid. [86]. 101 ibid. [74]. 110 requirement.102 the court asserted that the only constitutional limit to the exercise of this power was the principle of rationality.103 justice ngcobo’s dissent, however, differed slightly in analysis, with the justice insisting that the rule of law requires legality or non-arbitrariness, that is, that public power be exercised in compliance with the law and within the boundaries set by the law.104 botswana botswana exemplifies an african nation where, to a large extent, adherence to the rule of law has resulted in economic development. for many years botswana has been one of the world’s fastest growing economies, with an average economic growth rate of 7.7%. without much foreign aid, and in the absence of a large state, botswana has gone from being the third poorest nation of the world in 1965 to an upper middle-income nation today.105 economist scott beaulier has asserted that the rule of law and comparatively free economic institutions are the major explanations for botswana’s greater success at economic development, in comparison to other african countries.106 beaulier remarks that at independence, botswana was bedevilled by typical problems of poor african countries such as famine, decayed infrastructure, illiteracy and poor health facilities among others.107 however, according to him, botswana grew because its ruling elite made deliberate choices to increase economic freedom and avoided engaging in predatory practices. for some reason, botswana’s leaders were not interested in lining their own pockets.108 respect for the rule of law allowed for entrepreneurship, economic development and social development.109 botswana is exemplary in many respects. in order to provide for a system of checks and balances, critically important to the rule of law, the constitution of botswana implicitly provides for the separation of powers by dealing with each 102 ibid. [78]. 103 ibid. see generally r kruger, the south african constitutional court and the rule of law: the masethla judgment. a cause for concern? 13 per. no.3, 2010 (discussing the questions and challenges arising out the masethla decision in further depth). 104 masethla (n 99) 242; 184. 105 currott (n 8) 17. 106 ibid. 107 scott beaulier and laok botswana, no hands/why botswana should let the country free itself (george mason university mercatus centre, working paper no 53, 2005). 108 ibid. [5]. 109 ibid. [11]. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa the denning law journal 111 organ of government in separate and distinct provisions.110 it is important to note that judges of botswana’s high court and court of appeal are appointed on permanent, pensionable terms, and hold office until they reach compulsory retirement at the age of seventy.111 additionally, several constitutional provisions refer to an ‘independent and impartial’ court or tribunal,112 and various acts of parliament provide for independence and immunity of the judiciary.113 kenya kenya has a history of a corrupt judicial system that was subjugated by repressive governments. before the new constitution of 2010, the law was unable to limit the president’s power to unilaterally make decisions by not consulting the ministers or disregard the independence of the judiciary.114 the constitutional amendments of the 1960s, which were meant to increase the power of the president, ended up weakening the judiciary and had a negative consequence on the rule of law in kenya.115 as a result, the public lost faith in their court’s decisions in politically charged cases, such as republic v judicial community of inquiry into the goldeberg affair.116 110 constitution of botswana, ss 30–56 (executive); ss 57–94 (legislature); ss 95–107 (judiciary) (30 september 1966). 111 ibid. [127 (8)]. 112 ibid. [10 (i)], [10 (9)], [14 (4) and [16 (2) (c)]. 113 see, e.g., customary courts act, 47 (granting indemnity to officers acting judicially for official acts done in good faith and while executing warrants and orders); high court act, c. 04:02, s 25(i) (stating that a judge shall not be sued in any court for any act done by him or ordered done by him); penal code act, s 14(1986) (stating that a judicial officer is not criminally responsible for anything done or omitted in good faith in the exercise of his or her judicial functions). 114 migai akech, ‘abuse of power and corruption in kenya: will the new constitution enhance government accountability?’ (2011) 18 indiana journal of global legal studies341, 344. 115 ibid. [376]. 116 republic v judicial comm’n of inquiry into the goldonberg affair (2006) l.l.r. 1, 3–4 (h.c.k.). the outcome demonstrated that the court was an enabler of corruption because it quashed the findings of a commission into allegations of abuse and decided that george saitoti, a minister of finance could not be prosecuted ibid. [376]. the court also held that, should criminal charge be brought against saitoti, he would not be able to receive a fair trial and that because many years had passed saitoti’s constitutional right to a fair trial within a reasonable time would be violated. ibid at 382. in sum, the court 112 aware of this history, kenya’s new constitution is awash with references to the rule of law, references that the courts have regularly emphasised as necessary for the economic and political development of kenya.117 the constitution of kenya is premised on the recognition of ‘the aspirations of all kenyans for a government based on the essential values of human rights, equality, freedom, democracy, social justice and the rule of law.’118 the constitution uniquely provides that ‘[e] very political party shall promote the objects and principles of this constitution and the rule of law.’119 zimbabwe zimbabwe most eloquently illustrates the thesis that the rule of law is an important prerequisite for genuine economic development. one reason for this is that potential investors are more interested in the prevalence of law and order, the absence of arbitrary regulation and the possibility of expropriation. the quantum of investment in countries not having the security provided by the rule of law is severely limited, reducing the likelihood of economic expansion.120 during mugabe’s rule, the decision to cast aside the rule of law to carry out much needed and justified land reform, made zimbabwe’s economy grow worse,121 as the judges opted for a formalistic understanding of the rule of law, ignoring the law’s substantive justice.122 reasoned that because saitoti had already been tried in the legislature, it should amount to double jeopardy if he were to be tried in court of law. ibid at 376–382. 117 constitution (2010) (kenya). 118 ibid. [preamble]. 119 ibid. [91(l)(g)]. 120 currott (n 8) 14. 121 bbc, ‘robert mugabe admits zimbabwe’s land reform flaws’ (bbc, 27 february 2015) 122 ‘the main problem regarding land reform has been lack of resources to buy the land in accordance with the constitutional stipulations’. michelo hansungule, ‘who owns land in zimbabwe? in africa?’ (2000) 7 international journal on minority and group rights 305, 336. mugabe made it clear that he would not respect international law on compensation in the event he did not have the money, at 338. texaco overseas petroleum co. v libya [1978] 17 ilm 1 (standing for the proposition that under international law, there is no dispute that countries can expropriate private property, but they have to pay appropriate compensation). but to get around that by violating the rule of law, from the substantive point of view, only exacerbates the problem hansungule [336]. moreover, the mugabe administration appears to have repeated the same errors committed during the colonial era by ‘allocating land to government officials and party supporters’. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa http://www.bbc.com!news/world-africa-3 the denning law journal 113 the doctrine of separation of powers, which is essential to creating a system of checks and balances in the rule of law, is notably missing in zimbabwe’s constitution.123 according to the constitution, the legislature consists of the president and parliament.124 although the constitution has a declaration of rights, which is directly enforceable before the constitutional court of zimbabwe,125 most of the rights included have serious derogations attached to them, and the supreme court of zimbabwe restrictively interpreted the scope of those derogations.126 realisation of the right to development in africa – the pre-eminent responsibility of the african union (au) right to development the right to development finds full expression in the african charter on human and peoples’ rights (achpr). this has also subsequently been advanced by the adoption of the un declaration on the right to development (drd) (contained in the 1986 un general assembly resolution 41/126). the right to development goes beyond economic or social development to include both independent right and the right that is intrinsically linked to the full enjoyment of a range of human rights with social, cultural, political and economic dimensions. one of the key elements included is direct participation in development. this implies meaningful connection to resources and opportunities as well as to institutions and systems of social organisation and governance. it is not enough for people to be passive beneficiaries of welfare and social benefits or to vote in elections. such participation is achieved through the exercise of civil and political rights which create discussion and debate, and in turn make room to influence policies.127 another fundamental element included is sustainable development. sustainable development is the ability of countries to critically engage with the economic, social and environmental impact of sustainability that focuses on meeting the developmental needs of the present without compromising the 123 see constitution of zimbabwe, s. 116 (may 9, 2013) (vesting legislative power in both the president and parliament). 124 ibid. 125 ibid. 126 ibid. [5]. 127 african charter on popular participation in development and transformation, 1990. 114 future.128 the promotion of peace and security and right to self-determination are also notable elements of development. self-determination refers to a people’s right to elect their government freely; to choose their own manner of pursuing social, economic and cultural development; and to have control over their resources and wealth. bearing in mind that the right to development seeks to remove the artificial distinction made between so-called first-generation (civil and political) and second-generation (social, economic and cultural) rights, it goes without saying that violation of any of these rights is tantamount to a violation of all the elements comprised thereof. in recognition of the importance that the au attaches to the enjoyment of all human rights, the au commission adopted a strategic plan which placed human rights at the core of its social development programmes and activities. one of the key roles of the au’s department of social affairs is to provide the political leadership to harmonise and coordinate africa’s efforts in ensuring that noticeable improvements are made in the lives of all africans. it does so within the context of the right to development, as embodied in the african charter on human and peoples’ rights, the au constitutive act and the vision and mission of the au commission. the department of social affairs’ programmes encompass numerous issues, including health and endemic diseases, migration, population, reproductive health and rights, culture, sport, social protection of vulnerable groups, gender equality, education and human resource development. special attention is given to marginalised and disadvantaged groups and communities. it is important to also draw inferences from a number of specific measures which have been taken by the au commission in addressing the social challenges at continental levels. one of these is the 1999 charter for social action which incorporates a variety of principles including respect for basic human rights, the basic needs and aspirations of the population, pursuit of the goals of social justice and equity and accessibility of social services to all. among its strategies, the charter calls for the formulation of national social policy and the incorporation of the social dimension at all level of planning, programming and implementation. secondly, there is the 2004 ouagadougou declaration and plan of action on employment and poverty alleviation,129 which expresses concern about the sustainable livelihoods of the african population in general, and those of vulnerable groups in particular. the declaration calls for equal opportunities for 128 united nations sustainable development agenda 2030. 129 adopted at the extraordinary summit of heads of state and government in september 2004. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa the denning law journal 115 all and commits its signatories to empowering the most vulnerable groups, including them in poverty alleviation programmes and policies, and ensuring their full participation in the implementation of these programmes. furthermore, in 2008, the african union social policy framework was published.130 this provides guidance to member states in the promotion of the rights and ensuring the welfare of marginalised and excluded groups, including orphans, other vulnerable children; the youth in general, people with disabilities, refugees and displaced people, families, the elderly and people living with hiv and aids. the development of the policy framework was informed by africa’s need to combine economic dynamism (including ‘pro-poor’ growth policies), social integration (societies that are inclusive, stable, just and based on the promotion and protection of all human rights, nondiscrimination, respect for diversity and participation of all peoples), and an active role for government in the provision of basic services at local and national level. in this context, it has been recognised that social policy should (a) promote equity and fairness among certain segments of society and certain regions within a country (otherwise it leads to social exclusion) by providing equitable access to rights and resources; (b) address the social tension between cultural identity and aspirations towards the freedoms promised by modernity; (c) reflect the true realities of africa that bring together economic and social policies, thus recognising the interdependency between the two; and (d) promote a human development approach that puts people at the centre of development, by investing in people. based on the above, it is clear that development is not just about economic growth: it encompasses social advancement and the betterment of livelihoods. central to the right to development is social, economic and cultural rights. whenever reference is made to the promotion and protection of human rights, there is an inclination to speak about civil and political rights only. in this regard, the yardstick for measuring the enjoyment of such rights has been the full and active participation of people in democratic processes such as elections, freedom of expression and the right to life. african countries have been hailed for increasing respect for human rights as more countries emerged through democratic transitions following elections through which people freely choose their governments. however, participation in elections should not be the only human rights indicator; rather, and more importantly, the indicator should be the full and equal enjoyment of social, economic and cultural rights. therefore, poverty can be seen as a violation of human rights, and its reduction will contribute to the full and equal enjoyment of all human rights. 130 au social policy framework for africa 2008. 116 right to development and the challenges faced by less developed african countries over the years, the united nations has made efforts to identify and remove obstacles to the realisation of the right to development.131 however, the realities of underdevelopment in less developed countries of the world run counter to these efforts. development is curtailed by several indices, which constitute the obstacles of the right to development (rtd). unfortunately, these obstacles affect the underdeveloped and developing countries more. some of these challenges are: insufficient foreign aid in developing countries, foreign aid plays a large role in realising the right to development. in view of this, the united nations held an international conference on financing for development in monterrey, mexico in 2002 as a global response to the challenges of finance and development across the world, with particular focus on developing countries. the goal was to develop an inclusive economic system that eradicates poverty, while promoting sustainable development.132 however, the volume of external aid to developing countries has declined over the years. aside from the overall level of assistance, there are shortcomings in the manner of its distribution as some countries are preferred over others for reasons such as political motivation, maintaining influence, strengthening their international comparative advantage and international competitive edge in respect of trade and investment. also, some government of donor states, often suppress human rights considerations in aid or development negotiations.133 131 this is evident in conventions, which contain provisions protecting key groups against discrimination. see, for example, article 2, united nations convention on the rights of the child (crc), article 2, 7, 8, 11, 12 convention on the elimination of discrimination against women (cedaw). international convention on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination, united nations convention on the rights of persons with disabilities. 132 see the united nations report on international conference on financing for development, monterrey, mexico, 18-22 march 2002. available at http://archive.ipu.org/ splze/ffd08/monterrey.pdf accessed 3 december 2019. 133 dejo olowu, conceptualizing an integrative right-based approach to human development in africa: reflections on the roles and responsibilities of non-state actors (copenhagen: danish institute for human rights 2005) 32. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa http://archive.ipu.org/splze/ffd08/monterrey.pdf http://archive.ipu.org/splze/ffd08/monterrey.pdf the denning law journal 117 corruption a corrupt activity is that which violates the ethics of society or the ethics of one’s office, position, profession or calling.134 corruption, though a global problem, varies from one country to the other and is most evident in developing countries.135 the negative impact of corruption on development is no longer questioned. corruption hinders economic development, reduces social services and diverts investments in infrastructure, institutions and social services.136 it has been described as immoral, unjust and repugnant to the ideals of humanity enshrined in the universal declaration of human rights; hence falls into the same category as torture, genocide and other crimes against humanity that rob humans of human dignity.137 this is so because the funds and resources that should be allocated for use in tangible projects that will promote the well-being of citizens are diverted into personal pockets.138 various reasons could be attributed as factors promoting corruption in african countries; these includes greed, lack of transparency, inadequate strategic vision, few incentives for effective performance and weak monitoring mechanisms, among other; the effects of these are manifested in poverty of the masses, low civil service salaries and poor working conditions.139 all these have a telling effect on the realisation of right to development in africa. consequences of globalisation globalisation can be defined as a process whereby economic openness, economic interdependence and economic integration are increased between countries of the world. its implication, therefore, is that every country, either developed or developing, would have access to every other country.140 globalisation is responsible for 134 osita nnamani ogbu, ‘combating corruption in nigeria: a critical appraisal of the laws, institutions and the political will’ (2010) 14 annsicl 99, 102. 135 victor egwemi, ‘corruption and corrupt practices in nigeria: an agenda for taming the monster’ (2012) 14 jsda journal of sustainable development in africa 72. 136 un anti-corruption practice note, february 2004. 137 raj kumar, corruption and human rights in india: perspectives on transparency and good governance (oup 2011) 34. 138 obayelu, ‘effects of corruption and economic reforms on economic growth and development: lessons from nigeria’ (uneca, 2007) accessed 28 march 2019. 139 ibid. 140 gbenga lawal, ‘globalisation and development: the implications for the african http://www.uneca.org/sites/default/files/page_attachments/abiodun_elijah-obayelu-o.pdf http://www.uneca.org/sites/default/files/page_attachments/abiodun_elijah-obayelu-o.pdf 118 the increasing gap between the rich and the poor and the unfair labour standards in the developing world.141 the uncomfortable truth about globalisation is that it made african countries a huge dumping ground for products exported to africa from developed countries, and by extension discouraging industrialisation and technological development of african countries. the consequence of these is the inability of the developing african countries to compete on favourable terms with developed countries at the international market; thereby turning them into ‘economic slaves’ of the developed countries. unfortunately, governments in african countries have contributed to this inequity by their irresponsible and heartless exploitation of their own citizens for personal gains. under this circumstance, actualisation of the right to development remains a mirage. weak enforcement of laws and policies laws are only effective when they are well implemented and enforced. according to degroff and cargo,142 ‘implementation is an iterative process in which ideas, expressed as policy, are transformed into behaviour, expressed as social action.’ the social action transformed from the policy is aimed at making the society better and manifests as programmes, procedures, regulations or practices. in most less developed african countries, many laws are laid down without effective implementation, at the end of the day, the resources and efforts that have been expended in making such laws become a waste and the problem for which the law was intended to solve will persist. poverty poverty affects development negatively in several ways. it affects an individual’s access to basic necessities of life such as housing, food and health care. it also propels people to engage in different forms of crime such as human trafficking, robbery, kidnapping, all of which negatively affect the development of countries. more funds will thus have to be injected into the criminal justice system instead of economy’ (2006) 1(1) humanity & social sciences journal 65. 141 elli louka, international environmental law: fairness, effectiveness and world order (cambridge university press 2006) 49. 142 amy degroff and margaret cargo, ‘policy implementation: implications for evaluation’ in jm ottoson and p hawe (eds), knowledge utilization, diffusion, implementation, transfer, and translation: implications for evaluation (new directions for evaluation 2009) 48. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa the denning law journal 119 being spent on other important things.143 poverty creates disparity in educational attainments as children of school age either drops out for lack of money on the part of their parents/guardians or could not even at all. besides, poverty robs poor african countries of the most productive segments of their populace as lack of access to good health care, sanitary living environment and hygienic working conditions lead to many premature deaths, thereby denying the countries of quality manpower that could ensure their economic growth. this remains a potent obstacle to the actualisation of right to development. lack of respect for all human rights in order to achieve development, states must put the human rights of its citizens into consideration without any distinction as to race, sex, language or religion and such rights must be indivisible and interdependent.144 thus, a certain category of rights should not be more important than others. governments with sufficient resources may however lack the will to implement human rights institutions and policies if it does not see it as a priority.145 the failure to protect human rights constitutes an obstacle to development.146 government should protect people from human rights violations such as apartheid, racism and racial discrimination, colonialism, aggression, foreign interference and threats of war.147 lack of institutional capacity globally, institutions are often saddled with the responsibility of fostering development. however, strengthening institutional capacity remains a major challenge. this is largely due to the relationship and link that exists between the organisations and their host communities. institutions tasked with providing services and products to their constituents across a wide spectrum of sectors often face daunting challenges as they struggle to perform in developing country environments which are undergoing or recovering from political, social and economic upheaval.148 these challenges and more such as bureaucratic cultures often affect 143 attahiru muhammadu jega, democracy, good governance and development in nigeria (spectrum, 2007) 171. 144 article 6(1) and 6(2) undrd. 145 lanse minkler and shawna sweeney, ‘on the indivisibility and interdependence of basic rights developing countries’ (2011) 33 hrq 351. 146 article 6(2) undrd. 147 article 5 undrd. 148 human and institutional capacity development handbook: a usaid model for 120 the ability of any well-established organisation in the developed world to adapt and thrive in their new host community. recommendations and conclusion recommendations while africa is an important frontier in economic development, respect for the rule of law continues to lag in most african countries. the anti-western rhetoric that dominated development strategies prior to the adoption of the constitutive act of the african union has largely diminished, but it has not completely disappeared. the au continues to emphasise respect for the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of member states, which has led the au to adopt an uncritical stance towards some african states where the rule of law is largely disregarded. for sustainable development, it is important for african countries to continue to develop institutions dedicated to good governance and the rule of law. in particular, it is important that judicial independence be assured. at the regional level it is crucial for human rights institutions, like the african court of human rights and the african court of justice and human rights, to develop into robust and respectable oversight and enforcement institutions. however, this will not happen until the constituent legal instruments for these institutions are amended to ensure that african countries do not have a choice of whether or not to make a declaration accepting the jurisdiction of these institutions regarding individual petitions before them. additionally, it is imperative that african countries find better mechanisms to assure compliance with court decisions. as african countries forge business relationships with foreign countries, they must also ensure that the legal instruments embodying those relationships clearly indicate the human rights obligations of foreign businesses operating in africa. these obligations are already spelled out in some african human rights instruments, making it a state obligation. it is necessary to realise that legal solutions alone cannot work because legal and judicial solutions are highly dependent on the political climate. first, in order to improve the political environment, there is a need to focus on political leverage by more developed countries in africa and elsewhere. the international community, especially the more democratic and developed parts of the world, sustainable performance improvement prepared by the participant training team in the office of education, bureau for economic growth, agriculture & trade, 10/2010 accessed 16 october 2018. evaluation of the rule of law as a prerequisite to the right to development in africa http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/pnadt442.pdf http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/pnadt442.pdf the denning law journal 121 could use their leverage in africa to encourage greater respect for human rights and adherence to the rule of law. in far too many countries like uganda, ethiopia, rwanda, kenya, developed, democratic countries, such as the united states, condemn their actions and yet continue to work with ruling political regimes that pocket foreign development aid and maintain a repressive grip on power. second, focusing on local civil society organisations will be imperative to promote change locally. third, it is vital to recognise and highlight bold judicial decisions across africa which shows there are judicial institutions willing to take on the establishment in order to promote the rule of law, respect for human rights and democracy. fourth, and relatedly, it is important to highlight those african countries regarded as best-practices countries, these would be countries that have consistently promoted the rule of law, respect for human rights and democracy and have had development as a result. conclusion an economically strong africa can only mean great things for the international community as a whole. nevertheless, in order to get there the individual african countries must realise the importance of development, the rule of law and human rights. countries need to avoid making arrangements that perpetuate authoritarianism at the expense of sustainable development, and must avoid arrangements that could impede the much-needed developments in many ramifications. in many countries, judiciaries are not powerful enough to stand up to the executive in order to uphold the rule of law. until that happens, many african countries cannot make the necessary breakthrough on the path to sustainable development. the child a view across the tweed the rt. hon. lordmackay of clashfern he is beyond control of his parent; or through lack of parental care he is falling into bad associations or is exposed to moral danger; or the lack of care as aforesaid, is likely to cause him unnecessary suffering or seriously to impair his health or development; or any of the offences mentioned in schedule 1 of the children and young persons (scotland) act, 1937 has been committed in respect of him or in respect of a child who is a member of the same household; or the child, being a female, is a member of the same household as a female in respect of whom an offence which constitutes the crime of incest has been committed by a member of that household; or he has failed to attend school regularly without reasonable excuse; or he has committed an offence; or he is a child whose case has been referred to a children's hearing in pursuance of part v of this act." (e) (c) (d) (f) (g) (h) for any system of law there can be no more important duty than insuring that .those who are least able to fend for themselves in the community are adequately protected. the three main groups within this category are the sick, the old and the young. on this occasion i wish to say a little about the law and its relationship to children because i believe that this, and its many facets, is one of the most pressing and persistent problems that we face. it would be reckless for me to try to provide a comprehensive over-view of all the law about children, whether in the context of crime, or of divorce, or of neglect. instead, i wish to look at the way in which scots law and the courts in scotland have attempted to grapple with these problems and how it is now proposed to amend the law in england and wales. there is, therefore, a certain ambiguity lurking in the title of this paper, depending on the viewer's location. the social work (scotland) act 1968, in section 32(2), sets out the conditions on which a child may be made the subject of compulsory measures of care. they are:"(a) (b) "the lord high chancellor of great britain. the child & co london lecture 1988, printed by kind permission of lord mackay of c1ashfcm and child & co .. 89 the denning law journal much of this will have a familiar ring to english lawyers. implicit in our statute is the idea of the child in trouble. a child may get into trouble in many different ways and in practice the different grounds for compulsory measures of care are likely to run into one another. truancy may indicate that the parents have insufficient control. it may lead to association with undesirable acquaintances and to the commission of crimes by the child. similarly, a child who grows up in a household where he or she is the victim of crime and even, most horrifically of all, of sexual abuse, is unlikely to develop the moral strength which we would all hope that all parents would manage to instil into their children. the major existing distinctions between the situations north and south of the tweed are the institutional arrangements for putting the substantive law into effect. i hope it may be useful if i describe very briefly what those arrangements are in scotland. there the decision about what should happen to a child who is, arguably, in need of compulsory measures of care, is taken by what is called a children's hearing. for these purposes the secretary of state appoints what is called a children's panel which is a large body of people who, rather like juvenile court justices in england and wales, can be considered to have the right qualities, not excluding, i hope, sound common sense, to make such decisions. three such people from the panel constitute a children's hearing and there must always be a man and a woman from the panel at each hearing. the children's hearing is always conducted in private and with the minimum of formality. this is possible because a children's hearing does not hear any kind of dispute about whether the grounds for considering compulsory measures of care are made out. thus the children's hearing can approach the issues it has to resolve in perhaps a more constructive way than might well be possible if it had to decide contentious questions of fact. if there is a dispute about whether the grounds are made out then the matter is referred to the sheriff for him to decide that issue. this appears to me to be a valuable separation. in connection with the hearing before the sheriff the contentious issues of fact can be investigated and decided in very much the same way as they would be in an ordinary court. but when it comes to disposal the children's panel take over and, as i said, the whole atmosphere is much less formal and it is possible to have a round table discussion in which the panel can hear at the same table the views of the parents, the social worker, the views of the teacher from the school and, possibly, foster parents if there are foster parents involved and perhaps other people with an interest so that there is not the same sort of insistence on people being interested as parties before a court as there would be at the earlier stage if there is such an earlier stage, the second institution which is an essential feature of the children's hearing system, which i believe does not have a direct parallel south of the border, is the. reporter. the reporter is an official appointed by a local authority whose function it is to decide whether a child should be brought before a children's hearing. the 90 the child a view across the tweed reporter's discretion is very wide. under section 39 of the social work (scotland) act 1968 he is given power to arrange a children's hearing, or to refer a case to the local authority with a view to their making arrangements for advice, guidance and assistance to the child and his family, and he is given (and i think this is quite important) explicit power to take no further action on the case. so parliament has entrusted him with a very very wide discretion indeed, and i think it very unusual to have a provision of that kind for a public official namely that he should have power to take no further action at all on what has been referred to him. this discretion is exercised actively and frequently. of the 36,000 or so cases referred to reporters in 1986 no action was taken in about half of the cases. now when i say "no action" of course i am referring there to action which can be identified. i think it highly likely that in many of those cases recorded as cases in which no action was taken, the reporter on hearing of the case has had some contact for example with the child's parents and has been satisfied after talking with them, that once they have known about the problem the problem is, perhaps, not likely to be repeated. it is quite a striking compliment to that system that it seems to have operated in about half of the referred cases. the reporter in many ways functions, in respect of the children's hearings, as does the procurator fiscal in respect of the criminal courts. the procurator fiscal in scotland corresponds perhaps somewhat roughly to the crown prosecutor recently established in this country although the procurator fiscal has a somewhat longer history in scotland than does the crown prosecutor in england. although reporters are not necessarily legally qualified the parallel with the procurator fiscal is made even more marked by the fact that three quarters of the cases which are brought before the children's hearings allege that the child has committed an offence. so although the offence heading is embedded in quite a long list of grounds for referral in respect of numbers of cases it is the most important one, in terms of numbers. in one respect, however, the reporter is more independent, even, than the procurator fiscal in his decisions. the procurator fiscal is responsible to the scottish law officers, and ultimately through them to parliament, whereas, as far as i can tell the reporter is responsible only to himself. it is remarkable, and a great tribute to the integrity and ability of the men and women who are reporters, that in an age which distrusts discretion vested only in officials, they have been so successful. there has been one major change in the institutional arrangements since the 1968 act. english lawyers will recognise it, although under a different name. the sheriff, and the children's hearing, have the right to appoint what is called a "safeguarder" where there may be some conflict of interest between the child and the parents. in england and wales, i think he or she would be called a "guardian ad litem". but in scotland, as you know, we like to go for simpler expressions. the function of the safeguarder is broadly the same as that of the guardian ad litem in care proceedings in this country. 91 the denning lawjournal but it is not just through the systems of juvenile justice through the children's hearing in scotland that a child may come into contact with the law. large numbers of children are, unhappily, the helpless victims of family breakdown and their welfare has to be taken into account when the court comes to deal with the consequences. the courts, in scotland, now have wide powers to do what is best for the children. procedural and technical obstacles have been almost entirely swept away. in scotland now divorce is available through the sheriff court which has made proceedings a great deal more accessible than they were. one controversial question in recent years has been the application of section 8(1) of the matrimonial proceedings (children) act 1958 which, again in wording which will be familiar to english lawyers, restricts the power of the court to grant a decree unless it is satisfied that satisfactory arrangements have been made for the care or upbringing of the children or that it is impracticable for the parties to make such arrangements. the criticism has been that this places a duty on the court which, on the limited evidence available to it, it can perform only in the most perfunctory way. however, more recent research on satisfaction hearings in scotland, i gather, suggests that some of the earlier fears were exaggerated and that some of the solutions canvassed, such as many more independent reports to the court on the situation of the children, were unnecessary. a report by the scottish office central research unit, for instance, suggested that in 60 per cent of cases there was adequate information for the court and in the other 40 per cent a suitable level of information could be obtained simply by improving the content and format of the documents which the parties are required to lodge with the court, and by calling for reports in a very limited number of cases. the question of the use of reports in children's cases leads to the broader question of how far a court dealing with children's welfare should be inquisitorial in style. i think it is fair to conclude that where the parents are parties to the case there is very little by way of movement towards an inquisitorial system. in scotland the practice of the judge's interviewing the children concerned in a divorce case has, i believe, not found a great deal of favour with the appellate courts. they pointed out the dangers possibly involved in that. the children's hearing is perhaps the closest to an inquisitorial proceeding we have, although the presence of the reporter and the absence of dispute over the grounds on which the application is brought tend to lend themselves, as i said earlier, somewhat to this approach. it may be of interest also to note, in this connection, that the court of session has also taken the view that it can be justifiable for the children's hearing to withhold certain documents it has from the parents. as they put it: "the principles of natural justice must yield to the best interests of the child." this is obviously a matter that was the subject of a good deal of contention, but it is a reflection of the fact that the children's hearing is not, in the ordinary sense, a court hearing with parties and is the sort of body which should be given a considerable amount of flexibility in the rules which it applies. on this occasion, i need not detail the existing law relating to children in 92 the child a view across the tweed england and wales beyond saying that whilst it has some strong similarities to that in scotland, for example, in the grounds for care proceedings in section 1 of the children and young persons act 1969, it will by now be apparent, if it was not already, that there are clear divergences. looking to the future, the last 3 years have seen major reviews of child law. on the public law front of child care the dhss published a consultation document, the review of child care law, in late 1985. it was followed in early 1987 by the white paper on child care and family services) which amongst other things set out the governmment's conclusions on the protection of children at risk and the role of the courts in that task. at the same time the law commission, which had provided its specialist services to the dhss in its work, was reviewing on its own behalf private child law in the areas of guardianship, custody and wardship. the law commission has now finished consulting on their four working papers and we eagerly look for their report as soon as it is ready.2 finally, we are awaiting the report from the cleveland inquiry. this coincidence represents, in my view, an historic opportunity to reform the english law in this area into a single rationalised system as it applies to the care and upbringing of children. on the public law side, we know from the white paper that there is no present proposal to follow the scottish system. indeed, in some ways, such as the grounds for making care and supervision orders, the proposals will create new differences. thus in england and wales the grounds in future, assuming the white paper proposals are put into legislation, will look directly to the reasons why state intervention is required, thus moving away from the descriptive or symptomatic approach in the existing scottish and english legislation. hence it is proposed that before a care or supervision order can be made the court should be satisfied that there is harm or likely harm to the child resulting from an absence of a reasonable standard of parental care, or the child being beyond parental control and, in respect of both, that the order proposed is the most effective means of safeguarding and promoting the child's welfare. so that there will be first of all the question whether some form of order is needed having regard to the apprehended harm to the child, and then secondly, what form of order is appropriate in the particular circumstances of the case. however, in a purely english context the movement towards a single integrated law of children is apparent. i mean by that that the mere fact that england in this is diverging from scotland is not, in any sense, to be regarded as other than a good development. it is important in my view, that the law of england and wales should itselfbe an integrated system, and if it turns out to be a good one who knows, but in due course the scottish law might follow it. thus it is proposed that where the court concludes that an order giving custody to a private individual would be appropriate, that should be available to the 1. cmnd. 62 (1987). 2. see law com. working papers, no. 96 (with supplement), review of child law: custody (iyil6); no. 100, care supervision and interim orders in custody proceedings (1987); no.101, wards of court (1987). 93 the denning law journal court as an alternative to care or supervision and that there should not be a situation in which you get one type of proceedings and are not able to get that type of order except in these proceedings and if you want a different type of order you have to go in for different proceedings altogether. this is the suggestion of the white paper and i believe that the response to it generally is to think it a good development. or again, whilst not following the scottish model of children's hearings, the white paper makes it clear that there are to be changes to procedure in care cases to move care proceedings "away from the quasi-criminal model towards a civil model thus bringing private and public child law closer together". yet a further example of the closer integration of public and private child law can be found in the government's intention to require the same grounds for care and supervision to apply in family proceedings as in proceedings brought by local authorities seeking such orders. as regards private law, we are still, as i say, awaiting with interest what the law .commission will propose. however, their close liaison with dhss and much of what they have said in their working papers suggests that they too hope that we will seize this opportunity to bring public and private child law together into a comprehensive, comprehensible and consistent code. in this work we must all wish them well and hope that the results will come soon. finally, there is the cleveland inquiry. i am not in a position even to guess what recommendations for change may emerge from that inquiry. so far as the law commission is concerned, as i said, there are some materials available from which a good guess may be possible, but so far as the cleveland inquiry is concerned, i am not in that position. if such a word can be used of so unhappy a topic, its findings will, i hope, prove opportune by becoming available at a time when they will be dealt with in the broad context of child care and welfare in the law. having spoken of children's hearings in scotland and the reporter you may be expecting some news from me on the proposals for a family court in england. well, it is difficult to give news about a topic which is so differently understood by different people. everyone who uses the phrase appears to understand it somewhat differently. but i think it would be fair to say that the government is continuing to work on the subject but it would be premature to reach any very final conclusions at this stage. at the heart of family law there is rightly the concern for children. until we have settled the substantive law in that respect, and by this i mean the public law discussed in the white paper, the private law to be discussed in the report from the law commission and the related matters to emerge from the cleveland enquiry, and have a clear view of questions and tasks which the courts will have to undertake, it would be rash, in my opinion, to decide what changes may be necessary to the constitution of the courts and their structure to ensure that they can effectively apply the intended new, comprehensive code of child law. it surely must be right to know first of all the nature of the questions that are likely to arise from the substantive law as it applies to particular cases before you seek finally to devise a structure to obtain the answer. 94 the child a view across the tweed from what i have said, you will see that a view across the tweed, whether from its northern or southern bank, presents the scottish or english lawyer with a mixture of recognisable landmarks and highways set in an unfamiliar landscape. given the opportunity of a guided tour i would hope that each might learn lessons from the other whilst accepting that there are differences in the cultural, social and historical geography which may lead to different solutions being found to different problems on both sides of that great river. it is surely very remarkable how the scottish and the english systems have continued as such distinct legal systems for the 280 years or so since the union of the parliaments. this is a source of richness in the legal culture of the united kingdom which i greatly value as the opportunity it gives for improvement of each system by competitive study is a great advantage which i believe will continue as far as one can see into the future. 95 19 denning law journal 2016 vol 28 special issue pp 19-36 decommissioning in the united kingdom continental shelf: decommissioning security disputes ben holland abstract this article focuses on whether the decrease in the oil price will result in insufficient security to cover escalating offshore decommissioning liabilities. the annual decommissioning security process requires the calculation of an amount of security in anticipation of decommissioning. this process takes place under decommissioning security agreements, whose aim is to provide mutual protection in case one party falls into financial difficulty. the funds are held in a trust until the decommissioning is completed. this article notes that disputes have begun to arise as to whether sufficient security has already been or ought to now be placed in trust. this article also considers the preferred dispute resolution mechanism for such disputes, namely expert determination. keywords: decommissioning, decommissioning security agreements, disputes, net value, net cost, expert determination. introduction this is the first year in which the full impact of the oil price decrease has been factored into the annual decommissioning security process. whether sufficient security has already been or ought to be placed in trust is an area raising significant concern in the industry. against a backdrop of historic collaboration and practical co-operation, disputes about the calculation of the amount of security that ought to apply in anticipation of decommissioning have begun to arise. decommissioning security agreements (dsas) have evolved as a reaction to the extensive and continuing liability created by the petroleum act 1998 as amended by the energy act 2008. this regime provides that all current and former co-licensees will be jointly and severally liable for any decommissioning costs. dsas were, if executed appropriately, to partner, squire, patton and boggs llp uk. email: ben.holland@squirepb.com mailto:ben.holland@squirepb.com decommissioning security disputes 20 provide the necessary mutual protection needed to ensure that, if one party to the dsa falls into financial difficulty, its security is called upon and the funds are held in a trust until the decommissioning is completed. this article focuses on whether the decrease in the oil price will result in insufficient security to cover escalating decommissioning liabilities. as a result of current market conditions, there has been an increase in requests for data, closer scrutiny of operator projections and a heightened risk of disputes about “net value” and “net costs”, which are normally resolved through expert determination. the increasing focus on decommissioning decommissioning activity is gaining increasing momentum in the uk. the growth is clear from the increased number of major decommissioning projects underway which includes; the murchison field, for which the decommissioning programme was approved in 2014; the brent delta platform for which the decommissioning programme was approved in 2015; thames area for which decommissioning programmes were approved in 2015 and the leadon field for which decommissioning programmes were approved in 2016. in addition, a number of additional decommissioning programmes are under consideration, including the viking satellites cd, dd, ed, gd and hd. oil & gas uk has forecasted that the total decommissioning expenditure in the central north sea and the northern north sea/west of shetland’s region has increased by £3 billion with a total forecast for the industry of £16.9 billion over the 2015 to 2024 timeframe1 with revenue projections having fallen due to the oil price decrease and cessation of production (cop) dates brought forward as a consequence, previously healthy-looking security balances may now seem marginal. decommissioning security agreements (dsas) the primary requirements for decommissioning in uk waters are set out in the petroleum act 1998, as amended by the 2008 act. 1 oil & gas uk, ‘decommissioning insight’ (oil and gas uk, 2015) 6 available at accessed 9 november 2016. the denning law journal 21 under sections 292 and 303 of the petroleum act 1998, the secretary of state may, by written notice, make a wide set of participants connected with 2 petroleum act 1998, s 29(1) states: “the secretary of state may by written notice require (a) the person to whom the notice is given; or (b) where notices are given to more than one person, those persons jointly, to submit to the secretary of state a programme setting out the measures proposed to be taken in connection with the abandonment of an offshore installation or submarine pipeline (an ‘abandonment programme’)”. 3 petroleum act 1998, s 30(1) states: “a notice under section 29(1) shall not be given to a person in relation to the abandonment of an offshore installation unless at the time when the notice is given he is within any of the following paragraphs (a) the person having the management of the installation or of its main structure; (b) a person to whom subsection (5) applies in relation to the installation; [(ba) a person to whom subsection (5)(a) and (b) applied in relation to the installation, but who— (i) transferred the right mentioned in that subsection to another person, and (ii) has not obtained a consent required under the licence in relation to the transfer;] (c) a person outside paragraphs (a) and (b) who is a party to a joint operating agreement or similar agreement relating to rights by virtue of which a person is within paragraph (b); (d) a person outside paragraphs (a) to (c) who owns any interest in the installation otherwise than as security for a loan; (e) a [body corporate] which is outside paragraphs (a) to (d) but is associated with a [body corporate] within any of those paragraphs”. s 30(5) of the act states: “this subsection applies to a person in relation to an offshore installation if— [(a) the person has the right— (i) to exploit or explore mineral resources in any area, (ii) to unload, store or recover gas in any area or to convert any natural feature in any area for the purpose of storing gas, or (iii) to explore any area with a view to, or in connection with, the exercise of a right within sub-paragraph (i) or (ii), and] [(b) either— (i) any activity mentioned in subsection (6) is carried on from, by means of or on the installation, or (ii) the person intends to carry on an activity mentioned in that subsection from, by means of or on the installation,] or if he had such a right when any such activity was last so carried on…”. petroleum act 1998, s 30(6) states: “the activities referred to in subsection (5) are— [(a) the exploitation or exploration of mineral resources in the exercise of the right mentioned in subsection (5)(a); (aa) the unloading, storage or recovery of gas in the exercise of that right; (ab) the conversion, in the exercise of that right, of any natural feature for the purpose of storing gas; (ac) the exploration in exercise of that right with a view to, or in connection with, the exercise of a right within subsection (5)(a)(ii);] decommissioning security disputes 22 or interested in a particular installation jointly and severally liable for all decommissioning costs of that installation. to deal with this extensive and overlapping liability, the industry has developed dsas, whereby each participant agrees to deposit cash or, normally, another type of security, such as letters of credit, into a trust. that trust operates to pay the costs of decommissioning when the time comes. if a party falls into financial difficulty, the security provided is intended to be sufficient to cover that party’s share of decommissioning costs. parties to a dsa include: 1. first tier participants – this group will be composed of co-venturers under a joint operating agreement (joa). each member of this group will provide security for the upcoming decommissioning programme. 2. second tier participants – this group will be composed of those at risk of being caught by the extensive decommissioning regime. such participants include oil & gas companies that sold their interest in the field, often many years ago. second tier participants typically remain party to the dsa to ensure that sufficient ongoing security is provided by the first tier participants. 3. third tier participants – these are not parties to the dsa, but can, by agreement, enforce the terms of the dsa using benefits derived under the contracts (rights of third parties act) 1999. 4. secretary of state – if there is concern that those liable for decommissioning will be unable to discharge their decommissioning obligations; the secretary of state may, for surveillance and enforcement reasons, become party to the dsa. (b) the conveyance in the area so mentioned, by means of a pipe or system of pipes, of minerals got, or gas being stored or recovered, in the exercise of that right; and (c) the provision of accommodation for persons who work on or from an installation which is or has been maintained, or is intended to be established, for the carrying on of an activity falling within paragraph (a) [to (b)] or this paragraph”. the denning law journal 23 how decommissioning security agreements operate dsas facilitate the transfer of mature fields from established companies to smaller participants with limited financial recourses, by avoiding duplication of security. where an interest in a field or structure is sold, the seller will be concerned about its continuing and perpetual liability to carry out decommissioning. for this reason, it is likely to require security from the purchaser. oil & gas uk has produced a standard-form dsa which has recently been updated to take account of decommissioning relief deeds (drds), together with updated guidance notes (the dsa guidance notes) to capture industry practice.4 the oil & gas uk standardform joa suggests that the joa parties enter a dsa before submitting a development plan for the field. under such dsa, each participant in a joa will agree to pay cash or other types of security into a trust, held until the end of the decommissioning process. the share of decommissioning costs will usually, but not always, correspond with a participant’s participating interests under the joa. the former department of energy and climate change (decc), now replaced by the department for business, energy and industrial strategy (beis) recognises that “the over-riding aim of a dsa is to ensure that guaranteed funds will be available to cover the decommissioning costs at all times”.5 however, it remains to be seen whether beis and/or the parties to the dsa will meet this objective. certain industry commentators are concerned that beis has failed adequately to monitor the methodology underpinning the amounts paid by participants under dsas, leading to a historic under-provision in decommissioning security. impact of the oil price on decommissioning security a field that was economically viable when the oil price was at us$100 per barrel is likely, at the current oil price of us$ 30-50, to no longer be viable or only be viable for a significantly shorter estimated field life. 4 oil and gas uk, ‘decommissioning security agreement (dsa), updated october 2015 (op021)’ available at oil and gas uk. www.oilandgas.uk 5 beis, ‘decommissioning of offshore oil and gas installations and pipelines under the petroleum act 1998’ (guidance notes version 6, march 2011), annex g, paragraph 2. decommissioning security disputes 24 decommissioning security, which could previously be spread over numerous years of ongoing production, can now only be spread over a much shorter timeframe. more security has to be put aside each year. this is occurring at a time when oil and gas operators are under significant pressure from drastically reduced revenue streams. in addition to there being fewer years of revenue from the field from which security can be drawn, decommissioning may now take place far earlier than previously estimated. the recently established oil & gas authority (“oga”) and the uk continental shelf maximising economic recovery (uk mer) strategy have only caused further uncertainty. uk mer6 provides as follows: a. in the introductory sentence: “a. all stakeholders should be obliged to maximise the expected net value of economic recoverable petroleum from relevant uk waters…c. compliance with the strategy may oblige individual companies to allocate value between them, matching risk to reward. however, while the net result should deliver greater value overall, it will not be the case that all companies will always be individually better off…”.7 b. under paragraph 7, defining the central obligation under uk mer: “relevant persons must, in the exercise of their relevant functions, take the steps necessary to secure that the maximum value of economically recoverable petroleum is recovered from the strata beneath relevant uk waters.”8 c. under paragraph 14: “in considering the configuration required by paragraph 13, relevant persons must give due consideration to: … b. whether or not any infrastructure already in existence could be used in such a way as to reduce costs or otherwise increase the recovery of economically recoverable petroleum from the region. this includes consideration as to whether any such infrastructure (whether proposed to be constructed or already in existence) could be so used if reasonable adjustments were to be made to it.”9 d. under paragraph 16: “owners and operators of infrastructure must ensure that it is operated in a way that facilitates the recovery of the 6 decc, ‘the maximising economic recovery strategy for the uk: presented to parliament pursuant to s 9g of petroleum act 1998 as amended by the infrastructure act 2015’ (decc, uk). 7 ibid, 2. emphasis added. 8 ibid, 4. emphasis added. 9 ibid, 4-5. emphasis added. the denning law journal 25 maximum value of economically recoverable petroleum from (as applicable): a. the region in which it is situated; and b. where the infrastructure is used by or for the benefit of others, the regions in which those others are situated.”10 e. under paragraph 20: “before commencing the planning of decommissioning of any infrastructure in relevant uk waters, owners of such infrastructure must ensure that all viable options for their continued use have been suitably explored, including those which are not directly relevant to the recovery of petroleum such as the transport and storage of carbon dioxide” (emphasis added). f. under paragraph 22: where the oga produces a plan “which relates to the obligation in paragraph 20, it may identify particular pieces of infrastructure the decommissioning of which would prejudice the maximising of the recovery of economically recoverable petroleum in a region.”11 it is clear from the above provisions that operators seeking to decommission their economically unviable assets may face barriers in doing so regardless of the negative impact it may have on their financial status. this is particularly the case for offshore infrastructure that if decommissioned, may result in a decommissioning domino effect on neighbouring installations and tie(-)ins thereby decreasing the “expected net value of economic recoverable petroleum from relevant uk waters”.12 for such ‘critical’ infrastructure, what cop date should be used? what would the revenues be (if any) and who should bear the costs of maintaining such infrastructure? should such potential costs even be included in decommissioning security calculations? if so, how are they to be estimated? the magnified impact of decreased revenues, increased costs, short cop timeframe and uncertain variables has, for the first time, caused those seeking to protect themselves from potential liability to carefully scrutinise both the current level of decommissioning security in place and the calculations by which the level of future security is defined. decommissioning security disputes the standard-form dsa requires that every year all of the first tier participants pay their respective share of (a) “net costs” (representing an amount equal to the best estimated cost of performing all decommissioning 10 ibid, 5. emphasis added. 11 ibid, 6. emphasis added. 12 ibid, 2. decommissioning security disputes 26 activities multiplied by a risk factor); less (b) “net value” (representing an amount equal to expected production receipts from the field) and the amount of security that the participant has already provided. both net cost and net value are assessed on a net present value (npv) basis. where the npv of the net cost exceeds the npv of the net value, security is required to cover the difference. as production continues, the intention of the dsa is that the amount of security increases so that it fully funds decommissioning at cop. as a result of prior beneficial market conditions, numerous industry participants consider that historically, optimistic assumptions as to future “net value” have been made. by making such optimistic assumptions of “net value”, the security required to meet estimated “net costs” has been less year-on-year resulting in serious under-provision of decommissioning security. this approach, on the part of first tier participants, may be explained by their wish to free up cash to invest in production activities or to reduce the asset retirement obligation required so as to leverage themselves further or position themselves for sale. current depressed market conditions have caused second tier participants (those benefitting from the security without paying in themselves) to become concerned with the adequacy of the security in place. depressed production revenue due to falling oil and gas prices is causing second tier participants to seek higher levels of security. second tier participants that sold their interest many years ago are liable to contribute to decommissioning costs if the first tier participants default. optional language under the standard-form dsa governs whether second tier participants have a right to approve the operator’s proposals or merely comment on them. these requests for additional security from second tier participants are coming at a time where falling revenues and increasing costs are impacting on first tier participants’ ability to provide the greater levels of security sought. in addition, not all of the first tier participants will have the same funding profile. parties to a joa may legitimately take differing positions on the assumptions made by the operator. this is particularly the case for those first tier participants who are highly leveraged through reservesbased lending. for these new-entrant oil and gas operators, providing suitable estimates is, on a practical note, an unenviable task. not only is calculating accurate decommissioning estimates, no matter how carefully done, not an exact science, but smaller oil & gas operators, who are keen to match costs to revenues, have also reduced investment in much needed personnel (such as specialist engineers) and technology (such as decommissioning software). the denning law journal 27 decommissioning relief deeds issues with potential shortfalls in security are a particular problem for those who entered into decommissioning relief deeds (drds). drds permit security to be provided on a post-tax basis. security is, as a result, no longer being paid in at a (higher) pre-tax relief basis. since october 2013, when drds were introduced, a reduction in both any previously existing decommissioning security “buffer” that resulted from payments having been made on the (higher) pre-tax relief basis, and the absolute amount of security set aside has arisen. this is, unless, of course, a higher risk factor has been applied to net costs. a higher net cost risk factor, however, is unlikely to have been applied. first tier participants, incentivised to maximise cash flows, are likely, where possible, to have used lower risk factors, higher reserve estimates and other metrics to reduce the level of decommissioning security due under a dsa. second tier participants may have been comfortable with lower estimates for the calculation of security due to net costs having been calculated on a pre-tax basis and making forward assumptions based on the vibrant oil and gas market at the time. the move to a post-tax calculation of net costs has exacerbated this historic under-provision of security. the recalculation and review of decommissioning security calculations is now being carefully monitored by both co-venturers and by second tier participants. there has been an increase in requests for data, closer scrutiny of projections of “net value” and “net costs”, and a greater interest in the use of expert determination in the event that the participants cannot agree. disputes over the calculation of net cost net cost represents the best estimated cost of performing all decommissioning activities at the time at which they can be best expected to need to be performed. there is significant scope for disputes over this calculation. a. when will decommissioning occur? a core assumption input into the calculation of net cost is the expected date of decommissioning. the estimated date for decommissioning has a significant impact on the level of security to be provided. the hope that ageing infrastructure might find alternative economically viable uses, as some structures (particularly pipelines) could be used via tiebacks and brownfield developments, currently seems challenging in the current low oil price environment. of course, decommissioning may now be delayed if such infrastructure is required by the oga to decommissioning security disputes 28 be maintained in accordance with uk mer. however, there is no guarantee that this will be economical. other new technology such as enhanced oil recovery (eor) could also have postponed the date of decommissioning, but this is also only made economic by high oil prices. these possible ways to reduce net cost, which could have been discounted back (through the npv calculation) so as to reduce the amount of security required (and also to have postponed the trigger date for provision of security) are unlikely to be viable. this is significant, because these assumptions might legitimately have been included in previous calculations, made when the oil price was higher. disputes are arising wherever these assumptions are being reversed out and falling oil prices are bringing the expected date of decommissioning forwards. where optimistic assumptions have been made, inadequate security is likely to be provided. b. what is the scope of decommissioning? there are many different forms of installation. most installations will require an individually tailored and untested method of decommissioning. with so many variables, how accurate can the ‘net cost’ calculation be? it is common to underestimate decommissioning costs. for example, the decommissioning close out reports of the fife, fergus, flora and agnus fields highlight that costs overran by approximately 20%.13 further scope exists for disputes over whether net costs should be based on a ‘left in place’ basis for installations capable of attaining a derogation (allowing the offshore installation to remain wholly or partly in place rather than being disposed of on land).14 adopting this approach would reduce net cost. beis guidance suggests it is likely to require the decommissioning costs for large concrete structures to be 13 hess, ‘fire, fergus, flora and angus fields: decommissioning programmes close-out report’ (hess, document no: 32 adp -016). 14 a limited number of installations may be eligible for derogation from the prohibition on the dumping, or leaving wholly or partly in place, of offshore installations. derogation will only be granted where it is a preferable means of disposal than reuse, recycling or disposal on land. the denning law journal 29 estimated on this basis. 15 for example, such a derogation would be likely for the brent field platforms (bravo, charlie and delta) which consist of concrete gravity-based structures (gbs) weighing 300,000 tonnes each.16 derogations may, however, become less common due to advances in technology, and if this approach changes net cost may increase significantly.17 on the other hand, concerns about the carbon budget of extensive decommissioning operations, where every component is laboriously cut up and sorted onshore, may alternatively lead to more derogations being granted. it is easy to see how there is scope for disputes as to the most appropriate estimate to be used. c. what is the proper risk factor to apply? the oil & gas uk standard-form joa provides for the use of a risk factor in the security calculation. this is to provide a degree of caution against possible rises in decommissioning costs.18 net cost estimates will usually be prepared on a p50 basis. this assumes that there is an equal chance of there being under-spending or over spending as against the costs estimate. the risk factor reflects uncertainties about the net cost estimate. the risk factor may not always have been calculated, or updated, in a fully statistically rigorous manner. these uncertainties should reduce with time as the operator obtains a better understanding of these costs, and optional language in the dsa allows the contingency to be increased or reduced in a stepped process. presently, the ease with which this variable can legitimately be changed is making it a target for attention and a prominent source of disputes. 15 beis (n 6) annex f para14. 16 oil & gas uk, activity survey (oil and gas uk, 2015) 69 available at accessed 9 november 2016 17 oil & gas uk, decommissioning security agreement guidance notes (march 2009), 38. 18 ibid, 39. decommissioning security disputes 30 disputes over the calculation of net value net value represents the best estimated production and other receipts from the field for so long as it is estimated that the field will remain in production. there is significant scope for disputes over this calculation. a. what oil and gas prices to use? fluctuating oil prices will have a significant impact on net value. regular recalculations may lead to periodic changes as oil and gas prices rise and fall. assumptions as to future oil and gas prices should be clearly stated in the dsa.19 published indices for oil and gas prices will need to be agreed. any gas price indexation formula contained in any existing gas sales contract should be used when calculating future gas revenue.20 essential to this calculation is the date on which production will cease. with so many variables, even slight adjustments can give rise to very significant variances between the parties. since the introduction of drds, net revenues and net costs are normally inputted on a post-tax basis. this includes royalties, corporation tax/supplemental charge, and any prt that is applicable. recent changes to these taxes will need to be taken into account. net value does, however, also take into account any tax relief or grants given or expected to be given unrelated to the costs of decommissioning. the operator is required to perform two calculations, one with and one without the effect of the relief. b. what reserves data should be used? optional language under the standard-form dsa governs whether only reserves estimates approved by the joint operating committee appointed under the joa to operate and manage the licence area are to be used to calculate net value, whether the operator’s best estimates, acting as a reasonable and prudent operator, are adequate, or other alternatives. 21 commonly, newer entrants into the uk continental shelf (ukcs) will seek to maintain the level of reported reserves. 19 ibid. 20 oil & gas uk (n 17) 39. however, see below in relation to concerns as to confidentiality. 21 oil & gas uk, industry model form decommissioning security agreement (september 2013) appendix 5 paragraph 7.10. see also oil & gas uk (n 17) 39. the denning law journal 31 there is concern that this may lead to the reserves estimate used in the calculation of net value being optimistic, which would result in the understatement of security. without clear drafting, there is significant scope for disputes on these assumptions. c. how to account for tiebacks and other revenue? many fields receive significant revenues from tariff and other receipts from third parties, such as tiebacks. as these form revenue from the field, absent express provision in the dsa to the contrary, they should be included. a dispute may emerge as to the degree of certainty required that these receipts will accrue. on one extreme, it is arguable these receipts should only be taken into account in situations where send-or-pay arrangements ensure that such tariff income is secured. on the other, such tariff income can be taken into account even though no agreement has been concluded, or where such agreement has been concluded but is of only a limited duration, so long as there is no other route to export the tieback. the standard-form dsa contains options to address these alternatives. 22 expert determination under decommissioning security agreements under the oil & gas uk’s standard-form dsa, the cost estimation based on the foregoing forms an important part of an operator’s decommissioning schedule and budget (‘the proposed plan’). the operator will submit the proposed plan for approval under the joa. disputes may be referred to determination by an expert, if: the proposed plan submitted and/or performed by the operator is challenged; the operator fails to produce the proposed plan or perform the cost estimation; or the operator’s determination that decommissioning has been completed is challenged. 22 oil & gas uk (n 17) 19. decommissioning security disputes 32 an expert is also engaged when the cost estimation performed by the operator needs to be independently reviewed, even where no dispute exists between the parties to the dsa. to address this last issue, the standardform dsa provides options that allow: (i) for a review of the net cost, net value and – where a drd applies prt relief, calculations by an expert at regular intervals; or, alternatively, (ii) to have less frequent reviews initially followed by annual reviews later in the field life. a provision that a review is triggered if the operator believes that there has been a change in net cost or net value over an agreed tolerance may also be included. the likely time scales for these steps?] a. identifying the right expert as decommissioning involves a variety of specialised and technical stages, any expert chosen may need assistance from multiple specialist disciplines such as reservoir engineering, offshore engineering, process engineering, drilling, subsea contractors, heavy-lift/barge contractors and disposal/refurbishment contractors. the standard-form dsa provides for this and allows the expert to obtain technical and legal advice. if multiple expert disciplines are engaged, the expert will need to rely on and assess the views of several other experts, not just rely on his own qualifications and experience. these views would all need to have been commissioned23, provided to and then considered by the expert before the preliminary decision can be released. delay in any of the technical elements would prevent further progress. it may also be hard for the parties to have confidence that the expert even with this technical assistance, can manage all technical and procedural aspects. this is particularly the case if any party is seeking to elongate the process, for example by referring the expert to greater and greater volumes of documents that are said to be relevant as, without express direction from the expert, time bars to control or prevent this will not exist. in the construction industry, where multiple specialisms are often required, a trend towards the appointment of legally qualified adjudicators rather than those with engineering qualifications has 23 commissioned by the expert (normally with the approval of the parties in dispute). the denning law journal 33 evolved. given the similarities, it shall be seen whether the offshore decommissioning industry finds it preferable to appoint a legally trained expert possessing relevant ukcs decommissioning experience, who can request technical assistance from relevant disciplines. the legal and procedural expertise, for example familiarity with hearing the parties, determining questions about admissibility of documents, setting submission deadlines and weighing up competing evidence may be preferable to assist good governance of the procedure in complex multiple disciplinary cases. b. appointment of the expert following any required negotiations stipulated in the dsa, a reference to an expert can be made. for challenges to the proposed plan (but not for other challenges), the standard-form dsa limits the right to refer the matter to the expert to the party objecting to the proposed plan (the “objecting party”). this might present difficulties for the operator who would not appear to have the right to refer the matter to the expert should the objecting party fail to do so nor absent either unanimity between the parties or determination by the expert, should the proposed plan become approved. it may be necessary to apply to the court for an order that the objecting party refer the matter to the expert or, in default, be deemed to have done so. conversely, under the standardform dsa only the operator and not the other parties to the dsa can submit the cost estimation for independent periodic review. however, if the operator upon notice to do so fails promptly to comply, any other party to the dsa may itself refer the cost calculation to the expert. the standard-form dsa contains options for appointment of the expert; either the expert is selected by unanimous vote of the parties to the dsa or each party to the dsa will nominate three candidates who are ready, willing and able to act. those candidates will then be scored by all parties to the dsa in order of preference. the expert need not be an individual person – a firm or company can be appointed and the expert may not have “any financial or personal interest in the result”. this restriction is very wide and does not allow for nominal shareholdings or for the expert to have financial connections to the parties. coupled with the absence of immunity from suit, this may deter acceptance of the appointment. many candidates with experience of decommissioning are likely to work for the main offshore contractors and connections to some of the parties in dispute may be probable. if agreement on the selection of the expert is not possible within 10 decommissioning security disputes 34 business days, the standard-form dsa allows any party to the dsa to apply to the president of the energy institute to appoint the expert. the energy institute is a reliable and effective appointing authority. c. the scope of the expert’s power expert determinations, despite being capable of quickly and effectively resolving technical disputes, do not without specific provisions to the contrary require: adherence to rules of natural justice such as the right to a hearing; the expert to come to decisions within (rather than outside) the range suggested by the conflicting parties; or the expert to be independent of the parties. unless agreed otherwise, which for obvious reasons it often is, decisions of experts are binding even in the presence of fraud or manifest error. decisions of experts are also binding in instances where the expert sets about answering the wrong question. this introduces a degree of uncertainty in the process. the standard-form dsa seeks to limit this, by requiring that an objecting party express a stated written objection. in any challenge to the proposed plan (but not the operator’s determination of completion of decommissioning), the expert must consider and determine this area of concern. the expert cannot step beyond the scope of this challenge in order to re-determine other elements. limiting the expert in such a way also seeks to limit the cost of the expert process. in practice, parties may seek to raise additional statements of objections at a later stage in proceedings. judicious use of the expert’s power to control the procedure of the determination will be necessary in deciding whether supplemental statements of objections are permissible and within what time frame. d. procedural matters for determination by the expert the standard-form dsa suggests that the parties to the dsa agree carefully defined assumptions which the operator must apply in drawing up the proposed plan and which the expert must also follow. these may be contentious and will be subject to individual negotiation between the parties to the dsa. in addition to the assumptions, it is the denning law journal 35 common practice in expert determinations for an expert and all those appointing him to sign terms of reference further specifying the expert’s obligations and remuneration. in relation to documents, a significant hurdle to overcome in practice is the task of supporting the operator’s assumptions with corroborative material, much of which will be confidential. revealing information about gas sales prices and day rates to other industry participants might also infringe competition law. unlike arbitration, it is not fatal to the integrity of an expert determination for the parties in dispute to agree to provide documents to the expert without copies to other parties; however this may not be an ideal solution in many cases due to such unilateral communications undermining confidence in the fairness of the expert process. e. timing very speedy determination is envisaged under the standard-form dsa. it is desirable for any reference to the expert to be completed in time to allow security to be replaced before existing security expires otherwise, interim invoices may need to be raised. the expert must notify the operator of his preliminary decision within 30 business days of acceptance of his appointment. the parties will then be given 10 business days to make representations. the expert must, having taken account of such representations, reach his final decision within 30 days of notification of his preliminary decision to the operator. there is potential for references to an expert to have a very broad scope. the timings envisaged may not, however, be feasible, particularly for large or multi-installation assets, or for the review of the first cost estimation for the installation. f. the expert’s determination the determination can be valid even if only a simple value or date (as appropriate) is determined, unless a reasoned determination has been agreed to be given. if the expert determines that greater security be paid than estimated by the operator, that additional security is required to be paid. decommissioning security disputes 36 g. costs of the expert determination options exist in the standard-form dsa for payment of the expert’s fees and expenses depending on the nature of the dispute being referred. the starting premise, however, is that the objecting party pays. options also exist in relation to the recovery of a party’s own legal and other costs, which will be the subject of individual negotiation. conclusion decommissioning security is becoming a topic of increased concern. given current market conditions, unexpected levels of additional decommissioning security may significantly impact participants’ financial capabilities. this is particularly in respect of highly leveraged new entrants. there is much scope for disagreement over the amount of security that is contractually required. uncertainty surrounding the accuracy of the variables involved in calculating decommissioning security has increased due to the fall in market prices. participants are more likely to take different positions on the inputs and accuracy of all the variables involved. larger and smaller participants may now have diverging incentives. the ability of many participants to access the necessary funding is in doubt. sensitive commercial negotiations are being undertaken, and securing the unanimous approval from all first and second tier participants of the amounts of decommissioning security to be paid is now harder to achieve. all this is resulting in the dispute resolution procedures governing decommissioning security being put to the test. this is my life the rt. hon. lord denning, master of the rolls * mr chairman, thank you for inviting me here. thanks also to messrs child & co., for providing the occasion. as you all know, i have just had my birthday, eighty years old. but 'not out' yet, i hope! i will tell you a story given to me on my birthday. to introduce it, i remind you of one of my after-dinner stories. in responding for the guests, i say: "there's nothing i like better than to eat with nice people, to drink with nice people, and to sleep with a contented mind." some students from malaysia capped it. the president, tun suffian, sent me on my birthday a copy of the straits times in kuala lumpur. this is how they interpreted it: "he expounded his philosophy of life to have a clear conscience and to sleep with a contented woman." i get into trouble with husbands, too. i expect you have heard of the deserted wife's equity: and of the wife's share of the matrimonial home? this is what a husband wrote to me: "dear sir: you are a disgrace to all mankind. to let whores break up homes and expect us chaps to keep them. they rob us of what we've worked for and put us on the street. i only hope you have the same trouble as us. so do us all a favour take a rolls and run right off beachy head and don't come back!" i did not do them that favour. here i am still. i'm a little nervous in the presence of so many members of the house of lords. they think i have been turning things upside-down, standing them on their heads. for them i may parody the lines of lewis carroll: "you are old, master of the rolls," the young man said, "and your hair has become very white, and yet you incessantly stand on your head. do you think at your age it is right?" "in my youth", the master replied to his son, • the child & co. lecture 1979 delivered in the inns of court school of law on i st march, 1979 and reprinted by kind permission of lord denning and child & co. 17 the denning law journal "i feared it might injure the brain, but now i'm perfectly sure i have none, why, i do it again and again." this evening my title is: "this is my life." in a way all of us are actors. to make your points effective, you must not only be the advocate. you must be the actor, too. so i'm going to start with shakespeare, which you know perhaps as well as i but i will repeat it again for you tonight: "all the world's a stage, and all the men and women merely players: they have their exits and their entrances; and one man in his time plays many parts, his acts being seven ages." (i've been through them all.) "at first the infant, mewling and puking in the nurse's arms. and then the whining school-boy, with his satchel, and shining morning face, creeping like snail unwillingly to school." (i've done all that, except the whining, i hope.) "and then the lover sighing like furnace, with a woful ballad made to his mistress' eyebrow." (i've done all that. have you? do young men nowadays write poems to their girl-friends?) "then a soldier full of strange oaths, and bearded like the pard ... seeking the bubble reputation even in the cannon's mouth." (i'll tell you about it later. i've done it.) "and then the justice in fair round belly with good capon lin'd ... full of wise saws and modern instances." (i hope i have not the fair round belly.) "and so he plays his part. the sixth age shifts into the lean and slipper'd pantaloon with spectacles on nose and pouch on side, 18 this is my life his youthful hose well sav'd, a world too wide f or his shrunk shank." (have i got to that? i don't use glasses even now to read. i haven't come to the last scene of all. i'll wait until i retire for that.) "last scene of all, that ends this strange eventful history, is second childishness and mere oblivion, sans teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans everything." i am going to take you this evening to some of those ages in my life. i'm going to start with the soldier, just to remind you youngsters of what some of us have been through. in march 1918, when i was just nineteen, the germans had attacked and driven our forces back just before the gates of paris. we, the youngsters, after only a few months' training, were rushed out to hold the line. these were lord haig's words to us: "there must be no retirement. every position must be held till the last man. with our backs to the wall and believing in the justice of our cause, we will fight to the end." so we did. when i got out there a second lieutenant in the sappers there were great gaps in our line. we had to dig in under shell-fire. we held them back. after four months we went forward building our bridges under enemy fire eventually to victory. after the army, i went back to oxford. i read mathematics. i taught at winchester. i didn't want to be a schoolteacher all my life. so i returned to oxford and read law quickly in one year. i came to the bar. so we started on our way. how different it was then for us than for you now. there were no government grants at all. we had to get the money as best we could from scholarships, and the like. there were no early briefs. i made only £70 in my first year. it was seven years before i made a thousand a year. only then was i able to get married. gradually i got into interesting work. can you tell me the name of this one? it was when i was a junior. there was a lady in north wales with a little tobacconist's shop. a salesman came and sold her an automatic machine, payable by instalments. he said to her: (i remember now the long brown form) he said: "sign here." so she signed there. the machine was delivered, but it didn't work. they sent the mechanic down three times. still it wouldn't work. so she didn't pay the instalments. the company took her to the county court. when she said it wouldn't work, they said: "look at the clause." there in very small print, if you could read it: "any condition or warranty, expressed or implied, by statute or by common law, is hereby excluded." 19 the denning law journal the county court judge managed to get round that clause somehow. the lady took the case to the court of appeal. i was there instructed for the company. i said to lord justice scrutton: "but look, she's signed it. even though she couldn't, and didn't read it, in the absence of fraud she's bound." lord justice scrutton said: "yes, yes, in the absence of fraud, or, i would add, misrepresentation", he said, "she's bound." so we, the company, were victorious in the court of appeal. in those days i wasn't concerned so much with the rightness of the cause. i was concerned only, as a member of the bar, to win it if! could. but, the reporter was wise. he didn't think much of it. he didn't record it in the law reports. but my company had it privately printed: and i went round the county courts of england winning case after case most unrighteously for this company. that was my first contact with exception clauses. we have done a lot more since. i won't go through them now. we invented the doctrine of fundamental breach. we got rid of those exception clauses altogether until the house of lords in the suisse atlantique] case said we were wrong. but we've been getting round that case ever since! i would tell you of another case as ajunior. (these all have their lessons for you, which i will tell you.) this is a dramatic story. there was a major rowlandson once who insured his life for £80,000. the insurance was due to come to an end at three o'clock on a june afternoon. if he couldn't find the premium, it would lapse. if he died before three, all the money would come in. if he died after three, there would be no money at all. that afternoon, at half-past two, he went to his solicitor in chancery lane here. at a quarter-to-three, he came out and called a taxi. he said to the taxi-driver: "drive me to my flat in albemarle street"; and added: "as you pass st james's palace clock, look at the time and note it." the taxi-driver went along fleet street here and the strand. he went along the mall. as he passed st james's palace clock, there it was. three minutes to three. up stjames's street. the taxi-driver heard a bang, stopped the taxi, got out. there in the cab was major rowlandson dead! two minutes to three just in time! we were instructed for the personal representatives. we claimed against the insurance company for the money. they said no. it was a crime: and we couldn't get it, although the contract said we could. we said that major rowlandson was non-compos mentis. it was tried before mr justice swift in a special jury. i was led by sir william jowitt. he put the case dramatically to the jury. "three minutes to three", he said, "two minutes to three." the judge was mr justice swift. he went out to lunch. he always had a good lunch, did mr justice swift! he liked one or two tots of whisky. in the afternoon he came back. in summing up to the jury, he said: "wasn't this the act of a gallant english gentleman, killing himself for the sake of his creditors?" the jury found him of sound mind. the court of appeal said that, as a result, we could not claim the money. we went to the house of lords. sir william jowitt led me. he had to leave i. suisse allal/lique sodile d'amlemml marilime sa. v. rollerdamsche kolm cmlrale [196711 a.c.361. 20 this is my life early and turned to me; and, referring to the suicide of ophelia, said: "give them all that." i gave it to them. it didn't do any good. the house of lords said that suicide, filo de se, was the most heinous crime known to our english law. a man rushing into the presence of his maker unasked. so we lost. now let me tell the sequel. in the house of lords later we had a bill, now an act of parliament. 2 suicide is no longer a crime. attempted suicide is no longer a crime. we should have won that case now. and then the war. let me give a few pictures of the second war. i wasn't young enough to go to the front line again. i was the legal advisor to the regional commissioner of the north east. it was my task to detain people, the fifth columnists, under regulation 18h. 3 we detained people without trial on suspicion that they were a danger. there was a parson who was called the 'nazi parson' in a village in yorkshire. he had often spent his holidays in germany. the military authorities arrested him, and detained him. they were fearful that german parachutists might comc down to his lonely vicarage. thcy might sabotage our war effort by blowing up bridges, and the like. although there was no case against him, no proof at all, i detained him under' 18b'. the bishop of ripon protested, but we took no notice. '18b', you should know, was one of the regulations under which we had power of detention without trial. there are still some countries round the world where they have prevcntive detcntion, as it is called. i hope we shan't have it back again except in times of great emergency. but, let me remind you of what in those years lord atkin said in liversidge v. anderson: "in this country amid the clash of arms, the laws are not silent. they may be changed, but they speak the same language in war as in peace. it has always been one of the pillars of frcedom, one of the principles of liberty for which on recent authority we are now fighting, that the judges are no respecters of persons, and stand between the subject and any attempted encroachments on his liberty by the executive, alert to sec that any coercive action is justified in law." that is the task of the judges today. to disallow any coercive action, except insofar as can be justificd by law. no matter whether it is coercive action by the executivc, or coercive action by a trade union, or coercive action by anybody, it is the duty of the judges to be no respccters of persons and be alert to see that any coercive action is justified by law. otherwise it is to be condemned. before i part from the second war, let me tell how things werc in london here during the bombing. when the flying bombs came, i was a judge. we sat in the basements of the law courts. on one occasion, when i was sitting, two witnesses 2. suicide act 1961. 3. defence of the realm general regulations detention orders 1939 978 superseded by 1681 miscellaneous amendments 18b (p.8 is). 4. [1942] a.c.206, 244. 21 the denning law journal came back after lunch with their faces bleeding and scratched by cuts from the flying bombs. they came and gave their evidence in the court before me. that is how the people of england withstood the onslaught of war. i would remind you of what winston churchill said at that time when the enemy were the other side of the channel with their overpowering tanks and aircraft: "we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender." the people of london, the people of england, won through. perhaps i might conclude this part by those words which i would quote from shakespeare: "this england never did, nor never shall, lie at the proud foot of a conqueror, but when it first did help to wound itself. now these her princes are come home again, come the three corners of the world in arms, and we shall shock them: nought shall make us rue, if england to itself do rest but true." so there i leave the second war. but in the course of it, i would tell you of another dramatic case in which i was king's counsel. i was instructed by the attorney-general he gave a few briefs around to the silks to defend a young sailor who was charged with murder. he'd strangled a girl on southampton common. i went to see him the night before in the cells in winchester. there he was, dirty and unkempt. i asked him what his defence was. he said the girl had slapped his face. he had put his hands round her throat, and she died. was there any defence? not much of a defence of provocation so as to reduce it from murder to manslaughter. but i thought i would put it to the jury. i told the young man to clean himself up before the next day. there he was, when he was arraigned, as smart and nice a young sailor as ever you did see. the judge was mr justice charles, also of the western circuit. he ran dead against my client. i put him into the box and asked him: "did you have your ship torpedoed under you three times?" the judge boomed out: "many a sailor has had his ship torpedoed under him and he doesn't go strangle a woman!" next, when i was going to put my defence of provocation to the jury, the judge said he wasn't going to put it. there was not sufficient provocation here to reduce it to manslaughter. was i, as counsel, to put it? i did. it is the duty of counsel to put every legitimate defence. i put the defence of provocation to the jury. the judge did as he said he would. he told the jury that there was no defence of provocation here. that was virtually a direction to find him guilty of murder, because, if there was no provocation, it was clearly murder. well, it was a hampshire jury, and i'm a hampshire man! the jury found him guilty of 'manslaughter only'. the judge turned to the jury, and 22 this is my life said: "get out of the box. you've been false to your oaths. you're not fit to be there." as they left the box, they were heard to say "the judge was biased." (he's not the firstjudge to find that, ifhe goes too far one way, the jury will go the other way. that's what the juries on the western circuit have done ever since judge jeffreys' day though they gave in to him!) but, to finish the case the judge, addressing the sailor, said that he had to accept the verdict: but he went on and sentenced him to thirteen years' imprisonment. i thought that was too long, seeing it was manslaughter only, as the jury had found. so i told the sailor he could appeal if he liked, but i had to warn him that in those days the court of criminal appeal could increase the sentence if they so wished. afterwards (i think i've lost it now), i received a little note which he wrote to me from the prison in pencil. he thanked me. he said: "after considering all the circumstances, i have decided not to appeal." i'm sure he's been restored to his friends and relations long since. the moral of that story is: stick up to the judge. it's one of the duties of counsel to be courageous on behalf of his client, using all proper weapons, but no improper ones. so much for my time at the bar. early in 1944 i was made a high courtjudge. it was whilst i was arguing a case in the lords in which lord simon, the lord chancellor, was sitting. he appointed me to the divorce division. divorce i hadn't done any before. i went on circuit with mr justice cassels. he and i trying to get through the lists. he did 83 in one day. that was his record. i did 52. we had to do it. after eighteen months lord jowitt was lord chancellor. he transferred me to the king's bench. i was there for three years. one of the most instructive experiences is to be a judge of assize on an english circuit. in those days, different from now, capital punishment was the order of the day. flogging was the order of the day. was it wrong? i remember a youngster of eighteen coming behind an old woman of eighty and hitting her over the head and injuring her badly, and stealing her savings of £20 in money. i ordered him twenty-five strokes of the birch. was i wrong? i remember also trying a case at gloucester where an army officer, a captain, was charged with murdering his wife. he was a small-arms instructor. his wife led him an awful life, nagging and going for him continually. one day, coming back from his course, she went at him so much that he picked up his revolver and shot her dead pregnant as she was! was he guilty of murder or manslaughter? obviously of murder. words were not then thought sufficient provocation to reduce it to manslaughter. i so directed the jury. i don't know whether it was the tone of my voice or not, but i did tell them that it was to be their verdict and not for me. it was for them to come to their own decision. (i ought to tell you of a little incident at that trial so as to warn you that judges notice things. when the king's counsel for the defence was addressing the jury, he put his knee up with his foot on the seat a most inelegant stance to add to it, he had his fly buttons undone! be careful of your dress!) the jury found the officer guilty of manslaughter. i sentenced him to two years' imprisonment. all those in the gallery cheered. they had watched the case. they had heard the evidence, as i did. they 23 the denning law journal knew perfectly well that this man did not deserve capital punishment. that is why the jury found manslaughter only. they do not go by the strict law at all. they go by the good sense of the case. i suppose that i am one of the few judges left now who have passed sentence of death. i have on many occasions, using the formula "you shall be hanged by the neck until you are dead: and may the lord have mercy on your soul." the chaplain says, "amen." it is never done now. is capital punishment right or wrong? in giving evidence before the royal commission on capital punishment i was in favour of it for murder most foul. that was some years ago now. some years afterwards i changed my mind. it is not a legal question. it is a question of policy. it is an ethical question. is it right that we, as a society, should do a thing hang a man which none of us individually would be prepared to do, or even to witness? on such grounds i changed my mind. parliament was right to abolish capital punishment. it was right to abolish flogging. those days are past. before leaving my time in the king's bench, i must tell you of a case known to all students. it is the high treess case. some landlords let a flat in london early in the war at £200 a year. it was a lease under seal. during the war, because everyone was leaving london, they promised to reduce it by half, from £200 to £i 00. after the war was over they thought to themselves: "oh, it's all right. it is under seal. it is in a deed. so we will make him pay the full amount for all the time." they sued him for the full amount. i did not reserve judgment. i gave it straight off the reel. at the bar i had to do some research into all these cases. i held that if a person makes a promise intending it to be binding and to be acted upon, and it is in fact acted upon, he should not be allowed to go back on it. just that simple principle. what a flurry it caused! they still talk about it. i hope that most of you, the younger generation, will agree with me. so i pass by quickly the high trees case. i scamper on till we come to the court of appeal. i would have liked to have stayed longer as a high court judge in the king's bench. i found much human interest in hearing and seeing the witnesses, in summing-up to the juries, and in deciding cases. on my own, 1 especially enjoyed going my own circuit as a judge the western circuit. 1 got all the way round to exeter, and then (1 wanted to go on to winchester, because myoid mother was still alive) lord jowitt called me back to london to be the chairman of a committee on divorce. mark you, we did some good on that committee. we got the divorces through for the men after the war in very quick time. only too often the wives had gone off with other men and had children by them. so it was quite right that divorces should be granted quickly. the committee made its report in three months. it was implemented at once. we devised a useful stratagem. we kept divorce in the high court by getting county court judges to do the work. 5. ceillral lolldoll properl)' tmsl ltd v. hixh trees hol/se ltd. 119471 k.b.130. 24 this is my life so i went to the court of appeal. when i was a judge of first instance sitting alone i could and did do justice: but in the court of appeal of threc i found the chances of doing justice were: "two to onc against". i found myself sitting with chancery collcagues. i can tcll you a truc story about them. lord justice somelvell, a good common lawyer, found himself every term in the chancery side of the court. lord evershed, my predecessor, had put him there, where they're supposed to do equity. you know the maxim of equity "he who comes to equity must come with clean hands." lordjustice asquith came to me one morning. he said to me: "i can't think what's come over our brother somclvell lately. always before he goes into court he will kcep washing his hands." but lord justice somelvell capped it himself a day or two afterwards. we wcre waiting for him, lord justice asquith and i. he arrived, and explained why he was late. he had had a puncture in his tyre on constitution hill and had to change the tyre. there he was with his hands all dirty. we said: "aren't you going to wash your hands before you go into court?" he said: "it doesn't matter today. we're in the divorce court today." those were exciting times in the court of appeal. we saved a lot of deserted wives. we got on with them quitc well. we did not let the husbands turn them out. nor could a mistress. nor a bank. but the house of lords said we were wrong. it was immediately rectified by parliament. then there were exception clauses. we managed to get round thosc by the doctrine of fundamental breach. if a person is guilty of a breach which goes to the vcry root of the contract, we held that hc couldn't rely on the exemption clause. we didn't do too badly till the house of lords reversed it. but it has been put right now. we can look to see whether a clause is reasonable or not. if it is not reasonable, wc can hold it to bc bad or not reasonable to apply. so all's well now, after all these years. at all events i hope you will find it so. then i went to the house of lords. i was there for five years. i didn't want to stay there much. they do not have the same number of cases as we do. but in the vacations i thought i'd keep my hand in with the crime. i was chairman of quarter sessions at lewes at east sussex. (that was possible before the beeching commission did away with quarter sessions.) i will tell you a story about it. it's a little bit exaggerated, but the substance has some truth in it. the first case i had at lewes was a man who was charged with driving a car under the influence of drink. i summed up in my most impartial and impeccable manner. the jury came, i won't say to the most just result, they came to the usual result they found him 'not guilty'. so the next case i thought i'd try different tactics. this was a man who was charged with being in possession of house-breaking implements by night. this time i turned to the jury. i put on my most sarcastic and ironic manner. i said to them: "members of the jury, if you think the accused was at the door at midnight intending to present these implements to the householder as a gift as a tribute of esteem in which he held him, then of course you will find him not guilty." they did. 25 the denning law journal one day in the house of lords, lord kilmuir turned to me at lunch. (we all lunch together, the law lords in the lords.) he said: "would you like to go back to be master of the rolls?" lord evershed was just retiring. i said: "yes, i would." so i went back to the court of appeal. i've been there sixteen or seventeen years now. was i right, or was i wrong? a lot of people have asked me: "why did you let yourself be demoted like that?" the answer is that i would much rather be in the place where i've got some influence on the development of the law. soon after i went back i was asked to do an important job. you youngsters will not have heard ofmr profumo, the secretary of state for war. he had gone out with a young lady called christine keeler. it was said that he went into her room as the russian attache was coming out. some politicians thought they had a good thing on this. here was the secretary of state for war getting embroiled with a russian spy. oh, the turmoil! the rumours that went round! the ministers of the crown, they all were having their characters taken away by rumour. so much so that someone had to enquire into it. you will find that when governments are in difficulty, the one person they can rely upon, and whom the people of england will trust, is a judge, because he's independent and impartial (no civil servants or anybody like that). see how they call on lord scarman, quite rightly, from time to time. whether it was right or wrong, they did call upon me for the profumo enquiry. i did my report in about two-and-an-half months. i had to sit through the long vacation. i did it all by myself. i believe it did some good. after that case they had a new interpretation of the two eras of christianity b.c. and a.d. b.c. is 'before christine'; and a.d. is 'after denning'. the master of the rolls is ex officio the chairman of the magna carta trust. in 1965 it was 750 years since the year 1215, when the barons came from the other side of the river at staines and the king came from his castle, the great keep at windsor. they met on 15th june in the meadow which is called runnymede. there the rule of law was founded, not only for england, but all the great territories overseas. the master of the rolls was there. he was one of the few there who could write. he wrote it all down in latin. stephen langton, the archbishop, drafted most of it. i can recite two of the most famous chapters. the first guarantees freedom under the law: "no freeman shall be taken, imprisoned, be disseised, outlawed, banished, or in any wise destroyed. nor will we proceed against him or prosecute him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers, and by the law of the land." the next guarantees the due administation of justice: "to none will we sell, to no-one will we delay or deny right or justice." those are the words which have come down through thc centuries. they have done much to build the character of the english people. the americans took them, with the rights of englishmen, to virginia, and to massachusetts. they are in their charters. 26 this is my life but, when i see some of the things that happen today in england strikes, blackings, secondary picketings whatever you like to call it, i remember kipling's words: "whenever mob or monarch lays too rude a hand on english ways, a whisper wakes, a shudder plays across the reeds at runnymede." it was in 1965 that we celebrated magna carta. much has happened in the years since. you will, perhaps, have noticed them. i hope you will have noticed freddie laker's case.6 it was only because of the decision of the court of appeal that his skytrain ever got into the air. the minister had declared he would not give his sanction for it. he was influenced by the big b.o.a.c. and other airlines. he wouldn't give his sanction. he claimed a right by his prerogative. we declared that the secretary of state had misused his powers. so, freddie laker got his sky-train into the air. whenever ministers abuse or exceed their powers, i hope the judges will be able to put a restraining hand upon them. 'the master of the rolls' is an old old title. lots of people don't know what it means. i will tell you of a nice true letter. it was from international students' house. it said: "dear lord denning, i am an indian citizen. i graduated in mechanical engineering in the university of london and was awarded a master of science degree. i feel i have the necessary qualifications, motivation, energy, drive and personality to begin a successful career in an automobile industry. i will ever remain grateful to you if you would kindly help me to begin my professional career with your company, the rolls royce motor company." so, there you know who the master of the rolls is! may i just say a word to those of you on coming to the law. i would quote a few words of francis bacon,7 one of the great sons of this house of gray's inn (i'm very proud they recently made me a bencher) where i am speaking this evening. he said: "i hold every man a debtor to his profession. from the which as men of course do seek to receive countenance and profit. so ought they of duty to endeavour themselves by way of amends to be a help and ornament thereunto." try to be a help and ornament in the profession into which you come. law is the foundation of the civilised society. unless we maintain law and order, society itself will crumble. 6. laker ainvays v. departmmt of trade [1977] qb.643. 7. preface to the maxims of the law. 27 the denning law journal lastly, the words of an american poet, van dyke: "four things a man must learn to do if he would make his record truc. to think without confusion clearly, to act from honest motives purely, to love his fellow-men sincerely, and trust in god and heaven securely." may you all make your record true. at the end, these few words of hilaire belloc: "from quiet homes and first beginnings, out to the undiscovered end, there's nothing worth the wear of winning but laughter and the love of friends." are you not are wc all not in law, friends in pursuit of truth and justice? let us do our part in it. 28 lord denning and eec law a. 1. l. campbell'*' the purpose of this article is to make a general survey of lord denning's views and decisions concerning eec law. it will not assess particular decisions, but will consider his contribution to the reception of and understanding of eec law. the impact of lord denning's written views in particular has been as striking as his prose. the contribution of lord denning seems to have lain partly in his ability to communicate to the profession and to the general public the importance of the legal changes incurred by u.k. entry into the eec. it has been said that, prior to the entry of the u.k. into the eec, "the learned journals, and, to some extent, the less learned press, were full of anxiety that the english lawyer and, above, the english judge, would not know how to compete with this new system". 1 denning was in a position, as master of the rolls, to playa central role in the development of the english reception of eec law. it is arguably fortunate that a judge such as denning with a penchant for communication and for an ability to rethink the law, and with a temperament for accepting, not resisting, change, was in this position. after u.k. accession to the eec denning was over 70, having already had a lifetime in acquiring one legal tradition and at an age when resistance to change is strong. it is to denning's credit that though he may usually have come down on the side of english law where there was an international element, towards the end of his judicial career he faced "realistically" the "incoming tide" of eec law. z it can be said that he made a deliberate effort to contribute to the understanding and reception of eec law. he established lasting and influential, if controversial, guidelines on when to refer questions to the european court, as well as attempting '"lecturer in law, university of aberdeen. the author is grateful to his colleague mr p. r. beaumont and to mr r. r. paisley for helpful comments on a draft of this article. 1. mackenzie stuart, "the united kingdom and community law the first decade", the third lord fletcher lecture, november 1981, the lord fletcher lectures 1979-1982, solicitors european group (1983) pad. it has to be said, however, that a body of judges (lords diplock and hailsham as well as denning) anticipated few difficulties with interpreting eec law: see lasok and bridge, law and 1nstilll/ions oj/he european communities 4th ed., p.378, and bridge, "community law and english courts and tribunals; general principles and preliminary rulings", 1 european law review (1975) 13, at p.18. 2. the honjustice kirby, "lord denning: an antipodean appreciation", [19861delli/iug l.j. 103, at p.1lo. 1 the denning law journal to register the need to adopt different principles from those used in municipal law for the interpretation of eec law. in addition, he stated interesting views on eec supremacy. these contributions can be overstated: many of the remarks made by denning to be examined were in a sense obiter, and they cannot rival his substantive contributions in other areas of the law. but they arc interesting, and it could be said that lord denning's wish to make such statements beyond the essential needs of the case even reinforces the impression of a judge anxious to communicate the impact of eec law in general. denning chose the course of exposition and guidance. denning wrote at almost a popular level on the general impact of eec law in the u.k. in the times in 1973, just after u.k. entry to the eec, as master of the rolls and chairman of the british institute ofinternational and comparative law.3 he showed that he realised that the judiciary must confront new problems of the conflict between eec law and domestic law, and of when and how often to refer matters to the european court of justice, issues to which he returned on the bench. he also showed perhaps a certain defensiveness, in stating that this new law would be "grafted" on to the old. an objective to communicate the importance of the change brought about by eec law was shown vividly in the landmark case of bulmer v. bollinger4 the "champagne" case in 1974, when he said in a memorably graphic, though perhaps exaggerated, way, that: "the treaty is like an incoming tide. it flows into the estuaries and up the rivers. it cannot be held back."4 this was described as an "apt analogy", extra judicially, by lord fraser, and has also been referred to flatteringly by lord scarman as "dazzling", and as a "magificent simile", though not without qualification, by lord mackenzie stuart. 5 in 1978 lord denning reinforced the idea: "the flowing tide of community law is coming in fast. it has not stopped at high water-mark. it has broken the dykes and the banks. it has submerged the surrounding land. so much so that we must learn to become amphibious if we are to keep our heads above water."6 subsequently, denning was invited to give the first lord fletcher lecture, and continued the simile thus: 3 the times, 2 january 1973. 4 [197412 all e.r. 1226, at p.i23i; as to whether it is exaggerated see mackenzie stuart, supra n.i, p.38: "if i might continue in the vein of lord denning, one might say, however strong may be the currents in the estuary and forceful the incoming tide, these factors do not concern you overmuch if you happen to run a grocery shop in central scotland." 5 fraser, "the impact of community law on scots law", [19871 joun/al ~rthe l{lm sociery 0/ scolland 90; mackenzie stuart, the european communities (i/l{/the rule o/larl) (1977), i: cf mackenzie stuart, supra n. i, at p.38. 6 shields v. e. coomes (holdings) lid. [19791 ] all e.r. 456, at p.462. 2 lord denning and eee law "now in 1979 the tide is advancing. it is no use our trying to stop it, any more than king canute did. he got his feet wet; i expect we shall all get our feet wet too.,,7 the analogy is perhaps to some extent intentionally humorous, but it is not merely amusing, because it communicates to a perhaps conservative profession the need to adjust to the change which the passing of the european communities act 1972 had made. this concern was also reflected in denning's last book on law, what next in the law, where he wrote "we should cease to look at [the european court's] work with english eyes. we should look at it with european eyes ... as i have said before: 'the treaty is like an incoming tide. it flows into the estuaries and up the rivers. it cannot be held back'."s were lord denning remembered only for these rather apt similes that might well be worthwhile, since in a simple way they communicate so effectively the inevitable impact of an important new source of law and the extent of the change wrought by this "tide". as we shall see, lord denning has more recently expanded these similes. what, however, of lord denning's views in more detail? there are three convenient subdivisions of these views: the guidance to courts as to when they should refer to the european court of justice for a preliminary ruling under article 177 of the treaty of rome; the question of u.k. sovereignty; and the interpretation of eec law. preliminary rulings under article 177 of the treaty of rome national courts may, and in some cases must, seek a preliminary ruling on a question as to the interpretation of the treaty from the european court of justice. it is well known that guidelines as to when a decision on a question of community law is necessary and on the exercise of the discretion to refer, accompanied by other remarks on such references, were laid down by denning m.r. in bulmer v. bollinger.9 the guidelines on when questions should be referred to the european court have been influential in the sense of citation at least, even though this might to some extent be a form oflip-service, as a run through on lexis shows. though further important remarks have been made elsewherelo these guidelines remain a commonly quoted starting point for discussion in england, and indeed were cited by lord clyde in the first scottish civil court reference, from the court of session.!! kerr lj with the concurrence of gibson lj and russell lj has described them, after 13 years, as "a useful list ... 7 "the incoming tide", the first lord fletcher lecture, november 1979, the lord fle/cher lec/ures 1979-1982, solicitors european group (1983), p.4. 8 (1982), at p.301. 9 [1974] 2 all e.r. 1226, at p.1234. 10 see bingham j in commissioners of clistoms and excise v. samex [1983] 1 all e.r. 1042, at pp.i055-56; r. v. p(ymollth jus/ices, ex parte rogers [19821 2 all e.r. 175. 1i. stephen malcolm brown v. secretary of state for scotland, unreported but available on lexis; if. prince v. younger [1984] 1 c.m.l.r. 723, at p.727. 3 the denning law journal. which have stood the test of time."] 2 that is not to say that they were exempt from criticism or revision. the guidelines were widely criticised;]3 they have also not been formally approved by the house of lords. the extent of detail of the guidelines was arguably unnecessary, and stephenson lj in the same case indicated that guidelines should be "few".14 but denning's boldness in laying down such guidelines was possibly very helpful to lower courts, and to the profession, uncertain of european law. some of the guidelines do have an uncertain status, though this should not allow the general contribution to be overshadowed. denning's approach might be, and has been said to be, too restrictive of national courts' discretion to refer,]s which is a serious charge in view of the need for uniform jurisprudence on eec law, as overseen by the european court itself. a further response to those guidelines on the other hand may be, and has been, that they are too "nationalistic",16 that is to say that too much discretion is given to national courts to decide on eec questions themselves. denning was, for example, anxious that reference to the european court should not be made unnecessarily, because of the time to get a ruling and the need not to overload the european court, factors specifically mentioned in bulmer v. bollinger and also in the earlier general article in the times. while this might be said to reflect an unduly conservative attitude, it has practical merit, borne out by the experience of the european court which now takes even longer than when denning wrote to 12. r. v. phamlaceulical society 0/ creal brilai,l, ex parle the association 0/ phanllaceutical importers [198713 c.m.l.r. 951, at p.970. 13. see, e.g., vaughan (ed.), law o/the europeall communities, vol. i, 1.23,3.80; bebr, developmellt 0/ judicial control o/ihe europeall communilies, p.377; lasok and bridge, law and blstitutions 0/ the european communities 4th ed., p.378; collins, european community law ill the uliiled killgdom 3rd ed., p.134; bridge, "community law and english courts and tribunals; general principles and preliminary rulings", 1 european law review (1975) 13; gormley, "the application of community law in the united kingdom 1976-1985",23 common markel lalp review (1986) 287, at p.289; brown and jacobs, the court 0/ justice 0/ the european comlllullities 2nd ed., at p.170, and mitchell and freeman there cited; dagtoglou, "the english judges and european community law", [1978] g.l.]. 76; forman and stevens, "the attitude of british courts to community law the first three years", 13 commoli markel law review (1976) 388, at p.406; see also encyclopaedia 0/ european community law, vol. b ii, under article 177; ed. comment, 1974 comnlollmarket law review 349. but, as parker j. pointed out in lord bethel v. sabena [1983] 3 c.m.l.r. 1, at p.4, they are only guidelines see also vaughan (ibid.) and collins, european law ill the u.k, p.138. brown and jacobs say that the guidelines have no legal authority but have had an influence in practice, "emanating from so eminent a source". 14. [1974] 2 all e.r. 1241; stamp l.j. wholly agreed with stephenson's judgment. 15. see, e.g., bebr, development ofjudicial collirolof the european commllllilies, p.377; arnull, "article 177 and the retreat from van duyn", 8 european law review 365, at p.368 and if. vaughan i, 1, 23. 16. usher, in vaughan (ed.), law oflhe european commullilies, 3.80; see also freeman, "references to the european court of justice under article 177", [1975] g.l.p. 176; forman and stevens, "the attitude of british courts to community law", at p.407; dagtog[ou, "the english judges and european community law", at p.89. 4 lord denning and eec law hand down rulings, about fifteen months, and has to handle even more preliminary rulings. 17 an important issue, however, is that of aae clair, much beloved of academics. denning arguably gave too much scope to this doctrine, possibly out of a general desire not to overload the european court, and send only cases "worthy of its mettle",]8 but also possibly because of symptomatic over confidence as to the ease with which the "new law" could be applied by english judges.19 denning accepted the principles of the "previous ruling" and of acte clair, the latter being controversial: "in some cases ... it may be found that the same point or substantially the same point has already been decided by the european court in a previous case. in that event it is not necessary for the english court to decide it. it can follow the previous decision without troubling the european court ... in other cases the english court may consider the point is reasonably clear and free from doubt. in that event there is no need to interpret the treaty but only to apply it, and that is the task of the english court.,,20 these remarks have of course been overtaken by the limited approval of the doctrine of acte clair in the european court judgment in g./.l.f.i. t.. it recognised that "the correct application of community law may be so obvious as to leave no scope for any reasonable doubt as to the manner in which the question raised is to be resolved." but it qualified this by saying that before the court could come to such a conclusion it "must be convinced that the matter is equally obvious to the courts of the other member states and to the court of justice." and it further pointed out difficulties involved in the interpretation of eec law, such as the different language versions of community legislation, which are all equally authentic.21 17. see h.l. 20, 1987-88, a european court of fitstilistance, p.34; this is an increase from 1984 and 1985 see the synopsis of the work of the court ofjustice of the european commlwities, luxembourg, 1986, p.10. in 1972 there were 40 references, in 1985, 139, and in 1987 144 requests h.l. 20, 1987-88, supra, at p.32; proceedings of the court of justice of the european commutlities, no. 1/88. it is true, as forman and stevens point out ("the attitude of british courts to community law", p.407) that it was no longer true as denning had stated that the court could not be split up into divisions, but the recomposition of the court into chambers came about because of the growth in the number of references: see the court of justice of the european communities (office for official publications, luxembourg, 1975), at p.14. 18. see the times, 2 january 1973. 19. see lasok and bridge, supra n.i, p.378. 20. [1974] 2 all e.r., at p.1235. 21. [1982] e.er. 3415, at p.3430. 5 the denning lawjournal denning's unqualified adoption of the acte clair doctrine also clashes with the cautious approach of the house of lords in garland, though that also takes in the "previous ruling" guideline, and indeed may be more relevant to it, where lord diplock noted that there was a "question" to justify reference to the european court since "there was not ... so considerable and consistent a line of case law of the european court on the interpretation and direct applicability of art. 119 as would make the answer too obvious and inevitable to be capable of giving rise to what could properly be regarded as 'a question' within the meaning of art. 177.,,22 lord denning's apparent encouragement of the adoption of the acte clair doctrine by national courts on a widespread basis is surely open to reasonable criticism, in allowing the ill considered unilateral interpretation ofeec law. some balance had to be created between on the one hand preventing unnecessary reference and encouraging a belief that eec law could be understood and was not wholly alien, and, on the other hand, misconstruing eec law. an impression that denning was "in conflict" with the house of lords cannot be maintained on the basis of two or three cases, especially as lord diplock himself described the doctrine of acte clair as "common sense",23 but perhaps denning was over confident initially on the possibilities of misconstruction. 24 erroneous assumptions can easily be made, as was indeed illustrated, ironically, by denning's views in the well known case of schorsch meie~5 coupled with the house of lords' reaction in miliangos.26 the schorsch meier case has been taken to illustrate a degree of contentiousness in denning's guidelines, in emphasising the role of a national court in interpreting eec law for itself.27 lord diplock was particularly interested, on the other hand, in expressing caution on a matter being "clear", especially where judicial minds differ, as in henn and darb/8 and in the gist brocades cases,29 though a disagreement as to whether the law was clear or not, and whether a "comparatively elaborate" finding of acte clair was self-contradictory, 22. [198212 all e.r. 402, at p.415. 23. "the common market and the common law", 6 law teacher (\972), p.14. 24. a contrast on initial expectations of judges such as denning and misconstruction is made by lasok and bridge, law alld illslilulions ojlhe european comll/lmilies, pp.378-379. 25. [1975j 1 all e.r. 152, at p.157. 26. [i975j 3 all e.r. 801, at pp.810-811, 820, 838; "i entertain the strongest reservations concerning the use made by the court of appeal of art. 106 in the present context ... any other court in which such issues may arise would be well advised to refer them to the european court for clarification"(wilberforce). see usher, european courl practice, 1.69; freeman, "references to the european court under article 177", 28 c.l.p. (1975) 176, at p.193; see, however, denning, the discipline oj law, p.307. 27. vaughan (ed.), law ojthe european commullities, 3.80; see also lasok and bridge, pp.379-80; if. bebr, developmetll of judicia! colllro!, p.378. 28. [1980j 2 all e.r. 166, at p.l97. 29. r. v. comptroller patenls, ex p. gisl brocades [1986] 1 w.l.r. 51, at p.67. 6 lord denning and eec law became evident in the house of lords in re sandhu.3o a realisation of the limits of aae clair has now become evident in the court of appeal too. in r. v.thomson3l bridge lj expressly cited the warning of advocate general warner that national courts should exercise great caution before considering that the answer to a community law question admits of no possible doubt. caution on eec law was also stated in a way relevant to all questions of interpretation of the treaty of rome by bingham j in customs and excise commissioners v. samex: "sitting as a judge in a national court, asked to decide questions of community law, i am very conscious of the advantages enjoyed by the court of justice." he drew attention to matters such as the comparison of different texts, detailed knowledge of the treaties and subordinate legislation made under them, and a view of what the orderly development of the communities requires, where the court of justice is much better placed than a national court.32 he also stated in the bulk oil case, a week later, that "the cases show that, even where the english judges have been confident that a point of community law should be decided in one way, the court of justice of the european communities has not infrequently decided it in the other.,,33 these remarks, in commissioners of customs and excise v. sam ex, and bulk oil, were referred to and approved implicitly by the court of appeal in the bulk oil case,34and those in commissioners of customs andexcisev. samexwere described as "of great relevance" by kerr lj in the context of the free movement of pharmaceutical products.35in the polydor case,36moreover, according to kerr lj, "ormrod and templeman ljj expressed strong views in this court about the apparently clearly correct answer to a question of community law which had been raised before them. but they nevertheless referred the case to the court ofjustice, and we were told that the ultimate decision was in fact the other way.,,37again, kerr lj, with the concurrence of his colleagues in the court of appeal, 30. the times, 10 may 1985, available on lexis. lord fraser found that lord templeman's comparatively elaborate analysis indicated that it was not, as lord templeman suggested, acle clair. lord fraser was supported by lord brandon but lord bridge expressly disagreed on this point. 31. [1980] 2 all e.r. 102, at p.l05. 32. [1983] 1 all e.r. 1042, at pp.1055-56. 33. cited by ackner lj [1984] 1 all e.r., at p.391. 34. bulk oiia.g. v. sun inlemational ltd. [198411 all e.r. 386, at p.391. 35. r. v. pharmaceutical society oj great britain, ex parte the association oj phannaceuticalimporters [1987] 3 c.m.l.r. 951, at p.970. 36. [1980] 2 c.m.l.r. 413. 37. per kerr lj, mpra n.35, at p.971. 7 the denning law journal emphasised that u.k. courts should "hesitate long" and exercise "great caution" before reaching a conclusion that something is acte clair.38 these remarks, that national courts should be careful not to assume too readily that they themselves should deal with the matter, must be especially true if they refuse leave to appeal. this happened in the magna:vision case,39 where the divisional court stated that the matter before them was clear, though it involved the interpretation of difficult judgments of the european court itself, and though the divisional court considered that one judgment was out of line with the others and subsequently refused leave to appeal.40 the guidelines in bulmer on the exercise of discretion to refer necessary questions are relevant to courts not bound to refer such questions. under article 177 of the treaty of rome courts in general may refer questions of interpretation to the european court, but a court must so refer under article 177(3) if "there is no judicial remedy under national law" against its decisions. this obligation was also covered by lord denning: "short of the house of lords, no other english court is bound to refer a question ... ,,4] that the issue as to which court is bound could be argued about was indicated in the same case, however, where stephenson l] expressed doubt on the view that the house of lords is the only court against whose decisions there is no judicial remedy,42 while writers such as collins have opined that denning's view was "plainly wrong",43 as did campbell.44 there are in fact other more recent cases which indicate that the court of appeal is not a 'final court', so that denning may have been right. pure has l], citing the bulmer 38. ibid., at pp.970-71; see also macpherson] in r. v. h. m. treasury, ex parte daia' mail and gmeral trost p.l.c., [19871 2 c.m.l.r. 1, cited by kerr l], and r. v. dearl(jl)e;r. v. druker, the times, 28 january 1988. 39. s. a. magnavision ny. v. general optical council (no.2) [1987] 2 c.m.l.r. 262. 40. see analogously, the bomore case [1986] 1 c.m.l.r. 228, at p.241, though it involved a decision that the question was already covered by the european court's jurisprudence rather than acte clair. 41. [1974] 2 all e.r. 1226, at p.1233; see also the times, 2 january 1973. 42. at p.1241; stamp l] agreed. 43. european law in the united kingdom 3rd ed., p.114, writing of course before pic/mone or the phannaceutical society case, referred to in the text: he also cites 8th general report on the activities of the european communities, which stated that dcnning's view here "must be treated with reservation "; see also buckley lj hagm v. fratelli [1980] 3 c.m.l.r. 253, at p.255 indicating that the house of lords and also the court of appea] would be bound to refer if leave to appeal were not obtainable (which is described by schermers waelbroeck, judicial protection in the europeau communities 4th ed., (k]uwer) para.715. as the better solution, but as raising procedural difficulties by lasok and bridge, supra n.l, at p.369 n.17), and s. a. magnavision n. v. v. general council (no.2) [1987] 2 c.m.l.r. 262, at pp.265-66, where watkins lj considered that if the divisional court refuses to certifythat there is a point oflaw for consideration by the house of lords the divisional court may be or was "in a sense" a court of final decision though no reference to the european court was made by watkins l] and macpherson] because the matter was considered clear, and because no question was pending or preliminary before the divisional court. 44. common market law supplement 1975, p.382: "it is respectfully submitted that his view is clearly incorrect" . 8 lord denning and eec law guidelines, indicated in pickstone v. freemans plc45 that the court of appeal was not a "final court" under article 177, and kerr lj with the concurrence of his colleagues said in r. v. pharmaceutical society of great britain, ex parte theassociation of pharmaceutical importers that the court of appeal was not a court from which there is no remedy, since there was a possibility of an appeal.4b moreover, the question must be asked whether the court of appeal is bound to refer if it has already given judgment, and leave to appeal is refused.47 to judge by the magnavision case the question would no longer be "preliminary", and thus the court of appeal would not be bound to refer. possibly if the court of appeal refuses leave to appeal it should be regarded as a court from which there is no remedy; this is only consistent with justice in the individual case, for which denning supposedly cared especially, and with the purpose of article 17 and the case law of the european court, though there are arguments for an emphasis on 'higher' courts.48 it is also arguable that in cases of urgency the court of appeal should be regarded as the final court in england, and the view that the house of lords alone is bound seems inconsistent with denning's own consideration of the time and expense involved in getting a ruling. denning's view had the virtue of clarity, which was also the approach subsequently adopted in the 1968 convention on jurisdiction and the enforcement of judgments, and 1971 protocol. it nominated the courts bound to refer questions for a preliminary ruling on interpretation of the convention and protocol to the ecj, and concentrates on the house of lords.49 the matter of the 'final court' under article 177 is not one in any case on which different views are not possible, and criticism of denning may be over enthusiastic. sir gordon slynn, an advocate general, said that it was "clearly" not true that a court "of last resort" means the supreme court, in the u.k. the house of lords, and that a court from which there is no judicial remedy may be relatively low in the hierarchy, 50 but judge pescatore, a judge of particular authority on the eec, stated that he preferred the view that a court at the top of the hierarchy is a court from which there is no remedy and that, in any case, the question whether that 45. [1987] 3 all e.r. 756, at pp.770, 776; oliver lj found it unnecessary to decide if the decision before him in the court of appeal was one from which there is no judicial remedy, so that a reference would be obligatory, in british leyland motor corporation v.annstrong patents [1984] 3 c.m.l.r. 102, at p.l32 which implies that that decision was arguable. 46. [1987] 3 c.m.l.r. 951, at p.969; the assumption in the bomore case, [1986] 1 c.m.l.r. 228, at p.241, appears also to have been that the house of lords was bound to appeal under the last paragraph of article 177, and the court of appeal a discretion to do so. 47. see usher, european court practice, 1.72; collins, european commlll/it)' law in the united killgdom, p.l13; lasok and bridge, law and institutions of the european community, p.376. 48. see brown and jacobs, the court of justice of the european communities, pp.16 7-68; if. campbell qc, common market law supplement (1975), p.383, and, on the case law of the court of justice, schermers waelbroeck,judicial protection 4th ed., para. 710. 49. for schermers wae1broeck,judicial protection in the european communities 4th ed. para. 711, the convention generally follows the "abstract theory", i.e. that concentrating on the highest courts. 50. "the use of article 177 of the eec treaty", the fifth lord fletcher lecture 1983, the lord fletcher lectures 1983-1984 1, at p.9. 9 the denning law journal court or a court from which there is no appeal in a particular instance is one from which there is no remedy "could give rise to endless discussion."sl that does suggest that criticism of denning's view on this issue can get out of proportion. there are of course good reasons for and against both views. 52 considering the guidelines as a whole, and the question whether the house of lords alone is bound to refer, it is clear that they are, or have been, open to criticism. but it would be wrong to over-react. lord denning was issuing clear and relatively short guidelines, not writing a statute, and one would ell.']jectthem to be qualified later. in some respects they echo the previous remarks of lord diplock in the need to have regard to time and expense, the need not to overload the european court, and the acceptance of acte clair as "common sense", despite later qualification. 53 lord mackenzie stuart, the united kingdom judge on the european court since our accession and a judge of vast experience, commented: "it is instructive to look back at some of the specific anxieties expressed at the beginning of british membership. for example, when should a judge use his power to refer a case to us? should the power be exercised only at the level of the court of appeal? for all the academic ink spent in comment on how lord denning's guidelines in bulmer v. bollinger [1974] ch. 401 should be given effect to, i think the fears have proved groundless. the british judiciary, with its pragmatic good sense, have referred cases to luxembourg when they thought it appropriate having regard to the particular problems raised by the case before them and, perhaps more importantly, have refused to refer where domestic law has proved a perfectly adequate solution.,,54 that comment, plus that of kerr lj, puts criticism of the guidelines in some perspective. the word "pragmatic" is interesting; perhaps a balance must be struck between freedom to refer and an academic insistence on reference wherever eec law is alleged to be relevant, the resolution of which balance in particular cases will be open to criticism. as walton j once pointed out, the invocation of article 177 requiring, apparently, the court not to enquire into the validity of alleged defences under eec law, should be treated with circumspection. it should not have an effect even greater than the murmuring of 51. court of justice of the europeall communities: referencesfor preliminary rulings under article j 77 of the eec treaty alld cooperation betweell the court and na/ioliai courts, office for official publications of the european communities (1986), 16. 52. see pescatore, ibid.; bebr, supra n.13, at p.379 el seq.; collins, european commlllli 562. 89. "the impact of community law on scots law", [i987]jollmal of/he lam socie()' ofsco/lalld 90, at pp.91-92. 90. h.l. deb. 1986, vol. 479, col. 1056. see also his account in nle salisljlii)' reviem, april 1987,8 at p.l2, and h.l. deb. vol. 480, cols. 1089-90. 91. see the salisbury reviclv, april 1987, p.12. 92. ibid., at p.12. 93. h.l. deb, 1986, vol. 480, col. 1090; if. the salisb1l1j'review, april 1987, p.12. 94. "the single european act", ibid., p.8. 95. ibid., at p.l1. 96. ibid., at pp.1l-12. 17 the denning law journal equally his article in the times, headed with the dramatic by-line "farewell to our sovereignty)! stressed in the same way that parliamentary sovereignty had ended.97 it must be said that denning's views seem to be dictated by his reaction to the single european act. that act made changes to the treaty of rome and was given effect to in the u.k. by the european communities (amendment) act, which he mentions: in his view the bill was not confined to economic matters but covered legal and political matters as well. his views were also influenced by considerations as to the role of the european court, which has declared the supremacy of community law.98 his reaction to the single european act itself was controversial. indeed attempts to reopen the question of sovereignty on the single european act were, generally, dismissed by bridge as misconceived.99 denning did accept and support the changes made once the european communities (amendment) bill became an act. i thus he wrote in his usual graphic style: "let us give the single european act our wholehearted support. long ago, when we entered the common market, i drew this picture: 'the treaty is like an incoming tide ... ' now i continue the imagery: look, there is a ship coming in with the tide. she is called european union. but she is in difficulty ... send out a good boat to help her. here is one. it is called the united kingdom. put good men aboard the european union.)!2 however, denning's later reaction to the eec commission's suit against the united kingdom on failure to implement an eec directive on v.a.t. contrast with those views on the loss of sovereignty. this suit concerned the zero-rating of items, which it was alleged was not proper under the directive. in an article in the times denning argued that: "the zero-rating case is of immense constitutional significance ... i am quite sure that, when we ~ntered the european community, no one ever thought that we were giving the european court of justice power to declare invalid our acts of parliament, especially those dealing with taxation, on which we have always felt most strongly ... the people of england ... will condemn the 97. the times, 3 november 1986, p.20. 98. see h.l. deb. vol. 479,1986,1056-59; the salisbury review, supra n.90, at pp.8, 10. denning also thought it possible that european courts of first instance would sit in england. 99. "abstract law and political reality in the post-european-accession british constitution", [1987] denning l.j., 23, at p.41. 1. he was reported as saying that "he had shed his wig and gown for a politican's robe"; the times, 4 november 1986. 2. the salisbury review, wpra n.90., at p.l3; see also the times, supra n.97. 18 lord denning and eec law commission for bringing those proceedings challenging the sovereignty of our parliament.,,3 the article is subject to some criticism, for example in the complaint that the u.k. parliament and not its government should have been sued, overlooking the fact that the commission sues member states, represented in this case by the government.4 the main point is, however, that denning was here, on a temporary issue, again prepared to defend the sovereignty of parliament. to sum up, denning's views on sovereignty are not entirely consistent. but they are indicative of a lawyer prepared to think for himself, and to address the issue of sovereignty squarely. for a lawyer brought up on dicey these views are radical, and his views after he retired from the bench especially in the salisbury review are both provocative and progressive. interpretation of the law in bulmer v. bollinger lord denning had some comments to make on the interpretation ofeec law. these comments were not revolutionary and have been duplicated since, but they remain an early clear statement of the need to interpret eec law in a different way: "it is apparent that in very many cases the english courts will interpret the treaty themselves. they will not refer the question to the european court at luxembourg. what then are the principles of interpretation to be applied? beyond doubt the english courts must follow the same principles as the european court ... they must follow the european pattern. no longer must they examine the words in meticulous detail ... they must look to the purpose or intent ... they must not confine themselves to the english text. they must consider, if need be, all the authentic texts ... if they find a gap, they must fill it as best they can."s over a page of the all england report is taken up with this advice. this was surely much needed, and because it was stated at such an early stage may well have been influential. it was perhaps made in response to a realisation of the difficulties which the profession faced in adjusting to the law. probably such advice was given with some pleasure by a judge noted for his preference for reasoning in any case by 3. the times, 22 july 1987; see also h.l. deb. 1986, vol. 480, col. 1090; 77lesalisblltj'review, sllpra n.91. 4. see letter to the times, 27 july 1987 by langdon davies for that, and other criticisms. he is correct in saying that the e.c.j. does not declare acts to be "invalid", but denning might say that that is the effect. see also letters in the times, 29 july 1987. 5. [1974] 2 all e.r. 1226, at pp.1236-37. cf application des gaz v. falks veritas [1974] 3 all e.r. 51, at pp.56-57; schorsch meier [1975] 1 all e.r. 152, at p.157; see also the discipline of lan) (1979), p.17. the appropriate principles of interpretation to interpret the eec treaty were also addressed by lord diploek in heml and darby [1980] 2 all e.r. 166, at p.196. 19 the denning lawjournal "principle".6 this is perhaps suggested by his judgment in james buchanan,1 where he related his participation in a discussion in luxembourg with members of the european court, and other colleagues of the member states. he articulated the "european method" on interpretation, the purposive approach, and urged its adoption on european matters, before continuing: "even in interpreting our own legislation, we should do well to throw aside our traditional approach and adopt a more liberal attitude."s it has rightly been said that viscount dilhorne's cool response to the suggestion that "gaps" in lcgislation could thus be filled, that our membership of the eec does not entail abandonment of traditional methods of interpretation, was unduly dismissive.9 at the same time there was perhaps insufficient stress by dcnning on the linguistic difficulties faced by an. english judge in interpretation, difficulties drawn attention to by lord mackenzie stuart, and by the european court in g./.l.f./. t., and by bingham j subsequently, 10 though he did refer to the other authentic texts in bulmer, and considered, but would not go by, the french text of a directive in phonogram v. lane. ii it is arguable of course that the differences in approach to interpretation of english law and eec law or international conventions are exaggerated.12 but the renton committee on the preparation of legislation expressly cited dcnning's remarks on interpretation in bulmer, having written that there are differences in drafting technique in england and europe, \3 and denning himself thought it particularly important to emphasise the attractiveness of the "european" method: 6. see also bridge, op. cit., n.i at p.i 7, on denning's creative outlook. 7. [1977] i all e.r., at pp.522-23. 8. he referred here in james buchanan to an old banle over interpretation, when advocacy of a 'purposive' approach to interpretation of statutes was condemned in the house of lords by lord simonds: see denning the disciplille of law, p.i 3; bridge, op. cit, 17. the response to lord denning's remarks from the house of lords in james buchanan was not enthusiastic: [19771 3 all e.r. 1053, at p.1056. see also the discipline of law, p.22. 9. lasok, in vaughan (ed.), law of the european commlmities, vol. i, 1.47. 10. g./.l.f.l. t. [1982] e.c.r., at p.3430; bingham j in commissioners of customs and excise v. samex [1983] i all e.r. 1042, at pp.1055-56.; mackenzie stuart, the european communities alld the rule of law (1977), p.n. 11. [1981] 3 aiie.r. 182,atp.186. 12. see lord wilberforce in james buchanan v. babco [1977] 3 all e.r., at p.1053: "the assumed and often repeated generalisation that english methods are narrow, technical, and literal, whereas continental methods are broad, generous and sensible, seems to me insecure at least as regards interpretation of international conventions"; see also collins, european community law ill the united kingdom, p.96; dagtoglou, "the english judges and european community law", at pp.77-78; and pescatore, court of justice of the european communities: information for lawyers, office for official publications of the european communities (1984), p.29: "the court's methods of interpretration ... do not differ in principle from methods applied by any court ... but their liberal inspiration is worth recording. the court operates in the framework of a completely new legal system which still presents gaps and discontinuities in many respects. under these circumstances it has to make constructive use of the methods of legal interpretation ... " cf viscount dilhorne injames buchanall, at p.i056; vaughan (ed.), law of the european communities, vol. i, 1.47; lasok and bridge, law and ilistitutiolts of the european communities, p.87. 13. cmnd 6053, 1975, pp.5l, 146; denning was happy to cite this report in james buchallan. 20 lord denning and eec law "i would now pass on to our most important task. it is the interpretation of statutes and treaties. if you read this treaty, if you read the regulations and directives under it, they are all part of our law. how different they are from ours ... the european court ... have what they call a method of interpretation called the 'teleological' or 'schematic' method ... it is very different altogether from our english method of interpretation. i hope that the european method of interpretation will pervade ours ... but i am a lone voice in this." 14 denning's judgments also contain advice as to the substantive content and impact of eec law, again going beyond perhaps what was strictly necessary for the decision of the case before him. thus in re westinghouse elearic corporation uranium contraa litigation mdl docket no. 235 (no.2), he drew attention, in what he called a "digression", to the eec commission's powers of investigation and to the contrast with traditional english law: "in making an investigation, the european commission is armed with great powers given by eec council regulation 17/62, arts. 11 to 20. this will come as a surprise to those of us who have been brought up in the common law.,,15 about a page of the law report is taken up with an exposition of the powers of the commission. denning also spent some time in shields v. coomesl6 explaining the doctrine of direct applicability, one of the two "twin pillars", he said, of eec law, in an apparent attempt to enunciate a general perspective of the new legal order. here again about a page and a half is taken up with explaining the new legal order. however denning was open to criticism in not making it sufficiently clear early on that not all of eec law is directly applicable, and in broad brush statements that the treaty is "part of our law", apparently giving the impression that all of the treaty's provisions are, whereas he may have meant that no further parliamentary intervention was required for them to have effect. in 1973 he had said in the timesl7 that "there are several international conventions which have been incorporated into our law by act of parliament and our courts have not the slightest reluctance in applying them. they do so because parliament has so enacted. they will do the same with the treaty of rome and the regulations. so, far from rejecting it, they will incorporate it into the body of our law." in an early case, application des gaz v. palks veritas,18 he said: 14. 'the incoming tide', op.cit., at p.12. 15. [1977] 3 all e.r. 717, at p.n2. 16. [1979] 1 all e.r. 456, at p.461. 17. 2 january 1973. 18. [1974] 3 all e.r. 51, at pp.55-56. 21 the denning law journal " ... the european communities act 1972 ... said that the treaty of rome was to be given legal effect in the united kingdom ... the treaty is part of our law. it is equal in force to any statute. it must be applied by our courts." that broad emphasis on the effect of the treaty of rome is misleading, in the sense that it could be inferred that all of the treaty has similar effect. that inference could be corrected, since he then considered separately the question of a remedy, with the implication that the effect in a particular case was a distinct question, and went on to point out that, according to the jurisprudence of the european court, article 85 creates rights which can be enforced directly.19 in the trendtex case denning again referred to the treaty as simply "part of the law of england".2o this may have been intended to communicate the legal relevance of the treaty in an english court or its potential relevance in contrast to the normal rule as to treaties. but to say that the "treaty is part of our law", unqualified, may suggest that all its provisions are applicable directly, and the strong word "heresy" has been levelled at the suggestion that all treaty provisions are part of the law of england and enforceable by its courts.21 in bulmer he had indeed declared that "any" rights or obligations created by the treaty are under section 2(1) to be given effect "without further ado", which suggests again that he was thinking of incorporation, but is less undiscriminating, though he also said, broadly, parliament had decreed the treaty to be "part of our law".22 in schorsch meie?3 he stated that the treaty was part of english law, observing that it creates rights and obligations not only between member states but also between member states and citizens, and between citizens (citing the european van gend en loos case), suggesting his discrimination between the different effect of the treaty provisions. but he said in respect of article 106 that he was applying the treaty of rome in an english court for the first time, which showed its "great effect", having brought about a "fundamental change".24 this may suggest an uncritical approach to the different effect of provisions of the treaty, as in miliangos lord wilberforce seriously doubted whether article 106, in question, is directly applicable.25 in re westinghouse electric corporation uranium contract litigation mdl docket no. 235,26 denning further remarked that: 19. at p.58. 20. [1977] i all e.r. 881, at p.892. 21. lasok and bridge, law and institutions of the european commullities 4th ed., p.376. 22. [1974] 2 all e.r., at pp.l231-32. 23. [1975] i all e.r. 152, at pp.157-58. 24. ibid., at p.158. 25. [197513 all e.r., at p.8io; see also lasok and bridge, supra n.21, at p.379j bridge, op. cit. n.18, at 20; usher, european court practice, 1.69. 26. [1977] 3 all e.r. at 703, at p.711. in james buchanan v. babco [197711 all e.r. 518, at p.523, he said that "in interpreting the treaty of rome (which is part of our law) we must certainly adopt the new approach" (emphasis added). see also macarthys v. smith [19811 i all e.r. iii, at p.120; garden collagefoods v. m.m.b. [1982] 3 all e.r. 292, at p.294j the first lord fletcher lecture (\ 979), p.12. 22 lord denning and eec law "the eec treaty and all its provisions are now part of the law of england: that is clear from s.2 of the european communities act 1972. we have to give effect the treaty as being incorporated, lock, stock and barrel, into our own law here." by virtue of the section 2 mentioned, in fact, only certain eec rights intended to be given effect to without further enactment shall be enforced accordingly. in this sense, as collins put it, the treaty is not incorporated "lock, stock and barrel",27 and the phrase "and all its provisions" was in itself also misleading; the context was article 85, which denning had decided, on the basis of a decision of the ecj, to have direct enforceability in application des gaz v. palks veritas,2b and regulation 17/62, which as he said,29 is directly applicable. perhaps he was intending to emphasise in general the important fact that provisions of the treaty of rome may be enforced in english courts, and are not "alien law", whereas normally of course treaties and treaty provisions are not part of english law, which the context of his remarks ("incorporated") does suggest. the point of the "lock, stock and barrel" statement may have been that no further parliamentary intervention is required for the treaty provisions to have effect. but that is perhaps open to question also, in the sense that community law is not in its entirety incorporated. sir geoffrey howe, who was in charge of the second reading of the 1972 bill, wrote of the terms of section 2(1): "community law ... has not been incorporated into or made identical with our own domestic law. our courts are simply required to give direct effect to community law according to its own nature, "in accordance with the treaties ... i do not accept in its entirety the phrase 'as part of the law of the united kingdom' [in the 1967 white paper]. community law retains its own nature.,,30 denning did make it clear that not all of the treaty is directly applicable in shields v. e. coomes (holdings) ltd,3) where, after remarking that "all the rights and obligations arising under the treaty are to be given legal effect", he explained the doctrine of direct applicability in some detail: "any citizen ... can require his own courts to enforce his treaty rights. it is not every article which permits of 'direct applicability'. it is only those articles which are sufficiently clear, precise and unconditional as not to require any further measure of implementation." 27. collins, supra n.13, at p.3s; see also lasok and bridge, law and inslillllions of lhe european communilies, p.376, and bridge, supra n.l, pp.14-15. 28. [1974] 3 all e.r. 51, at p.s8. 29. [1977] 3 all e.r., at p.712. 30. "the european communities act 1972", 49iiliemalionalajjilirs (1973) 1, at pp.4-s. 31. [1979] 1 all e.r. 4s6, at p.461. when he wrote on the european act, in 1987, he also did make it clear that "as 1 read section 2 of the [european communities] act, the only provisions of the treaty which are certainly binding in england are those which are operative 'without further enactment''': the salisbury review, april 1987, p.ll (and see i-i.l. deb. vol. 480, 1986, col. 1089); he was, however, contrasting directives which, he said, were binding after further enactment, whereas the european court had held that directives can be enforceable in an english court in the marshall case. 23 the denning lawjournal yet, when denning wrote his what next in the law, he wrote that "the treaty of rome is part of our law", and "all of the articles of the treaty and many of its regulations and directives are to be enforced directly by the english courts. ,,32 again, the assumption in his mind may have been that constitutionally speaking the treaty was "incorporated". this seems to be suggested by the context of the remarks here as well as elsewhere:33 "by an act of parliament ... the treaty of rome is part of our law. our courts· have to give effect to it just as if it had been passed by our parliament ... all of the articles ... are to be enforced . . . even though we have no legislation upon the point passed by our own parliament." in 1986, speaking in the house of lords he similarly stated that, whereas in constitutional law treaties normally are not binding in england, section 2 of the 1972 act made it clear that "all rights, obligations, or whatever, under the treaty are without further enactment to be given effect or used in the united kingdom and recognised and available in law. in other words, every right and obligation in that treaty of rome was brought into our statute by parliament by section 2(1).,,34 yet, in the sense mentioned, these are over-broad statements; the word "all", in both quotations, (or "every"), together with "enforced directly", is misleading.35 again, the "as if it had been passed" is questionable. sir geoffrey howe explained: "community law retains its own nature. certainly it will take effect here by virtue of an act of parliament. but not 'as if enacted' thereby. the point i wish to underline is the provision that is made for the application within this country of future community law that which is 'from time to time provided for by or under the treaties,.,,36 so, to conclude on interpretation of the law, lord denning's judgments and writings are typically vigorous and informative, pointing out the need for different attitudes on eec law, and communicating the general impact of eec law the principles of interpretation, the investigations by the eec commission, and the principles of supremacy and direct applicability. on section 2, however, there have to be reservations about, at least, his expression of the effect of the european communities act 1972, because perhaps he wished to emphasise the general constitutional point of the relationship of treaties to u.k. law. perhaps, leaving schorsch meier aside, it can be said that these failures of expression were not serious, but if denning's purpose was to communicate the dramatic impact of eec law, he arguably over emphasised it here, and left himself open to criticism, especially when his remarks in what next in the law are considered. 32. (1982), pp.293, 295; 'emphasis added'. 33. ibid., at p.294; in the salisbury review, at p.ll; h.l. deb., 1986, vol. 480, col. 1089, he drew attention to the words "without further enactment" but he was concerned partly to contrast the effect of directives. article 189, he thought, envisaged further enactment. 34. h.l. deb. vol. 480, 1986, col. 1060. 35. the context was the european communities (amendment) bill. 36. "the european communities act 1972", supra n.30, at p.5. 24 lord denning and eec law conclusion in general conclusion any judgment on denning's contribution in the field of eec law must seem presumptuous. some of his contributions are open to criticism. the general impression, however, is of a vigorous and lasting contribution to a communication of the impact of eec law, even if it was marred in the loose phraseology on the effect of the treaty of rome and eec law. there was a contribution too in the establishment of guidelines on the reference of questions of eec law to the european court, and in interesting, even radical, but inconsistent thoughts on sovereignty. 25 a personal view ofjustice the right hon. lord justice slade hamilton lj, later lord sumner, once made the stark observation: "whatever may have been the case 146 years ago, we are not now free in the twentieth century to adminster that vague jurisprudence which is sometimes attractively styled 'justice as between man and man,."l this article is an attempt by one english judge, concerned only with civil litigation, briefly to examine the relationship of his work to man's instinctive sense of justice. of all human instincts this sense is one of the most deep-rooted. at a remarkably early age, a young child will have his own strong ideas as to that treatment which is "fair" and that which is ."unfair". (my references to males should, most certainly, not be read as excluding females). he will regard it as his right to receive rewards and punishments which are by comparison neither smaller nor greater, as the case may be, than those which he sees meted out to his brothers, sisters and school-fellows. few children after reaching their third birthday need to be taught the lawyers' maxim 'equality is equity'. not much later the child will come to sense other fundamental elements of justice. he will think it unfair if he is condemned without being heard, or without being given a fair hearing, or by a person whom he regards as judge in his own cause. in his earlier years, however, he will be less concerned with the fairness of the rules which govern his behaviour than with the manner of their application and enforcement; unless he is a natural rebel, he will be disposed to accept the rules themselves simply as part of the background in which he lives. as he grows a little older, a new dimension will be added to his view of justice. he will begin to question the content of the rules themselves. three features are perhaps particularly likely to offend him. the rules should not in his view impose liability withol,lt fault. they should not embody what appears to him a form of unfair discrimination. they should not be retrospective. the parent or teacher who attempts to impose retrospective legislation on his charges may find himself in deep trouble. he is likely to be met with the vehement protest: "no-one ever told me". 1. baylis v. bishop of london [1913] 1 ch.l27, at p.140. iss the denning law journal this same keen instinctive sense of justice is likely to remain with a man throughout his adult life. though further dimensions will be added to it as he matures, it will continue to include all the features already mentioned. this sense will be seen to relate to two quite separate elements, first, the content of the rules by which a person is governed and, secondly, the manner in which those rules are applied and enforced. judges in this country have only limited law-making functions. yet the man on the clapham omnibus is unlikely to separate these two elements in his thinking. judges, as the persons primarily responsible for applying and enforcing the law, may well shoulder the entire blame of popular opinion in any case where a judicial decision offends the sense of justice of the litigant concerned or of the general public. they cannot expect to be a popular race. . since the existing laws constitute the raw material with which judges work, one fundamental, but frequently forgotten, point has to be made concerning the nature of that raw material. however closely any system oflaw may approach perfection, it is inevitable that many of its rules will appear to conflict with man's instinctive concepts of justice. a few elementary examples will suffice to illustrate this point. a student when first embarking on a study of the english law of contract might suppose that, surely, justice demands that no-one will be held legally bound to an agreement unless he intended to contract on the terms asserted against him. the examples given by lord atkin in bell v. lever brothers ltd. 2 might thus come as something of a shock: "a. buys b.'s horse; he thinks the horse is sound and he pays the price of a sound horse; he would certainly not have bought the horse ifhe had known as the fact is that the horse is unsound. if b. has made no representation as to soundness and has not contracted that the horse is sound, a. is bound and cannot recover back the price. a. buys a picture from b.; both a. and b. believe it to be the work of an old master, and a high price is paid. it turns out to be a modern copy. a. has no remedy in the absence of representation or warranty. a. agrees to take on lease or to buy from b. an unfurnished dwelling-house. the house is in fact uninhabitable. a. would never have entered into the bargain if he had known the fact. a. has no remedy, and the position is the same whether b. knew the facts or not, so long as he made no representation or gave no warranty. a. buys a roadside garage business from b. abutting on a public thoroughfare: unknown to a., but known to b., it has already been decided to construct a bypass road which will divert substantially the whole of the traffic from passing a.'s garage. again a. has no remedy." 2. [1932] a.c. 161, at p.224. 156 a personal view of justice as lord atkin pointed out, "all these cases involve hardship on a and benefit b as most people would say, unjustly". on further reflection, however, the student will soon come to understand that in such cases, as in so many others, the law must hold a balance between conflicting interests. it may be harsh to hold a to a contract which he entered into under a genuine mistake. however, provided only that b did not know of a's mistake, it might cause greater hardship to let a evade the performance of his bargain simply by showing that he had made a mistake: "were such to be the law the performance of a contract could rarely be enforced upon an unwilling party who was also unscrupulous.,,3 likewise, the student first approaching the english law of tort might perhaps anticipate that in justice, in the absence of any contract, the civil law would require a person to recompense another for the injury he had done him only ifhe had been in some way or other at fault. his initial approach might be the same as that expressed in salmond on the law of torts: "there is no more reason why i should insure other persons against the harmful results of my own activities, in the absence of any mens rea on my part, than why i should insure them against the inevitable accidents which result to them from the forces of nature independent of human actions altogether. ,,4 however, he could soon learn that our law of tort is founded on no such general principle. he will read of a number of instances where liability is independent of intention or negligence, set out in salmond on the law of torts: "liability in libel does not depend on the intention of the defamer, but on the fact of defamation; so too there is strict liability for damage done by a wild animal, or by the escape of dangerous things accumulated for some non-natural purpose (the rule in rylands v. pletcher); again, liability is strict when one is vicariously responsible for the acts of another. in cases such as these the security of the particular interest of the plaintiff is predominant over the defendant's interest in freedom of action."s however, the authors point out (ibid.) that even in such cases liability, while strict, is never absolute; in appropriate cases, defences such as act of god or act of a third party are available. the student will thus come to appreciate that, in such instances, the common law, by a delicate process of social engineering, is doing its best to hold a fair balance between the need to compensate a plaintiff injured by another and its reluctance to impose liability on a defendant who caused the loss without intention or negligence. 3. see tamplill v. james (1880) is ch.d.215, at p.218 per baggallay lj. 4. 6th ed., at pp.12-13. 5. 19th ed., p.37. 157 the denning law journal a similar discrepancy will be discovered by the student in our criminal law. justice might seem to demand that a person should not incur criminal liability unless he intended to bring about or recklessly brought about those elements which constitute the crime. such in general is the pattern of our criminal law. public policy, however, has made it necessary for the legislature to create many exceptions where criminal liability may arise without any moral fault. one sees a similar anxious concern to strike the proper balance between essentially conflicting interests in many recent decisions of the house of lords to mention only one example, between freedom of speech and the need to protect the british security service in attorney-general v. guardian newspapers ltd .. 6 the demands of practicality, as well as those of public policy, must in frequent instances transcend what might appear to be the requirements of justice as between the interested parties to litigation. justice might appear to demand that a person with contractual rights to property should be entitled to recover in negligence from a third party for pecuniary loss carelessly caused by damage to the property. yet a long line of authority, apparently based on pragmatic considerations, shows he can only recover if at the time when the damage occured he had either a proprietary or possessory title to the property: see leigh and sillavan ltd. v. aliakmon shipping co. ltd .. 7 "the justification for denying a right of action to a person who has suffered economic damage through injury to the property of another is that for reasons of practical policy it is considered inexpedient to admit his claim": candlewood navigation corporation ltd. v. mitsui o.s.k lines ltd .. 8 the balancing process was referred to in terms in official solicitor to the supreme court v. k.9 this case concerned the rights of a parent to see reports of the official solicitor in wardship proceedings. lord evershed said: "it follows, therefore, in my opinion, that there cannot be in circumstances such as exist or as are suggested in the present case, an absolute right on the mother's part to see the report of the official solicitor. on the other hand, i have equally no doubt that the judge must give very great weight indeed to the principle that he should not base a conclusion adverse to a proper party to the proceedings (and particularly a parent) upon information which that party has not seen and has had no opportunity of challenging or contesting. when a situation arises such as has in the present case arisen, there may well indeed have to be, in the language of russell lj, a 'balancing' of the generally accepted right of a properly interested party, particularly a parent, to disclosure of information submitted to the judge upon which he proposes in some measure to base his conclusion (on the one hand) and the paramount interest of the ward of court (on the other hand)."l0 6. [1987] i w.l.r. 1248. 7. [1986] a.c. 785, at p.809 per lord brandon of oakbrook. 8. [1986] a.c. i, at p.17 per lord fraser of tullybelton. 9. [1965] a.c. 201. 10. at p.2i9. 158 a personal view of justice in considering the relationship of the functions of our judges to man's instinctive concepts of justice, one thus starts from the premise that the system of law which the courts have to operate, like any other civilised system of law, is a delicately balanced mechanism designed as well as possible to reconcile conflicting social aims and interests which are to some extent irreconcilable. the layman may not fully appreciate how accurately the emblem of the scales of justice represents the problem facing the law-makers, as well as those concerned with the enforcement of the law. even in utopia a precisely even balance could never be achieved. such then is the nature of the raw material of the laws which our judges have to operate. the form of the judicial oath, derived from the promissory oaths act 1868, binds the taker "to do right to all manner of people after the laws and usages of this realm without fear or favour affection or iii will." the words "without fear or favour affection or iii will" speak for themselves, reflecting, as they do, fundamental concepts of the administration of justice. judges "must act in good faith and listen fairly to both sides, for that is a duty lying upon everyone who decides anything." ii up to a point, the duties imposed on a judge of first instance by the remainder of the judicial oath are equally clear. he must first ascertain the relevant facts. in this exercise he finds himself restricted by the technical rules of evidence which, as diplock lj (as he was then) pointed out in r. v. deputy industrial injuries commission, ex p. moore themselves form no part of the rules of natural justice: "for historical reasons, based on the fear that juries who might be illiterate would be incapable of differentiating between the probative values of different methods of proof, the practice of the common law courts has been to admit only what the judges then regarded as the best evidence of any disputed fact, and thereby to exclude much material which, as a matter of common sense, would assist a fact-finding tribunal to reach a correct conclusion."12 though this is perhaps a gross over-simplification of a complex process, it may be said that, after the facts have been ascertained, most cases which come before any judge of first instance will be recognised by him as falling within one of three categories, namely: (a) where a statute or a rule of court or the common law explicitly confers on him a discretion to reach such decision as he thinks fit; or (b) where, on the facts as found, he considers the case to be covered by authority binding on him, either in the form of a directly applicable statutory provision or of a previous decision or rule of court which he is bound to follow; or (c) where no discretion has been explicitly conferred on him but the case does not appear to be covered by any authority which binds him. 11. see board of education oj}ice v. rice [1911] a.c. 179, at p.1s2 per lord loreburn lc. 12. [1965] 1 qb. 456, at p.4ss. 159 the denning law journal the judge's ability to reach a decision which accords with his instinctive sense of justice must greatly depend on the category into which the case before him falls. the cases which fall into category (a) cover a very wide field. in some of them the terms upon which the relevant discretion has been conferred on the judge may themselves preclude or permit only a limited reference to concepts of justice. thus, simply for example in deciding any questions as to the custody or upbringing of a minor, the court is required to regard the minor's welfare as "the first and paramount consideration" and must not take into consideration whether from any other point of view the father's claim is superior to that of the mother or the mother's claim is superior to that of the father. 13 justice as between mother and father can thus play little or no part in the court's decision. at the other extreme, rare cases may arise where the judge finds that the relevant law leaves him free to take into account not only his own concepts of justice but to pass a moral judgment. one striking example is the principle of ex. p. jamesl4 by virtue of which the court may, in special circumstances, intervene to preclude a trustee in bankruptcy as an officer of the court from following the strict rules of bankruptcy in dealing with the bankrupt's estate. buckley lj defined the principle thus in in re tyler: 15 "assuming that he has a right enforceable in a court of justice, the court of bankruptcy or the court for the administration of estates in chancery will not take advantage of that right if to do so would be inconsistent with natural justice and that which an honest man would do." while concepts of justice and reasonableness are very familiar and usually present judges with little difficulty, concepts of morality are another matter. our law may perhaps be regarded as embodying merely minimum standards of morality below which the community will not allow its citizens to fall. frequent judicial dicta, however, have emphasized that our courts are not courts of morals. most judges through long training show a marked reluctance to pass a moral judgment in civil cases unless they think it necessary to do so. scrutton lj, though recognising that the principle of ex p. james is well established, expressed his misgivings about it in forceful terms in in re wigzell: "now the decisions of this court have established that though in law the money is the money of the trustee for the creditors, yet he may be restrained from enforcing his claim to it or retaining it if (and a series of phrases none of which are very definite have been used) it were not honourable if it were not high minded if it would be contrary to natural justice if it would be shabby if it would be a dirty trick for him to retain it . . . i desire to say very respectfully that it seems to me that when we have got into this atmosphere we 13. see section i of the guardianship of minors act 1971, as amended. 14. (1874) l.r. 9 ch.609. 15. [1907] i k.b. 865, at p.873. 160 a personal view of justice have reached a region of uncertainty. atkin lj says in thellusson's case that it may be difficult to find out honesty but it can be done. of course there is the old saying that it may be difficult to define an elephant but you will know one when you see one; and perhaps a number of people seeing an elephant may all agree that it is an elephant, but a number of people looking for honesty easily find quite different things, and yet all may be perfectly honest and high-minded in differing in their views of morality upon a particular transaction. i entirely agree with salter j in this case that it is very difficult to call upon judges, who may be assumed to know the law, to lay down standards of high-mindedness or honour as to which perfectly honest and honourable persons may take entirely different views.,,16 most commonly, however, where the judge is explicitly invested with a discretion at all, it is a discretion to reach such decision as he considers "just and equitable" or "just and reasonable" or expressed in some such terms. in such cases the judge of first instance perhaps finds himself as close as he will ever get to being in a position to administer justice as between man and man. while he may find the matter requires careful study and deep thought, much more often than not he will have little difficulty in reaching his ultimate conclusion. he will, of course, draw on his reserves of experience, but he will also be in a position without misgivings to draw on those fundamental instincts of justice which have grown with him throughout his life. this combination will in the end lead him to a conclusion with some confidence and with the assurance that an appellate court will only interfere with the exercise of his discretion within the limits of well-established principles. as asquith lj expressed the point, typically felicitously, in bellenden v. sattherwaite: "we are here concerned with a judicial discretion and it is of the essence of such a discretion that, on the same evidence, two different minds might reach widely different decisions without either being appealable."17 if after the facts have been found a case is seen not to fall within category (a) above, the judge will then (ordinarily) have to place it within category (b) or category (c). this categorisation may in some cases prove to be one of the most testing, as well as one of the most important, of his judicial functions. if the case appears to fall within category (b) and the relevant authorities appear to lead him to a conclusion which accords with his own instinctive sense of justice and reasonableness, no difficulty arises. if, however, the authorities appear to lead him in another direction, he may be faced with a dilemma. he will have a natural reluctance to come to a decision which offends his own concepts of justice or common sense. on the other hand, he will realise that not only does his judicial 16. [1921] 2 k.b. 835, at pp.858-859. 17. [1948] 1 all e.r. 343, at p.345. 161 the denning law journal oath ultimately oblige him to comply with our rules of stare decisis but that these rules themselves have much to commend them. what donaldson lj, as he then was, once referred to as a "portable palm-tree"i8 might enable a judge to do what he considered best justice as between litigants in any given case. on the other hand, certainty and predictability in the administration of the law are surely themselves important facets of justice. they reflect man's instinctive expectation that there should be an even-handed application of the rules which govern his behaviour, both to him and all his fellow-men. it is important the he should know or be able to ascertain in advance, if he so w~shes, the probable legal consequences of what he does. if he should contemplate prosecuting or defending litigation it is important that, so far as possible, he can obtain confident legal advice as to the probable outcome. the rules of stare decisis can by no means be regarded as mere impediments to the proper administration of justice. they perform a valuable function. lord scarman put the point thus in duport steels ltd. v. sirs: "in our society the judges have in some aspects of their work a discretionary power to do justice so wide that they may be regarded as law-makers. the common law and equity, both of them in essence systems of private law, are fields where, subject to the increasing intrusion of statute law, society has been content to allow the judges to formulate and develop the law. the judges, even in this, their very own field of creative endeavour, have accepted, in the interests of certainty, the self-denying ordinance of "stare decisis", the doctrine of binding precedent: and no doubt this judicially imposed limitation on judicial law-making has helped to maintain confidence in the certainty and evenhandedness of the law."i9 however, it must be recognised that the rules of stare decisis may be an embarrassment in the relatively rare occasions where the ratio decidendi of an earlier decision, binding on the court, appears at first sight to apply to the case before it, but that earlier decision appears to be a bad one which would produce an unjust result. the approaches of individual judges when faced with this situation will differ according to their temperaments and intellectual processes. lord simonds perhaps represented the most conservative. lord denning has been a champion of a more flexible approach. yet he himself well recognised the merits of the stare decisis rules. in the discipline of law he wrote: "let it not be thought from this discourse that i am against the doctrine of precedent. i am not. it is the foundation of our system of case law. this has evolved by broadening down from precedent to precedent. by standing by previous decisions, we have kept the common law on a good course. all that i 18. chiefcolislable of ke1l1 v. v. [1983] 1 qb. 34, at p.4s. 19. [1980] 1 w.l.r. 142, at p.168. 162 a personal view of justice am against is its too rigid application a rigidity which insists that a bad precedent must necessarily be followed. i would treat it as you would a path through the woods. you must follow it certainly so as to reach your end. but you must not let the path become too overgrown. you must cut out the dead wood and trim off the side branches, else you will find yourself lost in thickets and brambles. my plea is simply to keep the path to justice clear of obstructions which would impede it.,,20 though every judge will have his own approach to authority, every judge will feel unease in reaching a decision which offends his concepts of justice or common sense and will seek an escape route before doing so. prominent among the possible escape routes is the distinction of the earlier case on its facts. other possible escape routes are well known to any judge. the differences in the manner in which individual judges approach the stare decisis rule depend in the last resort on the extent to which they are prepared to subjugate entire intellectual honesty to their desire to produce a result which both does justice between litigants and seems to accord with common sense. it must be recognised that most judges will on occasions be prepared to follow this course to some extent. it is only a question of degree. the house of lords, it may be noted, relieved itself of much of the burden of this moral dilemma when in 1966 it altered its previous practice by announcing that it regarded itself as free to depart from previous decisions when it thought right to do so.21not very long afterwards there followed a decision which well illustrated the dilemma in which a lower court may find itself when faced with unattractive authority. in british railways board v. herrington,22 the defendants owned an electrified line which was fenced off from a meadow where children played. the station master was notified in april 1965 that children had been seen on the line and that the fence was in a dilapidated condition. in june the plaintiff, aged six, trespassed over the broken fence from the meadow where he had been playing and was injured on the live rail. he brought an action claiming damages for negligence. the obstacle to his claim was a decision of the house of lords in addie v. dumbreck23 to the effect that a trespasser could only recover in respect of intentional or reckless injury. the injury to the boy, peter herrington, could not be said to have been intentional. it was very doubtful whether it could be said to have been reckless. "yet", as lord diplock said in his speech in the house of lords, "all nine judges who have been concerned with the instant case in its various stages are convinced that the plaintiff's claim ought to succeed; and, if i may be permitted to be candid, are determined that it shall. the problem of judicial technique is how best to surmount or to circumvent the obstacle presented 20. (1979), at p.314. 21. note (judicial precedetlt) [1966] 1 w.l.r. 1234. 22. [1972] a.c. 877. 23. [1929] a.c. 358. 163 the denning lawjournal by the speeches of the lord chancellor and viscount dunedin in addie's case ... ".24 the court of appeal had met the difficulty posed by addie's case by treating the conduct of the board on the facts as recklessness. the house of lords regarded it as no more than negligence, but upheld the plaintiff's claim by declining to follow its previous decision. . some cases fall on the border line between categories (b) and (c). here there may be the opportunity for judges of sufficient vision to derive a newly stated principle from different strands of previous authority. lord atkin did so in the field of negligence in donoghue v. stevenson.25 lord denning did so in the field of equitable estoppel in central london property trust ltd. v. high trees house ltd .. 26 others will fall fairly and squarely within category (c). there, to a lesser or greater degree, the judge of first instance will be entitled and obliged to make new law. in doing so, he will be likely to draw on previous authority by way of analogy. most of all, however, he will draw on what he regards as the dictates of common sense, justice and public policy and to seek to develop what he regards as fundamental principles of law. one sees all these elements invoked by the courts in a series of recent decisions on the question whether in a given situation a duty of care in negligence is or is not owed by one person to another. lord diplock in dorset yacht co. v. home office, while recognising the value as a guide of lord atkin's statement of the "neighbour" principle in donoghue v. stevenson, warned that it could not be used as a universal guide: "the branch of english law which deals with civil wrongs abounds with instances of acts and, more particularly, of omissions which give rise to no legal liability in the doer or omitter for loss or damage sustained by others as a consequence of the act or omission, however reasonably or probably that loss or damage might have been anticipated. the very parable of the good samaritan (luke 10, v.30) which was evoked by lord atkin in donoghue v. stevenson illustrates, in the conduct of the priest and of the levite who passed by on the other side, an omission which was likely to have as its reasonable and probable consequence damage to the health of the victim of the thieves, but for which the priest and levite would have incurred no civil liability in english law. examples could be multiplied. you may cause loss to a tradesman by withdrawing your custom though the goods which he supplies are entirely satisfactory; you may damage your neighbour's land by intercepting the flow of percolating water to it even though the interception is of no advantage to yourself; you need not warn him of a risk of physical danger to which he is about to expose himself unless there is some special relationship between the two of you such as that of occupier of land and visitor; you may watch your neighbour's goods being ruined by a thunderstorm though the slightest effort on your part could protect them 24. supra n.]6, at p.931. 25. (]932) a.c. 562. 164 a personal view of justice from the rain and you may do so with impunity unless there is some special relationship between you such as that of bailor and bailee.,,27 the years following the dorset yacht decision have been marked by frequent but not perhaps wholly successful attempts to lay down a comprehensive test as to whether a duty of care exists in a given situation. the "two stage test" formulated by lord wilberforce in anns v. merton london borough councip8 has not received general acceptance.29 recent decisions of the house of lords place a strong emphasis on justice and reasonableness. "so in determining whether or not a duty of care of particular scope was incumbent upon a defendant it is material to take into consideration whether it is just and reasonable that it should be so. ,,30 since the categories of negligence are not closed, this leaves the judge with a wide law-making capacity where he is asked to decide whether or not a owes b a duty of care in negligence in tort in a given situation not precisely covered by authority. this, however, is merely one example among many of a category (c) case. it is, in my view, important to recognise that when our courts at any level make new law, they are doing so retrospectively. while they are not precluded from making obiter pronouncements on hypothetical points of law by way of guidance for the future, their function is to decide the issues of fact and law which have arisen in the case before them. furthermore, not only past transactions between the parties to the litigation will be affected by their decision. it may well be that their decision will have an impact on past transactions between persons not connected with the litigation. at least below the house of lords, courts do not have the ability to limit the impact of their decision to future transactions. furthermore, while in theory the house of lords or court of appeal in overruling previous decisions do no more than declare correctly the law which has been previously incorrectly declared, they are in practice making new law retrospectively. it follows, in my view, that courts at all levels should be cautious in making new law, whether by deciding to follow previous decisions or in any other manner. the need for predictability, which is itself such an important element of justice, so demands. in his 1987 maccabean lecture in jurisprudence the lord chancellor, lord mackay of clashfern, spoke of the problems of reconciling the desire for certainty and stability with the need for change and referred to certain principles which the house of lords has applied to limit the ambit of its powers to make new law by overruling its previous decisions. first, the power to overrule such a previous decision is used sparingly, on the ground that it would otherwise weaken 26. [1947] k.8. 130. 27. [1970] a.c. 1004, at p.1060. 28. [1978] a.c. 728, at pp.751-752. 29. see yum kun yeu v. a-g of hong kong [1987] 3 w.l.r. 776, at p.785 per lord keith of kinkel. 30. per lord keith of kinkel in governors of the peabody donation flwd v. sir lindsay parkinson (5 co. ltd. [1985] a.c. 210, at p.241. 165 the denning lawjournal existing certainty in the law. secondly, the house has indicated that only in rare cases should it be prepared to overrule its previous decisions concerning the construction of statutes or other documents. the lord chancellor pointed out that the overruling decision must be given full retrospective effect even if it causes injustice by disturbing reasonable expectations and reliance placed on earlier decisions. generally, in the context of judicial law-making at all levels, an important distinction, in my view, falls to be drawn between those cases where persons are likely to have acted in reliance on the supposed existing state of the law and those where they probably have not done so. typical of the second class of case are cases where the court is asked to decide whether a owes b a duty of care in negligence. by the nature of such a case, it is unlikely that the careless a was in any way influenced in his acts or omissions by any assumptions as to the state of the law. typical of the first class are cases where persons are likely to have attempted to discharge particular statutory obligations in reliance on judicial interpretations of the relevant statutej or where persons are likely to have arranged their financial affairs in reliance on decisions relating to our fiscallegislationj or where persons are likely to have entered into agreements relating to the occupation of property in reliance on decisions indicating whether the effect is or is not to create the relationship of landlord and tenant. i would venture to suggest that, in the first class of case, the courts at any level should be particularly hesitant before overruling a long established line of authority or even before departing from a view of the lawwhich has been long held by the profession. ordinarily in such a case the broader interests of justice would seem to me to demand that the situation be dealt with by prospective legislation by parliament rather than by retrospective law-making by the courts. any discussion of the relationship between the functions of judges and justice would be incomplete without a passing reference to the wide and generally welcome powers of the court, as it were, to go back to nature by way of interfering on judicial review with the decisions of public bodies or officials who, in reaching an administrative decision, have failed to observe the basic rules of natural justice which, as harman lj put it in ridge v. baldwin "after all is only fair play in action" .3 i fair play in action is surely, within the restrictions of their obligations and the raw material with which they are dealing, what all judges ultimately seek to achieve. in the conduct of their business one particular difficulty with which they are faced is that of ensuring reasonable expedition, while at the same time attempting to ensure that justice is not only done, but also seen to be done. \vhen a case is presented by a litigant in person or incompetent advocate, it may prove a formidable task to strike the right balance between these two objectives. few judges, i think, would be confident that they are wholly successful in achieving it. 31. [1963] 1 qb. 539, at p.578. 166 a personal view of justice as to the content of their decisions, lord macmillan once went so far as to write: "in almost every case except the very plainest, it would be possible to decide the issue either way with reasonable justification.'>32 this was thought-provoking exaggeration. sir nicolas brown-wilkinson vc found himself possessed of no such option in the recent case of in re t. h. knitwear ltd., saying: "i would like to be able to hold in favour of the commissioners. it is to my mind manifestly wrong that the contributories should receive a windfall because the vat, which would otherwise have indirectly depleted the assets available for them, has been remitted by the commissioners to the suppliers under a statutory relief. but i must decide in accordance with legal principle. i must not distort legal principles in order to produce what, to my mind, would be a just result.,,33 however, if in any case judges find their intellectual processes pulling them in one direction and their sense of fair play pulling them in another, it must be time for them, at very least, to consider whether they may not be misinterpreting the relevant law. much more often than not our law avoids being an ass. members of appellate courts, while less rigidly fettered by precedent than courts of first instance, may find themselves more restricted in other ways. indeed, in those cases where the decision at first instance has involved the exercise of a judicial discretion or depended on an apparently surprising finding of fact, they may find their powers to do what they personally consider would amount to best justice as between man and man singularly circumscribed. nevertheless, for practical purposes, judges at any level frequently have the choice of a number of different routes leading to their final conclusion. the conscious thinking of most of us tends to run more along pragmatic than abstract lines. however, it may do no harm if from time to time we attempt to analyse the basic instincts which have grown with us from early childhood and for better or worse influence us in deciding which signpost to follow. 32. law and other things, p.48. 33. [1987] 1 w.l.r. 371, at p.375. 167 117 the denning law journal 2018 vol 30 pp 117-151 undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? mark pawlowski * 1 abstract the article argues for an assimilation of the related doctrines of undue influence and unconscionable dealings under one common umbrella of unconscionability. the interrelationship between unconscionable bargains and undue influence under english law is considered in some detail, as well as developments in other commonwealth jurisdictions, notably, in canada, australia and new zealand. after examining the views of several academic commentators, the conclusion is that such an assimilation would do much to rationalise and simplify current english law. if, however, the english courts are reluctant to undertake what is perceived to be essentially a function of parliament in developing the law, serious thought should be given to rationalising this area of law by means of legislative intervention. 2 introduction to what extent would it be desirable to subsume the doctrine of undue influence under a wider notion of unconscionability? lord denning mr, in the well-known case of lloyds bank ltd v bundy,1 attempted to bring together the law on duress, unconscionable bargains and undue influence under the one umbrella of “inequality of bargaining power”. in his formulation, the concepts unconscionability and exertion of excessive power or coercion by a stronger party over a weaker one, were to be regarded as key elements in establishing the basis for equity’s intervention. unconscionability, however, as a unifying doctrine in the context of undue influence and unconscionable bargains has found little support in * llb (hons), bcl (oxon), aciarb, sfhea, barrister, professor of property law, school of law, university of greenwich. 1 [1974] 3 all er 757 (ca). see also, arrale v costain civil engineering ltd [1976] lloyd’s rep 98 (ca); levison v patent steam carpet cleaning co [1978] qb 69 (ca); avon finance co ltd v bridger [1985] 2 all er 281 (ca), where lord denning mr had occasion to repeat his formulation. undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 118 the english case law on the ground that the need for a more general formulation of principle (such as that enunciated by lord denning in bundy) is a matter of legislative reform rather than judicial development.2 however, not all judges have agreed. in credit lyonnais bank nederland nv v burch,3 nourse lj appears to have accepted4 that unconscionable bargains and cases involving undue influence may come under the general heading of “inequality of bargaining power”, citing balcombe lj's judgment in the earlier case of backhouse v backhouse. 5 again, in langton v langton, 6 mr awh charles qc (sitting as a deputy high court judge) opined that the rationale underlying the doctrine of unconscionable bargains was closely linked to that behind a class 2b presumed undue influence relationship. he stated:7 “... it seems to me that the 'unconscionable bargain' cases which arise as to particular transactions with poor and ignorant people could, and should, now be treated on the basis of, or by analogy to, the undue influence cases as one of the relationships where in all the circumstances a presumption that the transaction was procured by undue or improper influence arises and therefore has to be justified by the purchaser.” in the deputy judge's view, what underlies equity in both the presumed undue influence and unconscionable bargain cases “is the identification of a relationship which gives rise to a presumption that the donor, or recipient, should have the onus of establishing the righteousness of the transaction.”8 3 unconscionability in other areas of equity there have, undoubtedly, been other areas in equity which have benefitted from a rationalisation of principles under the one umbrella of unconscionability. an obvious example has been the willingness of the 2 see national westminster bank plc v morgan [1985] 1 all er 821 (hl) 830 (lord scarman). 3 [1997] 1 all er 144 (ca). 4 ibid 151. 5 [1978] 1 all er 1158 (ca) 1166. 6 [1995] 2 flr 890. 7 ibid 908. 8 langdon (n 6) 909 the denning law journal 119 english courts to adopt a broader-based doctrine of unconscionability as underlying proprietary estoppel claims and the personal liability of a stranger to a trust who has knowingly received trust property in breach of trust. the decisions in gillett v holt,9 jennings v rice10 and campbell v griffin11 in the context of proprietary estoppel and bank of credit and commerce international (overseas) ltd v akindele12 on the subject of receipt liability demonstrate the judiciary’s growing recognition that the concept of unconscionability provides a useful mechanism for affording equitable relief against the strict insistence on legal rights or unfair and oppressive conduct. in the context of imperfect gifts, the well-known principle in milroy v lord13 establishes that an attempted transfer of land or personalty, which does not meet the formal requirements of writing and registration, may take effect in equity provided that the transferor has done everything required of him and the only steps remaining to be done are to be performed by a third party. in these circumstances, the transferor will be treated as holding the legal title to the property as bare trustee for the transferee.14 however, more recently, the court of appeal in pennington v waine15 decided that where the donor had manifested an immediate and irrevocable intention to donate shares to another and had instructed her agent to execute the transfer, the donor would not be permitted to deny the interest acquired by the donee. significantly, the transfer of shares in this case was treated as complete because it would be unconscionable for the transferor to recall the gift. the decision has not been without its critics not least because it is argued that the effectiveness of transfers of property should not be determined by the uncertainties associated with whether a court considers that it would be unconscionable for the donor to change his mind and seek to recall the gift.16 other commentators, on the other hand, have welcomed this development emphasising the flexibility and 9 [2001] ch 210 (ca). 10 [2002] ewca civ 159 (ca). 11 [2001] wtlr 981 (ca). see also, most recently, ottey v grundy [2003] ewca civ 1176. 12 [2000] 4 all er 221 (ca). 13 (1862) 31 lj ch 798 (hl). 14 re rose [1952] ch 499 (ca), (transfer of shares). see also, mascall v mascall (1984) 49 p & cr 119, (transfer of registered land). 15 [2002] 1 wlr 2075 (ca). 16 see m halliwell, ‘perfecting imperfect gifts and trusts: have we reached the end of the chancellor’s foot?’ [2003] conv 192. undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 120 conceptual clarity that an approach based on unconscionability brings over established equitable principles.17 in terms of clarity, the decision of biggs j in curits v pullbrook 18 has sought to narrow the concept of unconscionability in this context by treating the question as essentially one of detrimental reliance by the donee which binds the conscience of the donor so as to justify the imposition of a constructive trust. in his lordship's view, the donee in pennington had agreed to become a director of the subject company upon an assumption that he had received an effective gift of shares in it. this would suggest that the unconscionability test in imperfect gift cases is simply another example of the operation of proprietary estoppel. where the parties have entered into an arrangement involving the purchase of property by one of them, that party may be required to hold the property on constructive trust for both of them if it is considered to be unconscionable for the party acquiring the property to deny that the other party has an equitable interest in the property.19 the three key ingredients to raise an equity of this kind are: (1) the existence of an arrangement between the parties that beneficial ownership in the property is to be shared; (2) the claimant must have relied on the arrangement by doing (or omitting to do) something which either confers an advantage on the defendant or is detrimental to the ability of the claimant to acquire the property on equal terms; and (3) the defendant must have acted inconsistently with the arrangement. significantly, it is the acting inconsistently with the arrangement, once the claimant has relied on it, that renders the defendant’s conduct unconscionable and which triggers the imposition of a constructive trust.20 the doctrine of secret trusts evolved originally on the basis of not allowing a statute to be used as an instrument of fraud so as to deny the validity of a secret trust for lack of writing.21 enforcement of the secret 17 see j garton, ‘the role of the trust mechanism in the rule in re rose’ [2003] conv 364. 18 [2011] ewhc 167 (ch) [43], [46]. see also, zeital v kaye [2010] ewca civ 159 (ca) [44]. 19 see pallant v morgan [1953] ch 43. 20 see banner homes group plc v luff developments ltd [2000] ch 371; yaxley v gotts [2000] ch 162; herbert v doyle [2010] ewca civ 1095; dowding v matchmore ltd [2016] ewca civ 1233; generator developments lpp v lidl uk gmbh [2018] ewca civ 396. 21 see mccormick v grogan (1869) lr 4 hl 82, 88-89, 97; blackwell v blackwell [1929] ac 318 [335]. the denning law journal 121 trust does not, however, depend on the actual fraudulent enrichment of the secret trustee – instead, it can be supported on the basis of a general fraud committed upon the testator and the secret beneficiaries by reason of the failure to observe the intentions of the testator and the destruction of the beneficial interests of the secret beneficiaries. in other words, the emphasis is on potential not actual wrongdoing. the better view, therefore, is that the enforcement of both fully and half-secret trusts rests on the principle of enforcing equitable obligations binding the secret trustee’s conscience. 22 given that secret trusts are enforced to prevent fraud in this wider sense, it is then natural to characterise such trusts as constructive trusts falling within the exception to the requirement of writing under s.53(2) of the law of property act 1925. the constructive trust is imposed on the secret trustee because in good conscience he is required to hold the property on trust for the secret beneficiary. equity will not permit the lack of writing to defeat not only the wishes of the testator, but also undermine the expectations of the secret beneficiary. in re cleaver,23 nourse j characterised secret trusts as constructive trusts. in kasperbauer v griffith,24 the court of appeal accepted that, in secret trust cases, equity acts to prevent fraud or unconscionable conduct by imposing a constructive trust on the secret trustee. in gillett v holt, 25 roberty walker lj acknowledged that secret trusts are enforced in order to prevent unconscionable conduct. mutual wills arise where two parties (usually husband and wife) make identical wills, pursuant to a legally binding agreement, in each other’s favour on terms that the survivor will not revoke his will without the consent of the other. normally, revocation will give rise to a claim for breach of contract during the joint lives of the parties, but when one party has died, if the survivor revokes, the deceased can no longer maintain an action for breach of contract. instead, a constructive trust is imposed in equity on the survivor from the moment of the death of the first to die for the benefit of those entitled under the deceased’s estate in order to prevent an equitable fraud. significantly, for present purposes, the constructive trust arises by operation of law in response to the survivor’s unconscionable conduct in not leaving the property as the parties had 22 see ottaway v norman [1972] ch 698, 711; ledgerwood v perpetual trustee co ltd (1997) 41 nswlr 532. 23 [1981] 1 wlr 939, 947. 24 [2000] wtlr 333. 25 [2001] ch 210, 228, referring also to mutual wills where equity has intervened to prevent unconscionable conduct. undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 122 agreed.26 the unconscionability, in these circumstances, arises because the other party has relied on the survivor’s promise. 4 undue influence 4.1 modern categorisation the english courts have traditionally divided the cases on undue influence into two distinct categories, namely, those involving (1) actual; or (2) presumed undue influence. 27 these two categories were further refined by the house of lords in the landmark case of barclays bank plc v o'brien.28 in class 1 cases, it is necessary for the claimant to prove that the wrongdoer exerted undue influence on the complainant to enter into the transaction. in class 2 cases (involving presumed undue influence), the presumption of undue influence arises when an appropriate relationship exists between the parties. here, the complainant has to show, initially, that there was a relationship of trust and confidence between the complainant and the wrongdoer of such a nature that it is fair to presume that the wrongdoer abused that relationship in procuring the complainant to enter into the transaction. in this category, therefore, there is no requirement to produce evidence that actual undue influence was exerted in relation to the transaction. the relationship can be established in one of two ways. first, certain types of relationship, as matter of law, raise the presumption of undue influence automatically (class 2a). these include solicitor and client, doctor and patient, and parent and child. significantly, however, the relationship of husband and wife does not come within this category. secondly, even if there is no relationship falling within class 2a, the specific relationship between the particular parties may be such as to give rise to the presumption. here, the complainant must prove the existence of a relationship under which the complainant generally “reposed trust and confidence” in the wrongdoer (class 2b). the relationship of husband and wife falls within this category. an additional element in the presumed undue influence cases (class 2a and 2b) has been the need to show that the transaction was manifestly 26 see ollins v walters [2009] ch 212 [37] (mummery lj). 27 see allcard v skinner (1887) 36 ch d 145. 28 [1993] 4 all er 417 (hl), adopting the two-fold classification set out in bank of credit and commerce international sa v aboody [1992] 4 all er 955 (ca). the denning law journal 123 disadvantageous to the complainant. 29 the requirement was first introduced by the house of lords in national westminster bank plc v morgan30 and has since been criticised both academically and judicially. in cibc mortgages plc v pitt,31 for example, lord browne-wilkinson pointed out that this requirement was at odds with the line of cases involving abuse of confidence where the onus is on the fiduciary to show that the transaction is a fair one. because of the obvious overlap between such relationships and those in which undue influence is presumed, a cogent argument exists for abandoning the requirement of manifest disadvantage altogether in undue influence cases. instead, the onus would be on the person taking advantage of the claimant to show the “righteousness” of the transaction. unfortunately, the abuse of confidence cases were not cited to the house of lords in morgan and so the interaction between the two sets of principles were not considered. although subsequently the house of lords in royal bank of scotland v etridge (no 2) 32 recognised that the requirement of manifest disadvantage had been the subject of some criticism, it declined to depart from its earlier decision in morgan on this point. it reiterated that the burden of proving an allegation of undue influence rested upon the person who claims to have been wronged. the evidence required to discharge that burden of proof depended on a variety of factors, including the nature of the alleged undue influence, the personality of the parties, their relationship, the extent to which the transaction cannot readily be accounted for by ordinary motives of ordinary persons in that relationship and all the circumstances of the case. normally, proof that the complainant placed trust and confidence in the other party in relation to the management of the complainant’s financial affairs, coupled with a transaction which calls for explanation, would be sufficient to discharge the burden of proof. this would then shift the evidential burden onto the wrongdoer to produce evidence to counter the inference of undue influence. 29 see cibc mortgages plc v pitt [1993] 4 all er 433 (hl). 30 [1985] ac 686 (hl). 31 [1993] 4 all er 433 (hl). see also, barclays bank plc v coleman [2001] qb 20 (ca) 30-32 (nourse lj). 32 [2002] ac 773 (hl). undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 124 4.2 liability of lending institutions in barclays bank v o’brien,33 the house of lords concluded that a wife’s right to have a transaction set aside as against her husband on the grounds of her husband’s undue influence will be enforceable against a bank (or other creditor) if either the husband was acting as the bank’s agent, or the bank had actual or constructive notice of the facts giving rise to her equity. undoubtedly, cases where the husband is acting as the bank’s agent are rare, so in the majority of claims the question has been whether the bank actually knows of the wife’s equity (actual notice) or would have discovered it by taking reasonable steps (constructive notice). the same test is applied to all other relationships of trust and confidence including emotional relationships between cohabitees. however, this formulation has since been interpreted in etridge to mean that a lender will automatically be put on inquiry where a wife stands surety for her husband’s debts. indeed, the lender is put on inquiry in every case where the relationship between surety and the debtor is non-commercial.34 if the wife establishes a prima facie inference of undue influence, the burden then passes to the lender to show that it had taken reasonable steps to satisfy itself that the wife’s consent had been properly obtained. in etridge, the house of lords concluded that a personal meeting with the wife was not the only way a bank could discharge its obligation to bring home to the wife the risks she is running. it was not unreasonable for a lender to prefer that this task should be undertaken by an independent legal adviser. normally, therefore, it will be reasonable for a bank to rely upon the confirmation from a solicitor, acting for the wife, that he has advised her appropriately. 5 unconscionable bargains 5.1 the traditional formulation the classic formulation of this doctrine is to be found in the judgment of kay j in fry v lane:35 “the result of the decisions is that where a purchase is made from a poor and ignorant man at a considerable undervalue, the vendor 33 [1993] 4 all er 417 (hl). 34 ibid [87]. 35 (1888) 40 ch d 312, 322. the denning law journal 125 having no independent advice, a court of equity will set aside the transaction ... the circumstances of poverty and ignorance of the vendor, and the absence of independent, throw upon the purchaser, when the transaction is impeached, the onus of proving ... that the purchase was 'fair, just and reasonable’”. it has been held that the modern equivalent of “poor and ignorant” is “a member of the lower income group ... less highly educated.”36 this broadening of the class of claimant eligible for relief has increased considerably the potential availability of the doctrine to a wider range of transactions where the terms are unconscionable and the victim did not receive independent legal advice. in boustany v piggot,37 for example, the privy council was asked to consider whether, on the facts, a lease should be set aside on the grounds that it was an unconscionable bargain. in the course of his speech, lord templeman expressed “general agreement” with the following propositions of law: it is not sufficient to attract equity’s jurisdiction to prove merely that a bargain is hard, unreasonable or foolish. it must be shown to be unconscionable in the sense that “one of the parties to it has imposed the objectionable terms in a morally reprehensible manner, that is to say, in a way which affects his conscience.”38 the word “unconscionable” relates not only to the terms of the bargain, but also to the behaviour of the stronger party, which must be characterised by some moral culpability or impropriety.39 unequal bargaining power (or objectively unreasonable terms) provides no basis for equitable interference in the absence of unconscientious or extortionate abuse of power. 36 cresswell v potter [1978] 1 wlr 255, 257 (megarry j). see also, backhouse v backhouse [1978] 1 all er 1158 [1165], where a generous interpretation of the phrase “poor and ignorant” was applied to a wife who was not “ignorant” but an “intelligent woman” and “certainly not wealthy”. the wife, however, was “ignorant” in the context of property transactions generally and, in particular, the execution of a conveyancing document. 37 (1995) 69 p & cr 298 (pc). see n bamforth, ‘unconscionability as a vitiating factor’ [1995] lmclq 538, who considers the decision in boustany at some length. 38 multiservice bookbinding ltd v marden [1979] ch 84, 110 (brownewilkinson j). 39 see alec lobb (garages) ltd v total oil (great britain) ltd [1983] 1 wlr 87, 94-95 (millett qc) (sitting as a deputy high court judge). undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 126 a contract cannot be set aside in equity as an unconscionable bargain against a party who is innocent of actual or constructive fraud. even if the terms of the contract are unfair in the sense that they are more favourable to one party than the other (i.e., contractual imbalance), equity will not provide relief unless the purchaser is guilty of unconscionable conduct.40 it is necessary for the claimant who seeks relief to establish unconscionable conduct, namely, that “unconscientious advantage has been taken of his disabling condition or circumstances.”41 in fineland investments ltd v pritchard, 42 mr alison foster qc reiterated that a court will have little or no sympathy for a complainant who seeks to overturn a transaction merely on the grounds that it is a foolish bargain which has caused distress and subsequent regret. in the words of the deputy judge:43 “ ... equity will not relieve a party from a contract on the ground only that there is contractual imbalance not amounting to unconscionable dealing; the court of equity requires ‘undertones of constructive fraud’ for the court to consider rescinding a contract otherwise properly made.” in this case, there was no suggestion that the transactions were necessarily oppressive in overall terms. on the issue of bargaining weakness, whilst it was apparent that the defendant was “not a lady of means”, the deputy judge was not prepared to accept that she was under any misapprehension as to the documentation she signed. she had asked “astute questions” and these were fully investigated and answered before she was required to sign. there was also, on the evidence, nothing unconscionable about the company’s behaviour towards her. although she was uncertain as to what she wanted to do (which caused her stress) and she later had regrets about entering into the transaction, this did not amount to oppressive behaviour on the part of the company. a bargain which was merely hard or improvident (which, in any event, was not the case here) was not in itself enough to trigger the doctrine. although the defendant relied heavily on the boustany decision, that case was clearly 40 see hart v o’connor [1985] ac 1000 (pc) 1017 (lord brightman). 41 commercial bank of australia ltd v amadio (1983) 151 clr 447 (mason j) (high court of australia). 42 [2011] ewhc 113 (ch). see also, minder music ltd v sharples [2015] ewhc 1454 (ipec). 43 ibid [77] the denning law journal 127 distinguishable. unlike fineland, the proposed new lease was obviously disadvantageous to miss pigott since it would itself be renewable at the same (already uncommercial) level of rent for a further 10 year term. in addition, it was apparent that the complainant in boustany had been largely duped into entering into the new lease without any proper legal advice and unaware of the true market rental value of the premises. in this connection, it was significant that the new lease had been executed in the absence of miss pigott’s cousin who would normally have acted on her behalf in relation to her properties. the inference here was that mrs boustany and her husband had prevailed upon miss pigott to execute a new lease which they knew her agent would never have agreed. 5.2 interrelationship between unconscionable bargains and undue influence significantly, several english cases have alluded to the interrelationship between the two doctrines of unconscionable bargains and undue influence. in credit lyonnais bank nederland nv v burch,44 a case involving a claim of undue influence brought by a junior employee against her employer, both nourse and millett ljj suggested that the claimant might have brought an alternative claim directly against the bank to set aside the charge on the grounds of unconscionability. the transaction was manifestly disadvantageous to her and the bank had not explained the potential extent of her liability, nor had she received independent advice. nourse lj, whilst accepting that the case was not pleaded on the basis of an unconscionable bargain, nevertheless stated that “the unconscionability of the transaction remains of direct materiality to the case based on undue influence.” 45 indeed, in his view, the transaction was “so harsh and unconscionable as to make it hardly necessary for a court of equity to rely on [barclays bank plc v o’brien]46 as a basis for avoiding the transaction”.47 millett lj also alluded to the similarities between the two doctrines and concluded that, if the claimant had sought to have the transaction set aside as a harsh and unconscionable bargain, she would have to show “not only that the terms of the transaction were harsh and oppressive, but that one of the parties to it has imposed the objectionable terms in a morally reprehensible manner, that 44 [1997] 1 all er 144 (ca). 45 ibid 151. 46 [1993] 4 all er 417 (hl). 47 [1997] 1 all er 144 (ca) 146. undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 128 is to say, in a way which affects his conscience.”48 the recognition in burch that the o’brien principle is an application of unconscionability has prompted several academic writers to suggest that the true basis of the decision was not the absence of the claimant’s real consent (i.e. undue influence) but the unconscionable conduct on the part of the bank in accepting a transaction which was so heavily unbalanced.49 the court of appeal was given a further opportunity to consider the interaction between undue influence and unconscionable bargains in portman building society v dusangh.50 what is particularly interesting in ward lj’s judgment in this case is his open recognition that unconscionable conduct was a vitiating factor, similar to undue influence, and that the doctrine of notice (as explained in o’brien) could apply in this context, so as to bind the lender in the same way as in a case involving undue influence. significantly, his lordship relied on a passage in lord browne-wilkinson’s speech in o’brien51 where he stated that a wife, who has been induced to stand as surety for her husband’s debts “by his undue influence, misrepresentation or some other legal wrong” had an equity as against him to set aside the transaction. in his view, unconscionable conduct was “some other legal wrong” and, therefore, the principle in o’brien on the issue of notice and third parties was equally applicable in cases involving unconscionable bargains. his lordship also cited the following extract from millett lj’s judgment in burch52 where, as noted earlier, the similarities between the two jurisdictions to set aside unconscionable bargains and transactions obtained by undue influence were highlighted: “in either case it is necessary to show that the conscience of the party who seeks to uphold the transaction was affected by notice, actual or constructive, of the impropriety by which it was obtained by the intermediary . . .” 48 ibid 153. 49 see for example, m chen-wishart, ‘the o’brien principle and substantive unfairness’ [1977] clj 60, 63. 50 [2000] 2 all er (comm) 221. 51 [1994] 4 all er 417 (hl) 428. 52 [1997] 1 all er 144 (ca) 153. the denning law journal 129 5.3 does the doctrine apply to gifts? it is not clear whether the doctrine of unconscionable bargains applies to gifts. in langton v langton,53 mr awh charles qc (sitting as a deputy high court judge) set aside a deed of gift procured by actual/presumed undue influence. it was not, therefore, strictly necessary for him to consider a further ground for setting aside the gift, namely, that it constituted an unconscionable bargain. the deputy judge, however, opined that, if the doctrine applied to gifts, it would mean that, in the case of all gifts by poor and ignorant persons without independent legal advice, the onus of proving that the gift was fair, just and reasonable would be placed on the recipient. that, in his view, would be a surprising result. moreover, the formulation of the doctrine as expressed by kay in in fry v lane was limited to purchases of property and the description “fair, just and reasonable” in that case was a phrase that applied to bargains and not gifts. in his judgment, the rationale behind the development of the doctrine of unconscionable bargains was to protect people who were in need of money from being taken advantage of by persons prepared to provide it for an exorbitant consideration. it did not, therefore, apply to gifts which was a different type of disposition and one where the donor was, by definition, not seeking a return. as the deputy judge conceded, however, the doctrine has been applied to an unconscionable transaction which, although described and treated as a bargain, was in effect a gift.54. moreover, the view taken in langton does not accord with commonwealth authority. in wilton v farnworth, 55 the claimant was deaf, poorly educated and dull witted. his stepson persuaded him to sign various documents allowing the former to apply for letters of administration to the claimant’s wife’s estate and releasing his interest therein to him. the high court of australia had no difficulty in setting aside the transaction as an unconscionable dealing. rich j stated:56 “ ... the jurisdiction of courts of equity is based upon unconscientious dealing. it has always been considered unconscientious to retain the advantage of a voluntary disposition 53 [1995] 2 flr 890. 54 see cresswell v potter [1978] 1 wlr 244, 259 (megarry j): “what was done by the release was, in substance, that a gift was made by a wife who was being divorced to the husband who was divorcing her”. 55 (1948) 76 clr 646 (high court of australia). 56 ibid 655. undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 130 of a large amount of property improvidently made by an alleged donor who did not understand the nature of the transaction and lacked information of material facts such as the nature and extent of the property particularly if made in favour of a done possessing greater information who nevertheless withheld the facts.” similarly, latham cj stated:57 “ ... if a donee is the moving spirit in the transaction of a gift, and the donor is of weak will or of poor mentality, a court of equity will set aside the gift unless it is shown that the donor understood the substance of what he was doing.” the better view, therefore, is that both gifts and bargains are subject to the doctrine of unconscionability.58 more recently, in evans v lloyd,59 hh judge keyser qc (sitting as a judge of the high court), after considering langton, concluded that to exclude gifts from the scope of the doctrine would make its application turn on form over substance which was to be avoided in an equitable jurisdiction.60 he also noted that the doctrine had been applied to gifts without inconvenience in the australian and republic of ireland61 jurisdictions. 5.4 the three governing elements the three key elements of the doctrine of unconscionable bargains may, therefore, be summarised as follows: 57 wilton (n 55) 648. see also, louth v diprose (1993) 67 aljr 95, 97 (high court of australia), where brennan j stated: “gifts obtained by unconscionable conduct and gifts obtained by undue influence are set aside by equity on substantially the same basis.” 58 see further, d capper, ‘unconscionable bargains and unconscionable gifts’ [1996] conv 308. in capper’s view, gifts do not provide any distinction between undue influence and unconscionability. indeed, it supports his premise that contractual imbalance provides merely an evidential function under both doctrines. in this connection, it has been held that the requirement of manifest disadvantage is not necessary for gifts: geffen v goodman estate [1991] 2 scr 353, 378 (wilson j). this must be right since otherwise it would be difficult to uphold gifts (which, by their very nature, are one-sided) under either doctrine. 59 [2013] ewhc 1725 (ch). 60 ibid [52]. 61 see prendergast v joyce [2009] iehc 199. the denning law journal 131 contractual imbalance (i.e. the bargain itself must be oppressive) relational inequality (i.e. the complainant was in a position of bargaining weakness) unconscionable conduct (i.e. the other party must have knowingly taken advantage of the complainant) so far as contractual imbalance is concerned, the cases show that the complainant must have entered into a transaction which was substantively unfair, in that he received nothing or very little in return. in other words, the terms of the transaction are so unfair that they shock the conscience of the court. in burch, for example, the crucial factor in the court of appeal’s decision was the extreme substantive unfairness of the transaction which gave rise to “grave suspicion” and cried “aloud for an explanation”.62 the second element (relational inequality) requires that the complainant be in some position of weakness (or special disadvantage) in relation to the other party. as we have seen, the phrase “ignorant and poor” in this context has been defined in the modern cases to mean someone who is not well educated and in a lower income group. in alec lobb ltd v total oil (great britain) ltd, 63 peter millett qc (sitting as a deputy high court judge) stated 64 that the doctrine was capable of applying “if one party has been at a serious disadvantage to the other, whether through poverty, or ignorance, or lack of advice, or otherwise, so that circumstances existed of which unfair advantage could be taken”. it is apparent, for example, that inability to speak english, if taken advantage of, may come within the doctrine.65 the third element of the doctrine (unconscionable conduct) is also crucial to the granting of relief. in hart v o’connor, 66 lord brightman identified two distinct meanings of unfairness in the context of a contractual transaction. first, a contract may be unfair because of the unfair manner in which it is brought into existence. a contract induced by undue influence is unfair in this sense (i.e. procedural unfairness). alternatively, a contract may be described as unfair by reason of the fact that the terms of the contract are more favourable to one party than to the other (i.e. contractual imbalance). according to his lordship, both procedural unfairness and contractual 62 ibid 152 (millett lj). 63 [1983] 1 wlr 87. 64 ibid 94-95. 65 see, barclays bank plc v schwartz (1995) the times, 2 august. 66 [1985] ac 1000 (pc). undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 132 imbalance were necessary to relieve a party from a transaction. 67 however, he also intimated that contractual imbalance may be so extreme as to raise a presumption of procedural unfairness (for example, undue influence or some other form of victimisation). this is also acknowledged by millett lj in burch, where he suggested that, both in unconscionable bargain and undue influence cases, the court could “infer the presence of impropriety from the terms of the transaction itself”.68 6 the commonwealth experience in the commonwealth jurisdictions, the courts have tended to accept a more general doctrine of unconscionability. it will be convenient to examine briefly the position in canada, australia and new zealand. unlike the english courts, these jurisdictions have been far more open to the notion that a transaction can be unconscionable because the terms are considerably more advantageous to the stronger party who passively receives those advantages in the knowledge that the other (weaker) party is vulnerable.69 as we have seen, under english law, unconscionability normally requires that the stronger party has imposed the objectionable terms in a morally reprehensible manner,70 although the courts have also acknowledged that a contract may be so unfair (or one-sided) as to raise a presumption of procedural unfairness. 6.1 canada an early leading authority is morrison v coast finance ltd,71 which, interestingly, was cited by lord denning mr in bundy72 as illustrative of his proposition that the doctrine of unconscionable transactions extends to “all cases where an unfair advantage has been gained by an 67 ibid 1018. 68 [1997] 1 all er 144 (ca) 153. see also, portman building society v dusangh [2000] 2 all er (comm) 221 (ca) 235, where ward lj refers to “an evidential assumption of wrongdoing” if the transaction itself cries out for an explanation. 69 see, d capper, ‘the unconscionable bargain in the common law world’ (2010) 126 lqr 403, 416. 70 see for example, multiservice bookbinding ltd v marden [1979] ch 84, 110 (browne-wilkinson). 71(1965) 55 dlr (2d) 710. for an overview, see halsbury’s laws of canada, restitution, 2017 reissue, (lexisnexis) 976-981. 72 [1974] 3 all er 757 (ca) 764. the denning law journal 133 unconscientious use of power by a stronger party against a weaker”. in morrison, an elderly widow with slender means was persuaded by two men to mortgage her home and lend the proceeds to them so that they could repay a loan to the first defendant lender and buy two cars from the second defendant. the british columbia court of appeal held that the transaction was unconscionable and granted relief. the case is significant in that it sets out the material ingredients for a successful claim to set aside a contract on the ground of unconscionability. the two vital elements were: (1) proof of inequality in the positions of the parties arising out of ignorance, need or distress of the weaker, leaving him (or her) in the power of the stronger party; and (2) proof of substantial unfairness of the bargain thus obtained by the stronger party. once these elements were satisfied, a presumption of fraud arose which could only be rebutted by showing that the bargain was fair, just and reasonable with no advantage taken. in the course of his judgment, davey ja stated:73 “the equitable principles relating to undue influence and relief against unconscionable bargains are closely related, but the doctrines are separate and distinct. the finding here against undue influence does not conclude the question whether the appellant is entitled to relief against an unconscionable transaction.” in his honour's view, 74 a plea of undue influence attacked “the sufficiency of consent” whilst the doctrine of unconscionable bargains invoked “relief against an unfair advantage gained by an unconscientious use of power by a stronger party against a weaker”. despite this initial reluctance to assimilate the two doctrines under one umbrella of unconscionability, it is significant that, since the english decision in bundy, the canadian courts have adopted the broader formulation of “inequality of bargaining power” enunciated by lord denning mr in that case as part of their law. in mckenzie v bank of montreal,75 for example, the ontario high court, applying bundy, held that a bank, who had knowledge that the claimant had been acting under the undue influence of her partner, owed a duty of care to her to ensure that she appreciated and intended the consequences of the transaction. 73 ibid 713. 74 ibid. 75 (1975) 55 dlr (3d) 641. see also, buchanan v canadian imperial bank of commerce (1979) 100 dlr (3d) 624 (british columbia supreme court); bertolo v bank of montreal (1986) 33 dlr (4d) 610 (ontario court of appeal). undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 134 this meant providing the claimant with the necessary information and advice, or to see that she had obtained it. since the bank had failed in that duty, the mortgage was set aside. indeed, some of the canadian cases have gone further. most notably, in harry v kreutziger,76 another decision of the british columbia court of appeal, lambert ja propounded a broader test of unconscionability based on “community standards of commercial morality”. he stated:77 “in my opinion, questions as to whether use of power was unconscionable, an advantage unfair or very unfair, a consideration was grossly inadequate, or bargaining power was grievously impaired, to select words from both statements of principle, the morrison case and the bundy case, are really aspects of one single question. that single question is whether the transaction, seen as a whole, is sufficiently divergent from community standards of commercial morality that it should be rescinded. to my mind, the framing of the question in that way prevents the real issue from being obscured by an isolated consideration of a number of questions ...” in this case, the appellant, an elderly, inarticulate indian man with limited education, who was also partially deaf, agreed to sell his fishing boat for $4,500. in fact, the boat was worth $16,000, largely because of a fishing licence attached to it. the buyer, a man of great business experience and with full knowledge of the true value of the boat, induced the sale by assuring the appellant that he could easily obtain another licence. not surprisingly, the sale was set aside as an unconscionable bargain. the circumstances of the transaction revealed a “marked departure” from community standards of commercial morality. significantly, this test has been applied in several subsequent canadian authorities.78 76 (1978) 95 dlr (3d) 231. 77 ibid 241. 78 see for example, a&k lick-a-chick franchises ltd v cordiv enterprises ltd (1981) 119 dlr (3d) 44 (nova scotia supreme court). for a full review of the cases, see sr enman, ‘doctrines of unconscionability in canadian, english and commonwealth contract law’ (1987) 16 anglo-american law review 191. the denning law journal 135 a more traditional formulation of the doctrine, however, was applied in cain v clarica life insurance co, 79 where cote j outlined the following key elements as necessary to found relief: “1. a grossly unfair and improvident transaction; and 2. the victim's lack of independent legal or other suitable advice; and 3. an overwhelming imbalance in bargaining power caused by the victim's ignorance of business, illiteracy, ignorance of the language of the bargain, blindness, deafness, senility, or similar disability; and 4. the other party's knowingly taking advantage of this.” 6.2 australia there are several landmark cases in the australian jurisdiction which call for comment. in blomley v ryan,80 an uneducated farmer, 78 years old, who was mentally and physically weak, suffering from the effects of intoxication, conveyed his farm to the purchaser who knew of his disabilities and the inadequacy of the price. the transaction was held to be unconscionable and the contract was set aside. mctiernan j stated81 that “the essence of the fraud” was that “advantage was taken of weakness, ignorance and other disabilities ... and the contract was derived from such behaviour and it is an unfair bargain.” in his view, the principle extended to “all cases in which the parties to a contract have not met upon equal terms.” 82 fullagar j identified some of the circumstances adversely affecting a party which may induce the court to set aside the transaction. among these, he listed “poverty or need of any kind, sickness, age, sex, infirmity of the body or mind, drunkenness, illiteracy or lack of education, lack of assistance or explanation where assistance or explanation is necessary”.83 in his view, the common characteristic was that they placed one party at a serious disadvantage to the other. 79 (2005) 263 dlr (4th) 368 (alberta court of appeal) [31]-[32]. these elements were applied in lydian properties inc v chambers (2009) 457 ar 211 (alberta court of appeal). 80 (1956) 99 clr 362 (high court of australia). 81 ibid [386]. 82 ibid. 83 bromley (n 80) ibid 405. undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 136 another landmark decision is commonwealth bank of australia v amadio, 84 where mason j concluded that the jurisdiction to set aside transactions as unconscionable arose “whenever one party by reason of some condition or circumstance is placed at a special disadvantage vis a vis another and unfair or unconscientious advantage is then taken of the opportunity thereby created.” 85 thus, as under english law, three requirements were necessary to raise the equity: (1) an improvident arrangement; (2) inequality of bargaining power; and (3) an unconscientious taking of advantage of the party under a special disability. interestingly, mason j also considered86 that, whilst there was “some resemblance” between unconscionable conduct and undue influence, an important distinction was that: “in the latter, the will of the innocent party is not independent and voluntary because it is overborne. in the former, the will of the innocent party, even if independent and voluntary, is the result of the disadvantageous position in which he is placed and of the other party unconscientiously taking advantage of that position.” he acknowledged, however, that the two doctrines were not mutually exclusive in the sense that only one of them could be available in a particular situation to the exclusion of the other. in his view:87 “relief on the ground of unconscionable conduct will be granted when unconscientious advantage is taken of an innocent party whose will is overborne so that it is not independent and voluntary, just as it will be granted when such advantage is taken of an innocent party who, though not deprived of an independent and voluntary will, is unable to make a worthwhile judgment as to what is in his best interest.” a similar conclusion was reached by deane j, who considered that the equitable principles relating to unconscionable dealing and undue influence were “closely related” but, nonetheless, “distinct”.88 in his view, 84 (1983) 151 clr 447 (high court of australia). 85 ibid 462. 86 amadio (n 84) 461. 87 ibid. 88 amadio (n 84) 474. see, generally, halsbury’s laws of australia vol 6 para 110-5885: “unlike undue influence, which like common law duress, looks to the the denning law journal 137 undue influence looks to the quality of the consent of the weaker party whereas unconscionable dealing looks to the conduct of the stronger party “in attempting to enforce, or retain the benefit of, a dealing with a person under a special disability in circumstances where it is not consistent with equity or good conscience that he should do so”.89 it is submitted, however, that these distinctions are somewhat illusory. the doctrine of undue influence does, in fact, involve the wrongdoer in taking unconscientious advantage of an innocent party who is in a disadvantageous position. as phang has stated,90 “under class 1 and class 2b undue influence, it may be stated that the innocent party is often manipulated into a situation of disadvantage”. and, as one australian commentator has observed:91 “the parallels between presumed unconscionable conduct (contracting in the knowledge that the other party labours under a special disadvantage) and presumed undue influence (contracting in the knowledge that the other party reposes trust and confidence in one in the relevant sense) are significant. both doctrines require sufficient awareness or perception on the part of the stronger party and, it is suggested, the tests for sufficient awareness should be the same in both cases. both doctrines impose a similar duty: to ensure that the weaker party has formed an independent and informed judgment; this duty may be discharged by allowing the weaker party an opportunity to seek independent legal advice ... and, most importantly, both doctrines are designed to mitigate the risk of abuse by the stronger party of his position of special advantage. abuse of a perceived position of special advantage is the thread that links these two equitable doctrines.” quality of the consent or assent of the weaker party, unconscionable dealing looks to the conduct of the stronger party in attempting to force, or retain the benefit of, a dealing with a person under a special disability or disadvantage in circumstances where it is not consistent with equity or good conscience that he or she should do so. on this basis, the jurisdiction in relation to unconscionable conduct is distinct from the jurisdiction in relation to undue influence, where the essential focus is on the position of the plaintiff rather than the conduct of the defendant.” 89 amido (n 84) [474]. 90 see a phang, ‘undue influence: methodology, sources and linkages’ [1995] jbl 552, 568. 91 see ij hardingham, ‘the high court of australia and unconscionable dealing’ (1984) 4 ojls 275, 286. undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 138 this, of course, reflects the view taken by lord denning mr in bundy 92 and his formulation of a general principle linking undue influence, unconscionable transactions (and other vitiating factors) under the “single thread” of inequality of bargaining power. in amadio, the facts did not warrant any finding that the bank was in a confidential relationship with the parents since the latter relied on their son, not the bank, to advise them on the nature of the loan transaction. had, however, the bank “crossed the line” into the area of confidentiality then, clearly, issues relating to a presumed undue influence would have arisen for consideration. in another important decision, the high court of australia sought to apply the concept of unconscionability to a situation where a surety wife did not understand the purpose and effect of the guarantee she signed and there was a failure by the bank to explain properly the transaction to her. in national australia bank ltd v garcia,93 the majority of the high court, applying the earlier case of yerkey v jones,94 held that the lender had acted unconscionably in enforcing the guarantee against the wife because: (1) she did not understand the purpose and effect of the transaction; (2) she was a volunteer because she did not obtain any benefit from the transaction; (3) the lender was taken to have understood that, as a wife, she may have reposed trust and confidence in her husband in business matters and, therefore, to have understood that the husband may not have fully and accurately explained the effect of the transaction to her; and (4) the lender took no steps to explain the purport and effect of the transaction to her or to ascertain whether it had been explained to her by a competent, independent and disinterested stranger. the significance of this case is that the high court rejected the english o’brien approach (grounded in the notion of notice) in favour of a (revived) wife’s “special equity” doctrine, which allowed her to set aside a guarantee on the grounds that she did not understand it and that its nature and effect had not been explained to her. this equity, however, was based, not on the status and abilities of married women, but rather (as in etridge) the potential for abuse of trust within the marriage relationship. the element of notice, therefore, was only relevant in determining whether or not the lender knew, at the time of the guarantee, that the surety was married to the borrower. in effect, the decision in garcia imposed a strict (primary) liability on lenders to disclose full and accurate information to wives who 92 [1974] 3 all er 757 (ca) 765. 93 (1998) 194 clr 395. 94 (1939) 63 clr 649. the denning law journal 139 act as sureties for their husband’s debts. the high court also intimated that equity’s special protection could extend to other relationships (for example, heterosexual or homosexual cohabitees).95 finally, reference should be made to louth v diprose,96 where the majority of the high court of australia held that the respondent was entitled to recover a substantial gift of money which he had made to a woman (the appellant) with whom he had had a romantic relationship for several years. in fact, the respondent, had been infatuated with the appellant and it was apparent that the latter had exploited his emotional dependence on her. when she needed a place to live, he bought a house for her and had it conveyed into her sole name. the judgment of brennan j is of particular interest because he sought to assimilate the court’s jurisdiction to set aside gifts procured by unconscionable conduct with the “similar” jurisdiction to set aside gifts procured by undue influence. in his view,97 both depended upon the effect of influence (presumed or actual) improperly brought to bear by one party to a relationship on the mind of the other whereby the other disposes of his property. this similarity “gives to cases arising in the exercise of one jurisdiction an analogous character in considering cases involving the same points in the other jurisdiction.” the effect of this judgment is substantially to merge the concept of unconscionability with that of undue influence. 6.3 new zealand in archer v cutler,98 a contract for the sale of 10 acres of land was executed by the parties at the defendant’s residence. medical evidence later showed that the defendant was suffering from senile dementia. although living alone, she was incapable of managing her own affairs and unable to keep proper appraisals of facts and conscious judgments on important matters. the claimant did not know of the defendant’s impaired mental condition, nor of its effect on her ability to understand the bargain 95 see further, m bryan, ‘setting aside guarantees: reviving and old equity’ [1999] lmclq 327; m brown, ‘suretyship and marriage: notice v unconscionability’ (2000) rlr 152; e stone, ‘infants, lunatics and married women: equitable protection in garcia v national australia bank’ (1999) 62 mlr 604; a finlay, ‘australian wives are special: yerkey v jones lives on’ [1999] jbl 361. 96 (1993) 67 aljr 95. 97 ibid 98. 98 [1980] 1 nzlr 386 (supreme court of auckland). undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 140 she had entered into. the claimant was also unaware that the agreed price represented a substantial undervalue for the land. the supreme court of auckland held, nevertheless, that the defence of unconscionable bargain was established. the decision clearly went further than the english and australian authorities, which require that the stronger party actually take advantage of his position. not surprisingly, therefore, in hart v o’connor,99 the privy council (on appeal from the new zealand court of appeal) held, overruling the archer case, that a contract could not be set aside as an unconscionable bargain where the purchaser had acted completely innocently and was not guilty of any unconscionable conduct. subsequent new zealand cases have adopted this approach, albeit with some reluctance. in nichols v jessup (no 2), 100 the claimant sought specific performance of an agreement between himself and the defendant to grant mutual rights of way over their respective properties so as to improve the road access to the claimant’s rear section. the high court held, ostensibly applying the hart v o’connor ruling, that because the claimant was aware of the defendant’s weaknesses in regard to financial and property matters, which was manifestly one-sided, the agreement could properly be set aside as unconscionable. significantly, as the high court itself conceded, there was no evidence in this case to suggest that the claimant had consciously intended to take advantage of the defendant’s ignorance when she was persuaded to agree to his proposal regarding the rights of way. in the absence of any moral fraud, therefore, it has been suggested by one commentator101 that the transaction should have been upheld. in contractors bonding ltd v snee,102 the wellington court of appeal also applied hart v o’connor, holding that equity will only intervene to deprive parties of their contractual rights where they have unconscionably obtained benefits or have accepted benefits in unconscionable circumstances (i.e. where they would be acting unconscientiously in receiving or retaining their bargain). in this case, the complainant was under a special disability at the time of contracting due to her mental capacity resulting in a defective understanding of her affairs and of the transaction. that, however, in itself, was not enough to establish that the company was guilty of fraud. it had no knowledge of, and could not be 99 [1985] ac 1000 (pc). 100 [1986] 1 nzlr 237 (high court of auckland). 101 see further, n bamforth, ‘unconscionability as a vitiating factor’ [1995] lmclq 538. 102 [1992] 2 nzlr 157 (wellington court of appeal). the denning law journal 141 expected to have any awareness of, her incapacity and, moreover, had no reason to believe that she was under the influence of her son. in addition, the guarantee and mortgage over her house were standard commercial transactions with no unusual features which the company was required to disclose to the complainant. the transaction, therefore, could not be characterised as improvident (amounting to contractual imbalance) nor was there any evidence of unfairness or overreaching on the part of the company. the result, therefore, was that the company could rely on its mortgage. interestingly, in walmsley v christchurch city council, 103 hardie boys j opined that the concepts of undue influence and unconscionability were “different concepts, although both are founded on fraud, in the sense of an unconscionable use of power”. in bowkett v action finance ltd,104tipping j set out the following circumstances which, in his view, would normally be present when a court finds an unconscionable bargain: (1) the weaker party is under a considerable disability; (2) the stronger party knows or ought to know of that disability; (3) the stronger party has victimised the weaker in the sense of taking advantage of the weaker party’s disability, either by active extortion of the bargain, or passive acceptance of it in circumstances where it is contrary to conscience that the bargain should be accepted; (4) there is a marked inadequacy of consideration and the stronger party either knows or ought to know that to be so: and (5) there is some procedural impropriety either demonstrated or presumed from the circumstances. in tipping j’s view,105 not all elements need necessarily be shown, but elements 1-3 were crucial, as there could not be an unconscionable bargain without a disability in the weaker party and knowledge and taking advantage thereof by the stronger party. he also intimated that absence of independent advice was a frequent feature of unconscionable bargain cases. what was important, however, was the “cumulative weight of all relevant points” in determining “the ultimate question” as to whether the bargain could properly be characterised as unconscionable so that equity should intervene. tipping j had a further opportunity to formulate the relevant principles in gustav & co ltd v macfield ltd,106 where he stated:107 103 [1990] 1 nzlr 199 (christchurch high court). 104 [1992] 1 nzlr 449 (christchurch high court). 105 ibid 460. 106 [2008] nzsc 47 (supreme court of new zealand). 107 ibid [6]. see also, generally, the laws of new zealand, vol 26, specific performance, p 22, para 16, (butterworths); service 87, at 660.002, (lexisnexis). undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 142 “equity will intervene when one party in entering into a transaction, unconscientiously takes advantage of the other. that will be so when the stronger party knows or ought to be aware, that the weaker party is unable adequately to look after his own interests and is acting to his detriment. equity will not allow the stronger party to procure or accept a transaction in these circumstances. the remedy is conscience-based and, in qualifying cases, the court intervenes and says that the stronger party may not take advantage of the rights acquired under the transaction because it would be contrary to good conscience to do so.” as capper 108 has observed, “the approach to the unconscionable bargain in new zealand is practically indistinguishable from the approach in australia.” 7 an underlying concept of unconscionability? undoubtedly, there is a close relationship between the principles relating to undue influence and unconscionable bargains. should the two be fused within one all-embracing doctrine? academic commentators differ on whether this would be a useful process. capper, in an influential article,109 has argued that the two doctrines share three common features: (1) inequality in the bargaining positions of the parties (i.e., relational inequality): (2) transactional imbalance; and (3) unconscionable conduct on the part of the defendant. he acknowledges, however, that these features are mere “distillations from the cases, rather than judicially determined principles.110 so far as the first element is concerned, this is present in presumed undue influence cases, in so far as the complainant must prove the existence of a relationship under which he (or she) generally reposed trust and confidence in the wrongdoer. relational inequality is always present (by definition) in actual undue influence cases. and, as we have seen, the requirement is also to be found in unconscionability cases in that the 108 see d capper, ‘the unconscionable bargain in the common law world’ (2010) 126 lqr 403. 109 see d capper, ‘undue influence and unconscionability: a rationalisation’ (1998) 114 lqr 479. 110 see d capper, ‘the unconscionable bargain in the common law world’ (2010) 126 lqr 403, 417. the denning law journal 143 complainant must be shown to be suffering from some special disadvantage to warrant equity's intervention. capper concludes that “the kind of relational inequality sufficient to support a case of unconscionability is clearly very broad and there cannot be any difficulty in fitting cases of undue influence within it.”111 turning to transactional imbalance, capper concedes that this requirement does not feature in the actual undue influence category, which requires mere proof of actual coercion over the weaker party. his argument, however, is that transactional imbalance (i.e. the bargain itself must be oppressive) is not an essential requirement of any undue influence or unconscionability case (albeit invariably present), but simply “powerful evidence in support of relational inequality and unconscionable conduct, which are the true invalidating grounds.”112 on this point, he (like other commentators) doubts whether manifest disadvantage should be an essential feature of the presumed undue influence category. the better view, as we have seen, is that manifest disadvantage should take the form of a purely evidential consideration when the wrongdoer is seeking to rebut the presumption of undue influence. in other words, there is no reason why a complainant should not rely on the doctrine even though the transaction itself is objectively reasonable. take, for example, a solicitor who buys his client's house at a fair price. the requisite relationship of confidence would exist between the parties (i.e. relational inequality) and there seems no reason why the presumption of undue influence should not arise requiring the solicitor to show that the client had formed an independent and informed judgment. the mere fact that the price was fair would not be enough to rebut the presumption because “there might be all sorts of reasons, apart from the price, why the client did not want to sell his house.”113 transactional imbalance, according to capper, is also not an essential precondition to a finding of unconscionability. although many of the cases do involve sales at an undervalue and other forms of contractual imbalance, this is not always the case.114 he concludes that “if 111 ibid 486. 112 ibid. 113national westminster bank plc v morgan [1983] 3 all er 85 (ca) (dunn lj). 114 he cites, for example, the australian case of blomley v ryan (1956) 99 clr 362, where the high court of australia held that the decisive factors of unconscionability were the seller's mental weakness and the purchaser's unconscionable conduct. in that case, the property was sold for $25,000, its true value being not significantly more ($33,000). capper also cites deane j, in commonwealth bank of australia v amadio (1983) 151 clr 447, 475, who undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 144 manifest disadvantage assumes the evidential role recommended for it in respect of presumed undue influence, then assimilation with actual undue influence and unconscionability becomes relatively easy.”115 finally, so far as unconscionable conduct is concerned, this, according to capper, is a requirement of both doctrines. it is clearly evident in actual undue influence cases and is an essential feature of unconscionability cases. in his view, “actual undue influence (without pressure) is only different from presumed undue influence in so far as what is presumed in the latter is affirmatively proved in the former.”116 on this reasoning, therefore, both actual and presumed undue influence should be subsumed under a general doctrine of unconscionability. although, in the presumed undue influence category, coercion and abuse by the defendant is less easy to discern, nevertheless, many of the cases on unconscionable dealing, as we have seen, also concern little more than passive acceptance of benefits received under unconscionable circumstances.117 not all commentators, however, have agreed with this attempt at rationalisation. birks and chin,118 for example, have argued that undue influence and unconscionability are essentially separate and distinct concepts and favour preserving the distinction between the two. they regard undue influence as being “plaintiff-sided” and concerned with the weakness of the claimant's consent owing to an excessive dependence upon the defendant, and unconscionability as being “defendant-sided” and concerned with the defendant's exploitation of the claimant’s vulnerability. in support of this contention, they draw attention to two features of the presumed undue influence cases. first, many of the presumed undue influence cases do not involve any conscious wrongdoing on the part of the defendant on the contrary, the evidence shows merely a passive receipt of benefits arising from the transaction. opined that, whilst most unconscionability cases involved inadequacy of consideration, this was not essential. 115 d capper, ‘undue influence and unconscionability: a rationalisation’ (1998) 114 lqr 479, 500. 116 ibid 493. 117 see for example, hart v o'connor [1985] ac 1000 (pc) 1024 (lord brightman): “... it is victimisation, which can consist either of the active extortion of a benefit or the passive acceptance of a benefit in unconscionable circumstances.” 118 see p birks and ny chin, ‘on the nature of undue influence’ in j beatson and d friedmann (eds), good faith and fault in contract law (clarendon press 1995); j devenney and a chandler, ‘unconscionability and the taxonomy of undue influence’ [2007] jbl 541. the denning law journal 145 secondly, where the presumption of undue influence is raised, it is open to the defendant to rebut the presumption by showing that the complainant had acted freely and with an independent will. this requirement, therefore, is directed at the issue of consent and is not concerned with any wrongdoing on the part of the defendant. some writers, however, have questioned this analysis. thus, bigwood 119 has argued that undue influence is defendant/conduct-based in both its concerns and orientation. in his view, both undue influence and unconscionable dealings concern a form of exploitation, although the source of the claimant's vulnerability is different in each case. despite this difference between the two concepts, he concludes that “there is no logical reason” why the jurisdiction of unconscionable dealings could not include undue influence. what is also overlooked, it is submitted, in birks and chin's analysis, is that the passive acceptance of benefits, as we have seen from the commonwealth experience, may itself be unconscionable in the circumstances of a particular case. 120 it does not necessarily have to involve wicked exploitation. as capper has pointed out, many of the unconscionability cases have this common feature and, therefore, there seems little reason why undue influence and unconscionability should not be assimilated. any such new (combined) doctrine would not be either specifically “plaintiff-sided” or specifically “defendant-sided” (as birks and chin) maintain because “the stronger the plaintiff-sided the weaker the defendant-sided factor needs to be and vice versa, although a degree of unconscionable conduct would be present in all cases since the passive receipt of benefits flowing under a seriously unbalanced transaction where the plaintiff was clearly in an unequal relationship with the defendant would count as unconscionable conduct.”121 this unifying doctrine of unconscionability could also be extended to embrace the liability of a third party lender in circumstances where it has actual or constructive notice that the loan transaction is tainted with undue influence, misrepresentation or some other equitable wrong. thus, in 119 see r bigwood, ‘undue influence: impaired consent or wicked exploitation’ (1996) 16 ojls 503. 120 see j devenney and a chandler, ‘unconscionability and the taxonomy of undue influence’ [2007] jbl 541. 121 d capper, ‘undue influence and unconscionability: a rationalisation’ (1998) 114 lqr 479, 500. capper also makes the point that, since the house of lords' ruling in royal bank of scotland v etridge (no 2) [2002] ac 773, undue influence is clearly concerned not just with lack of consent but also with the defendant's unconscionable conduct: see, d capper, ‘the unconscionable bargain in the common law world’ (2010) 126 lqr 403, 417-418. undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 146 australia, as we have seen, if a lender has the requisite degree of knowledge of an unconscionable transaction (for example, between a husband and wife), it will itself be treated as acting unconscionably in relying on the transaction. a good illustration is also to be found from the canadian jurisdiction in shoppers trust co v dynamic homes ltd. 122 here, the husband obtained a large loan from the claimant which was secured by a mortgage over the family home, which was owned solely by the wife. the husband had persuaded her to sign the documents at the offices of a solicitor who was acting for both the claimant and the third party. the wife was illiterate, had virtually no knowledge of her husband's business affairs and was fearful of her husband. the solicitor did not tell her that there was no legal requirement for her to sign, what the consequences of her signing would be, or that she should obtain independent advice. the ontario court held that there was a fiduciary relationship between the solicitor and the wife, which obliged the former to ensure that the wife fully understood the nature and consequences of her actions and to advise her to seek independent advice. the transaction was unconscionable because it was improvident (the wife received no benefit under the mortgage) and also because the husband (and the solicitor) had taken advantage of their dominant position over the wife. significantly also, it was unconscionable to permit the claimant (as lender) to take advantage of the mortgage in the absence of proper independent advice. although admittedly such an approach still depends on notice (and, therefore, broadly similar to the test enunciated by the house of lords in barclays bank v o'brien),123 “it focuses more directly upon the unconscionable conduct of the bank instead of the indirect test of notice of the undue influence of a third party”.124 8 conclusion a radical overhaul of the doctrines of undue influence and unconscionable dealings, with a view to providing a single, coherent principle justifying equity's intervention to prevent the exploitation of the vulnerable, is much needed. first, it can be argued that the current division of undue influence into two distinct categories (with the further refinement of the presumed 122 (1993) 96 dlr (4d) 267 (ontario court). 123 [1993] 4 all er 417 (hl). 124 d capper, ‘undue influence and unconscionability: a rationalisation’ (1998) 114 lqr 479, 499. the denning law journal 147 category into class 2a and 2b cases) is unnecessarily technical and complex. the additional element in the presumed undue influence cases (both class 2a and 2b) of the need to show that the transaction was manifestly disadvantageous to the complainant has only added to this complexity and, as we have seen, has been criticised both academically and judicially. a simplified doctrine (which would get rid of these artificial categories) could be achieved, as capper has suggested, by bringing together the common threads of: (1) relational inequality; (2) transactional imbalance; and (3) unconscionable conduct under one unified concept of unconscionable use of power. secondly, the adoption of a universal umbrella of unconscionable conduct has the advantage of affording the courts with a greater degree of flexibility in determining the outcome of a particular case. this was recognised by nourse lj in bank of credit and commerce international (overseas) ltd v akindele, 125 in the context of liability for knowing receipt, where he stated126 that a single test based on unconscionability ought to avoid the difficulties of “definition and allocation to which the previous categorisations [of knowledge] have led”. significantly, his lordship also considered that such a test would make it easier for the courts to give common-sense decisions in the commercial context, in which most knowing receipt claims are made. thirdly, there is much to be said, as we have seen, for aligning undue influence with the related doctrine of unconscionable bargains. the two doctrines have common characteristics and it seems unduly artificial to treat them as distinct and separate claims arising, in many cases, out of the same set of facts. in particular, unconscionable conduct is already clearly evident in actual undue influence cases and is (by definition) an essential feature of unconscionable bargain cases. although, in the presumed undue influence category, coercion and abuse may not always be present, nevertheless, many of the cases on unconscionable dealing also concern (as we have seen) little more than passive acceptance of benefits received under unconscionable circumstances. the resultant confusion has resulted in several cases being characterised as falling under undue influence instead of being treated as cases of unconscionability.127 the degree of overlap between the two doctrines, as well as the potential for confusion 125 [2001] ch 437 (ca). 126 ibid 455. 127 see for example, lloyds bank ltd v bundy [1974] 3 all er 757 (ca). undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 148 in terms of bringing the appropriate litigation, has prompted moore128 to observe recently: “a single principle which rescinds a contract made by a party exploiting seriously constrained decisional autonomy of the other would unify yet faithfully preserve the rationale and operation of the discrete doctrines of ... undue influence, and unconscionability. recognising it would enhance the law’s coherence, clarify and streamline invalidity claims, and facilitate their consistent adjudication.” fourthly, as noted earlier, the notion of unconscionability could easily be extended to embrace the liability of a third party in circumstances where it has actual or constructive notice that the loan transaction is tainted with an equitable wrong. thus, the requisite degree of knowledge of an unconscionable transaction (for example, between a husband and wife) could itself be treated as acting unconscionably in relying on the transaction. this, it is submitted, would provide a welcome degree of symmetry between say, a wife's right to have a transaction set aside as against her husband on the grounds of her husband's undue influence and the unenforceability of the transaction against a third party bank or other lender who itself had acted unconscionably in relation to the transaction. finally, there is the more general point that an assimilation of undue influence with unconscionable bargains would reflect the growing judicial trend towards accepting unconscionability as a useful unifying tool in modern trust law. as we have seen, the notion of unconscionable dealing as an underlying principle has already been adopted in the context of proprietary estoppel, knowing receipt liability, imperfect transfers of property, joint venture arrangements, secret trusts and mutual wills. the lesson here is that, in each of these contexts, the principle of unconscionability has provided the courts with the opportunity not just to rationalise the underlying nature of liability but, more importantly, to provide a valuable contribution in defining its precise reach and scope. as delany and ryan have concluded:129 128 see m moore, ‘why does lord denning's lead balloon intrigue us still? the prospects of finding a unifying principle for duress, undue influence and unconscionability’ (2018) 134 lqr 257, 284. 129 see h delany and d ryan, ‘unconscionability: a unifying theme in equity’ (2008) conv 401, 436. the denning law journal 149 “in the final analysis, then, it seems fittingly ironic that a unifying theme of the use of the unconscionability principle across a wide spectrum of very different contexts is that this allegedly impenetrable and hopelessly obscure principle should itself emerge as a clarifying force, casting fresh light upon and signalling new directions in equitable relief.” one obvious objection to any such process of amalgamation is the notion that this would lead to considerable uncertainty in our law. the uncertainty argument should not, however, be overstated. as with most other doctrines, a broader notion of unconscionability in the context of undue influence and unconscionable bargains would inevitably lead to the laying down of more specific guidelines for determining its application. at the same time, there would be a more systematic approach to the development of the requisite principles which would avoid the current overlap and confusion arising from two related, but currently distinct doctrines. phang puts the matter succinctly:130 “if, indeed, this approach of amalgamation or consolidation is adopted, the many problems pertaining to linkages both amongst the various categories of undue influence as well as amongst the doctrines of ... undue influence and unconscionability would vanish, and courts could set about the task of focusing their attention on bringing the new doctrine to legal maturity.” capper also has addressed the uncertainty argument cogently:131 “a merged doctrine of undue influence/unconscionable bargain would not, it is submitted, generate further uncertainty than exists already in the common law. on the contrary, by allowing the courts to make a fresh start with conceptually clear principles, a much more functional doctrine could be created by judicial decisions which begin from the same sensible premises.” a good example can be taken from the emerging doctrine of knowing receipt liability. here, recent case law has sought to clarify the degree of 130 see a phang, ‘undue influence: methodology, sources and linkages’ [1995] jbl 552, 571. 131 see d capper, ‘the unconscionable bargain in the common law world’ (2010) 126 lqr 403, 419. undue influence: towards a unifying concept of unconscionablity? 150 fault or culpability necessary to trigger the doctrine. in credit agricole corp and investment bank v papadimitriou,132 lord sumption observed133 that “whether a person claims to be a bona fide purchaser of assets without notice of a prior interest in them, or disputes a claim to make him accountable as a constructive trustee on the footing of knowing receipt, the question of what constitutes notice or knowledge is the same”. thus, a party will be liable for knowing receipt where he should either have appreciated that a proprietary right existed, or have made inquiries or sought advice which would have revealed the probable existence of such a right.134 moreover, inquiries must be made if there is a serious possibility of a third party having such a right, or if the facts are such as to give serious need to question the propriety of the transaction. 135 as one commentator136 has observed, this guidance is not without significance in helping “to resolve some of the uncertainty about when a bank will be liable to account as a knowing recipient and ... contribut[ing] to a better understanding of what is unconscionable in this context”. the point here is that, although the concept of unconscionability may be expressed in fairly broad terms, the courts would exercise the new jurisdiction according to well-defined principles. this, as we have seen, is the approach taken in the commonwealth jurisdictions, where the courts do not administer a general power to set aside transactions simply because, in the eyes of the judiciary, they appear to be harsh or unfair. on the contrary, far from acting in a wholly discretionary function, the courts have formulated specific tests for determining when a transaction should be set aside for unconscionability. there is no reason to suppose that a similar approach would not be adopted in this country. if, however, the english courts are reluctant to undertake what is perceived to be essentially a function of parliament in developing the law, 137 serious thought should be given to rationalising this area of law by means of legislative intervention.138 132 [2015] ukpc 13 (pc). 133 ibid [33]. 134 papadimitriou (n 132) [18] (lord clarke). 135 papadimitriou (n 132) [20] (lord clarke). 136 see r pearce, ‘when must a bank repay stolen funds?’ [2015] conv 521, 528-529. 137 see the observations of lord scarman in national westminster bank plc v morgan [1985] 1 all er 821 (hl) 823. 138 english law has already moved some way to accepting substantive unconscionability in statutory form under the unfair terms in consumer the denning law journal 151 contracts regulations 1999 (formerly 1994). in the united states, a broad doctrine of substantive unconscionability is partly statutory, deriving from article 2-302 of the uniform commercial code, and also common law based in those states where the code does not apply. the uses of power: mrjustice denning and the pensions appeal tribunals patrick polden>}{: introduction the existence of the denning law journal testifies to lord denning's unique importance in re-shaping english law to meet the challenges of the middle decades of the twentieth century. the massive corpus of his collected judgments has been subjected to a detailed and rigorous scholarly scrutiny of a kind not accorded to any other english judge of recent times, and his contribution to constitutional and administrative law in particular, has been analysed searchingly and, in some cases, highly critically. 1 in adition, he has, of course, given us his own retrospective views on many of his most significant judgments in sundry lectures and articles and in the series of volumes beginning with the discipline of law (1979) and extending to the closing chapter (1983).2 in all this literature, one minor but interesting part of his judicial career has received little attention. from january 1946 to october 1948, denning], then a puisne judge in the king's bench division, was the judge nominated to hear appeals from the tribunals set up under the pensions appeal tribunals act 19433 in succession to tucker j. it was his first foray into administrative law and gave him an unusual opportunity to develop and implement his views. the statute made no provision for a further appeal so he was constrained only by the need to respect the decisions of the nominated judges in scotland and northern ireland. in the family story,4 denning recounts his relish for this taste of unfettered judicial creativity, which he used to good effect; for by the time he was elevated to the court of appeal, in october 1948, he had created a framework of controls and guidelines which left his successor with little scope to do more than alter emphases "of the department of law, brunel university. i wish to thank my colleagues mr martin coleman and dr k. j. m. smith for their helpful comments. 1. p. robson and p. watchman (eds.),justice, lord de1l1/ingand the constitution (1981); j. l. jowell and j. p. w. b. mcauslan (eds.),lord dfilning: the judge and lhe law (1984). 2. there is a full list of his writings to 1984 in lord dfilnillg: the judge mid the law, supra n.1. 3. for an outline of denning's career, see r. f. v. heuston, in lord de1l1ling:the judge and lhe law, supra n.1, pp.1-25. 4. (1985), p.165. denning's predecessor, tucker, regretted that there was no further appeal: kemp v. min;sler of pfils;ons (1945-6) 61 t.l.r. 341, at p.343. 97 the denning law journal and refine procedures. only one of his decisions, robertson v. ministry of pensions, 5 has proved to be of sufficient general importance to find its way into the textbooks, but of the earlier decision in starr, nuttall and bourne v. ministry of pensions6 professor palley has written: "many men would think his courageous and humane decision in starr, affecting the welfare of many thousands of ex-servicemen and their families, was a worthwhile achievement of a lifetime".7 it is the purpose of this article to examine in more detail the reported decisions under the act and to elucidate denning's ideas on the proper functioning of administrative tribunals and the role of the judiciary in supervising them. first, however, it is necessary to sketch in the background to the legislation. the background pensions to ex-servicemen and their families for death or disability sustained during service in the armed forces were granted under the terms of successive royal warrants. the unprecedented scale of the casualties in the great war, and their being no longer confined to professional fighting men, made the administration of the warrant a matter of much greater public concern than before. dissatisfaction with the many decisions of the ministry of pensions adverse to claimants was voiced in and out of parliament and eventually the government had to respond by establishing independent appeal tribunals.9 the lord chancellor was made responsible for manning the tribunals, each of which comprised a legally qualified chairman, a doctor and a disabled ex-serviceman. although they allowed more than 20% of appeals from the minister's decisions, the tribunals themselves came under fire, but heavy pressure to introduce a further appeal to a "supreme tribunal" was successfully resisted by the lord chancellor's office. 10 when war again threatened it was apparent to those charged with contingency planning that some similar pensions provision for civilian casualties would be needed. this raised the spectre of a continuing post-war charge on government revenue of wholly unpredictable but potentially enormous dimensions, and a 5. [1949] 1 k.b. 227. the importance of the decision in public law is its extension of estoppel by representation to public authorities. see s.a. de smith, judicial review ofadminslralive action 3rd ed., (1973), p.4 n.4 for speculation on denning's own estimate of its importance. 6. [1946] 1 k.b. 345. 7. lord drnning: the judge and the law, s/lpra n.l, p.365 n.78. 8. comparatively few decisions were reported in the general series of reports, but the semi-official war pension appeals reports contain more than 300 of denning's, as well as a handful by tucker ], almost fifty from scotland and two from northern ireland. 9. war pensions (administrative provisions) act 1919. separate appeal tribunals to determine the assessment of the pension payable were introduced by the war pensions act 1921 and on these a second doctor sat instead of the lawyer. in 1940 nearly 850,000 great war pensions were still being paid. 10. pari. debs. 1922 (5th series) h. ofc., vo1.l51, cols.320-42, 1615-39; pro lco 2/971. see also sir claud schuster's summary in pro lco 2/938: memorandum for lord haldane, 26.1.1924, !t.42-5. about 40 cases in which the tribunals were thought to have erred were dealt with under an unpublicised "arrangement" between the ministry of pensions and the treasury. 98 the uses of power desire to restrict the number of war pensions payable until the total number of potential claims had become clearer may have influenced the government's decision to defer the establishment of both entitlement and assessment tribunals until the war had ended. i i meanwhile, according to the minister of pensions, "the finest court of appeal in the country is available in the house of commons.,,12 this position, though endorsed by the cabinet as late as march 1942,13 was becoming politically untenable; more than 100,000 claims had been rejected and aneurin bevan had complained that the commons order paper was becoming congested by members' attempts to bring individual cases of alleged injustice before the house. i 4 the ploy of appointing as minister of pensions a popular figure, sir walter womersley (described in one debate as "a sort of bluff king hal"),15 giving him as parliamentary under secretaries labour mps with a reputation for championing the working man (successively miss ellen wilkinson and will paling), and setting up an advisory committee which included some of the most vocal critics, appeased the sceptics for a while but they could only repeat the threadbare excuse that too few suitable doctors were available for the tribunals. a rising tide of backbench anger, both over the restrictive entitlement to pensions and the lack of any appeal, finally forced the government's hand after a particularly stormy debate on 23rd march 1943.16 a new, more liberal royal warrant and appeal tribunals were promised. the pensions appeal tribunals bill, modelled on the earlier legislation, had its second reading on 24th june. but the commons by now were deeply suspicious: details of the new warrant had not been released and at the committee stage a backbench revolt obliged the government to withdraw its bill. 17 when it returned nearly three weeks later, after the terms of the warrant had been disclosed, it contained major concessions on the burden of proof and the strength of the causal link between service and disability and also provided for an appeal from the tribunals on a point of law. 18given the bill's troubled history and hasty revision, it is not surprising that those involved in the creation of the tribunals failed to appreciate the significance of the changes in the warrant and the bil1.19 tribunal sittings began in october 1943, and more than twenty tribunals were soon in operation. 11. pari. debs. 1939-40 (5th series) h. of e., yo1.360,co1.899. 12. ibid., co1.705. 13. pro lco 2/2646. 14. pari. debs. 1940-1 (5th series) h. of e., yol. 370, col. 280. the ministry always refused to make public the number of claims on the grounds of national security. 15. pari. debs. 1941-2 (5th series) l-i. of e., yo1.383, co1.1896, per e. walkden. 16. pari. debs. (5th series) h. of e., yols.367-390 shows this growing pressure. 17. pari. debs. 1942-3 (5th series) h. of e., yo1.390,co]s.1333-1428, 1818-54. 18. ibid., yo1.391,cols.716-864, 1114-1220. for the reconstruction of the bill see pro lco 2/2780. 19. pro lco 2/3714: g. p. coldstream to sir a. napier, 9 september 1947. 99 the denning law journal in the debates government spokesmen had laid particular emphasis on the informal procedures, which would make legal representation usually unnecessary, and on the need to avoid the fate that had befallen the workmen's compensation acts.2oin the first few months the government's hope that the points of law upon which appeals were to be made to the nominated judge would be few seemed to be borne out,21 but plainly, much would turn on the interpretation placed by the nominated judge on the width of the right of appeal, since the more willing he was to entertain appeals the greater would be his opportunity to control the tribunals. the right of appeal 1. procedural limitations as well as being limited to points of law, the right of appeal was circumscribed in two ways: first by a requirement that leave must be obtained from the tribunal or the judge (section 6(2)) and second by a six weeks time limit for appeals, imposed by rule 23(2) of the pensions appeal tribunals rules 1943; by rule 31 this period could be extended by the tribunal or the president of the tribunals. the great war tribunals had consistently adopted a very rigid stance against allowing appeals out of time, administrative measures having had to be taken to mitigate the injustices that resulted.22 their successors seemed disposed to follow suit and in richardson v. minister of pensions23 (may, 1945) the court of session held that the president's decision was not reviewable by the court. cooper lj-c described the six weeks time limit as "very liberal", especially since "if an appellant can adduce some good reason for a relaxation of the time limit (as, for example, that the delay has been due to illness or some accidental mischance affecting himself or his advisers) the desired indulgence will doubtless be granted: and i should assume would not be opposed by the ministry at least in cases where the delay was slight.,,24in particular, the court was not prepared to grant an extension merely on the grounds that its own decision on one appeal cast doubts on the correctness of other tribunal decisions in cases with broadly similar facts.25 this was the orthodox view, with which the lord chancellor and the attorney-general were in agreement: "what had occurred was a possibility inherent in any system of law, and that if litigants did not exercise their right of appeal and subsequently a litigant does exercise his right of appeal and succeeds, the litigants in cases already decided cannot and should not have the opportunity of re-opening their cases. if such a course were allowed, the practical difficulties 20. pari. debs. 1942-3 (5th series) h. of c., vo1.390, cols.1326, 1355-6; vo1.391, cols.1205-9. 21. in the notes issued for the guidance of appellants the appeals were optimistically referred to as "rare cases"_ 22. pro leo 2/974, 978. 23. [1945] s.c. 363. 24. ibid., at p.368. 25. the minister of pensions had expressed a more liberal view: pari. debs. 1944-5 (5th series) h. of c., vo1.360, cols.2239-40. 100 the uses of power would be insuperable."26 but denning's decision in starr, nuttall and bourne v. minister of pensions27 meant that as many as 27,000 tribunal decisions were probably vitiated by procedural defects. because of the importance attached to maintaining the principle of finality in litigation and also because it was felt to be unfair to allow those claimants to appeal out of time and probably succeed on a technicality while later claimants with comparable case histories would fail on the merits of their applications, the government declined to take any action. this decision gave rise to a storm of protest in the press and in parliament.28 the minister's central advisory committee was strongly critical and servicemen's organisations were predictably up in arms: the british legion representative on the cac "could not believe that the government or the country would wish to stand on a legal position which deterred ex-servicemen from receiving pensions because their appeals happened to have been heard before certain legal pronouncements on the interpretation of the royal warrant had been made.,,29 neither did the legion confine itself to political activity, for it prepared a "mass attack" by placing seventy-three representative applications for leave to appeal out of time in denning's list.3o by unexpectedly setting these applications down for july 11th, denning denied the government any breathing space and seems also to have made it clear that he could not be relied upon to follow richardson.31 so to head off the "disaster" that an adverse decision threatened, the government had to come to terms with the british legion, the applications being adjourned while a compromise was negotiated.32 the terms ofthe bargain were that all of these cases would be reviewed by the ministry and claimants who were again rejected might take their case to a "special review tribunal", constituted like an appeal tribunal, but with members of the highest calibre that could be procured. although both sides might bring fresh evidence as it would be a hearing de novo, there would be no appeal from the srt's decision.33 here, then, the mere threat of a denning judgment sufficed to wring a significant concession from the government. as denning remarked in a later case, "this reserve power has often proved a decisive force in obtaining for servicemen their rights.,,34 nevertheless, denning knew the goverment's manoeuvre was designed to prevent him from delivering a highly inconvenient ruling and when he held, in brain and wilkes v. minister of pensions,35 that a tribunal erred in law when it decided against the claimant only by a majority, and thereby re-created the 26. pro lco 2/3711: nole of meeting, may 1946. 27. [1946] 1 k.b. 345. 28. see especially pari. debs. 1945-6 (5th series) h. of c., vo1.422, cols.1633-44. 29. pro lco 2/3711: w. paling to lord chancellor, 16 july 1946. 30. pro lco 2/3711: daily mirror, 12 june 1946. 31. [1945] s.c. 363. 32. supra, n.29. 33. this was announced in the commons on 25 july: pari. debs. 1945-6 (5th series) h. ofc., vo1.426, co1.2023. it was estimated that about 5,000 cases might go before the srts. 34. james v. millisler oj peilsioils [1947] 1 k.b. 867, at p.871. 35. [1947] 1 k.b. 625. 101 the denning law journal situation brought about by moxon and starr (albeit on a much smaller scale some eighty cases), the matter was taken to the social services committee of the cabinet, which accepted the lord chancellor's view that no concession to popular opinion should be made. the attorney-general duly repeated the orthodox view of the law, yet a few months later he was forced to admit that this view was mistaken. mrs james's husband had died of hodgkin's disease and in september, 1946 a tribunal had pronounced it not attributable to his war service. in november, a differently constituted tribunal held, in donovan v. ministry of pensions,37 that a hodgkin's disease case was attributable to war service. mrs james was refused leave to appeal out of time and applied to the judge.38 for the ministry, the attorney-general and harold parker qc argued that the scottish cases of richardson and whit?9 should be followed, that rsc order 55 r2(1)4o governing applications for leave to appeal out of time in the king's bench, was prohibitive and precluded this application, and that the question at issue in the case was one of fact not law. denning rejected each of the arguments, holding the rsc on this question to be directory, not prohibitive; it was not ousted by the pensions appeal tribunals act and the rules made under that act did not bind the judge,41so that he had the power to grant the application in an appropriate case. since the court of session's expectation that the president would grant leave whenever it was just to do so had been falsified by experience, especially by the refusals which had obliged the government to establish the srt's, then this was such a case.42 this was disingenuous, for cooper lj-c had made it abundantly clear that he did not consider injustice would be done simply because an interpretation of the law more favourable to the claimant was given after his own time for appealing had lapsed.43 for denning, however, "the circumstances of pension appeals differ ... from ordinary litigation. the serviceman usually appears in person, or is helped by a british legion representative. the minister appears by one of his officers who is not a lawyer ... the circumstances are altogether different from ordinary litigation where it is the duty of the party, and not the court, to raise any point of law on which he relies.,,44 moreover, "it is inevitable that in a field where the law has had to be declared and developed so rapidly, there should be occasional 36. pro lco 2/3714: memorandum to social services committee, june 1947 and minutes of meeting 55[47] 4th meeting, 25 june. 37. 1 w.p.a.r. 609. 38. [1947] 1 k.b. 867. for the decision to employ the attorney-general in this case see pro lco 2/3714: r.rieu to lord chancellor, 3 july 1947. 39. [1945] s.c. 363; 2 w.p.a.r. 483. 40. "an appeal to the nominated judge for leave to appeal shall not be made unless an application has been made to the tribunal and has been refused." 4\. [1947] i k.b. 867, at pp.869-70. 42. ibid., at p.8n. 43. [1945] s.c. 363, at p.368. 44. ibid., at p.873. 102 the uses of power errors." accordingly, he proclaimed that "the doctrine of stare decisis does not apply in its full rigour to this branch of the law.,,45 the second point, that in the absence of a hierarchy of appeals an erroneous judgment can only be cured by legislation if it has to be followed to the letter, is the stronger. the other seems plausible but becomes unconvincing when it is recalled that the "point of law" in question is really the one about the sufficiency of evidence which claimants regularly did take, and that the british legion advisers were in most cases at least as expert and alive to the possibility of an error oflaw of this kind as the average lawyer in a county court or magistrates' court. after james, the president of the pats told the lord chancellor's office that he would automatically grant leave out of time where the request was based on the impact of a later judgment.46 however, denning had still not finished widening his net, and now had the "unappealable" srt's in his sights. mrs gillibrand's claim had been rejected by a tribunal back in september, 1944, and was again turned down by the ministry on review, but this widow refused to take it to an srt; instead, following james,47 she sought leave to appeal out of time against the original decision and found denning predictably sympathetic.48 he agreed that her case should be remitted to a pat for "from any decision of that tribunal mrs gillibrand will have a right of recourse to this court. she shall not be forced to go before a tribunal from which there is no appeal. i am glad to have the assurances of the ministry that there will be no delay. she has waited for justice long enough.,,49 the tone of this pronouncement, familiar to connoisseurs of the later denning style, is somewhat at odds with the circumstances of the case, but it is clear that the exclusion of appeals from the srt's rankled with him. 50 he soon received an unexpected opportunity to bring even the sr ts under his control. the legion had kept its part of the bargain, but a mr revely, advised by the r.a.f. association, disregarded the understanding and, having been turned down by the ministry (twice), by a pat (in june, 1944) and by an srt, applied out of time for leave to appeal against the original pat decision.51 using his own decisions in james and gillibrand,52 denning explained that a "pre-moxon,,53 45. ibid., at p.872. 46. pro lco 2/3714: g. p. coldstream to sir a. napier, 9 september 1947. 47. [1947] i k.b. 867. 48. [1947] w.n. 320; i w.p.a.r. 1039. 49. i w.p.a.r. 1039, at p.1054. 50. it is evident from the tributes which denning and counsel for the british legion paid to the srts that it was not the actual quality of their decisions which concerned him: reve/y v. m il/isler of peplsiolis 3 w.p.a.r. 1573, at pp.1581, 1583. 51. 3 w.p.a.r. 1573. the reve/y case is complicated. his original appeal was allowed as to aggravation only and he did not appeal, but when his pension was stopped on a finding that the aggravation had passed away, he appealed against that decision. he was able to go to a srt on the original decision, but could not now appeal against it to the judge (woodrow v. mil/isler of peplsiolls i w.p.a.r. 659). 52. [1947] 1 k.b. 867; i w.p.a.r. 1039. 53. [1945] i k.b. 490. 103 the denning law journal claimant now had two choices and that "continuance of this dual system is very undesirable".54 afthe three reasons he gave the important one was plainly that the srts might decide points of law incorrectly and uncorrectably. he therefore seized the opportunity to work out with counsel for the various parties a rather complicated procedure whereby he would effectively (though not in form) create an appeal against the decision of an srt.55 george coldstream summarised the effects as follows: "we have now arrived at this situation: there is a statutory right of appeal to the nominated judge of the high court from a decision of the statutory tribunals and it seems that denning j will allow it to be exercised no matter what the date of the decision may have been and notwithstanding that the claimant has availed himself of the machinery of the srts. the very existence of the srts is based on the supposition that in cases rejected by the statutory tribunals before 31.7.1946, it is impossible for the claimant to get to the high court. on this hypothesis, one of the main reasons for setting up the srt procedures, disappeared. as a matter of practical effect, the new situation simply means that the claimant has a double review by the minister of pensions and a double appeal to a pat. ,,56 2. law and facts as for the restriction of the right of appeal to points of law, lord denning has taken a prominent part in "the incessant conversion of questions of fact into questions of law,,57 which has become such a feature of judicial practice. he playfully alluded to this technique in a lecture in 197758as one of the means used in policing administrative and quasi-judicial decision makers, but the boundary between the two is in any case notoriously difficult to draw with precision. 59some questions clearly fell to be regarded as points of law; such were the definitions of "war risk injury" and "war service injury" in the schemes for compensating civilians,where there was a useful body of case law from workmen's compensation to draw upon.60 but the floodgate which denning flung wide, and through which the british legion channelled a torrent of appeals, was the requirement that the tribunal should limit its deliberations to, and base its decision solely upon, evidence which was logically probative. 54. 3 w.p.a.r. 1573, at p.1581. 55. ibid., at pp.l582-84. the first such "appeal" vlllsell v. minister ojpensions) is reported at [1948] 2 all e.r. 789. 56. pro lco 2/3728: coldstream to attorney-general, 12 august 1948. the president of the srts (sir henry braund) declared that these decisions made them redundant, but after discussions, they were continued and denning's circuitous "appeal" procedure was simplified: pro lco 2/3712, 3715, 3716; swal/ v. mil/ister oj pensio1ls4 w.p.a.r. 387. 57. a.w.b. simpson in lord dem/irlg: the judge and the law, supra n.l, at paso. for a general account see s.a. de smith, judicial review of administrative action 3rd ed. (1973), pp.iii-20. 58. see justice, lord dennil/g and the c01lstitutioll,supra n.l, at p.163. 59. a point made by denning when criticising a tribunal for not giving assistance to a claimant in formulating her application for leave to appeal: lee v. minister of pe1lsions(no.2) 3 w.p.a.r. 1901. 60. examples are ex p. haines [1945] k.b. 183; re saffell [1946] i k.b. 259. 104 the uses of power this was the rule laid down by tucker j in moxon v. minister of pensions61 and confirmed in starr, nuttall and bourne v. minister of pensions62 and once the ministry amended its original practice, it was seldom that there was no medical evidence at all against the claim. it was vainly argued in scottish cases that medical questions were to be regarded purely as questions of fact and not susceptible to appeal,63 and denning soon gave notice that he was very willing to subject the medical evidence to detailed examination. the implications were lost neither on the government nor on the servicemen's organisations which assisted claimants. coldstream observed that "in his judgment in starr and nuttall ... denning j laid down as the test that the claim must be negatived by evidence . .. it seems, however, at any rate in the learned judge's view, to open up as a matter oflaw ... the question whether there was any evidence at all. rowing and forster64 are illustrations of this development. on this basis, every case might be appealable to the high court, and the limitation of appeals to points of law would cease to have any meaning." he predicted that the "microscopic attention paid to the precise words used by the doctor ... will inevitably mean slowing up of the machine" and that there would be a "flood of appeals to the high court".65 both predictions were fulfilled to some extent. some chairmen of tribunals, and especially the president (a. b. ashby), confronted with numerous notices of appeal couched in such general terms as "there was not sufficient evidence on which the tribunal could have found against . the claimant", sought to hinder appellants by requiring, in effect, "further and better particulars" under rule 25 in order to prepare the statement of case for the judge66 but denning took a dim view of such practices, insisting that the overriding terms of rule 11 should be given effect.67 with such encouragement the appeal in very general terms became commonplace,68 although in cases where the ministry had conceded, or the tribunal found, "aggravation" but not "attributability", it was varied to a claim that the evidence supporting one necessarily proved the other as well.69\¥hat kept the number of appeals down was the practice of the british legion in only promoting those which seemed to have a reasonable chance of success, rather than the formal restriction to questions of law. 61. [1945] i k.b. 490. 62. [1946] i k.b. 345. 63. brown v.ministerofpmsions [1946] s.c. 471; t. broum v.millister ofpmsiolls 2 w.p.a.r. 577; paul v. minister of pmsiolls 2 w.p.a.r. 633. 64. [1946] i all e.r. 664; i w.p.a.r. 145. 65. pro leo 2/3711: memorandum of i may 1946. 66. port v. minister of pmsiolls 3 w.p.a.r. 1491. 67. lee v. minister of pensions (no.2) 3 w.p.a.r. 1901. "it shall be the duty of the tribunal to assist any appellant who appears to them to be unable to make the best of his case" (r.ii(3». 68. stockwej/ v. minister of pensions i w.p.a.r. 189. 69. e.g., boll, baker and mcdermoll v. minister of pet/siol/s 3 w.p.a.r. 2167. 105 the denning law journal denning's determin,ation to keep the route to the high court open to all claimants led him to demolish all obstacles, whether embodied formally in rules or pleaded as administrative inconvenience.7o he was more than willing to pay the price of a greatly increased workload, and showed none of the concern at the proliferation of appeals that he later displayed to the detriment of other claimants to state provision.71 only one group of claimants failed to bring themselves within his jurisdiction. in gates v. ministry of pensions, 72 he rejected a widow's claim that it extended to appeals from tribunal decisions under the great war legislation. denning agreed that the body of the 1943 act did not expressly confine it to the later war, but the long title did and recent (unspecified) authorities showed that he might use that as an aid to interpretation. denning's successor, ormerod j, was even able to extend the scope of the appeal a little further. in stephens v. ministry ofpensions,73 against unusually strong opposition from counsel for the ministry, he held that in an exceptional case he might re-hear and grant an application for leave to appeal out of time which he had previously refused. in doing so he was acting on a suggestion of morton lj in ex p. aronsohn74 that this might be done where crucial new evidence had come to light. the steady flow of appeals which these decisions encouraged enabled denning to impose on the tribunals his conception of their practice and procedure. settling the practice of tribunals 1. the dethronement of the medical member in all his pension appeals, it is doubtful whether denning gave a more important judgment than he did on his very first day in starr, nuttall and bourne v. ministry of pensions.75 these were test cases arranged by the ministry of pensions in the hope that the new judge could be persuaded to adopt a less inconvenient approach than his predecessor, whose decision in moxon v. minister of pension/6 had dismayed and disconcerted those responsible for the operation of the tribunals. despite the significant changes made by the royal warrant and the revised bill, the tribunals, taking their lead from their president, conducted their proceedings in much the same way as under the earlier legislation and warrants. the informality stressed by ministers in parliament was given recognition in their own rules, which expressly empowered them to take notice of facts not admissible in a 70. in addition to those mentioned, see also bell v. minister of pet/siom i w.p.a.r. 965, dealing with difficulties where the claimant died before the hearing. 71. r. v. preston supplemelliary bet/ejit appeals tribunal, ex. p. moore [1975] i w.l.r. 624. this was, however, an application for certiorari. 72. 3 w.p.a.r. 2055. 73. 4 w.p.a.r. 985. 74. [1946] 2 all e.r. 544. this was the only attempt to challenge one of denning's decisions in the court of appeal. the court held that it had no power to review his refusal to grant leave to appeal out of time. 75. [1946] 1 k.b. 345. 76. [1945] k.b. 490. pro lco 2/3711: coldstream's memorandum, i may 1946. 106 the uses of power court of law.77 they believed themselves able "to take judicial notice of ejl"pert medical opinion",78 whether it was (1) submitted by an independent medical specialist, to whom they were authorised to refer "difficult medical questions"; 79 (2) furnished as a signed statement by a medical practitioner and properly put in by the claimant or the minister; (3) recited in the minister's statement of reasons for rejecting the claim; or (4) given by the medically qualified member of the tribunal himself, either at the hearing or during its subsequent deliberations. neither of the last two sources came within tucker j's definition of the evidence required by s.4 of the act: "it is, i think, of the essence of "evidence", according to english ideas, when used with reference to judicial or quasi-judicial ideas, that it should consist of oral statements or documents in writing which are made in the presence or communicated to both parties before the tribunal reaches its decision ... information communicated by the medical member to his colleagues during their deliberations does not fulfil these requirements and cannot, in my opinion, be relied upon as evidence ... ,,80 the proper role of the medical member was crucial to the way in which the tribunals operated and in taylor v. minister of pensions81 the ministry pressed the court of session to pronounce on this wider issue.82 cooper l]-c, with whom lords stevenson and patrick concurred, agreed that it would be illegitimate for the medical member to introduce new medical "facts" without an adjournment or a reference but held that it was in order for him to advise and instruct his colleagues on what the accepted view was on any matter of medicine. their approach to the statute was more purposive than tucker's: "it is legitimate to infer, with the experience of the workmen's compensation act in mind, that in providing for a medical member, parliament desired, as far as possible to prevent cases of this type from developing into costly contests between arrays of expert witnesses.,,83 the medical member must be more than an "animated lexicon" and need not "keep his professional knowledge and experience locked up in his breast.,,84 this was much more satisfactory to the ministry, and they contended that denning should prefer taylor to moxon.8s 77. pensions appeal tribunals (england and wales) rules 1943 (no.1757/l39), especially r.12/5; pari. debs. 1942-3 (5th series) h. of c., vo1.390, co1.l209 (attorney-general). 78. pro lco 2/3711: memorandum of i may 1946. 79. r.15. 80. moxoll v. millisler of pensions [1945]1 k.b. 490, at p.50!. 81. [1946] s.c. 99. 82. the court of session's earlier decision in brazierv. minister ofpellsiolls [1945] s.c. 359 was made shortly after, and in ignorance of, moxon and took a less strict view. 83. [1946j s.c. 99, at p.108. 84. ibid.. 85. [1946] s.c. 99; [1945]1 k.b. 490. 107 the denning law journal denning, however, firmly supported tucker's judgment. even if the medical member wanted to put his expert opinion forward as "evidence", he might not do so since the rules precluded him from being cross-examined, which was an essential feature of oral evidence.86 denning pronounced that "the function of the medical member, like that of the other members, is judicial. it is not to supply evidence, but to adjudicate on the evidence";87 and that sums up the english judges' view of the tribunals, that they should base themselves on the judicial model, weighing the evidence provided by the parties without supplementing it from their own expertise. just how strange and unpopular this conception was with the tribunals only becomes apparent from the response of their president and chairmen to denning's judgment. the chairmen memorialised the government, demanding legislation either to permit the medical member to "give evidence" or, failing that, to convert both him and the service member into assessors,88 while the tone of ashby's memoranda grew positively hysterical. it is clear that both he and the chairmen completely failed to grasp the essential changes that had been made in the terms under which they operated and had no conception that their proceedings could be seen as unfair to the claimant. his confident assertion that "tribunals ... had alwaysworked in that way quite smoothly, efficiently and justly ever since they were first started" was too much for coldstream, who retorted that "it seems to me that it is impossible for the tribunals to go on as they have been doing for the last 25 years it was certainly not schuster's intention that they should act now as they acted between 1920 and 1943."89 despite their predictions of chaos, the tribunals found that they could accommodate themselves to the more judicial manner of proceeding which was now required of them. there were, of course, longer delays, more adjournments and references,90 while the ministry of pensions warned that their representatives "would have to be instructed to adopt a more pugnacious attitude than in the past,,;9i in short, proceedings would come to resemble more closely those in a court of law. "the lord chancellor recognised that these results could not be avoided, but both he and the attorney-general did not consider them to be unduly serious and they agreed moreover that the judgments of denning j were probably correct . . .".92 the "dethronement of the medical member,,93 was underlined in further judgments which denied that he might give advice to the tribunal based on his 86. [1946] 1 k.b. 345, at p.353. 87. ibid., at p.l07. 88. pro lco 2/3711: a. 8. ashby, "memorandum no.2", 11 june 1946. 89. ibid.; pro lco 2/3711: coldstream to ashby, 18 june 1946. 90. predicted in coldstream's memorandum, supra n.78. in parliament, court rulings were given as the reason for delays: pari. debs. 1946-47 (5th series) h. of c., vo1.430, cols.1398-99. 91. lco 2/3711: minute of meeting, may 1946. 92. ibid.. 93. colpstream's phrase, supra n.78. 108 the uses of power observation of the claimant at the hearing or utilise medical opinion which had not been put before the tribunal, and in which even the inference that he might have gone outside his judicial role was sufficient to make the decision bad.94 the tribunal, then, was to model its deliberations on those of a court, assuming a judicial stance rather than an inquisitorial one and only seeking to interpret the 'evidence' before it. it was not limited to evidence understood by the courts, but it is not surprising, in view of the english judges' insistence on imposing the judicial model, that the tribunals sometimes erred in excluding material which satisfied the "logically probative" test. 95 denning, indeed, was anxious that they should have before them as much material, particularly of a medical nature, as necessary, in order to fill the gap left by eliminating the evidence-providing function of the medical member. to this end he actively encouraged them to resort to independent medical specialists whenever it might be useful to them or advantageous to the claimant,96 even holding that if the claimant produced a specialist's report more favourable to his claim than that of the ims, the latter should be sent a copy and given an opportunity to reconsider his own opinion.97 likewise, both denning and the court of session insisted that the ministry's statement, the basic record of the claimant's military service and medical history, must be full, detailed and not selective.98 moreover, although the rules governing evidence might be less strict, the procedural safeguards for the claimant must be maintained in their full rigour: he must have an opportunity to see or hear and deal with all the evidence and to put in evidence contradicting it,99 although his failure to provide evidence on relevant matters might legitimately form the basis for unfavourable inferences. i in order for him to be able to deal with medical evidence, it must, therefore, be couched in a form intelligible to a layman and not made too cryptic or technical. 2 94. birt v. minister of pensions 1 w.p.a.r. 151; forster v. millister of pensions 1 w.p.a.r. 145; hurst v. minister of pensiolls 1 w.p.a.r. 525; heyward v. minister of pmsions 1 w.p.a.r. 557. 95. xy v. minister of pensions [1947] 1 all e.r. 38 (proceedings of military court of enquiry); baxter v. minister of pensions 1 w.p.a.r. 1203 (claimant's medical certificates); dolllwan v. minister of pensions 1 w.p.a.r. 609 (medical textbooks). 96. this practice was clearly in evidence by may, 1947: see pro lco 2/3709: belfray (rc]) to sir a. napier 13 may 1947. 97. harris v. minister of pellsions 4 w.p.a.r. 73. the ims should see all the medical evidence from both sides (fitzhugh v. minister ofpensiolls 4 w.p.a.r. 101) and the terms of the request to him should also be made available to the parties (houlicall v. millister of pmsiolls 3 w.p.a.r. 1355). 98. chairmen complained of the ministry's selectivity and editing: pro lco 2/3707. the court of session criticised this tendency in findlay v. minister of pmsiolls [1947] s.c. 589. 99. birt v. millister of pmsiolls 1 w.p.a.r. 141. in fox v. minister of pensiolls i w.p.a.r. 459 a sick claimant who had dictated her evidence at home was held entitled to have an opportunity to sec and check thc version put before the tribunal. 1. childs v. minister of pensions 1 w.p.a.r. 679;hulli v. millister of pmsiolls 1 w.p.a.r. 1093. 2. thompson v. minister ofpmsions 1 w.p.a.r. 479; salter v. millister ofpmsions 1 w.p.a.r. 1195. as the franks commission recognised, there were limits to this: cmnd 218 of 1957, para. 222. 109 the denning law journal 2. the burden ofproof upon this material the tribunals must form their opinion, but here again it was insisted that they must work, as the courts did, within a framework of burdens and presumptions. the warrant explicitly stated that "in no case shall there be an onus on any claimant under this our warrant to prove the fulfilment of the conditions [for entitlement to a pension] and the benefit of any reasonable doubt shall be given to the claimant" (article 4(2». moreover, by article 4(3) "where an injury or disease which has led to a member's discharge or death during war service was not noted in a medical report made on that member on the commencement of his war service, a certificate [of entitlement] shall be given unless the evidence shows that the conditions ... are not fulfilled." although, as edmund davies] later put it, "the task of interpreting article 4(2) has been bedevilled by the presence of article 4(3)",3 judges had no doubt that article 4 wrought a fundamental change by shifting the onus onto the ministry to disprove the claim. however, perhaps because the warrant did not expressly reverse the onus, at least some tribunal chairmen, and the ministry of pensions, did not fully appreciate its significance. they were given a ride awakening in the first reported case, lroingv. ministry ofpensions,4 in which cooper l]-c, speaking obiter and without hearing argument, not only insisted that in every disputed fact the onus must be on one party or the other, but also remarked that the phrase, 'any reasonable doubt' seemed to place the tribunal in the position of a jury in a criminal trial. the point was fully argued and his view approved in mitchell,5 while in england tucker ] insisted on the importance of the change in onus and approved the scottish decisions, which interpreted "doubt" in article 4(2) as meaning "a reasonable doubt, and not a strained or fanciful acceptance of remote possibilities.,,6 moxon was cited in starr,7 where denning considered the question of onus in some detail. he was particularly well qualified to do so at that time, having recently published an article entitled, "presumptions and burdens",8 which argued for a new classification of presumptions as "provisional", "compelling" and "conclusive", and of burdens into "legal", "provisional" and "ultimate" as a way out of the confusion into which he felt english judges had fallen. in starr, denning held that the minister's function was "quasi-judicial. he may be able to come to a determinate conclusion without reasonable doubt, but if the evidence leaves him in reasonable doubt, then the claimant must be given the benefit of the doubt. that means that he must not decide against the claimant on a 3. judd v. millisler of pensiolisalld naliol/allllsurallce [1965] 3 all e.r. 642, at p.648. 4. [1945] s.c. 21 5. [1946] s.c. 131. 6. moxoll v. mil/isler of pmsiolls [1945] 1 k.b. 490, quoting cooper lj-c in lroillg v. millister of pf1lsiolls [1945] s.c. 21, at p.29. 7. [1946] 1 k.b. 345. 8. (1945) 61 l.qr. 379. 110 the uses of power mere balance of probabilities ... there must be a real preponderance of probability against him such as to exclude reasonable doubt.,,9 he also considered the meaning of article 4(3), which raised a "compelling presumption ... which takes the place of evidence." the distinction between claims made with the benefit of 4(3) and others was that "in order to defeat a claimant, in cases under article 4(2), the evidence against him must overthrow any evidence in his favour, whereas, in cases under article 4(3), it must also overthrow the presumption in his favour."jo even outside article 4(3) a "provisional presumption" might arise in the claimant's favour. in rowingv. minister of pens ions i 1 denning said that "if a man is accepted for service in a certain medical category there is a presumption that at the time of his acceptance he was fit for the kind of service demanded of a man in that category; and in the event of his discharge subsequently on medical grounds due to deterioration in his health, there is a presumption that the deterioration was due to his service." this was wrongly interpreted in some quarters as endorsing the slogan "fit for service, fit for pension".12 it was generally assumed, on the basis of those decisions, that the "real preponderance of probability" test was the same as in criminal cases, but subsequently, in miller v. minister of pensions, 13 denning appeared to resile from that position. after expounding "with classical clarity,,14 the criminal standard demanded in article 4(3) cases, he held that other cases "must be decided in favour of the man unless the evidence against him reaches the same degree of cogency as is required to discharge the burden in a civil case.,,15 this ignored the decision in irving,16 which was directly in point, and reduced the "real preponderance of probabilities such as to exclude reasonable doubt" to a much lower level. miller was followed by ormerod j17 and relied upon by the ministry, but ironically (in view of denning's special academic interest in this area), became his only pensions decision to be expressly departed from by a nominated judge. black lj, in a northern ireland case, 18was able to distinguish miller, but edmund davies j, in a full and careful judgment in judd v. minister of pens ions and national insurance,19 preferred black's reasoning that where the draftsman incorporates a phrase ("reasonable doubt") which is known to have a recognised legal meaning, it should be assumed that parliament intends it to be given that meaning; he therefore re-established the higher standard of proof for all cases under the 9. [1946] 1 k.b. 345, at pp.350-51. 10. ibid., at p. 351. 11. [1946] 1 all e.r. 664, at p.665. 12. pari. debs. 1945-6 (5th series) h. of c., vo1.421, eols.2077-82. 13. [1947] 2 all e. r. 372. 14. per edmund davies j in judd v. minisler of pensions and n l. [1965] 3 all e.r. 642, at p.649. 15. [1947] 2 all e.r. 372, at p.374. 16. [1945] s.c. 21. 17. oliver v. millisler ofpmsions 5 w.p.a.r. 153. 18. minisler of pensions v. greer [1958] n.j. 156. 19. [1965] 3 all e.r. 642. 111 the denning law journal pension warrants. it is possible that denning's apparent change of mind on this issue is explained by the context of miller, which was one of the "unknown aetiology" cases which gave the tribunals their greatest difficulty. 20 3. unanimity in decisions denning's rule in brain and wilkes v. ministry ofpensions,21 that a tribunal must be unanimous in rejecting the claimant's appeal, has also attracted unfavourable judicial comment. in brain and wilkes, as in three cases which had earlier been considered together by the court of session, the chairman dissented from the lay members who found against the claimant. the court of session clearly wished to discourage such an outcome without feeling able to go so far as to hold it wrongful: "without affirming that it is incompetent for a tribunal to decide by a majority, it appears to us that, when the question is the sufficiency of evidence to discharge such an onus, and when an express injunction has been laid upon the tribunal to give the claimant the benefit of any reasonable doubt, only the most powerful considerations can justify the medical and service members in outvoting the legal chairman ... ".22 denning went further. with characteristic boldness and without drawing on precedent he sketched an elegant overview of the position. starting from the proposition that "the rule whereby decisions are reached according to a majority vote is firmly established in all cases where one body alone is competent to reach a decision", he pointed out that because of the high risk of error ("it is almost as likely to be wrong as it is to be right"),23 the law has devised two methods of avoiding or reducing the risk. one is to give a right of appeal (as from magistrates to quarter sessions), the other is to require unanimity, or in default are-hearing before a differently composed body. the latter, exemplified by jury trials, is the one appropriate to pension tribunals, where an appeal lies only on points of law. because of the way judges direct juries, however, ("the commonsense way in which the rule as to unanimity is applied")24 re-trials are very rare. the contrast between denning's style of judgment in brain, and that adopted by lord parker cj in picea holdings v. london rent panet25 and by the court of appeal of new zealand in atkinson v. brown26 is instructive. both took as their starting point the old case of grundy v. barker (1798)27 in which eyre cj had found a well established rule that in public matters majority decisions were the rule, subject to contrary provision in the governing statute. neither liked denning's analogy with the jury which, indeed, seems hardly to fit comfortably a tribunal with specialist 20. [1947] 2 all e.r. 372. 21. [1947j 1 k.8. 625. 22. brown v. minister oj pensiom [1946] s.c. 471, per cooper lj-c at p.476. z:5. ll accessed july 2017. 45 as noted by simester and von hirsch in crimes, harms, and wrongs (n 1) 118 and ‘on the legitimate objectives of criminalisation’ (n 41) 376. public goods and criminalisation 86 autonomous lives, that supplies a justification that engages directly with these facts. it is also worth remembering the overarching benefits of public goods noted under section 2, because such benefits are a key reason why public goods are valuable and thereby worthy of protection. in particular, these overarching benefits give rise to what raz has termed the quality of dual harmony, whereby protecting the valuable autonomy of the individual creates the common good, and, in return, the common good, brings additional benefits to the individual.46 raz explains dual harmony as follows: …to the extent that the rightholder's interest is given extra weight for reasons of the common good, these reasons are not altogether detachable from considerations of the rightholder's own interest. the common good is the good of all, including the good of the rightholder. by serving the common good, the right also serves the interest of the rightholder in that common good. there is here what i have called elsewhere a dual harmony between the interest of the rightholder and the interest of other people which is served by his right. the right protects the common good by protecting his interest, and it protects his interest by protecting the common good.47 an example of dual harmony was touched upon in section 2, when the overarching benefits of the public good of the property regime were described. the systematic protection of the individual and shared goods of ownership and contract creates the public good of the property regime, the existence of which, not least through its capacity for wealth creation, benefits the individual in return. it is this dual harmony of public goods that is also an integral part of justifying the expensive, autonomy impacting form of coercion known as the criminal law. 4. the pga and desideratum 2 desideratum 2 (‘d2’) means d1’s evaluative framework includes a commitment to a coherent and defensible account of the criminal law as morally censorious.48 at the heart of d2 is the notion that the criminal law 46 for an explanation of dual harmony, see raz’s ethics in the public domain (n 3) 53-55. 47 raz, ‘rights and politics’ (n 5) 39. 48 of course, if a theorist rejects a distinct account of the criminal law, d2 is an irrelevancy. the denning law journal 87 condemns the behaviour it criminalises: a theory’s success in satisfying this desideratum will therefore depend on the coherence and defensibility of the condemnation it articulates. it also means the theory must not only condemn the wrong but also the wrongdoer: it should therefore have some conception of the moral culpability of those convicted of criminal wrongs. this means it should give an account of attribution. attribution is concerned not with wrongdoing and justification, but rather with whether and how people are held to account for their (all things considered) wrongdoing.49 amongst other things, it addresses the nature and reach of excusatory and exempting defences such as loss of control and insanity.50 a conception of the criminal law as condemning both wrong and wrongdoer offers a distinctive account of such law in two ways.51 first, it seeks to distinguish the criminal law from those forms of legal regulation that are not censorious in nature, for example those associated with corrective justice, such as tort, or distributive justice, such as taxation. second, and more crucially for the purposes of this article, it may be contrasted with non-distinctive accounts of the criminal law itself, which lack the element of moral censure. the difference between distinctive accounts and non-distinctive ones is one of degree. at one end of the spectrum are purely distinctive accounts, which propose no other goal for the criminal law than the moral 49 john gardner describes these elements of the criminal law as addressing “whether and how we should count what people have done when we are judging them.” gardner, ‘criminal law and the uses of theory: a reply to laing’ (1994) 14 ojls 217, 220. see also duff, ‘harms and wrongs’ (2001) 5 buffalo criminal law review 13, 19. 50 thus, a theory of criminalisation embraces all those elements that govern the possibility, and nature, of conviction. this article agrees with simester and von hirsch that the grounds of criminalisation need not perfectly match those of punishment: see crimes, harms, and wrongs: on the principles of criminalisation (n 1) 8. see also jr edwards and simester, ‘prevention with a moral voice’ in a du bois pedain and u neuman (eds) liberal criminal law theory: essays for andreas von hirsch (hart publishing 2016) 43, 47: “there is no reason to think that the legitimate aims of criminalisation and punishment must be identical.” 51 for a summary of the nature of a distinctive account of the criminal law, see m matravers, ‘political neutrality and punishment’ (2013) 7 criminal law and philosophy 217, 219-223. see also a cornford ‘rethinking the wrongness constraint on criminalisation’ (2017) law and philosophy 1, 2-3 and p pettit, ‘criminalization in republican theory’ in duff, farmer, marshall, renzo and tadros (eds), criminalization: the political morality of the criminal law (n 22) 132, 135. public goods and criminalisation 88 condemnation of those who commit crimes.52 such theories reject any deterrent and preventative role for the criminal law.53 at the other end of the spectrum, purely non-distinctive accounts reject concern with moral condemnation. purely non-distinctive accounts are characterised by two aspirations: first, to conceive of the criminal wrong in as morally parsimonious fashion as possible, for example that behaviour is criminally wrongful simply because it is harmful or autonomy reducing; second, to see the criminal law is nothing more than a regulatory tool designed to reduce offending through the provision of prudential reasons to comply, in the form of fear of conviction and punishment.54 and some accounts find 52 the legal moralism of moore and duff are examples of purely distinctive accounts. for moore, the purpose of the criminal law is to identify those who should receive ‘deserved’ punishment for moral wrongdoing: see his placing blame: a general theory of the criminal law (oup 1997) and ‘liberty’s constraints’ (n 43). for duff, the criminal law should be exclusively concerned with the communication of censure, both to the public at large and the criminal convicted, when public, as opposed to private, wrongs have been committed: “[w]e should not see the criminal law as prohibiting the conduct that it defines as mala in se—as offering the citizens content-independent reasons to refrain from such conduct. we should see it instead as declaring such conduct to constitute a public wrong properly condemned by the community, for which the agent is answerable to the community through a criminal process.” see his punishment, communication and community (oup 2001) 64. this approach is a central pillar of duff’s conception of the criminal law: see, e.g., answering for crime (n 27) 84-93 and ‘responsibility, citizenship, and criminal law’ in philosophical foundations of criminal law (n 14) 125, 129. for an excellent summary of duff’s philosophy, see m thorburn, ‘calling antony duff to account’ (2015) criminal law and philosophy 737. 53 duff’s rejection of deterrence flows from his commitment to the notion that the criminal law should display respect for persons, with the result that the provision of content independent reasons (the fear of sanction and punishment) is not a legitimate feature of the criminal law. matravers has stated that duff “… recoils at the slightest hint of deterrence”: see ‘duff on hard treatment’ in the jurisprudence of antony duff (n 42) 81. for an analysis of duff’s approach, see matravers, justice and punishment: the rationale of coercion (oup 2000) ch 9, ‘the moral community, justified coercion, and punishment’. see also thorburn, ibid 746. 54 a purely non-distinctive account is that of barbara wootton: see her crime and the criminal law: reflections of a magistrate and social scientist (2nd revised edn, steven & sons 1981). for a critique, see hla hart ‘review: crime and the criminal law’ (1965) 74 yale law journal 1325. see also matravers and arina cocoru ‘revisiting the hart/wootton debate on responsibility’ in christopher pullman (ed), hart on responsibility (palgrave macmillan 2014). the denning law journal 89 themselves somewhere in between these two extremes, mixing distinctive and non-distinctive elements.55 according to this article, the aspiration for a pure account is misplaced. contra purely distinctive accounts, the notion that the criminal law has no preventative role, does not seek a forward-looking goal of reducing offending by impacting on the practical reason of potential offenders, ignores the fact that, as we saw in the previous section, the coercive power of the state must do more than merely seek the vindication of moral values: it must impact on the lives of citizens in a positive way. on the other hand, purely non-distinctive accounts fail to engage with the fact that the criminal law is concerned with the preservation of valuable autonomy, and therefore should speak a moral language of some kind; that, amongst the various functions of law, a morally-loaded regulatory tool has its place.56 in demonstrating how the pga satisfies d2, this section will therefore show how it combines distinctive and nondistinctive elements. in order to offer a defensible account of d2, the distinctive element of a theory of criminalization must have two components: first, it must possess a morally fine-grained approach to criminal wrongs; second, it must articulate a condemnation of those wrongs. in order to understand why a defensible account of d2 requires the first component, it is necessary to examine, and more importantly reject, a theory of criminalisation that eschews a fine-grained approach to criminal wrongs, the public law account of malcolm thorburn (the ‘pla’).57 the pla’s justification of criminalisation embodies a constitutional conception of the state’s role with respect to the use of coercive and punitive force. such an approach begins with a constitutional conception of the state, and then finds a role for the criminal law within that conception.58 it sees the state’s fundamental responsibility as securing 55 as simester and von hirsch argue, where criminalisation is concerned … “… [t]he truth is, we think, somewhere in between.” (n 1) 4. see also t hornle, ‘theories of criminalization’ (2016) criminal law and philosophy 301, 302. 56 the expression ‘a morally-loaded regulatory tool’ is taken from simester and von hirsch crimes, harms, and wrongs: on the principles of criminalisation (n 1) 11. 57 set out in various works, including ‘punishment and public authority’ in p asp, a dubois-pedain and m ulvang (eds), criminal law and the authority of the state (bloomsbury 2017) 1; ‘constitutionalism and the limits of the criminal law’ in duff, farmer, marshall, renzo, and tadros (eds), the structures of criminal law (oup 2011) 85; and ‘criminal law as public law’ in duff and s green (eds), philosophical foundations of criminal law (n 14) 21. 58 ‘constitutionalism and the limits of the criminal law’ ibid 87-88. his argument is noted by ashworth and l zedner in ‘punishment paradigms and the public goods and criminalisation 90 each citizen’s equal freedom or autonomy, a responsibility that grounds its legitimacy.59 thorburn explains: unlike any private actor, the state claims to speak in the name of everyone’s claim of freedom equally. for this reason, the state is the unique instrumentality through which we may collectively ensure our freedom as independence. it speaks for us all together in setting down general laws that define the scope of everyone’s freedom in the same way, but it does not speak for anyone in particular—and so, in that way, the state’s actions are not to be confused with the partisan choices of some particular individuals. … in short, we act together with others through the instrumentality of the state in order to secure for all of us the conditions of freedom as independence.60 in turn, the criminal law addresses violations of such individual freedom by others, that is to say it is concerned with identifying those who deliberately impose their preferences on others, thereby suppressing their freedom: the ground of the liberal constitutional state’s legitimacy is the simple fact that it—and it alone—can provide the conditions of freedom for all. on this account, the role of the criminal law is to identify when individuals are attempting to supplant the law’s rules with their own preferred arrangements and to regulate the use of state power to resist such attempts.61 as such, the criminal law is conceived as maintaining, through its processes of condemnation and punishment, the equal freedom of all citizens. it is the characteristic of being a violation of the constitutional commitment to equal freedom that justifies the criminalisation of behaviour. again, thorburn explains: … the criminal law’s concern is with someone’s efforts to undermine the whole system of equal freedom itself. … criminal wrongs are those that demonstrate a willingness on the part of the role of the preventative state’ in simester, du bois pedain and neuman (eds) liberal criminal law theory: essays for andreas von hirsch (n 50) 3, 7-8. 59 thorburn also refers to this equal freedom as ‘jurisdiction’: ‘criminal law as public law’ (n 57) especially 31. 60 thorburn, ‘constitutionalism and the limits of the criminal law’ (n 57) 98. 61 ‘constitutionalism and the limits of the criminal law’ (n 57) 88. the denning law journal 91 offender to displace the legal rules themselves—they are concerned not merely with an injury to some specific rights claim, but to the very idea of living together under law rather than subject to the wishes of specific individuals.62 the above quotes reveal that the pla, like the pga, offers a theory of the criminal law embedded in, and thus justified by, a political theory of the state.63 as a justification for the use of the state’s coercive power, there is no denying that the pla’s political approach has much to offer the impartial liberal. this is because its conception of the criminal wrong as the violation of equal freedom is embedded in what those of a rawlsian inclination would consider a political value, rather than a comprehensive doctrine. this is then married to a rawlsian justification of the criminal law’s (coercive) power, the concrete realisation of that political value. at the same time, thorburn claims to offer a distinctive account of the criminal law, and thereby respect d2: thorburn states: “criminal justice is not just a policy instrument for sharing the costs of bringing about a social good; rather it is an instrument for identifying wrongdoers and censuring them as such.”64 such an approach is distinctive to the extent that the failure to treat your fellow citizen as free and equal can attract a moral condemnation of a certain kind. as pointed out by matravers: “to violate the demands of freedom and equality is, for the liberal, to do a substantive moral as well as political wrong.”65 however, the violation of equality is too generic a conception of the criminal wrong to do justice to the various mala in se that populate the criminal calendar; in order to understand why, it is helpful again to quote thorburn: … what makes all […] conduct wrongful for the purposes of the criminal law is that the offender has intentionally undermined the possibility of interacting with others as free choosers who are entitled to live under the terms of interaction set out by the law. he has done so by treating that person as a mere object who may 62 ‘constitutionalism and the limits of the criminal law" (n 57) 100. 63 thorburn, ‘criminal law as public law’ (n 57) 24: “… i propose a different way of justifying the practices of the criminal justice system—a position i call a ‘public law account’ of criminal justice. i call it a ‘public law’ account because it conceives of the operations of the criminal justice system, insofar as they are legitimate, as concerned with the basic question of public law: when the use of state power is legitimate.” 64 thorburn, ‘constitutionalism and the limits of the criminal law’ (n 57) 97. 65 matravers, ‘political neutrality and punishment’ (n 51) 221. public goods and criminalisation 92 be dealt with in whatever way he wishes. the wrong of rape—and of murder, assault, etc—is precisely the objectification of one person by another, but that objectification is of concern to the state because it is the state’s job to ensure the survival of the system that makes it possible for us all to interact on terms that preserve the status of us all as free and equal moral agents.66 it is the fact that thorburn equates the wrongs of murder, assault and rape that is precisely the weakness of his theory. though these criminal wrongs share the moral failure articulated by thorburn (and matravers), their moral ‘wrongness’ is far richer and more varied than the mere violation of equality: murder entails the complete extinction of another person, rape involves a demeaning and arguably horrific violation of sexual integrity,67 assault is a violation of bodily integrity. other criminal wrongs implicate further (in some cases central) human interests, for instance burglary is an invasion of the legally constructed but also morally meaningful interests in property and privacy. because the pla is blind to these differences, it has a flat and hence distorted sense of wrong done to the victim where these crimes are concerned. it is now appropriate to recall duff’s injunction above, that where crimes against individuals are concerned, “… what is central to the criminal wrongfulness of his action … is the wrong done to his victim.”68 the pla, with its exclusive concern with equality, is insufficiently fine-grained to acknowledge that wrongfulness properly. it is worth noting that legal moralism, in all its forms, has no difficulty satisfying d2. this is because the fundamental rationale of all forms of legal moralism is the notion that a core, though not necessarily exclusive, aim of the criminal law should be the condemnation of criminal wrongs in their capacity as moral wrongs. the differences between the different forms of moralism concern which parts of morality they see as relevant to the criminalisation decision and the principles that limit the reach of their moralism.69 but what unites them is highly nuanced and developed concern with the moral nature of criminal wrongs, especially against individuals, and commitment to the notion that a deeper understanding of those moral wrongs represents a deeper understanding of how, and why, the criminal law condemns them. thorburn might respond that this 66 thorburn, ‘constitutionalism and the limits of the criminal law’ (n 57) 102. 67 stanton-ife, ‘horrific crime’ in duff (eds), the boundaries of the criminal law (oup 2010) 138. 68 answering for crime (n 23). 69 where those limits are concerned, for gardner, it is harm; for duff, it is the quality of publicness; finally, for moore, it is certain restraining principles: see their works referred in this article. the denning law journal 93 concern with moral wrongs is a weakness of legal moralism, not a strength. my concern here is not whether he is wrong or right, but simply that anyone who takes d2 seriously cannot support the pla, given its flat and monochrome conception of criminal wrongs. the pga, however, shares legal moralism’s concern with the finegrained moral wrong against the individual. this articulacy flows from the fact that, as demonstrated under d1, all public goods have moral character, a moral character derived from their concern with the preservation of valuable autonomy. this concern enables a fine-grained approach to such male in se wrongs as murder and rape. it was also demonstrated under d1 how this concern with valuable autonomy articulates the moral wrongs that occur in the context of public crimes and explains, in a nuanced fashion, the criminal law’s concern with unjustified risk where its conception of recklessness is concerned. as such, the pga, unlike the pla, is sufficiently fine grained to articulate the moral nature of the various wrongs that populate the criminal calendar. however, does the notion of maintaining a public good commit the pga to a theory of the criminal law as a pure deterrent, offering only content independent (prudential) reasons, in the form of the fear of conviction and punishment, to observe its prohibitions? if so, despite often targeting moral wrongs as explained under d1, the pga will still fail d2, as there will be no element of condemnation, simply the brute fact of coercion. this would mean the pga would not articulate a condemnation of the moral wrongs it criminalises. the pga does not adopt such a reductive coercive conception of the criminal law, but instead integrates its concern with promoting public goods with the condemnation of the wrongs it criminalises. it does this by offering a dual ‘moral-practical’ account of the criminal law, an account that enables it to combine the distinctive and non-distinctive elements that, it was argued above, all theories of criminalization should possess.70 the article will now explain how. where condemnation is concerned, the pga conceives of the criminal law as an official articulation of the moral reasons against the criminal 70 hence simester and von hirsch’s phrase to describe the criminal law: a ‘morally-loaded regulatory tool’ (n 56). as such it offers a hybrid (or mixed) account of the justification of criminalisation. for summaries of hybrid accounts, see ashworth and zedner, ‘punishment paradigms and the role of the preventative state’ (n 58) 3, 5, thorburn, ‘punishment and public authority’ (n 57) 15 and a spena, ‘harmless rapes: a false problem for the harm principle’ (2010) diritto & questione publicche 497, 506-507. for a defence of a mixed theory of criminalisation, as opposed to punishment, see edwards and simester, ‘prevention with a moral voice’ (n 50). public goods and criminalisation 94 behaviour: consequently, conviction condemns those who were not persuaded by those moral reasons. this approach also accounts for the rules and principles of attribution, as such condemnation makes little sense without a concern with the questions of moral responsibility and culpability. according to the pga, however, the criminal law is also meant to impact on practical reason, with a view to preventing criminal behaviour. according to the pga, it does this, first, by officially highlighting, and hence communicating, the moral wrongfulness, the mala, of the wrongs it criminalises. however, this moral appeal is reinforced by a prudential disincentive, in the form of the fear of conviction and sanction, for those who may not hear, or hear as loudly as they should, the criminal law’s concern with the underlying first order reasons. the liberal view that the law should not concern itself with the moral character of citizens is therefore accorded some weight within this conception: if you comply with the requirements of the criminal law, the criminal law has no interest in why you have done so. the criminal law should be happy for us to comply for any reason, including the prudential reasons it supplies, because that is all that is required for creation and maintenance of public goods. however, the criminal law does more than highlight, and supplement with prudential reasons, the moral reasons to not commit the wrongs it criminalises. it also offers moral and prudential reasons to exclude the reasons in favour of criminal wrongdoing.71 this is because, according to the pga, excluding those reasons is necessary to ensure the behavioural consistency necessary to sustain public goods.72 this reason generates a moral obligation to pre-empt, namely that so doing provides the advantages made available to all by the creation and maintenance of 71 as such, it acts as an exclusionary reason, following raz’s conception of authority: see the morality of freedom (n 2) and ethics in the public domain (n 3). see also ‘the problem of authority: revisiting the service conception’ (2006) 90 minnesota law review 1003, 1022, where raz states that “... exclusionary reasons do not, of course, exclude relying on reasons for behaving in the same way as the directive requires … [but] … must … override our inclination to follow reasons on the losing side of the argument. hence the preemption excludes only reasons that conflict with the authority’s directive.” this must be correct: the criminal law should be entirely happy for us to refrain from acting upon the moral reasons against, say, murder or rape. but, contra duff (see n 52), it should also be satisfied if we observe its prohibitions for prudential reasons alone. 72 this exclusionary power is subject to a limited number of exceptions, when the criminal law deems that acting on certain contrary reasons justifies committing the criminal wrong. the principles governing self-defence are an example. the denning law journal 95 public goods, not least the highly valuable overarching benefits of public goods. but this is, once again, supplemented by a prudential incentive to exclude, the fear of conviction and sanction. to summarise, the pga offers a dual ‘moral-practical’ account of the criminal law. for those who already accord the proper moral weight to the criminal law’s underlying moral concerns, its existence is, in fact if not in design, superfluous, though it serves as a vital indication that the state shares concerns with certain values and goals. but the criminal law is bilingual: to those who do not feel the rational pull of the underlying reasons, or does not feel that pull as strongly as they ought to, it offers content-independent prudential reasons to comply with its directives and exclude countervailing concerns. however, a key challenge raised by duff is the notion that deterrence, the supply of prudential reasons in the form of the fear of prosecution, conviction and punishment, bypasses the moral agency of the person coerced. as a result, its use does not treat the person with the respect he deserves, but rather as an entity to be manipulated by the fear of conviction and punishment. duff believes this problem applies even when prudential reasons are combined with, or limited by concern with, the moral status of the agent.73 there are two elements to this criticism. first, that the supply of prudential reasons disrespects the moral agency of the individual coerced; second, that it treats the agent as a means to certain ends, those of individual and general deterrence. these two elements constitute powerful objections to prudential reasons and reasons of space prevent this article from doing them justice. the second is the most powerful, and this article will have something to say about it in the next section. the first is addressed by the fact that the pga does not conceive of the criminal law as an exercise in pure manipulation, but as a dual moral-practical form of persuasion. moral agents acknowledge the role of prudential reason in practical reasoning and organisation, because of moral fallibility.74 but importantly too, those prudential reasons, and the exclusionary effect of criminal prohibitions, are offered in the name of the public goods: as such, desistance is demanded not without appeal to a moral reason of a kind and not without articulating a benefit to the person coerced. the prudential disincentive is therefore offered in the name of maintaining the valuable autonomy of all citizens, and so engages meaningfully with the moral agency of persons. 73 see matravers, justice and punishment (n 53) 264. it is for this reason that duff suggests conceiving of the criminal law completely differently, as an exercise in the communication of censure: (n 52). 74 matravers makes this very point: see the jurisprudence of antony duff (n 42) 82. public goods and criminalisation 96 to express the idea another way, citizens engage with prudential reasons as part of an overall scheme of which they are the direct beneficiaries. 5. the pga and desideratum 3 desideratum 3 (‘d3’) acknowledges that criminalisation involves the exercise of power by the state and, therefore, that any theory of criminalisation should demonstrate a coherent understanding of how its conception of the criminal law coheres with a theoretical account of the legitimacy of that power.75 some theories of criminalisation believe this relationship begins with, and is governed by, the political. this means the criminal law is justified in entirely political terms: consequently, the approach of such theories to d1 emerges from their conception of the state’s nature and role. the pla of thorburn, described in the previous section, is an example. by way of contrast, the retributivist approach of michael moore begins life independently of political concerns, by offering an account of behaviour worthy of retributive punishment. it then only requires that the task of articulating that behavior, and punishing for its commission, is legitimately entrusted to the state, whatever form the state takes.76 as explained in the previous section, the pga, like the pla, adopts the former approach, with the result that its understanding of d1 emerges from, and is governed by, a political concern with the promotion of public goods. this section will explore in greater detail the implications of this approach. 75 duff, farmer, marshall, renzo and tadros (eds), ‘introduction: towards a theory of criminalization’ in criminalization: the political morality of the criminal law (n 22) 1, 5: “a theory of criminalization must … include or depend on a political theory of state and society: it must be a theory of the role that criminal law should play within a particular kind of polity.” see also duff, ‘criminal law theories’ in the stanford encyclopedia of philosophy accessed july 2017: “philosophical theories of criminal law, whether analytical or normative, cannot subsist in isolation. for one thing, they cannot be wholly separate from other branches of philosophy. they must draw, most obviously, on political philosophy, since they must depend on some conception of the proper aims of the state and of the proper relationship between a state and its citizens.” 76 placing blame (n 52). it is worth noting that moore’s legal moralism includes a number of principles that limit its concern with moral wrongs, most notably the presumption in favour of “the standing case for liberty” and epistemic modesty on behalf of legislators: see generally ‘liberty’s constraints’ (n 43). see also placing blame (n 52) 75-80 and ‘a tale of two theories’ (2009) 28 criminal justice ethics 27, 32-33. the denning law journal 97 property offences and the public good of the property regime, as explained by raz, illustrate the nature of this fundamentally political approach of the pga: every person has … an interest [in the protection of property rights by the criminal law] inasmuch as (1) every person may become a property owner; and (2) every person benefits from the fact that property rights are secure. these benefits take many forms. they are not easy to specify exhaustively. they come close to being the interest that all people have in living in a civil society. my right in my property is based on my interest in having that property. but the weight given to my interest, the degree of protection it deserves, and the form that protection should take is morally determined by considerations which transcend concern for my interest in itself. they reflect the interest of other people in the common good of respect for property.77 raz here is referring to a notion that lies at the heart of the pga and its approach to d3. this is the notion that the intrinsic value of public goods outlined at the outset of this article, the fact that they exist to benefit all, and create benefits that transcend the sum of individual and shared goods they embrace, should inform and limit the definition of criminal wrongs. the full implications of this observation can be drawn out by returning to the distinction between mala in se and mala prohibita crimes outlined in section 3. it was argued that the difference between these two types of crime is one of degree rather than one of kind. what this means is that, even with those crimes traditionally viewed as mala in se, there is an element of prohibita in the criminal law’s definition of the wrong. according to the pga, this is largely a consequence of the criminal law’s political role as provider of public goods, and its concern with the overarching benefits of such goods. the explanatory and evaluative power of this approach can be illustrated with the following examples: crimes targeting driving with an excessive blood-alcohol concentration; the debate surrounding deceptions as to hiv-positive status within the crime of rape; finally, the reach of the defence of duress. these will be addressed in order. the public good of a safe road traffic system, in its capacity as a framing good, plays a key role in providing many private and shared goods. behaviour that poses an unacceptable risk to the safety of this system, such as excessive speed, driving without due care and attention and driving whilst intoxicated, is therefore a candidate for criminalisation. 77 raz, ‘rights and politics’ (n 5) 33. public goods and criminalisation 98 however, where road safety is concerned, the exact contours of any offences created, for example the speed limit on any given road, the standard of care for driving, and the legal level of blood-alcohol concentration, are not, and cannot be, articulated purely in terms of free standing morality, for example that it is wrong to put the lives of others at risk. the contours of these offences must also depend upon the overall objectives and overarching benefits of road use, as well as the costs of reducing risk and the collateral effect of criminalisation on other public goods. it is these factors that enable the relevant crimes to take their final form, and constitute the element of prohibita where such crimes are concerned. where legal levels of blood-alcohol concentration are concerned, this is illustrated by anthony bottom’s analysis of sir peter north’s proposal to lower the blood alcohol limit for the crime of driving with a bloodalcohol concentration above 80mg/100ml.78 as bottoms points out, this proposal was rejected because it was decided that doing so would have very little impact on casualties, divert police resources away from the more serious cases, and even have a negative effect on commerce. this conclusion was reached despite a high degree of consensus that driving with any alcohol in the system is mala in se, that is to say morally wrong. it is the concern with public goods that explains why, nevertheless, the level was not lowered. as pointed out in section 3, whether the wrong of rape embraces all, or only some, frauds in the inducement leading to sexual intercourse is a controversy within morality.79 nevertheless, in order for the public good of sexual integrity to materialise, the criminal law must settle on which fraudulent inducements to include in its definition of the criminal wrong. according to the pga, such a decision should be informed, in part, by the imperatives involved in maintaining the public goods affected by the decision to criminalise this or that fraud in the inducement. and so, whether misleading a sexual partner about hiv positive status, a fraud in the inducement, should negate consent within the context of sexual intercourse cannot be settled exclusively by moral concerns surrounding deceit; it should also engage with those moral and practical concerns raised by the maintenance of the public goods of public health and nondiscrimination.80 78 a bottoms, ‘civil peace and criminalization’ in duff et al, criminalisation: the political morality of the criminal law (n 22) 232, 261-264. 79 see (n 20) and (n 21) and accompanying text. 80 matthew weait has written extensively on this question: see, for example, intimacy and responsibility: the criminalisation of hiv transmission (routledge cavendish 2007). gillick v west norfolk and wisbech health the denning law journal 99 the above has hopefully demonstrated how a concern with public goods has direct implications for the definition and reach of criminal wrongdoing. however, concern with the intrinsic value of public goods also has implications for the criminal law’s rules and principles of attribution. the relationship between the defence of duress in english law and the public peace can be used to illustrate this. the maintenance of the public peace demands a measure of consistent protection of physical and psychic autonomy, through both the deterrent effect of a police presence and the threat, and fact, of prosecution. the maintenance of this general climate of security for the benefit of all, and the overarching benefits it supplies, it is suggested, explain why the limits of the defence of duress should not be decided purely in terms of the moral culpability of the accused. to illustrate, in the uk, the defence of duress is denied to those who knowingly or negligently expose themselves to threats of violence.81 if duress is conceived as an excuse, denying the defence to defendants on such grounds is defensible, as, arguably, they bear a measure of blame for subjecting themselves to the risk of the threat of violence.82 but the restriction also flows, at least in significant part, from a concern with maintaining the public peace. lord simon of glaisdale acknowledged this interaction between culpability and maintaining the public peace where duress is concerned in dpp for northern ireland v lynch:83 a sane system of criminal justice does not permit a subject to set up a countervailing system of sanctions or by terrorism to confer criminal immunity on his gang. a humane system of criminal justice does not exact retribution from those who infringe the substantive provisions of its code under stresses greater than ordinary human nature can bear, nor attempt, by making an example of them, to deter those who in the nature of things are beyond deterrent. a sane and humane system of criminal justice is sufficiently flexible to reconcile such considerations, and to allow for all their infinite degrees of interaction. i have ventured to authority [1986] ac 112 is arguably an example of where concerns with the public good of public health helped generate a decision not to criminalise behaviour. in that case, a decision not to criminalise, under certain circumstances, the provision, by doctors, of contraceptive advice to those under 16. 81 hasan [2005] ukhl 22. 82 see lord bingham, ibid [38]. 83 [1975] ac 653. public goods and criminalisation 100 suggest that our own system of criminal justice is capable of such sanity and humanity…84 in the same vein, the law commission, in an exploration of the extension of the defence to murder, noted concerns expressed by the english judiciary that “… the members of a criminal gang might be capable, not only individually, but in collusion, of concocting a false defence of duress.”85 duff’s concern, mentioned under d2, about using persons as a means to an end is most pertinent here. the fact that the reach of the defence of duress is not exclusively concerned with the moral culpability of the accused, but rather the goal of maintaining the public peace, means that, on occasion, a conviction involves, to a certain degree, sacrificing the individual to that goal. as a result, he is (partly) treated as a means to an end. perhaps the only response to this is to accept that this is an inevitable feature of the criminal law, and that all that can be done is, as lord simon suggests, to balance the concern with the public peace with the concern with culpability. perhaps some of this negative impact of the criminal law’s concern with public goods can be addressed in the context of sentencing. however, any theory that attempts to purify the criminal law of this concern with public goods is likely to result in serious descriptive failures, undermine preventative goals and be overly idealistic, but the defence of these claims must be left to another occasion. 6. the pga and desideratum 4 the above discussion reveals that pga articulates the reach of the criminal law in ways that flow from its concern with the maintenance of public goods. in this final section, the article will explore desideratum 4 (‘d4’), that is, whether that concern distils criminal from non-criminal behaviour correctly. there are two facets to this question. first, d4 requires the articulation of principled limits to the reach of the criminal law. second, respecting d4 means a theory of criminalisation should not exclude from criminalisation behaviour that ought to be included. this section will explore these two facets through an examination of two examples that test the plausibility of theories of criminalisation where they are concerned. it will begin with the question of principled limits. the pga has two features that ensure principled limits to the criminal law: first, the fact that criminalisation must promote valuable autonomy; 84 ibid 696. 85 law commission, legislating the criminal code: offences against the person and general principles (law com no 218 cm2370, 1993) [33.2]. the denning law journal 101 second, the characteristic of public goods as non-excludable and nonrivalrous, meaning the autonomy they provide must be available to all citizens equally. 86 this can be illustrated by contrasting offences against the person with the notion of criminalising homosexual sex. the ban on interpersonal violence provided by the various offences against the person in the criminal calendar enables each citizen to exercise the valuable autonomy that flows from freedom from physical and psychic violence. this is achieved by criminalising, and hence systematically prohibiting, behaviour that prevents or hinders the exercise of that valuable autonomy; in other words, providing protection to all from violence helps create the non-excludable, and non-competitive good, known as the public peace. by way of contrast, banning homosexual sex does not augment the autonomy of citizens in any way. this is because such a ban does not target behaviour by any given citizen that impinges on the exercise of sexual integrity by another. citizens do have an interest in their sexual autonomy and the protection of their sexual choices and inclinations, whatever they may be, and so behaviour that infringes on that sexual autonomy, such as sexual assault and rape, are legitimately criminalised according to the pga. by way of contrast, prohibitions that seek to prevent citizens from exercising that valuable autonomy are illegitimate according to the pga. according to the pga, criminal coercion is used only to promote valuable autonomy, not suppress valuable autonomy, in order to create a non-excludable good. some might suggest that homosexual sex is not a form of valuable autonomy, on grounds of immorality. however, even if this premise were true (a position rejected by this article), the pga’s exclusive interest in promoting valuable autonomy, as opposed to suppressing valueless autonomy, would mean that any supposed immorality of such behaviour is irrelevant to its criminalisation according to the pga. the pga does not permit the criminalisation of valueless autonomy merely by dint of it being valueless: that behaviour must negate the valuable autonomy of others, directly or indirectly, thereby undermining a public good. homosexual sex does not do that. attention can now turn to the second facet, which is whether the pga excludes from criminalisation behaviour that ought to be criminalised. its plausibility here can be interrogated by examining its approach to the criminalisation of non-consensual medical treatment that heals and, therefore, arguably does no harm to that patient. this is the case of wrongdoing that is beneficial to the victim. 86 this does allow for some exclusions of a non-arbitrary kind, such as children from the shared good of contract or the individual good of voting, see text of (n 4). public goods and criminalisation 102 imagine a doctor who ignores the refusal of a patient for a blood transfusion, saving the patient’s life. given the non-consensual invasion of bodily autonomy, this example is intuitively one of criminal activity, in the form of an offence against the person. it is used to challenge those theorists who conceive of harm, in the form of forward-looking losses of autonomy, as a necessary condition of criminalisation.87 given the forward-looking autonomy enhancing, as opposed to negating, effect of such treatment, it would seem the treatment is harmless, and therefore cannot be criminalised according to those theorists. however, whilst this is a powerful challenge to such theorists, it does not undermine the pga. first, the fact that the treatment heals does not mean the autonomy exercised in refusing is valueless: it may be the product, say, of religious conviction, and the ability to put into practice one’s religious beliefs is valuable activity. so, the criminalisation of such treatment still promotes valuable autonomy. but, for the sake of argument, let us imagine that the refusal of treatment is worthless, for example based on racial prejudice against the treating doctor. if the pga requires that criminal prohibitions should only target behaviour that negates the exercise of valuable autonomy in others, it seems that such a prohibition is not justified by its lights, as it only protects the exercise of valueless autonomy by the person refusing treatment. this is a counter-intuitive result and, if required by the pga, would undermine its plausibility. the pga’s approach to this question takes a more practical turn at this point. offences against the person increase the valuable autonomy of persons, but in offering blanket protection, doubtless valueless autonomy is protected by them as well. however, the pga considers it impractical to allow or encourage citizens to decide for themselves when their victim is exercising valuable or valueless autonomy, either empirically (have they assessed the situation correctly?) or as a matter of moral judgment (is the autonomy indeed valueless?). it is far safer for the overall promotion of valuable autonomy, including the valuable autonomy protected by the public peace, that the criminal law does not allow citizens to so 87 those who subscribe to the forward-looking conception of harm as a necessary condition of criminalisation include gardner: see offences and defences (n 1): the notion that “… life-prospects are being affected adversely …” 244; simester and von hirsch crimes harms and wrongs, ch 3 ‘crossing the harm threshold’ (n 1) and ‘on the legitimate objectives of criminalisation’ (n 41) 378. raz also subscribes to a forward-looking conception of harm: see the morality of freedom (n 2) 413-414 and 416. this might be labelled the ‘prospect harm’ conception, to use stanton-ife’s term when summarising the position of such theorists: see his ‘horrific crime’ in duff, farmer, marshall, renzo and tadros (eds), the boundaries of the criminal law (n 67) 129, 159. the denning law journal 103 discriminate, as the potential for error by those persons is very great indeed. theorists who criticise the harm principle for failing to account for the criminalising of the doctor’s behaviour argue that when wrongdoing consists in the violation of another’s rights to personal autonomy, that wrongfulness alone is enough to justify criminalisation, and so the case should be accounted for on those grounds.88 such an approach risks missing the point that the harm principle addresses a central concern of criminalisation: the need to justify the fact that the criminal law is a creature of the state.89 all theories of criminalisation should therefore offer such a justification: it is not enough simply to declare violations of autonomy worthy of criminalisation upon the basis of wrongfulness alone. john gardner has addressed this need in the context of the wrong of rape: … the would-be rapist is a would-be wrongdoer. this already picks him out as a suitable person to be threatened with punishment (coerced). it is not the job of the harm principle to pick him out again. the job of the harm principle is to regulate the wider purposes of the law that does the threatening. this law, and indeed every coercive law, must have and fulfil a harm-prevention purpose. the prevention of offence, distress, pain, vice, or indeed further wrongdoing is not sufficient warrant for coercion by law unless by such coercion the law also prevents harm.90 the question boils down to finding the correct principle to justify state intervention. for gardner and others, it is harm; for thorburn, it is the state’s responsibility to secure the equal freedom of all citizens; for duff, it is the vindication of moral values that concern the polity as a whole;91 88 h stewart, ‘the limits of the harm principle’ (2010) criminal law and philosophy 17, 33, where stewart calls such violations ‘juridical wrongs’. he is not the only theorist to suggest that the presence of juridical wrongs is sufficient to justify criminalisation: see stanton-ife, ‘horrific crime’ ibid 161. alternatively, fidelity to the harm principle where juridical wrongs are concerned might be maintained by conceiving of the wrong itself as also a harm, though not of the ‘prospect’ kind: see stanton-ife, ‘horrific crime’ ibid 159-162 and a spena, ‘harmless rapes: a false problem for the harm principle’ (2010) diritto & questione publicche 497, especially 513 onwards. 89 as pointed out by jg murphy in ‘retributivism, moral education and the liberal state’ (1985) 4 criminal justice ethics 3, 4. 90 gardner, offences and defences (n 1) 243. 91 it should be noted that duff’s normative vision of the criminal law does not see it as a coercive practice. public goods and criminalisation 104 and for moore, it is the state’s duty to impose just retribution. for the pga, as this article has argued, it is the maintenance of public goods.92 the nature of the pga is further explicated by offering some brief observations on how the pga might approach the issues concerning sadomasochism raised by the decision in r v brown.93 the accused in that case consented to the activities in question, and so were exercising their sexual autonomy. as a result, the criminalisation of their behavior would not appear justified under the pga, since it arguably targets activity on the basis of its supposed immorality, as opposed to targeting behaviour that reduces the exercise of valuable autonomy in others. can the criminalisation of the behaviour in brown nevertheless be justified under the pga? it is suggested that if the criminalisation of such behaviour is to be so justified, it should be in the form of public crime. if its criminalisation promotes a public good, say a general commitment to noncruelty or the maintenance of public health and so, directly or indirectly, increases the valuable autonomy of individuals, then that arguably presents a (prima facie) case for so doing. but such an objective must be carefully balanced, in an informed way, against the value of protecting and promoting sexual integrity, both where the individual and the public good are concerned. it is only after such an analysis that, according to the pga, the decision to criminalise can be reached. much depends, it may be supposed, on the level of violence intended by the participants. finally, it is suggested that a concern with public goods allows us to understand why certain moral wrongs conventionally seen as beyond the reach of criminalisation, such as adultery and lying to friends, are legitimately seen that way. it is only when moral wrongdoing impacts on a public good that it is potentially worthy of criminalisation. this is why romantic infidelity and betrayals within friendship are not worthy of criminalization under the pga, because their occurrence does not impact on any public good. indeed, there is a public good in the general availability to form and manage our own romantic and other kinds of 92 for raz, the impact on valuable autonomy constitutes harm, of the prospect kind (see n 87): see the morality of freedom (n 2) 417 and 426. the pga therefore has much in common with those theorists who support the harm principle as a necessary condition of criminalisation. however, though this claim cannot be defended here, the pga as this article conceives believes that valuable autonomy and public goods can be undermined other than through prospect harm. also, in contrast to harm moralists such as gardner, the pga fuses its concern with moral wrongs with its political conception of the criminal law, as opposed to seeing the prevention of harm as an independent political concern of the criminal law once a (non-political) moral wrong has been established. 93 [1994] 1 ac 212. the denning law journal 105 relationships. if the criminal law was to threaten conviction for the various forms of betrayal that can occur in such relationships, it would often remove the element of sincerity that is key to the existence of the shared goods of marriage and friendship and the public goods of which they are part.94 7. conclusion as stated at the outset of this article, for a theory of criminalisation to draw on the notion of public goods is not new. the fundamental aim of this article was therefore to explore and defend, in greater depth than has occurred previously, the implications of a theory of criminalisation embedded in the notion of public goods. the use of the four desiderata was designed to tease out the merits of such a theory, in the most salient and explicit way possible. all of this has been done with the hope of stimulating further analysis of what this article believes is an extremely promising theory of criminalisation. 94 for a similar point, see horder, ashworth’s principles of criminal law, (n 1) 54. 109 the denning law journal 2017 vol 29 pp 109-130 legal commentary ‘how well are we doing?’ the united kingdom and its implementation of the oecd anti-bribery convention john hatchard* 1. introduction the organisation for economic cooperation and development (oecd) convention on combating bribery of foreign public officials in international business transactions (the oecd convention) entered into force on 15 february 1999. as at 31 may 2017, there were 41 state parties (the parties) comprising the thirty-five oecd member countries and six non-member countries. 1 the united kingdom (uk) ratified the convention in 1998. the oecd convention is supplemented by the revised recommendations of the council of the oecd on combating bribery in international business transactions (the 2009 recommendations),2 annex i of which contains “good practice guidance on implementing specific articles of the convention.” in march 2017, the oecd working group on bribery in international business transactions (the wgb) published its phase 4 report on the united kingdom’s implementation of the oecd convention (phase 4 report).3 having provided a short background section on the scope of the oecd convention and the role of the wgb, the following section will review some of the key recommendations contained in the phase 4 report. in the final section, an assessment is made as to how well the uk is doing with regard to the implementation of its oecd convention obligations. * barrister, professor of law, buckingham law school; co-director, university of buckingham centre for extractive energy studies. 1 argentina, brazil, bulgaria, colombia, the russian federation and south africa. these countries are home to 95 of the largest 100 non-financial multinational enterprises and all the top 50 financial multinationals. together they cover 64% of global outbound flows of foreign direct investment and over 50% of the world’s exports: oecd fighting the crime of foreign bribery (oecd, paris 2015) 3. 2 adopted by the council on 26 november 2009. 3 oecd, implementing the oecd anti-bribery convention: phase 4 report, united kingdom (oecd, paris 2017) accessed 10 june 2017. legal commentary 110 2. the scope of the oecd convention and the role of the wgb the oecd convention is wholly concerned with bribery on the supply side. thus article 1 requires parties to establish that it is a criminal offence for: …any person intentionally to offer, promise or give any undue pecuniary advantage or other benefit … to a foreign public official … in order to obtain or retain business or other improper advantage in the conduct of international business.4 as regards enforcement, article 5 of the convention states that: investigation and prosecution of the bribery of a foreign public official … shall not be influenced by considerations of national economic interest, the potential effect upon relations with another state or the identity of the natural or legal persons concerned. article 3 provides that sanctions are to be “effective, proportionate and dissuasive.” given the transnational nature of the offence, parties to the oecd convention are required to provide “to the fullest extent possible” prompt and effective mutual legal assistance.5 article 12 provides for a systemic monitoring and follow-up procedure. the purpose of monitoring is to: ensure compliance with the convention and implementation of the 2009 recommendations. monitoring also provides an opportunity to consult on difficulties in implementation and to learn from the experiences of other countries. in order to enhance its effectiveness, “monitoring must be systematic and provide a coherent assessment of whether a participant has implemented the convention and 2009 recommendations.”6 4 in addition, parties are required to introduce a series of accounting offences (article 8) and to make the bribery of a foreign public official a predicate offence for the purpose of the application of its money laundering legislation (article 7). 5 article 9. 6 oecd, monitoring implementation of the oecd anti-bribery convention: phase 4 evaluation procedures (oecd, paris 2016) para 5. the denning law journal 111 the monitoring is carried out by representatives of the parties. the wgb publishes all its country reports and a party has no right to veto the final report or the wgb recommendations. the monitoring/review process has been divided into a series of “phases” and all parties have been subject to three rounds of review. phase 4 was launched in 2016.7 phase 1 and phase 2 reviews concentrated on assessing compliance by parties with their responsibilities to have in place appropriate anti-corruption measures and legislation. the focus of the phase 3 review included assessing progress made by parties on addressing weaknesses identified in phase 2 and enforcement efforts and results. following each review of the uk, the wgb made a series of recommendations for improving the implementation of the convention. however, not all of these have been complied with satisfactorily. for example, the phase 3 evaluation in 2012 made 35 recommendations. the level of implementation was then evaluated in 2014 and it was found that 18 recommendations had been implemented. however, 7 had been partially implemented and there had been no implementation of 9 other recommendations.8 these were re-visited in the phase 4 review. the phase 4 review focuses the progress made by parties on weaknesses identified in previous evaluations; enforcement efforts and results; and any issues raised by changes in the domestic legislation or institutional framework of the parties.9 the uk is one of the first countries to be reviewed. the review itself was undertaken by wgb lead examiners from norway and south africa. they met with government officials, representatives from law enforcement agencies, including the serious fraud office as well as representatives from a range of leading civil society organisations, the media and private sector organisations. 3. the phase 4 report the following analysis of the phase 4 report focuses on seven key areas: 1. the independence of the serious fraud office 2. extension of the foreign bribery offence in the crown dependencies and overseas territories 3. detection of foreign bribery offences 4. identifying the beneficial ownership of companies 5. multiple prosecutions in foreign bribery cases 6. the bribery act 2010 and the ministry of justice guidance 7 this is scheduled to take place between 2016 and 2024. 8 for details see phase 4 report, annex 1. 9 see (n 6) 5. legal commentary 112 7. the potential impact of brexit. 1. the independence of the serious fraud office the importance of maintaining the independence of specialised agencies involved in the investigation and prosecution of bribery cases is widely recognised and is a requirement in the united nations convention against corruption (uncac).10 in this regard, the serious fraud office (sfo) is the leading uk law enforcement agency in the investigation and prosecution of foreign bribery cases.11 established in 1987, it has had a somewhat chequered history albeit in recent years it has obtained some notable successes12 with the wgb lead examiners stating that “the sfo’s record testifies to its independence and capacity to seriously investigate and prosecute foreign bribery allegations.”13 the independence and work of the sfo was thus a key area for consideration by the wgb lead examiners who raised several areas of concern. i) sfo funding the general position regarding funding of such agencies is set out in annex 1, paragraph d) to the 2009 recommendations. this states that: member countries should provide adequate resources to law enforcement authorities so as to permit effective investigation and 10 article 36 of the uncac provides that such a specialised agency “shall be granted the necessary independence … to be able to carry out its functions effectively and without undue influence.” the uk became a party to the uncac in 2006. paragraph 6 of the annex to the 1999 revised recommendation states that “…public prosecutors should exercise their discretion independently, based on professional motives.” curiously, this was omitted in the 2009 recommendation. 11 as the phase 4 report puts it: “a plethora of law enforcement agencies with potential competence in foreign bribery cases, but one essential actor: the sfo” 28. 12 for example, in 2017 it secured the two largest criminal settlements in english legal history: £497,250,000 plus £13 million in costs from rolls-royce and £128,992,500 plus costs from tesco: see, bill waite, ‘bill waite: the sfo ain’t broke, so don’t fix it…’ (the fcpa blog, 31 may 2017) accessed 15 june 2017. 13 phase 4 report, commentary, 42. the denning law journal 113 prosecution of bribery of foreign public officials in international business transactions. however, in several previous reports the wgb had drawn attention to the lack of adequate funding of the sfo and this issue is highlighted once again in the phase 4 report. the issue concerning “blockbuster funding” is of particular concern. this is additional funding which the sfo may seek to obtain from hm treasury on an annual basis for the purposes of investigating large or complex cases. the wgb lead reviewers noted that according to the crown prosecution service inspectorate: whilst the blockbuster funding model draws criticism that there is a perceived lack of independence from government, it found no evidence whatsoever that funding would be withheld because of political interference.14 this is hardly the point for any such ad hoc arrangement is liable to be subject to (or run the risk of being perceived as subject to) political interference. as a transparency international report asserts: …the serious fraud office’s budget remains a significant concern as it continues to be under-funded, and approval of supplementary funding needed for its functioning gives the uk government, effectively, a power of veto regarding which cases the office can take on, compromising its independence.15 the need to provide adequate and secure financial resources for the sfo without the need for it to go cap in hand to the government for additional funding is reflected in the relevant recommendation in the phase 4 report: …the lead examiners consider that the rules that govern the financing of the sfo cause concerns in the context of article 5 of the convention. they note that for many commentators, including in the judiciary sphere, the reliance of the sfo on blockbuster funding represents a risk of political interference, and could, at the very least, result in an unfortunate perception of influence of the 14 phase 4 report, para 100. 15 transparency international, exporting corruption progress report 2015: assessing enforcement of the oecd convention on combating foreign bribery (transparency international, london 2015) 7. legal commentary 114 executive over law enforcement. the lead examiners believe that this risk exists and should be addressed.16 this is certainly an area that the wgb will need to keep under review. ii) tenure of the sfo director the independence of such agencies is further enhanced by providing senior officials with security of tenure. yet in the case of the sfo the director’s contract can be of any duration and can be terminated by the attorney general at any time. this was the subject of criticism by the wgb in its phase 2 bis report in 2008 although it noted that draft legislation was pending to amend the conditions under which the attorney-general may appoint and remove the director of the sfo. not surprisingly, in the wgb lead examiners expressed concern that such legislation was still awaited.17 the response of the uk to such concern was that it was ‘inconceivable in practice’ that an attorney-general would dismiss the director following a disagreement about the investigation of a case.18 the lead examiners rightly did not accept this view and considered that: …the rules for the appointment and removal of the sfo director should be designed to reinforce his/her independence, and that the sfo’s independence could be further improved by ensuring appropriate safeguards are in place regarding appointment and dismissal of its director.19 this criticism is welcome. the sfo only investigates the most serious cases involving allegations of foreign bribery and these will often involve matters of the most sensitive political and economic nature. the effective enforcement of the convention is dependent upon states adhering strictly to their obligation under article 5 of the convention. not surprisingly the lead examiners recommend that this is an issue that the wgb should continue to follow up on.20 iii) the future of the sfo it is disappointing that the uk continually fails to address the valid criticisms of the wgb concerning the sfo. the independence of 16 phase 4 report, commentary, 42. 17 ibid para 98. 18 ibid. 19 ibid commentary, 42. 20 ibid para 133. the denning law journal 115 investigators and prosecutors can only be assured if they demonstrably have the right to exercise their discretion independently and enjoy adequate ringfenced resources. the current ad hoc approach is unacceptable. however, of greater concern is the future of the sfo itself. the wgb lead examiners recommended that the uk maintain the sfo’s role in criminal foreign bribery-related investigations and prosecutions pointing out that the integrated approach (the so-called “roskill model”) which brings together prosecutors, investigators and other specialists “constitutes a positive achievement which has proven very effective in bringing foreign bribery cases forward.”21 it remains to be seen whether the pre-general election pledge in may 2017 by the prime minister to merge the sfo with the national crime agency (nca) will be carried out. this is a matter that raises very serious concerns not least because the nca is directly responsible to the secretary of state for home affairs and accordingly the prospect of potential or actual political interference in the investigation and prosecution of foreign bribery cases. no doubt the wgb will take a very active interest in what is a clear threat to the effective implementation of the convention, and article 5 in particular. 2. extension of the foreign bribery offence in the crown dependencies and overseas territories since the phase 1 review in 1999, the wgb has consistently recommended that the uk extend the oecd convention to the crown dependencies (cds) and overseas territories (ots). this recommendation was reviewed by the wgb lead examiners during their on-site visit. the cds comprise the isle of man, jersey and guernsey whilst there are 14 ots including the key off-shore jurisdictions of the british virgin islands, cayman islands and gibraltar. the financial services industry in each is the main contributor to their economies.22 as emphasised in the phase 4 report the: 21 ibid commentary, 33. 22 it is noted in para 49 of the phase 4 report that “hm treasury recognises tha t the financial services industry is one of the main contributors to the economies of bermuda, the cayman islands, the british virgin islands and gibraltar and, to a lesser extent anguilla, the turks and caicos islands and montserrat. six ots (anguilla, bermuda, the british virgin islands, the cayman islands, gibraltar and the turks and caicos islands) are considered offshore financial centres that take a significant part in global financial flows.” legal commentary 116 …attractiveness of [the united kingdom’s] financial sector, combined with close links to off-shore centres [i.e. the cds and ots], expose the uk to significant risks of corruption and foreign bribery-related money laundering.23 further, that the “misuse of corporate vehicles, trusts and foundations registered in the [cds and ots] is seen as a significant barrier to tackling money laundering, corruption and asset recovery.”24 the constitutional relationship between the uk and the cds/ots is curious. the uk remains responsible for their defence and foreign relations. however, they are not part of the united kingdom, have the power to enact local legislation and are each responsible for executing mutual legal assistance and extradition requests within their own jurisdictions. whilst the uk has the power to ratify international conventions on their behalf, in practice, the cds and ots are able to decide as to which treaties they wish to become a party.25 in this regard, the wgb lead examiners highlight several areas of progress: firstly, the convention has been ratified in the three cds and three key ots (british virgin islands, cayman islands and gibraltar) with work continuing in another four territories; secondly, for the first time, representatives of the cds, the british virgin islands, cayman islands and gibraltar actively participated in the on-site visit; thirdly, that the uk was monitoring the implementation of the convention in the cds and ots in law and, in practice, is providing assistance to assist them in strengthening their capacity to investigate and prosecute foreign bribery. it has taken the uk a number of years to reach this position but the recommendation of the wgb lead examiners that the convention is to be extended to all the ots is realistic and ever more likely.26 3. detection of foreign bribery offences 23 phase 4 report, 9. 24 ibid. 25 ibid para 54. 26 see below as regards the sharing of beneficial ownership information between the uk and the cds/ots. the denning law journal 117 the phase 4 report highlights the significant progress made by the uk in the development of more effective mechanisms for the detection of foreign bribery offences. i) self-reporting by companies the introduction of deferred prosecution agreements (dpas) has provided an opportunity for companies to self-report their involvement in foreign bribery cases.27 indeed according to the uk authorities, this has become a major source of detection of foreign bribery. 28 dpas were introduced by section 45 and schedule 17 of the crime and courts act 2013 (cca 2013). a dpa enables a body corporate, a partnership or an unincorporated association to avoid prosecution for a bribery-related case by entering into an agreement on negotiated terms with a prosecutor. a court is then required to approve the dpa in an open hearing giving a reasoned judgment. 29 the sfo has issued the deferred prosecution agreements code of practice (the sfo code of practice) which states that the failure of a company to “notify prosecutors within a reasonable time of the offending conduct coming to light” is seen as a factor in favour of prosecution rather than the entering into a dpa.30 further, “considerable weight may be given to a genuinely proactive approach adopted by the [company’s] management team when the offending is brought to their notice.”31 the element of self-reporting by the company is therefore central to the dpa mechanism and, as the phase 4 report puts it, “a suspect corporate must generally provide significant cooperation with law enforcement, including proactive self-reporting, to be entitled to seek a dpa…”32 the issue of self-reporting is explored in some detail in the phase 4 review through a consideration of the first dpa cases. the first dpa was entered into with standard bank in november 2015. here the case arose as 27 see john hatchard, ‘combating the bribery of foreign public officials and the ‘art of persuasion’: the case of alstom and the energy sector’ (2016) 28 denning law journal 109. 28 phase 4 report, para 21. 29 for a detailed discussion on dpas see c nicholls, t daniel, a bacarese, j maton and j hatchard, corruption and misuse of public office (3rd edn, oup 2017) para 8.44 et seq (hereafter nicholls et al). 30 sfo code of practice, para 2.8.1. 31 ibid para 2.8.2. 32 phase 4 report, 16. legal commentary 118 the result of a report made by standard bank’s solicitors to the serious and organized crime agency. having determined that there was sufficient evidence to charge standard bank with failing to prevent bribery contrary to section 7 of the bribery act 2010, the sfo determined that the public interest was likely to be met by a dpa and in sfo v standard bank plc this was approved in the crown court by sir brian leveson p.33 however, the approval of a dpa by sir brian leveson p in the crown court in january 2017 in the case of rolls-royce plc and rolls-royce energy systems inc caused the wgb lead examiners considerable concern. the case is controversial in that there were significant reasons for not agreeing to a dpa. in particular the wgb lead reviewers noted that the company had not self-reported but that the sfo had been alerted because of a public internet posting and only then had rolls-royce then supplied additional information to the sfo.34 in addition, the criminality took place over several decades; vast bribes were paid to obtain business around the world; and vast profits obtained.35 this raises the crucial question: if the sfo did not prosecute a company in such circumstances, when would it do so? an attempt at answering this question was made by a senior sfo official who argued that: …one of the most fundamental features of the dpa regime … is the requirement that companies are frank about what has happened, and when it comes to putting it right, cooperate fully with the sfo’s investigation” and that “this was exactly what rolls-royce had done.36 33 the judgment is available at . similarly in the case of xyz ltd, a dpa was approved by sir brian leveson in the crown court with, once again, a key factor being the fact that company had self-reported to the sfo and had provided ongoing assistance: see sfo v xyz ltd. the judgment is available at accessed 15 june 2017. 34 phase 4 report, para 2. 35 according to the phase 4 report, the misconduct generated gross profits of £258,000,000 thus making it by far the largest foreign bribery case in uk history: see 12. 36 see speech by ben morgan, joint head of bribery and corruption, sfo entitled “the future of deferred prosecution agreements after rolls-royce” dated 8 march 2017, accessed 19 june 2017. the denning law journal 119 this reflects the view of sir brian leveson p in approving the rolls-royce dpa: 37 the fact that an investigation was not triggered by a self-report would usually be highly relevant in the balance but the nature and extent of the co-operation provided by rolls-royce in this case has persuaded the sfo not only to use the word ‘extraordinary’ to describe it but also to advance the argument that, in the particular circumstances of this case, i should not distinguish between its assistance and that of those who have self-reported from the outset.38 sir brian leveson p also noted the significant weight paid by the company to eliminating corrupt practices as well as the far-reaching consequences on the company’s ability to trade. as a result of its cooperation, a significant reduction of 50% in its sentence was applied. understandably, the case led to a critical response from the wgb lead examiners who were concerned that the case provided a precedent for a company to obtain a dpa without self-reporting and, in addition, still able to obtain a substantial reduction in its sentence despite its failure to do so.39 the concern is well-placed for these are the two key factors that are likely to persuade a company to seek a dpa. “persuading” companies to self-report their bribery activities to the law enforcement agencies represents a major breakthrough in combating foreign bribery and giving effect to the oecd convention. certainly the rolls-royce case should not overshadow the general view of the wgb lead examiners that the use of dpas is an “interesting and effective feature for sanctioning legal persons in foreign bribery cases.”40 however, their further recommendations are very pertinent. firstly, that the wgb follow up on the use of dpas in foreign bribery cases: …to evaluate in particular the effective, proportionate and dissuasive character of sanctions [as required by article 3 of the 37 see serious fraud office v rolls-royce plc and rolls-royce energy systems inc accessed 19 june 2017. 38 ibid para 22. 39 the wgb lead examiners also point out that “this generous reduction contrasts with the 25 per cent reduction offered by the us department of justice in the context of its separate dpa”: ibid, para 22. 40 phase 4 report, para 59. legal commentary 120 oecd convention] imposed in that context, notably the reductions granted in the absence of self-reporting.41 secondly, that the wgb follow up to ensure rolls-royce (and other companies) did not escape liability for any additional foreign bribery not covered by the dpa. this is important as it pressurises companies to “reveal all” about their involvement in foreign bribery. ii) whistleblowing whilst the issue of whistleblowing is not specifically addressed in the oecd convention, it is now widely recognised that this is a key weapon in uncovering foreign bribery. the internet postings that led to the investigation into rolls-royce neatly illustrate the point 42 as does the impact of the “super-whistleblower” in the panama papers leaks in 2016. its importance is reflected in the phase 4 report which notes the view of the sfo that whistleblower reports are a “valuable source of information relating to foreign bribery”43 and that a “significant number of ongoing foreign bribery investigations and prosecutions also originated from whistleblower reports.”44 providing effective protection for whistleblowers remains a key issue. in the uk, the public interest disclosure act 1998 (pida) protects employees from detrimental treatment for disclosing wrongdoing. this includes corruption and any cover-up of such an offence.45 as the wgb lead examiners noted, this legislation put the uk “at the forefront of developing model whistleblower legislation in the 1990s.”46 they also recognised that a “notable and positive amendment” introduced by the enterprise and regulatory reform act 2013 had improved the protection for whistleblowers.47 however they noted the ongoing concerns raised by civil society groups which included the fact that the pida contains no direct civil or criminal penalties to stop, prevent or discourage bullying, victimisation or harassment of whistleblowers.48 the wgb lead examiners 41 ibid. 42 in 2012, the “sfo sought information from rolls-royce in respect of concerns regarding the operation of rolls-royce’s civil business in china and indonesia raised by certain internet postings”: see sfo v rolls-royce (above) para 16. 43 phase 4 report, para 24. 44 ibid para 25. 45 for an analysis of the act see nicholls et al, para 7.119 et seq. 46 phase 4 report, commentary, 20 47 phase 4 report, para 29. for details see nicholls et al, para 7.139 48 ibid para 30. the denning law journal 121 also highlighted that at the time of the phase 3 review, the pida did not protect many expatriate workers of uk companies who are based abroad and that this position remains the same. they noted that the uk government had “so far resisted calls for reform of the law in this area” but that it would look at the matter again in the context of the anti-corruption strategy to be published in 2017.49 in essence, the phase 4 report highlights important messages for both the uk and other parties to the convention. firstly, the general point that it is vital for states to keep all relevant anti-corruption related legislation under regular review in order to ensure it remains fit for the purpose. secondly, more specifically, there is a need to provide effective protection in practice for whistleblowers. as a council of europe parliamentary resolution has put it: relevant legislation must first and foremost provide a safe alternative to silence, and not offer potential whistle-blowers a ‘cardboard shield’ which would entrap them by giving them a false sense of security.50 thirdly, there is a need to consider adopting approaches being utilised successfully in other countries. for example, consideration might be given to following the lead of the united states where legislation provides that whistleblowers can receive significant financial benefits for having provided original information to the securities exchange commission concerning corporate wrongdoing.51 iii) detection of foreign bribery through anti-money laundering mechanisms the financial action task force (fatf) was established in 1989 with the uk being a founding member. the fatf is “an inter-governmental body” with a mandate that includes setting standards and promoting effective implementation of legal and other measures for combating money 49 ibid para 33. 50 council of europe parliamentary assembly resolution 1729 (2010) “the protection of whistleblowers” para 5. the resolution also contains a detailed list of “good practice” in the protection of whistleblowers. see also the council of europe parliamentary resolution 2060 (2015) on “improving the protection of whistleblowers.” 51 see section 21f(b)(1) of the securities exchange act 1934 as amended. legal commentary 122 laundering.52 these standards are set out in the fatf recommendations, the first set of which were drawn up in 1990. in 2012 the fatf issued a new set of recommendations 53 with recommendation 20 being of particularly significance here. it states: if a financial institution suspects or has reasonable grounds to suspect that funds are the proceeds of a criminal activity, or are related to terrorist financing, it should be required, by law, to report promptly its suspicions to the financial intelligence unit (fiu). this reporting obligation extends to “designated non-financial businesses and professions” (dnfbps), including real estate agents, dealers in precious metals and precious stones, lawyers; accountants and trust and company service providers.54 in the case of the uk, the relevant law implementing the fatf recommendations is found in the proceeds of crime act 2002 55 with financial institutions and dnfbps being required to make suspicious activity reports (sars) to the uk financial intelligence unit (ukfiu). as the sfo confirmed to the wgb lead examiners, such reports are potentially an invaluable source of information about the movement of the proceeds of crime and “may uncover underlying predicate offences such as foreign bribery and trigger investigations.”56 between june 2015 and october 2016, the ukfiu referred 130 briberyspecific sars to the national crime agency.57 even so, in the phase 4 report the wgb lead examiners highlight the concerns of both law enforcement agencies and civil society organisations about the effectiveness of the sars regime in practice, particularly with respect to the lack of reports from key non-financial sectors.58 this point is starkly highlighted in the 2015 transparency international (ti) report entitled don’t look, won’t find (ti don’t look report) which found that the current regulatory system for financial services, accountancy, legal services, luxury goods, property and trust and company service providers 52 the fatf recommendations: international standards on combating money laundering and the financing of terrorism and proliferation, (fatf, 2012) 7. 53 ibid. 54 ibid, see recommendations 22 and 23. 55 these provisions reflect similar requirements to recommendation 20 contained in an earlier set of fatf recommendations. 56 phase 4 report, para 39. 57 ibid para 40. 58 in this context the “designated non-financial businesses and professions.” the denning law journal 123 “relies on a patchwork of 22 different supervisors – mostly private sector institutions – to ensure that firms abide by the rules. it is this system that is structurally unsound.”59 this point is taken up by the wgb lead examiners who note that “the absence of detection of foreign bribery cases by the ukfiu is of great concern, considering the money laundering and bribery risks in the uk” and that this is a “further demonstration of the lack of effectiveness of the reporting regime as it stands.”60 reflecting the recommendations in the ti don’t look report, the wgb lead examiners called upon the uk to “respond to the concerns voiced on the effectiveness of the sars regime…” 61 in this regard, a key recommendation in the ti don’t look report is particularly helpful: the uk government should review the arrangements for supervision in the uk and evaluate options for consolidating the number of anti-money laundering supervisors. the review should examine the merits of replacing the existing patchwork and inconsistent structure of multiple supervisors with a single, wellresourced ‘super’ supervisor.62 this is yet another area where the wgb is likely to carry out a follow-up study. 4. identifying the beneficial ownership of companies in 2015, transparency international published a report entitled corruption on your doorstep63 (ti doorstep report). its key findings highlighted the significance of property holdings by companies registered in off-shore jurisdictions, and particularly in the cds/ots: • 40,725 london property titles were held by foreign companies. • 89 per cent of these titles were held by companies incorporated in secrecy jurisdictions, covering approximately 2.25 square miles of london property. 59 transparency international, don’t look, won’t find: weaknesses in the supervision of the uk’s anti-money laundering rules (transparency international, london 2015) 2. 60 phase 4 report, commentary, p 22. 61 ibid. 62 transparency international (n 59) 6 63 transparency international, corruption on your doorstep: how corrupt capital is used to buy property in the uk (transparency international, london 2015) legal commentary 124 • more than one third of all foreign companies holding london property were incorporated in the british virgin islands (13,831 properties), this was followed by jersey with 14 per cent (5,960 properties), the isle of man with 8.5 per cent (3,472 properties) and guernsey with 8 per cent (3,280 properties). • almost one in ten properties in the city of westminster (9.3 per cent), 7.3 per cent of properties in kensington & chelsea and 4.5 per cent in the city of london were owned by a company registered in an offshore secrecy jurisdiction.64 whilst it is perfectly lawful for an off-shore company to be the registered owner of real estate in the uk, it was argued in the ti doorstep report that: [t]he prevalence of uk property holdings by companies incorporated in secrecy jurisdictions is a major barrier to law enforcement investigations of grand corruption and effectively prevents estate agents’ due diligence checks for money laundering and their compliance with international sanctions.65 the crucial challenge here is seeking to identify the beneficial ownership of companies incorporated in the off-shore secrecy jurisdictions. this is emphasised in phase 4 report, where the wgb lead examiners highlighted the views of uk law enforcement agencies that the “opacity of current beneficial ownership arrangements is a significant barrier to tackling money laundering, bribery and corruption and to successfully recovering stolen assets.”66 in this respect, the wgb lead examiners noted two “welcome developments.” firstly, the small business, enterprise and employment act 2015 provides for the establishment of a public register of “persons with significant control” which is designed to identify the ultimate beneficial owner(s) and controllers of most uk companies and limited liability partnerships (llps).67 as from 30 june 2016, this information must be declared in the annual return or “confirmation statement” of such 64 ibid 3. 65 ibid 4. 66 phase 4 report, para 116. the wgb lead examiners quote the metropolitan police service as estimating that “in cases where hidden beneficial ownership is an issue, 30-50% of an investigation can be spent in identifying the beneficial owners through a chain of ownership ‘layers’”: see phase 4 report, para 92. 67 incorporated as part 21a of the companies act 2006. the denning law journal 125 companies and llps. whilst not commenting on the point, the wgb lead examiners also noted that the views of several civil society organisations of the need to further regulate beneficial ownership of land and real estate.68 this reflects the helpful recommendation in the ti doorstep report that any foreign company intending to hold a property title in the uk should be held to the same standards of transparency required of uk registered companies.69 a recommendation to the uk from the wgb to implement this approach would have been helpful. secondly, in 2016 a series of exchange of notes (en) was signed between the uk and each individual cd and several ots in respect of the sharing of beneficial ownership information. each cd and ot (referred to as a ‘participant’ in each en) agrees to: [e]stablish a central database of beneficial ownership which will contain adequate, accurate and current beneficial ownership information on corporate and legal entities. in addition, each participant is to establish a “designated point of contact” to receive and respond to requests for beneficial ownership information. unless otherwise agreed, such information must be provided within twentyfour hours of receiving the request or within an hour if the matter is urgent.70 whilst there is currently no move for cds and ots to introduce a public register of beneficial ownership (however desirable this will be), this is a major step forward towards assisting law enforcement agencies to investigate allegations of foreign bribery and money laundering through facilitating the identification of the beneficial ownership of off-shore companies and trusts. these are major achievements which were rightly welcomed by the wgb lead examiners. however, the effectiveness of the arrangements in practice remains to be seen and the recommendation that the wgb followup on the implementation of the information exchange is entirely appropriate. 5. multiple prosecutions in foreign bribery cases investigating the bribery of foreign public officials inevitably requires cooperation between several jurisdictions. this emphasises the importance 68 phase 4 report, para 118. 69 transparency international (n 63) 4. 70 see, for example, the exchange of notes between the government of the united kingdom and the government of jersey which came into force on 4 april 2016, paras 4 and 7. legal commentary 126 of effective mutual legal assistance arrangements between states. it also raises the question as to which is the most appropriate jurisdiction for prosecuting (or agreeing settlements with) those corporate entities allegedly involved in paying the foreign bribes. this is particularly relevant in the case of the uk bribery act 2010 and the united states foreign corrupt practices act 1977 (fcpa), both of which contain wide jurisdictional provisions.71 in cases where a number of states have the right to prosecute a corporate entity, article 4(3) of the oecd convention provides that the “parties involved shall, at the request of one of them, consult with a view to determining the most appropriate jurisdiction for prosecution.” there is no obligation to consult and the provision does not apply to non-parties. this raises the possibility of a corporate entity facing “carbon copy prosecutions” (or other enforcement action) in multiple states, including the state or states most affected by the bribe payments with the prospect of the company facing significant multiple financial penalties.72 this risk was duly noted by the wgb lead examiners who emphasised that there was a need for active collaboration between jurisdictions to agree a global settlement. however, they took the view that the issues and challenges were beyond the scope of the evaluation and was a matter for the parties to the convention to address. this is a curious approach particularly because the issue is directly connected to article 4(3) of the convention. it is certainly one that is likely to raise concerns for corporate legal advisers when advising their corporate clients on whether or not to self-report. 6. the bribery act 2010 and the ministry of justice guidance in line with the requirements of article 1 of the oecd convention, section 6 of the bribery act 2010 (ba 2010) creates a discrete offence of bribing a foreign official. section 7 makes it an offence for a commercial organisation to fail to prevent bribery by a person associated with it. this is subject to the defence that the commercial organisation had adequate 71 for a full discussion see nicholls et al, ch 3, paras 3.17 et seq and ch 20, paras 20.21 et seq. 72 indeed this may have a chilling effect on self-reporting of foreign bribery by companies in circumstances where they are required to reveal full details of their bribe-paying activities and may then face the prospect of the information being used against them in other states affected by their criminal activities: see further hatchard (n 27) 131 where examples of the issue are discussed. see generally, andrew s boutros and t markus frank, “‘carbon copy’ prosecutions: a growing anti-corruption phenomenon in a shrinking world” [2012] university of chicago legal forum 259. the denning law journal 127 procedures in place to prevent bribery. section 9 requires the secretary of state to publish “guidance” about procedures that commercial organisations can put in place to prevent bribery. in march 2011 2011 the ministry of justice published its guidance to commercial organisations (moj guidance) with a view to the act coming into effect on 1 july 2011.73 in its phase 3 report on the uk, the wgb had made a series of recommendations concerning two aspects of the moj guidance.74 these recommendations were re-visited in the phase 4 report. the first addressed issues relating to the treatment of hospitality and promotional expenditures with a recommendation that the uk clarify problematic hypothetical examples in the moj guidance. here the wgb lead examiners noted that the moj guidance had not been amended in line with the phase 3 recommendation. the second recommendation concerned the need for a consistent definition of facilitation payments. here they noted that in response to the phase 3 recommendation, in 2012 the sfo had issued new guidance regarding facilitation payments75 and that the uk continues to provide no exception for facilitation payments. however, they expressed concern that the uk had not amended the different definitions of facilitation payments found in other documents such as the moj guidance. they therefore considered the wgb recommendation to be partially implemented. on a more positive note, the wgb lead examiners note that section 7 ba 2010 has been the basis for criminal liability in four cases, with three companies entering into dpas and a fourth pleading guilty. perhaps more significantly, they recognise that the section appeared to have had a positive influence with uk companies adopting “sophisticated compliance measures to prevent bribery.”76 this is encouraging as it highlights the crucial importance of having anti-bribery measures in place that are sufficiently persuasive that even the most economically powerful 73 ministry of justice, the bribery act 2010: guidance about procedures which commercial organisations can put into place to prevent persons associated with them from bribing (section 9 of the bribery act 2010). accessed 19 june 2017. 74 oecd phase 3 report on implementing the oecd anti-bribery convention in the united kingdom (oecd, paris 2012) paras 20-26. accessed 19 june 2017. 75 sfo bribery act guidance 2012. available at accessed 19 june 2017. 76 phase 4 report, commentary, 80. legal commentary 128 companies are prepared to introduce and maintain effective corporate compliance regimes. 7. the potential impact of brexit the uk is closely involved with the european union policies on law enforcement. for example, the uk is part of networks such as europol and eurojust whilst in may 2017 the european investigation order came into force which promises to enhance the effectiveness of mutual legal assistance between eu states.77 there is no doubt that such cooperation has greatly assisted in the investigation of foreign bribery and money laundering cases. given this background, it is not surprising that the potential impact of brexit on the ability of the uk to carry out its oecd convention obligations was viewed by the wgb lead examiners with great concern. they emphasised that the “uk’s participation in eu criminal and policing arrangements and networks has contributed to boost enforcement in the uk in the foreign bribery arena (and beyond).” in particular they noted that “overall, commentators agree that brexit is likely to lead to a reduction in cooperation in criminal and policing matters between the uk and the eu.”78 more generally, it might be added that there is a clear danger that in order to find new business, uk companies may be forced to move into new markets and countries which carry with them a greater risk of foreign bribery. only time will tell as to the extent of the impact of brexit and in view of this, the wgb lead examiners recommended that the wgb “follow up on the developments in this area to review their possible impact on the uk’s foreign bribery enforcement, and recommend that the uk report on developments in this respect”79 4. “how well are we doing?”: the verdict transparency international has rightly stated that the wgb review process is “the ‘gold standard’ of monitoring and evaluation to ensure that governments stick to their commitments to enforce anti-corruption 77 for details see european commission press release 22 may 2017. 78 phase 4 report, para 198. 79 ibid commentary, 74. the denning law journal 129 legislation.”80 this view is reinforced in the wgb phase 4 review of the uk. just as with the previous wgb reviews on the uk, the phase 4 report is an impressive document providing a detailed analysis of the position regarding the uk’s compliance with its oecd convention obligations, as well as providing a critical review on its response to earlier wgb recommendations. overall, the phase 4 report demonstrates that the uk continues to make progress in implementing the convention. this echoes the response of the uk to the phase 4 questionnaire that the 2017 uk anti-corruption strategy will “reaffirm the uk’s commitment to the oecd anti-bribery convention and will explore the scope to address any areas of concern in relation to domestic implementation.” further, that the “strategy is likely to maintain the uk’s strong commitment to encouraging new countries to join the convention and existing members to fully implement the convention.”81 a recurring feature of the phase 4 report is its recognition of the importance and increasing effectiveness of the sfo in tackling foreign bribery and the laundering of the proceeds of corruption as well as the fact that it receives widespread support from the legal profession and civil society organisations. as a result, some of the most significant recommendations in the phase 4 report are designed to protect the independence of the sfo and to further enhance its effectiveness. it is to be hoped that the uk will not tarnish its commitment to the oecd convention by rejecting these views and proceeding to incorporate the sfo into the nca. the development of mechanisms to facilitate the detection of foreign bribery offences is also highlighted in the phase 4 report. of particular note here is the self-reporting of wrongdoing by companies and the use of dpas; the introduction of a public register of beneficial ownership of uk based companies; and the taking of steps to ensure the cds and ots are more actively involved in tackling foreign bribery and money laundering. these are dramatic and very positive developments which promise both to deter, and to facilitate the detection of, foreign bribery. even so, questions remain as to how and when dpas will be approved. the failure of the uk to address fully some previous wgb recommendations continues to cause concern. in one way, this demonstrates the weakness of the entire review process i.e. the fact that the wgb cannot require parties to implement its recommendations. however, 80 referred to in the oecd working group on bribery, annual report 2006, (oecd, 2007) 2. 81 phase 4 report, para 12. legal commentary 130 the on-going follow-up process at least ensures that pressure is maintained on the uk to take the necessary steps to implement the recommendations. during the on-site visit to the uk, the wgb lead examiners met with a wide range of civil society organisations. 82 indeed frequent reference is made in the phase 4 report to their views with their role in investigating and exposing foreign bribery being warmly praised.83 this highlights the vital contribution that such organisations can make not only towards a transparent and effective review process but also to keeping the uk’s commitment to the convention under constant scrutiny. this point takes on a wider significance in that there is a continued reluctance on the part of some states parties to the united nations convention against corruption to enable civil society organisations to play a full part in the work of the conference of the states parties (cosp) 84 and the convention review process known as the implementation review mechanism (irm). this is particularly disappointing especially in that the irm is a far less intrusive exercise than that undertaken by the wgb. indeed the positive contribution of such organisations to individual country reviews is also a feature of other regional anti-corruption review mechanisms. 85 hopefully, this will encourage all state parties to the uncac to strengthen the irm by enabling civil society organisations to play an effective role in the operation, oversight and implementation of the convention. so, in answer to the question “how well are we doing”, the response is that the uk has made some encouraging progress since the phase 3 review. however, the wgb is not going to go away and the uk is now required to submit a written report to it in two years on the implementation of all the recommendations in the phase 4 report as well as its enforcement efforts. it would be good to report in 2019 that the uk has fully implemented all the wgb recommendations. 82 annex 2 to the phase 4 report contains a list of participants in the on-site visit. these include a wide range of private sector organisations; business associations, civil society organisations, the media and academics. 83 see, for example, para 50. 84 the cosp was established under article 63 of the uncac to “improve the capacity of and cooperation between states parties to achieve the objectives set forth in the convention and to promote and review its implementation”: see further nicholls et al, chapter 16, para 16.178 et seq. 85 civil society organisations are deeply involved in the mesicic monitoring process of the inter-american convention against corruption and the monitoring of the council of europe anti-corruption conventions by group of states against corruption (greco): see further nicholls et al chapter 24, para 24.30. the denning law journal 167 denning law journal 2019 vol 31 pp 167-186 escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc aidan seymour-butler* * llm student at trinity college dublin. 1 the law society, ‘failures in uk immigration and asylum undermine the rule of law’ (the law society, 12 april 2018) accessed 14 april 2018. 2 paul hamilos, ‘asylum centre wrecked by fire’ (the guardian, 15 february 2002) < h t t p s : / / w w w . t h e g u a r d i a n . c o m / u k / 2 0 0 2 / f e b / 1 5 / i m m i g r a t i o n . immigrationandpublicservices4> accessed 30 april 2018; simon cox, ‘whistleblower’s concerns over safety at yarl’s wood’ (bbc news, 24 june 2014) accessed 30 april 2018; danny shaw, ‘yarl’s wood: years of misery and controversy’ (bbc news, 10 june 2015) accessed 30 april 2018. 3 bbc news, ‘yarl’s wood removal centre of ‘national concern’’ (bbc news, 12 august 2015) accessed 8 april 2018. introduction in 2018, the law society of england and wales raised concerns about the united kingdom’s migration system, stating that ‘failures in uk immigration and asylum undermine the rule of law’.1 nowhere are those problems more apparent than in the united kingdom’s handling of migrants and asylum seekers in detention centres. a particular recurring issue that speaks to the law society’s concern is the absence of a defined time limit for immigration detention. the possibility of indefinite detention has been a source of tension both within british politics and within uk immigration detention centres. an example of this can be understood with reference to the yarl’s wood immigration removal centre (irc) in bedfordshire, known for its controversial and rebellious past.2 in 2015 nick hardwick, a former chief prisoner inspector, labelled the centre a place of ‘national concern’, after examining the mistreatment of vulnerable detainees.3 yarl’s wood’s problematic history seems to have continued into the present, following a detainee-led hunger strike that resulted in ‘renewed concerns’ over health care in detention https://www.lawsociety.org.uk/news/pressreleases/failures-in-uk-immigration-and-asylum-undermine-the-rule-of-law/ https://www.lawsociety.org.uk/news/pressreleases/failures-in-uk-immigration-and-asylum-undermine-the-rule-of-law/ https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-27906730 https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-27906730 https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-33043395 http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-33871283 h t t p s : / /www. t h e g u a r d i a n . c om/ u k / 2 0 0 2 / f e b / 15 / immi g r a t i o n .immigrationandpublicservices4 https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2002/feb/15/immigration.immigrationandpublicservices4 168 escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc centres.4 in addition to protesting the standard of medical treatment received by detainees, the strikers’ underlying focus was on indefinite detention.5 the home office’s response to these strikes was unsympathetic. in reaction to the strikes, the home office sent detainees letters suggesting that their continued participation in the strike may in fact result in their removal being accelerated.6 although the hunger strike ended in march 2018, the home office’s response to the strike raised some interesting legal and philosophical questions about human rights and resistance in detention centres. in order to grapple with some of these issues, this article is in two parts. part one seeks to contextualise the existing immigration regime and explore how legal disputes might fit within the broader scheme of opposing indefinite detention. it will also briefly examine the legal challenges that may arise from the use of threats of accelerated deportations. part two explores the lack of power and agency that detainees experience in immigration detention centres, due to a deprivation of control or ability to determine their own circumstance. it is argued that such a state of powerlessness can be likened to the fictional sunken place popularised by jordan peele’s film ‘get out’. in the film, the sunken place serves as an allegory for a state of incarceration and helplessness as the ‘victim’ loses the ability to interact with the physical world.7 in order to make the comparison more appropriate the article analyses blog posts written by detainees in yarl’s wood irc. in addition, by using the words of detainees themselves, the article seeks to ensure that their perspective of detention is given due regard. the article then investigates the role that political resistance can play in detention centres as a means of escaping the sunken place, and relies on the work of hannah arendt, as well as other commentators, to justify such a position. 4 dexter erin and cornelius katona, ‘hunger strike renews concerns over health in uk detention centres’ (british medical journal, 29 march 2018) accessed 8 april 2018. 5 detained voices, ‘22 feb 2018 – the protest is about their system of indefinite detention’ (detained voices, 22 february 2018) < https://detainedvoices.com/2018/02/22/ the-protest-is-about-their-system-of-indefinite-detention/> accessed 8 april 2018. 6 busby eleanor, ‘home news home office tells women they will be deported more quickly for hunger striking’ (the independent, 4 march 2018) accessed 8 april 2018. 7 alex rayner, ‘trapped in the sunken place: how get out’s purgatory engulfed pop culture’ (the guardian, 17 march 2018) accessed 30 april 2018. https://www.bmj.com/content/360/bmj.k1446.full https://www.bmj.com/content/360/bmj.k1446.full https://detainedvoices.com/2018/02/22/the-protest-is-about-their-system-of-indefinite-detention/ https://detainedvoices.com/2018/02/22/the-protest-is-about-their-system-of-indefinite-detention/ https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/yarls-wood-home-office-women-deported-more-quickly-hunger-strike-a8239611.html https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/yarls-wood-home-office-women-deported-more-quickly-hunger-strike-a8239611.html https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/yarls-wood-home-office-women-deported-more-quickly-hunger-strike-a8239611.html https://www.theguardian.com/film/2018/mar/17/trapped-in-the-sunken-place-how-get-outs-purgatory-engulfed-pop-culture https://www.theguardian.com/film/2018/mar/17/trapped-in-the-sunken-place-how-get-outs-purgatory-engulfed-pop-culture the denning law journal 169 part one: overview of law and history of immigration detention centres this section provides both a brief overview of immigration detention in britain, as well as a short history of yarl’s wood. the section will then discuss potential legal challenges to the current immigration detention system. yarl’s wood in context yarl’s wood is a ‘purpose built’ irc that predominantly holds female detainees and operates under the detention centre rules 2001 (discussed below). it opened in 2001 and is capable of housing approximately 400 detainees.8 the centre appears to hold a combination of asylum seekers and other migrants and, according to statistics from 2016, 46% of people in detention were asylum seekers.9 yarl’s wood has been the subject of various reports which revealed a high level of mental health problems among detainees, as well as issues of self-harm and repeated allegations of incidents of sexual harassment and abuse by the centre’s staff.10 recent reports into health care at yarl’s wood have also begun to raise fears about damage to the mental health of vulnerable detainees. certainly, in connection with the hunger strike that took place at yarl’s wood, indefinite detention and mental health were major issues raised by strikers.11 on 22 february 2018 the yarl’s wood hunger strikers began their protest and put forth 15 demands that included an end to indefinite detention;12 access to proper health care; and an end to the systematic torture that was taking place in detention centres.13 the response from the home office came in a letter addressed to the hunger strikers stating that the fact that detainees were refusing food and liquid may cause their cases to be accelerated, thereby expediting their 8 independent monitoring board, annual report of the independent monitoring board at yarl’s wood immigration removal centre: annual report 2016 (26 june 2017) 3. the independent monitoring board is a statutory-based organisation which monitors the dayto-day life in local prisons or removal centres and ensures that proper standards of care and decency are maintained. 9 erin and katona (n 5). 10 marchu girma and others, i am human: refugee women’s experiences of detention in the uk (women for refugee women 2015) 2. 11 detained voices, ‘22 feb 2018 – the hunger strikers’ demands’ (detained voices, 22 february 2018) accessed 8 april 2018. 12 detained voices, ‘22 feb 2018 – the protest is about their system of indefinite detention’ (n 6). 13 ibid. https://detainedvoices.com/tag/yarls-wood/ 170 removal from the united kingdom.14 before examining the significance of resistance by detainees, it is important to explore the existing regime of immigration detention and analyse any potential legal challenges. detention and immigration law it is crucial to note that immigration law is a combination of statutory instruments, home office policy, royal prerogative and rules that have a quasi-legal status.15 the power to detain for ‘administrative purposes’ was introduced into british immigration law by the immigration act 1971 (ia).16 since its introduction, it has been relied upon by the state and appears to have become a routine measure in immigration control.17 the powers to detain are predominately contained in sections 3, 4 and 5, and schedules 2 and 3 of the act; however, they have been subject to regular updates.18 one such reform was the nationality, immigration and asylum act 2002 (niaa). its main policy objective was aimed at normalising detention by instituting reception, accommodation and removal centres as an ordinary part of the immigration examination process.19 another role that detention appears to play is in the ‘criminalisation of mobility’.20 for example, detention is used to hold convicted foreign-nationals after they have served their prison sentences while they are being considered for removal or deportation; and used to hold people found guilty of ‘immigration offences’ such as overstaying and illegal entry, while they are considered for removal.21 some commentators suggest that the united kingdom’s current use of detention is contrary to international law, since detention should only be used as a last resort. this is considered in more detail later on. it is important to 14 eleanor (n 7). 15 ian macdonald and ronan toal, macdonald’s immigration law & practice volume 1 (9th edn, lexis nexis 2014) 31. 16 ibid. 17 amnesty international, a matter of routine: the use of immigration detention in the uk (amnesty international united kingdom section 2017) 5. 18 in relation to reforms of detention powers, these are immigration and asylum act 1999; nationality, immigration and asylum act 2002; uk borders act 2007; immigration act 2014; and immigration act 2001. 19 macdonald and toal (n 16). 20 alessandro de giorgi, ‘immigration control, post-fordism, and less eligibility: a materialist critique of the criminalization of immigration across europe’ (2010) 12(2) punishment & society 147–167. 21 mary bosworth, ‘subjectivity and identity in detention: punishment and society in a global age’ (2012) 16(2) theoretical criminology 124, 140; see also immigration act 1971, s 24. escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc the denning law journal 171 recognise that detention itself is not a punitive measure, otherwise it could be found to be in conflict with article 31 of the refugee convention, which prohibits penalisation for illegal entry or presence of those persons who are seeking protection or are recognised as asylum seekers.22 detention is currently allowed for three statutory purposes.23 firstly, to examine a person’s immigration status.24 secondly in order to implement a person’s administrative removal from the united kingdom,25 and thirdly in order to implement a person’s deportation from the united kingdom.26 there is an important difference between administrative removal and deportation. removal occurs where one’s claim for a right to abode or leave to remain is unsuccessful, whereas deportation occurs where it is ‘conducive to the public good’.27 although the use of detention is restricted by availability of space, as well as the need for a rational justification, and human rights compliance,28 it is not restricted by a time limit.29 the possibility of indefinite detention in the united kingdom separates it from most of its european union counterparts due to the fact that the united kingdom chose to opt out of the eu returns directive, which places a time restraint on detention.30 arguably, it is this nonexistence of a defined time limit that is the subject of greatest controversy.31 legal challenges to indefinite detention in confronting the risk of indefinite detention, it is possible to seek judicial review of the policy on the basis that it is ‘unreasonable’ or that it is in contravention of the human rights act 1998. a human rights review of indefinite detention would 22 convention relating to the status of refugees (adopted 28 july 1951, entered into force 22 april 1954) 189 unts 137 (refugee convention). 23 amnesty international (n 18) 9. 24 immigration act 1971, s 4; sch 2 paras 2 and 3. 25 immigration act 1971, s 4 and sch 2 paras 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14 and 16. 26 immigration act 1971, s 3, s 5 and sch 3 para 2. 27 ibid. 28 human rights act 1998, s 6(1): ‘it is unlawful for a public authority to act in a way which is incompatible with a convention right.’ 29 except in cases involving children or pregnant women. see immigration act 2014, s 6(2), in relation to unaccompanied minors, and immigration act 2016 s 60(4), in relation to pregnant women. 30 erin and katona (n 5). 31 rob merrick, ‘theresa may faces tory revolt over the indefinite detention of immigrants’ (the independent, 27 january 2018) accessed 8 april 2018. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/theresa-may-immigration-detention-home-office-tory-revolt-amendmenttime-limit-a8179846.html https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/theresa-may-immigration-detention-home-office-tory-revolt-amendmenttime-limit-a8179846.html https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/theresa-may-immigration-detention-home-office-tory-revolt-amendmenttime-limit-a8179846.html 172 likely be argued on the grounds of a breach of article 3 or 5 of the european convention of human rights (echr). article 3 contains an absolute right not to be subject to ‘torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment’ while article 5 provides for a qualified right to ‘liberty’. both pathways face a different and difficult struggle against the status quo. article 5 challenge the right to liberty is only infringed where a deprivation of liberty has occurred in an unlawful or arbitrary manner.32 moreover, it must be remembered that article 5(1)(f) allows for detention as a form of ‘immigration control’: the lawful arrest or detention of a person to prevent his effecting an unauthorised entry into the country or of a person against whom action is being taken with a view to deportation or extradition. under article 5 there are two potential arguments that could be pursued. the first is that detention without any safeguards is unlawful, and the second is that the lack of a time limit makes any detention arbitrary. with regard to the first argument, all detention in the united kingdom is primarily justified on the basis that there is a ‘presumption of liberty’ that the government must rebut.33 the fact that detention must be justified reduces the chance that it could be opposed as unlawful or arbitrary. the use of detention is also limited by the restrictive opportunities for bail review,34 and the hardial singh principles, which state that: a. the secretary of state must intend to deport the person and can only use the power to detain for that purpose; b) the deportee may only be detained for a period that is reasonable in all the circumstances; c) if, before the expiry of the reasonable period, it becomes apparent that the secretary of state will not be able to effect the deportation within that reasonable period, he should not seek to exercise the power of detention; and d) the secretary of state should act with the reasonable diligence and expedition to effect removal.35 32 chahal v united kingdom [1997] 23 ehrr 413 [118]. 33 khawaja v secretary of state for the home department [1983] ukhl 8 [62]. lord scarman quoting lord atkin ‘that in english law every imprisonment is prima facie unlawful and that it is for a person directing imprisonment to justify his act’. 34 macdonald and toal (n 16) 1629 para 18.8. 35 r v governor of durham prisons, ex p hardial singh [1984] 1 wlr 704 (qbd); see escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc the denning law journal 173 the ‘reasonableness’ requirements in the hardial principles may be considered as a guard against lawful detention becoming arbitrary over time. as a result, requiring that a person is only detained for a ‘reasonable period’ appears to suggests there is formal but unclear limit on detention, and that detention in the united kingdom is not prima facie indefinite. however, the interpretation of ‘reasonable time’ has been very broad in domestic courts and the european court of human rights (ecthr).36 in chahal, the ecthr established the absolute principle of non-refoulement in article 3 cases concerning deportation to a country where the applicant faces a risk of torture. however, chahal also found that a fiveyear period of detention was not a breach of article 5 where the secretary of state acted with due diligence.37 it appears that where a state acts reasonably, and with due diligence the length of detention is inconsequential. this finding has led to the criticism that persons in immigration detention experience a ‘second class right to liberty’.38 the un high commissioner for refugees (unchr) guidelines support the argument that indefinite detention for immigration purposes is arbitrary as a matter of international human rights law.39 the unchr’s justification for its position is based on two cases, a. v australia and mukong. in the first case, the un human rights committee (hrc) considered that the length of time in detention, coupled with the inability to review, could give rise to arbitrariness.40 this case does not appear to suggest condemnation of an indeterminate time period for detention, but rather a confirmation that absence of review procedures can result in detention being arbitrary. the second case of mukong appears to carry more weight as a rationalisation as it emphasised factors such as unpredictability and inappropriateness as elements of arbitrary detention.41 nevertheless, these arguments are not concrete precedents since both the uk supreme court and the ecthr have found that time limits on detention are not also lumba (wl) v secretary of state for the home department [2011] uksc 12 (23 march 2011) [22]. 36 chahal (n 33). 37 ibid., 123. 38 chloe marong, ‘protecting the public? challenging the indefinite preventive detention of non-citizens’ (2014) 3(1) ucl journal of law and jurisprudence’ 115, 123. 39 unhcr guidelines on the applicable criteria and standards relating to the detention of asylum-seekers and alternatives to detention (2012). 40 un human rights committee, a. v australia ccpr/c/59/d/560/1993 (3 april 1997) accessed 10 april 2018, [9.2]. 41 un human rights committee, mukong v cameroon communication no. 458/1991 (21 july 1994) accessed 10 april 2018, [9.8]. http://www.refworld.org/cases,hrc,3ae6b71a0.html http://www.refworld.org/cases,hrc,4ae9acc1d.html 174 required for compatibility with the right to liberty.42 current case law appears to suggest that an article 5 challenge to indefinite detention would not succeed solely on the basis that the lack of a time limit is unlawful, so long as the appropriate opportunities for review exist.43 article 3 challenge a successful article 3 challenge must demonstrate that holding individuals in detention without a defined time limit amounts to either ‘torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment’. this section begins by examining the difference between torture and inhumane and degrading treatment, before analysing the kind of conduct that may amount to a breach of article 3. it then explores whether there is any evidence to support the argument that indefinite detention in the united kingdom may violate protections provided by article 3. as a result of reviewing case law and reports by ngos it is argued that indefinite detention poses a serious threat to detainees’ mental health, which may amount to degrading treatment. ‘the distinction between torture, inhuman and degrading treatment’ indefinite detention is more likely to amount to inhuman or degrading treatment rather than torture. this is because torture requires actual or intense mental harm.44 the ecthr states that treatment which humiliates, debases or shows a want of respect for, or diminishes human dignity, or arouses feelings of fear, anguish or inferiority capable of breaking an individual’s moral and physical resistance can be characterised as degrading.45 similarly, lord bingham in the house of lords stated that ‘[t]reatment is inhuman or degrading if, to a seriously detrimental extent, it denies the most basic needs of any human being’.46 furthermore, it is important to recognise that inhumane or degrading treatment considers personal characteristics and that the ecthr has recognised that asylum 42 r (on the application of nouazli) (appellant) v secretary of state for the home department (respondent) [2016] uksc 16; j.n. v the united kingdom app no 37289/12 (ecthr, 19 may 2016). 43 ibid.; see also machnikowski v secretary of state for the home department [2015] ewhc 54 (admin) [80–104]. 44 pretty v uk [2002] 35 ehrr 1. 45 ibid., 52. 46 r (adam and limbuela) v secretary of state for the home department [2005] ukhl 66 [7]. escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc the denning law journal 175 seekers are particularly vulnerable.47 on the question of whether the treatment is inhuman, degrading or both, it is potentially easier to prove that indefinite detention amounts to degrading treatment. this is in part due to the fact that degrading treatment appears to have a lower threshold of harm,48 and because the treatment need only be seen as degrading in the eyes of the victim.49 additionally, there is no need for the state to have a positive intention to humiliate or debase the complainant.50 however, although there is evidence suggesting that indefinite detention can lead to mental harm serious enough to be considered inhumane, it is more difficult to prove that that is the case collectively, since not every detainee will experience the same levels of mental stress. thus, the stronger argument appears to lie in claiming that the treatment is degrading. as regards proving violations of article 3 in the context of mental health, the ecthr has been more inclined to find that a breach has occurred where there is evidence that detention caused an applicant’s mental health to deteriorate. in order to demonstrate that detention has caused harm to their mental health, successful applicants have provided evidence that detention caused a deterioration of their mental health and well-being;51 that the mental care facilities in detention were inadequate;52 that detention was unsuitable for an already vulnerable individual;53 or that detention exacerbated an existing mental health condition.54 reports and evidence for an article 3-based challenge before examining the evidence in detail, it is necessary to consider the distinction between harm caused by detention in general, and harm caused by indefinite detention. although many of the reports described herein provide a scathing indictment against the current detention system, the subsisting argument relevant to indefinite detention is that the longer detention lasts, the more likely serious mental harm will occur and that the stress of not knowing when detention will end creates or exacerbates mental disorders such as depression or anxiety. as a result the evidence considered in this article focuses on how a deficiency in providing defined time limits for detention affects detainees’ mental health. 47 mss v belgium and greece [2011] 53 ehrr 28. 48 bouyid v belgium app no 22380/09 (ecthr, 28 september 2015) [112]. 49 ibid. 50 romanov v russia app no 63993/00 (ecthr, 20 october 2005). 51 ibid. 52 slawomir musiał v poland app no 28300/06 (ecthr, 20 january 2009). 53 zh v hungary app no 28973/11 (ecthr, 8 november 2012). 54 bamouhammad v belgium app no 47687/13 (ecthr, 17 november 2015). 176 the british medical association (bma) has recognised that a major issue for detainee health is the fact that ‘a large number of individuals score at “clinically significant” levels for depression and anxiety’.55 even where detainees did not reach a clinical threshold it was noted that, ‘every person in detention faces some challenge to their mental health or wellbeing and experiences psychological and emotional distress’.56 in relation to yarl’s wood, a home office-commissioned review, led by stephen shaw, found that around 90% of detainees’ accessed health care every day, and ‘very many women’ were taking antidepressants.57 he also highlighted a number of issues, stating that the mental health care was not fit for purpose, during detention detainees felt afraid to complain, and if they did they were not taken seriously, and that detention had psychological effects even after it ended.58 shaw recommended that the use of detention be decreased, and that there should be more reform in order to protect vulnerable detainees.59 in addition to shaw’s findings, there are also findings from a review of article 3 breaches by jeremy johnson qc, and mary bosworth’s literature review on the impact of immigration detention on mental health. in his review, johnson found that there was a particular need to focus on the provision of health care and the detention review process.60 furthermore, the five breaches johnson reviewed seemed to all follow a trend, where detention was found to exacerbate existing mental health conditions up to the point that would constitute inhuman or degrading treatment to keep the persons in detention.61 bosworth’s literature review established that across all the different bodies of work and jurisdictions, detention (i) has a negative impact on mental health and that this increases the longer detention persists; (ii) that asylum seekers are particularly vulnerable; and (iii) that there are three predominant forms of mental disorder related to immigration detention: depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder (ptsd).62 bosworth’s review also suggested that the effects of detention continue 55 british medical association medical ethics committee, locked up, locked out: health and human rights in immigration detention (british medical association 2017) 19. 56 ibid. 57 stephen shaw, review into the welfare in detention of vulnerable persons (cm 9186, 2016), para 3.133. 58 ibid., para 3.140. 59 ibid., 193–198. 60 ibid. 61 ibid., 291–293. 62 ibid.; see also erin and kotona (n 5). escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc the denning law journal 177 even after detention has ended.63 the conclusion to be drawn from these reports, as well as from reports by amnesty international, detention action64 and the un committee against torture,65 is that the practice of indefinite detention poses a serious problem for united kingdom’s obligation to refrain from breaching article 3 rights as the practice appears to consistently be accused of being psychologically harmful to detainees who are already uniquely vulnerable. although there is consistent opinion that the use of detention causes harm, which is then exacerbated by its indefiniteness, it is still not clear whether that maltreatment might translate into ‘degrading treatment’. deportation row as stated above, in order for treatment to be degrading it must diminish human dignity, arouse feelings of fear or anguish, and can be degrading from the perspective of the complainant, which is a subjective standard. in relation to indefinite detention it is important to consider the factors as cumulative in order to make it degrading. features include the uncertainty of when detention will end; the vulnerability of asylum seekers; the indications that that the majority of detainees are not removed; the evidence of the effect detention has on well-being; and length of time spent in detention that can range from a month to more than two years.66 it is also valuable to consider how those in detention describe their experience of being ‘helpless institutionalised victim[s]’,67 ‘constantly on edge’68, as well as the anxiety placed on both their own lives and the lives of their family members.69 indefinite detention can be found to be degrading treatment in the same way as the ‘death row phenomenon’ was found to be inhumane.70 the phrase ‘death row phenomenon’ is usually used without precision, but it typically alludes to the 63 ibid., 305. 64 jerome phelps and others, the state of detention: immigration detention in the uk in 2014 (detention action, 2014). 65 un committee against torture, ‘concluding observations on the fifth periodic report of the united kingdom, adopted by the committee at its fiftieth session’ (6–31 may 2013) cat/c/gbr/5 para 30. 66 amnesty international (n 18) 36. 67 detained voices, ‘22 feb 2018 – so to give you an update on the events regarding our strike’ (detained voices, 22 february 2018) accessed 8 april 2018. 68 detained voices, ‘22 feb 2018 – the hunger strikers’ demands’ (n 12). 69 amnesty international (n 18) 43. 70 soering v united kingdom [1989] 11 ehrr 439. https://detainedvoices.com/tag/yarlswood/ https://detainedvoices.com/tag/yarlswood/ 178 unique stress experienced by prisoners on death row.71 a satisfactory definition will usually account for delay, uncertainty and conditions of imprisonment.72 in soering, the ecthr did not find that the death penalty in itself was an act that violated article 3 but rather it was the risk of exposure to the death row phenomenon.73 similarly, in the case of indefinite detention it is neither the act of detention, nor administrative removal or deportation that is unlawful, but rather the circumstances in which a particularly vulnerable person is forced to suffer the debasing agony of insecurity, fear and mental distress. admittedly there are some flaws in this argument. firstly, detention centres in the united kingdom and prisons in the united states may not be suitable comparators. secondly, the length of delays and level of acceptable of injury caused by awaiting execution are already accepted as grave by international law,74 whereas the harm caused by indefinite detention has not been as frequently acknowledged in the international discourse. however, making the argument that indefinite detention is closer to being degrading rather than inhuman treatment allows for some manoeuvrability in terms of the gravity of the ill-treatment required. consequently, the risk of exposure to mental suffering in the case of immigration detention may be enough to demonstrate that confinement without time limits is degrading. yet, this is a far from definitive conclusion. solutions and alternatives although the ‘deportation row’ argument may not be enough to demonstrate a breach of article 3, it appears that ending the practice of indefinite detention is in the interest of the uk government. the home office has ‘rule 35 reviews’ which are intended to guard against detaining people who suffered torture or people ‘whose health is likely to be injuriously affected by continued detention or any conditions of detention’.75 however, the shaw review found that these reviews are not fit for purpose.76 although his follow-up report suggests improvements are occurring in connection to mental health treatment, he remained concerned that 71 patrick hudson, ‘does the death row phenomenon violate a prisoner’s human rights under intentional law?’ (2002) 11(4) european journal of international law 833–856. 72 ibid.; see also reprieve, ‘death row phenomenon: the psychological impact of living in the shadow of execution’ (reprieve) accessed 11 april 2018. 73 soering (n 71). 74 hudson (n 72). 75 detention centre rules 2001. 76 shaw (n 58). escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc https://reprieve.org.uk/death-row-phenomenon-psychological-impact-shadow-execution/ https://reprieve.org.uk/death-row-phenomenon-psychological-impact-shadow-execution/ the denning law journal 179 some time may be necessary for meaningful change to take place.77 furthermore, reforms like the revision of chapter 55.10 of the enforcement instructions and guidance (eig) and the ‘adult at risk policy’ are still not adequately addressing the long-term mental health deterioration that occurs as a result of indefinite detention.78 even though it is possible to improve the current regime by addressing the issues surrounding cynical decision making and bureaucratic inertia,79 a more cost-effective and risk-averse solution would be to place time limits on detention.80 moreover, arguments made under article 3 may have more success as there is a range of cross-party and ngo support81 for bringing an end to the practice on this basis. for example, the bma has called for detention to be replaced with a more humane alternative and for detention to have clear time limits, in order to avoid breaching article 3.82 a parliamentary inquiry into detention has also suggested the introduction of a time limit as well as an increase in the use of community-based solutions.83 currently immigration detention has also been labelled as ‘malfunctioning and unnecessary’, by amnesty international. during 2016 only 21% of detainees were actually removed from the united kingdom.84 consequently, the question must be asked that if a significant number of detainees are released, why not limit their subjection to such treatment whether it is degrading or not. with the cost of detaining people amounting to £80 per night and the price of immigration detention totalling more than £523.5 million between 2014 and 2017, it appears that the choice to detain irregular or illegal migrants is expensive and ineffective.85 detention may also come at a cost to detainees as their 77 stephen shaw, ‘assessment of government progress in implementing the report on the welfare in detention of vulnerable persons: a follow-up report to the home office by stephen shaw’ (cm 9661, 2018), para 3.151–3.154. 78 amnesty international (n 18); home office, immigration act 2016: guidance on adults at risk in immigration detention (home office, 2018). 79 shaw (n 58) 302. 80 ibid., 191. 81 amelia gentleman, ‘mps call for end to indefinite detention of migrants’ (the guardian, 3 march 2015) accessed 10 april 2018. 82 british medical association (n 56) 11. 83 all party parliamentary group on refugees & the all party parliamentary group on migration, the report of the inquiry into the use of immigration detention in the united kingdom: a joint inquiry (2015). 84 independent monitoring board (n 9). 85 may blum, ‘more than £500m spent on uk immigration detention over four years’ (the independent, 5 february 2018) https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2015/mar/03/mpscall-end-indefinite-detention-migrants https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2015/mar/03/mpscall-end-indefinite-detention-migrants https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/homenews/uk-immigration-detention-centre-cost-taxpayer-brexit-eu-migrants-a8195251.html https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/homenews/uk-immigration-detention-centre-cost-taxpayer-brexit-eu-migrants-a8195251.html 180 source of income and their family lives may be disrupted by the precariousness of being detained. as a result, it is necessary for the united kingdom to consider alternatives to detention. two potential types of alternatives to detention that warrant examination are enforcement-based alternatives and engagement-based alternatives.86 enforcement-based alternatives are less coercive than detention and consist of more traditional substitutes to detention such as registration, reporting and residency conditions.87 engagement-based alternatives attempt to involve migrants in the immigration process in order to promote cooperation.88 alternatives may include placing a migrant within the community with an assigned case manager who helps provide the individual with information and updates about the migration process.89 the ngos such detention action and the international detention coalition (idc) encourage the use of more engagement-based alternatives centred on the community assessment and placement (cap) models which places an emphasis on detention as a last resort and seeks to ensure respect for minimum standards and the right to liberty.90 an existing uk project that takes advantage of improved screening and case management is the detention community action project. the project conducts a risk assessment to determine eligibility through multiple interviews.91 additionally, the project provides a project coordinator and a structured post-release case management plan that helps manage the risk of absconding and re-offending.92 the project coordinator helps explain why an individual is being summoned for an interview. the purpose of the project coordinator is intended to act as a liaison which helps to improve trust and communication between the government and the migrant.93 the increased use of alternatives promoted and supported by civil society may have multiple benefits to society at large. alternatives can be more cost efficient than detention and accessed 20 july 2018; stephanie j. silverman and melanie e. b. griffiths, ‘immigration detention in the uk’ (migration observatory briefing, compas, university of oxford, uk, may 2018). 86 eiri ohtani and jerome phelps, without detention: opportunities for alternatives (detention action 2016) 19. 87 ibid. 88 ibid., 20. 89 ibid., 19. 90 r sampson and others, there are alternatives: a handbook for preventing unnecessary immigration detention (revised) (international detention coalition 2015) v. 91 ibid., 51. 92 ibid. 93 ibid., 52. escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc the denning law journal 181 encourage the respect of human rights and minimum standards which may decrease the chance of an article 3 or 5 challenge.94 alternatives also help to protect the migrant’s mental health from unnecessary duress and allow them to feel like they have more control in the immigration process. furthermore, where the migrant has a family it allows them to continue to receive support while their status is being decided. legal challenges to accelerated removal identifying a nexus between the warnings issued to detainees for their participation in a hunger strike and an article 3 violation is difficult. a particular obstacle is that there has not been a ‘test case’ and it is not likely that one will be brought since the hunger strike ended as many of the original group of hunger strikers were either deported or released.95 it still remains possible to argue that the threat amounted to a breach of article 3.96 however, the threshold is high as it not only that the victim must see themselves as humiliated but they must also experience mental suffering severe enough that it gives rise to ill-treatment.97 even though it may be easy to demonstrate that the detainees felt degraded by the home office’s threat, without evidence that actual harm was experienced, it remains unlikely that such an argument will succeed. part two: the theoretical implications legal routes might not be able to provide the desired outcome of ending these practices for, as upendra baxi suggests, ‘[c]ourts are … never a substitute for direct political action, including mass politics of direct action’.98 although, the legal pathways may be uncertain, the detainees themselves may have the power to act against their circumstances and affect their situation even if they do not 94 ibid., 6. 95 detained voices, ‘21 march 2018 – today marks the 28th day since we began our strike here in yarl’s wood’ (detained voices, 21 march 2018) < https://detainedvoices. com/2018/03/21/today-marks-the-28th-day-since-we-began-our-strike-here-in-yarlswood/> accessed 8 april 2018. 96 campbell and cosans v united kingdom [1982] 4 ehrr 293 [26–30]. 97 ibid. 98 upendra baxi, ‘the avatars of indian judicial activism: explorations in the geographies of injustice’ in sk verma and kusum kumar (eds), fifty years of the supreme court of india: its grasp and reach (indian law institute) 164. https://detainedvoices.com/2018/03/21/today-marks-the-28th-day-since-we-began-our-strike-here-in-yarlswood/ https://detainedvoices.com/2018/03/21/today-marks-the-28th-day-since-we-began-our-strike-here-in-yarlswood/ https://detainedvoices.com/2018/03/21/today-marks-the-28th-day-since-we-began-our-strike-here-in-yarlswood/ 182 succeed in achieving their demands. detainee strike action in yarl’s wood may be important to help them reclaim their humanity and independence. the sunken place and detention centres indefinite detention can be compared to the sunken place. the sunken place is a plane of existence where a person’s mind is separated from their body resulting in them only being able to see the world but not interact with it. on twitter, peele elaborated on the concept by stating that ‘[t]he sunken place means we’re marginalized. no matter how hard we scream, the system silences us’.99 while peele’s comment, like his film, are more of a commentary on race relations in the united states, it can similarly be applied to those asylum seekers being held in detention centres. they are separated from society, labelled as an ‘outsider group’,100 and have no knowledge or control over their detention or removal. they remain in an indefinite state of powerlessness and uncertainty. one detainee articulated the frustration that arises from such a state as, ‘[i]nside the detention centre you don’t feel you have any rights. they keep telling us we need to go back to our country’.101 another detainee described detention as, ‘[t]hat’s who you are. you’re just in limbo…. .’ you’re just in limbo now and you don’t know what’s going to come from day to day’.102 although some in the social science field argue that the act of detention serves as a tool of exclusion and alienation,103 it could be contended that the home office’s policy goes beyond such segregation. the home office’s threat of accelerated removal serves as an attempt to deprive detainees of their power to act, ensuring that they remain ostracised and silent. evidently the home office has tried to ensure that detainees remain in the sunken place. however, just like the protagonist in peele’s film, the detainees can also escape the sunken place by using continued resistance. options include using meaningful speech and 99 ross lincoln, ‘get out’ director jordan peele explains “the sunken place”’ (the wrap, 16 march 2017) accessed 10 april 2018. 100 patricia tuitt, race, law, resistance (1st edn, glasshouse press 2004) 2. 101 detained voices, ‘november 18 2017 – inside the detention centre you don’t feel you have any rights’ (detained voices, november 18 2017), accessed 8 april 2018. 102 amnesty international (n 18). 103 giuseppe campesi, ‘hindering the deportation machine: an ethnography of power and resistance in immigration detention’ (2015) 17 (4) punishment & society 428–453. escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc https://www.thewrap.com/get-out-director-jordan-peele-explains-the-sunken-place/ https://www.thewrap.com/get-out-director-jordan-peele-explains-the-sunken-place/ https://detainedvoices.com/2017/11/18/inside-the-detention-centre-you-dont-feel-you-have-any-rights/ https://detainedvoices.com/2017/11/18/inside-the-detention-centre-you-dont-feel-you-have-any-rights/ the denning law journal 183 action so that those in detention can re-experience and restore their autonomy, and their humanity.104 an ‘arendt-based framework’ arendt suggests that totalitarianism tries to abolish people’s humanity before taking away their rights and destroying their lives.105 as alluded above, once detainees enter detention they feel like they do not have any rights. this feeling of rightlessness seems reminiscent of arendt’s concept of the need ‘to have the right to have rights’. arendt conceives of two types of rights: civic rights like those found in human rights instruments and the ‘right to have rights’.106 the latter, she describes as a right to ‘a place in the world which makes opinions significant and actions effective’.107 arendt states in the context of the decline of the nation-state and the end of human rights, that ‘man, it turns out, can lose all so-called rights of man without losing his essential quality as man, his human dignity. only the loss of a polity itself expels him from humanity’.108 thus, when a person is excluded from the right of engaging in the world they are deprived of their own humanity. the home office’s letter threatening accelerated removal for participation in a hunger strike has the potential of making the detainees absolutely ‘rightless’. the home office’s policy attempts to deprive of detainees of their voices and therefore their place in the polis and excludes them from even being able to fight for freedom. had the detainees’ protests and the strikes ended immediately, they would have been dispossessed of their humanity, as arendt suggests ‘a life without speech and without action … has ceased to be a human life because it is no longer lived among men’.109 one detainee’s account captures such a state of powerlessness and disenfranchisement: even if we can approach people in here, no one will do anything because they are part of the home office… . please take action to talk to the home office. 104 lucy fiske, ‘human rights and refugee protest against immigration detention: refugees’ struggles for recognition as human’ (2016) 32(1) refuge: canada’s journal on refugees 18–27. 105 serena parekh, ‘a meaningful place in the world: hannah arendt on the nature of human rights’ (2004) 3(1) journal of human rights 41–53. 106 fiske (n 105) 20. 107 hannah arendt, the origins of totalitarianism (2nd ed, harcourt, brace 1973), 296. 108 ibid., 297. 109 hannah arendt, the human condition (2nd ed, university of chicago press 1958) 176. 184 our voices aren’t heard because we are in here… help us out there, to get our voices out. it’s important that people can hear our anger.110 the references to ‘in here’ and ‘out there’ seem to substantiate the idea that a life of detention is the life of being a mere object in the world. it is an existence where one is free to call out ‘hear me’, but without an answer. such speech remains ineffective and leaves the detainee with no way to effectively engage in and with the world. however, the home office’s letter and continued indefinite detention has not prevented the detainee’s from revealing their humanity.111 their continued resistance has inserted them into the world.112 through strike action they demand to be judged for who they are and not what they are. as to be treated only as an ‘asylum seeker’ results in only ever being considered as an ‘approximation of their humanity’, and not as a distinct individual.113 arendt proposes that the basic conditions of effective speech and action require what appear to be two contradictory notions, equal treatment and distinction.114 on the one hand, arendt suggests that equal treatment is necessary in order for humans to be able to plan and understand each other.115 on the other hand, distinction appears to be necessary condition as without it neither speech nor action would be required to communicate as all humans would be the same.116 it is through the detainees’ own action and view of humanity that they hold onto their autonomy and thus convince the public of their distinctness and demand to be treated as equally and not as a mere object in the world. the desire to stay human through protest and hunger strikes those in detention ascend their ordinary status. accepting that action is the political activity par excellence,117 when combined with the ‘detained voices’ blog, it gives detainees an effective voice and impact in the world. fiske suggests that asylum seekers are often portrayed as either villains or victims, but not as cognisant agents in mainstream discourse.118 yet migrant 110 detained voices, ‘22 feb 2018 – the protest is about their system of indefinite detention’ (n 6). 111 arendt (n 110) 176. 112 ibid. 113 fiske (n 105) 20. 114 arendt (n 110), 175. 115 ibid. 116 ibid. 117 ibid., 9. 118 fiske (n 105) 19. escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc the denning law journal 185 detainees can challenge this narrative. through speech and action the migrant in detention articulates their claims as universal. the uk migrant desires to be recognised as human, and that longing is not contained to those detained in yarl’s wood119 but is an international experience that stretches from italy,120 to australia,121 to israel.122 it is based on a claim of universal humanity. detainees try to appeal, to not only the government, but to the citizens of the state as well.123 an example is one yarl’s wood detainee who expressed their gratitude to protestors who visited the centre in a message entitled ‘to the wonderful people of planet earth’.124 it is not only clear that detainees recognise that, as reynold’s claims, humanity is not something that can be juridically taken away,125 but also that there is a power in invoking rights associated with humanity as a mode of resistance.126 by pulling on the emancipatory force of progressive political rights language, asylum seekers who are excluded from society reject their abjection.127 detainees draw from the very same liberal norms upon which the community they wish to join is based, and challenge their segregation as hypocritical. or as one detain phrases it: we do have hope that people are starting to wake up to what is really happening in this country that likes to present itself to the rest of the world as a leader in human rights and civil liberties.128 119 detained voices, ‘march 1 – we are on a hunger strike because we are suffering unfair imprisonment and racist abuse in this archaic institution in britain’ (detained voices, march 1 2018). accessed 8 april 2018. 120 campesi (n 104). 121 fiske (n 105). 122 al jazeera news, ‘deportation or prison: israel’s african asylum s seekers’ (aljazeera, 3 march 2018) accessed 10 april 2018. 123 fiske (n 105) 19. 124 detained voices, ‘to wonderful people on planet earth!’ (detained voices, 24 march 2018) accessed 8 april 2018. 125 john reynolds, empire, emergency and international law (1st edn, cambridge university press 2017) 54. 126 ibid., 273. 127 ibid. 128 detained voices, ‘21 march 2018 – today marks the 28th day’ (n 96). https://detainedvoices.com/2018/03/01/we-are-on-a-hungerstrike-because-we-are-suffering-unfair-imprisonment-and-racist-abuse-in-this-archaicinstitution-in-britain/ https://detainedvoices.com/2018/03/01/we-are-on-a-hungerstrike-because-we-are-suffering-unfair-imprisonment-and-racist-abuse-in-this-archaicinstitution-in-britain/ https://detainedvoices.com/2018/03/01/we-are-on-a-hungerstrike-because-we-are-suffering-unfair-imprisonment-and-racist-abuse-in-this-archaicinstitution-in-britain/ https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/talktojazeera/inthefield/2018/03/deportation-prison-israel-african-asylum-seekers-180302143018483.html https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/talktojazeera/inthefield/2018/03/deportation-prison-israel-african-asylum-seekers-180302143018483.html https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/talktojazeera/inthefield/2018/03/deportation-prison-israel-african-asylum-seekers-180302143018483.html https://detainedvoices.com/2018/03/24/to-wonderful-people-on-planet-earth/ 186 it is through exposing liberal hypocrisy and political action that those in detention ensure their humanity even when others are not willing to act. by guaranteeing that their voices are heard, even at the risk of the destruction of their own bodies, detainees guarantee their place in the world and forcibly escape the sunken place. conclusion resistance to indefinite detention is composed of many routes. although challenges based on article 5 are likely to fail, article 3 disputes show real promise. however, the problem with an article 3 challenge is that it is unlikely that detention by itself is enough to give rise to a finding of degrading or inhumane treatment. on the other hand, if the court considers the cumulative effect of detention without time limits on mental health, then it seems clear the policy may be challenged along lines of the risk of a breach to article 3. additionally, even if the courts do not find that article 3 is breached by the mere fact or threat of indefinite detention, it seems the removal of such a practice benefits the united kingdom. moreover, it appears to be clear that without actual evidence of harm, a challenge to the threat of accelerated removal cannot be properly assessed until a test case is brought. however, from a theoretical perspective it can be established that opposition to detention within the detention centres plays an important role in giving detainees a sense of autonomy; especially in a centre like yarl’s wood which holds the most vulnerable detainees. it is clear that indefinite detention can be brought to an end by increasing the use of detention alternatives. alternatives such as the detention action community project could address the major issues explored within this article. the increased use of alternatives that screen and place migrants within the community accompanied by the appropriate support may be useful to both prevent exposure to unnecessary mental stress and encourage respect for migrants’ autonomy and humanity. the adoption of alternatives to detention may also address the problems associated with indefinite detention as issues of permission to stay and removal may be conducted without exposing potential asylum seekers to the state of limbo associated with irc detention centres. as pressure for immigration reform, both within and outside the irc centres, begins to amass, it is apparent that the system needs to change in order to ensure that human lives and rights are respected. escaping the sunken place: indefinite detention, asylum seekers and resistance in yarl’s wood irc human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 241 denning law journal 2015 vol 27 pp 241-257 the problem of the non-justiciability of religious defamations peter smith introduction english law has long held the principle that religions should be free from interference by the state in certain matters. the original 1215 edition of the magna carta proclaimed, as its first article, ―that we have granted to god, and by this present charter have confirmed for us and our heirs in perpetuity, that the english church shall be free, and shall have its rights undiminished, and its liberties unimpaired.‖ 1 this article was intended to protect the established catholic church from the powers of the state, specifically from interference in church elections by the executive in the form of the person of the monarch. the notion that religions were institutions with practices and beliefs that were outside the control of the state in certain respects was adopted by the common law and is found in modern times in the principle of nonjusticiability on the matter of religion in certain types of civil case. 2 in recent years, the position has been summarised as ―the courts will not attempt to rule upon doctrinal issues or intervene in the regulation or governance of religious groups.‖ 3 employed barrister, carter-ruck, 6 st andrew street, london, ec4a 3ae. 1 ‗english translation of magna carta‘ (british library) accessed 7 july 2015. specifically, the article protected the ‗freedom of the church‘s elections‘: ‗this freedom we shall observe ourselves, and desire to be observed in good faith by our heirs in perpetuity.‘ this was reiterated in the final peroration at article 63: ‗it is accordingly our wish and command that the english church shall be free...‘ 2 also known as the ‗―non-interference‖ principle‘: see russell sandberg, law and religion (cup 2011) 74-76. it does not apply to the church of england as the established church: see mark hill, russell sandberg and norman doe, religion and law in the united kingdom (2nd edn, wolters kluwer 2014) 76. 3 blake v associated newspapers limited [2003] ewhc 1960 (qb) [5] (eady j). http://www.bl.uk/magna-carta/articles/magna-carta-english-translation http://www.bl.uk/magna-carta/articles/magna-carta-english-translation the problem of the non-justiciability of religious defamations 242 religion…is not the business of government or of the secular courts…the starting point of the law is an essentially agnostic view of religious beliefs and a tolerant indulgence to religious and cultural diversity… it is not for a judge to weigh one religion against another. all are entitled to equal respect. 4 this non-interference has been described as both active, ―through the express grant and preservation of rights of self-determination, selfgovernance and self-regulation‖, and passive, ―through non-interference on the part of organs of state such as national government local or regional government or the secular courts. in the united kingdom there is no systematic provision made for autonomy of religious organizations and, in the main, a self-denying ordinance of neutrality may be said to predominate.‖ 5 one area of law where the passive conception has been particularly adopted is in the law of defamation. this is, perhaps, surprising: many religions specifically proscribe libel and particularly slander as forms of wrongdoing. in the bible, the psalmist prays, ―set a watch, o lord, before my mouth; and a door round about my lips‖. 6 the book of proverbs warns, ―he that utterth a slander, is a fool‖ 7 and ―do not slander a slave to his master, or he will curse you and you will be found guilty.‖ 8 st matthew records jesus telling his listeners, ―but i tell you that every careless word that people speak, they shall give an accounting for it in the day of judgment.‖ 9 despite these injunctions, english law, which has otherwise been so deeply rooted in christian principle, does not reflect this prohibition when it comes to the matter of religion and libel, as it did until recently with blasphemy and as it does with defamation generally. 10 this is partly 4 sulaiman v juffali [2001] ewhc 556 (fam) [47] (munby j). 5 doe, religion and law in the united kingdom (n 2). 6 psalms 143:3. 7 proverbs 10:18. 8 proverbs 30:10. 9 matthew 12:36. 10 blasphemy was long a common law and statutory offence which defied neat definition, see the law commission, offences against religion and public worship (working paper 79 1981) 5-6: ‗there is no one agreed definition of blasphemy and blasphemous libel‘ – but it is often characterised as the defamation of religion. prosecutions for blasphemy became increasingly rare; the last by the crown was in 1922 and the only other prosecution before the crime was abolished by criminal justice & immigration act 2008, s 79 was a private the denning law journal 243 the cultural product of the reformation. the sectarian violence of the period gradually gave way to the acceptance of religious difference in the liberal state, which had neither the knowledge nor the desire to investigate the truth of what were ultimately profound differences in belief between catholic, anglican and non-conformist theology. 11 how could a court decide when a catholic labelled a protestant a heretic, for instance, or when one methodist described another as schismatic? when the courts did intervene, it was only because of the implied or explicit accusation of another wrong that accompanied a religious libel. it was, for instance, once an actionable libel to call a person a ―papist‖ and allege that they went to mass, because of the imputation of criminality and disloyalty that was implied by the accusation. 12 gradually, public opinion has changed and it is clearly no longer the case today that, in england, being catholic carries the same implied sting in the minds of the public. 13 defamation law applied to religion is unstable and, as both a cause and a symptom of the cultural shift towards freer speech, defamation law itself has also changed markedly in very recent years. the pendulum has swung away from the right to reputation and towards free expression with the coming into force of the defamation act 2013. this introduced the hurdle of proving a statement has caused or is likely to cause ―serious harm‖ to the reputation of the claimant. 14 it has also reformulated some of the substantial defences to a claim for libel in the new statutory defences prosecution in 1978. see the history of the crime in the house of lords‘ judgments in whitehouse v lemon; whitehouse v gay news ltd [1979] 2 wlr 281 (hl). 11 sandberg, law and religion (n 11) ch 2. sandberg describes four phases in the historical development of religion and law: the ‗temporal-spiritual partnership‘ which followed the norman conquest; ‗the era of discrimination and tolerance‘ which resulted from the reformation; the ‗epoch of toleration‘ which followed the glorious revolution; and ‗the current age of positive religious freedom‘ stemming from the 1998 human rights act. 12 row v sir thomas clargis (1681) 83 er 252. 13 other common law jurisdictions, however, have a different culture against which to judge the imputation of a libel. in chen cheng v central christian church [1999] 1 sing lr 94 sing (ca), it was held that calling a church a ‗cult‘ was defamatory because in singapore the word was a pejorative one, meaning a religious group with teachings and practices that are abhorrent and harmful to society. see richard parkes and others, gatley on libel and slander (12th edn, sweet & maxwell 2013) ch 2, fn 213. 14 on the background to the 2013 act, see ch 1 of james price qc and felicity mcmahon, blackstone’s guide to the defamation act 2013 (oup 2013). the problem of the non-justiciability of religious defamations 244 of truth, honest opinion and publication on matter of public interest, introduced new defences, and extended existing ones. 15 the uk supreme court decision in shergill v khaira presents a challenge to the principle of non-justiciability in the case of religious defamation. 16 the application of the principle in the case of blake v associated newspapers ltd was ―not…correct‖. 17 courts should not decline jurisdiction on the grounds of religion, even if they raise questions of doctrine and ecclesiology, if the claim is grounded in a valid cause of action such as libel: ―the court will enter into questions of disputed doctrine if it is necessary to do so in reference to civil interests‖. 18 this decision ostensibly gives the court jurisdiction to decide deep questions of religion and opens to claimants the right to vindicate their reputation when previously such an action would have been denied to them. however, this boon for claimants may be countered by an extension of the defence of honest opinion for defendants, as the supreme court itself notes. 19 defamation actions in religious contexts generally it has been suggested that there are four types of dispute that include a ―religious dimension‖. 20 15 formerly, the defences of justification, fair comment, and responsible journalism. new defences include protection for the operators of websites and for peer-reviewed statements in scientific or academic journals. extended defences include reports protected by privilege. see blackstone’s guide to the defamation act 2013, chs 3-9. 16 [2014] uksc 33, hereafter ‗khaira‘. 17 [2003] ewhc 1960 (qb). 18 ibid [57]. 19 ‗the problem that such defamation claims face, which will usually doom them to failure, is that they raise issues of religious opinion on which people may hold opposing views in good faith. the expression of such views without malice is likely to be protected by the defence of honest comment – what used, until joseph v spiller [2011] 1 ac 852, to be called fair comment.‘ ibid. 20 alastair mullis and andrew scott, ‗how to know the truth: accommodating religious belief in the law of libel‘ (hereafter, ‗mullis and scott‘) ch 8 in james richardson and francois bellanger (eds), legal cases, new religious movements, and minority faiths (ashgate 2010). also available at lse law, society and economy working papers 9/2012: accessed 8 july 2015. the denning law journal 245 first, general criticism of religions which, if deemed offensive to followers of the religion, may be caught by group defamation or blasphemy laws. general criticism of a religion does not found an action for libel unless a particular follower can establish that the criticism applies to him, however. 21 this is why it is not actionable as a tort for a priest to sue on the allegation that all catholics are child-abusers, nor for an imam to bring a claim against the publisher because of the assertion that all muslims are terrorists, although criminal law may apply. 22 second specific allegations may be caught when made against particular individuals alleging that they have failed to meet prescribed standards or expectations of behaviour, e.g. that they have sinned against the religion. but individuals impugned in this way are perhaps more likely to use internal dispute resolutions than secular courts, in a bid to stay within the organisation. 23 there are two further sorts of religious dispute which have historically led to libel actions that invoke the secular law. these are when general criticisms are made of a religion coupled with specific, associated criticism of a particular person such that they can sue, or when criticism of the religion is made without a basis in religious doctrine. these forms are 21 in english law, there must be specificity before a person, whether legal or natural, can bring a defamation action. on the need for sufficient reference to the claimant, see orme v associated newspapers, the times 4 february 1981 (comyn j). the judge held that an article about the moonies was capable of referring to the leader in england of that new minority religion. in that case, the grave charges must have been capable of referring to the plaintiff if only because people might say that he must have known what went on. see hardeep singh, ‗religious libel: are the courts the right place for faith disputes?‘ (hereafter, ‗religious libel‘) 152-54, ch 9 in legal cases, new religious movements, and minority faiths, ibid; and mullis and scott (n 20) fn 9, 134. 22 an exceptional case is ortenburg v plamondon (1914) 24 quebec kb 69, decided under the civil law of quebec but referring to common law cases, the defendant, in a lecture delivered in the city of quebec, violently assailed and abused the jewish race, its religious doctrines and social practices, the object being to put the public of quebec on guard against the jews of quebec, who numbered only 75 families in a total population of 80,000 souls. it was held that although not assailed individually, the plaintiff, being one of the ‗‗restricted collectivity‘‘ of the jews of quebec, was entitled to maintain an action of defamation against the defendant. see gatley on libel and slander (n 13) 7.97.10. 23 see frank otuo v the watchtower bible and tract society of britain [2013] (unrep but available at accessed 1 july 2015) (hhj moloney qc) for an example of where the expulsion of a jehovah‘s witness member triggered a libel claim. https://inforrm.wordpress.com/table-of-cases-2/ the problem of the non-justiciability of religious defamations 246 distinguished from each other by asking ―whether or not the imputations at issue rest upon a doctrinal dispute‖. 24 there are many examples of allegations being made without a basis in religious doctrine, as noted above. 25 it has been held defamatory to state of an archbishop of the church of ireland that he has attempted to convert a catholic priest to protestantism by an offer of £1,000 in cash and a living of £800 a year, 26 or to state of a clergyman that he is guilty of immorality or drunkenness, 27 or that he preaches sedition, 28 lies, 29 or that he knows less about his religion than an adolescent, 30 or that he has used his pulpit to throw out personal invectives against a member of the congregation, 31 or that he has juggled with the collections, 32 or that he has desecrated a part of his church by turning it into a cooking department. 33 indeed, the religious context of an accusation can be taken into account, even if the action is without a basis in religious in doctrine. 34 if the allegation is that a clergyman preached false doctrine, it will be defamatory if, in the circumstances, it imputed hypocrisy. but if the defendant belonged to a different church to the claimant and the churches 24 mullis and scott (n 20) 141. 25 see gatley on libel and slander (n 13) 2.40, from where the following examples are drawn. more recent examples include sharma v sharma [2014] ewhc 3349 involving allegations of criminality after the defendant was replaced by the claimant on the board of a national hindu charity. 26 archbishop of tuam v robeson (1828) 5 bing 17. 27 payne v beaumorris (1661) 1 lev 248; evans v gwyn (1844) 5 qb 844; gallwey v marshall (1853) 9 exch 294; stow v gardner (1843) 6 up can qb (os) 512; steltzer v domm [1932] 2 wwr 139. words which, if directed against another would not be defamatory may be so if directed against a clergyman, because of the nature of the calling: murphy v harty, 393 p 2d 206 (or 1964). 28 cranden v walden (1693) 3 lev 17. 29 phillips v badley (1582) cited 4 co rep at 19a; drake v drake (1652) style 363. 30 maidman v jewish publications (1960) 54 cal 2d 643. 31 edwards v bell (1824) 1 bing 403. 32 curtis v argus (1915) 155 ny s 813; dr sibthorp‘s case (1628) w jones 366. 33 kelly v sherlock (1866) lr 1 qb 686. 34 maccaba v lichtenstein [2004] ewhc 1580 (qb) [9] (gray j). however, in another religious slander case albeit one under a different statutory regime, the claimant‘s declaration that she had been expelled from her religious congregation and had been unable to join another, was not actionable absent proof of special damage: roberts v roberts 16 (1864) 5 b&s 384. the denning law journal 247 are in disagreement about the doctrine, it will not be an actionable tort. 35 this key distinction is at the heart of the non-justiciability problem. the khaira litigation in the lower courts khaira was one of a number of suits (along with baba jeet v singh 36 and shergill v purewal) 37 that stemmed from the overspill of a dispute in india to the sikh community in the uk. 38 the underlying dispute concerned the declaration of a mahant, or religious superior of a dera (monastery) in the punjab, known in proceedings as the first holy saint, that he was a living guru and so a religious leader of great importance to sikhs. the order he founded, the nirmal kutia johal, set up three gurdwaras in the uk, in bradford, birmingham and high wycombe. he died in 2001 and was succeeded in short order by the second and then third holy saint. 39 in khaira, eight of the appellants contended that they had been validly appointed as trustees of the three gurdwaras by the third holy saint. they sought declarations that this was done under the relevant trust deeds, which allowed the first holy saint ―and his successor‖ to remove and appoint trustees. the respondents, the original trustees of the gurdwaras, argued that the third holy saint had no power to remove and appointed trustees of the gurdwaras. the judge at first instance dismissed the defendants‘ application for strike out on the grounds of non-justiciability, considering that the legal question of the construction of the deeds required ―not an establishment of the propriety or the validity of a process by which the [third holy saint] may have succeeded to come to be regarded as holding the office of holy saint but whether, as a matter of fact, he has become sufficiently recognised as the holder of that office to be considered to be a person 35 see dod v robinson (1648) aleyn 63; gatley on libel and slander (n 13) fn 417. 36 [2010] ewhc 1294 (qb). aka his holiness sant bab jeet singh ji maharaj v (1) eastern media group limited (2) hardeep singh 37 [2010] ewhc 3610 (qb). 38 for a brief exposition of the sikh community in the uk, see singh ‗religious libel‘ (n 21) 157. singh himself was a defendant (along with his publisher, the sikh times) in the libel case of baba jeet v singh, when he was sued by the third holy saint. he explains the background to the religious dispute at 158-165. 39 the background facts are set out in the court of appeal judgment shergill v khaira [2012] ewca civ 983 [28] – [36] (mummery lj), and in khaira (n 16) [2] – [11]. the problem of the non-justiciability of religious defamations 248 described as having a particular power in the english deed, the construction of which is before the court [emphasis added].‖ 40 if the third holy saint was accepted as de facto ―successor‖ by a sufficient number of adherents of the nirmal kutia johal, even if a minority disagreed, then that would be enough to make appropriate findings of fact and construe the documents accordingly. the court of appeal was invited to reject this approach on a number of bases, including whether the standpoint adopted by the judge, which purported to be objective, from the perspective of english law and without a view on sikh doctrine or practice, was skewed in accepting that the third holy saint could be de facto ―successor‖ without being de jure ―successor‖ to the first holy saint in the eyes of the sikh religion. 41 in mummery lj‘s view (giving the sole judgment, joined by hooper and pitchford ljj), the decision in buttes gas and oil v hammer (no 3) 42 as sufficient authority for the proposition that, if a purportedly secular dispute on the construction of a deed in english law turned fundamentally on a dispute on religious doctrine, the absence of ―judicial or manageable standards by which to judge these issues‖ put the matter outside the jurisdiction of the courts. 43 contrary to the claimants‘ plea that there was a ―bond of union‖ (a contract or agreement) between the parties that provided sufficient objective standards, this was a case where ―judicial self-restraint‖ was required, as the subject-matter of the religious dispute defied ―analysing evidence, or by finding facts on the balance of probability, or by counting heads, or by ascertaining the wishes of a voting majority.‖ 44 the deeds themselves did not provide any way to consider the meaning of ―successor‖ without delving into the religious dispute, ―essentially a matter of professed subjective belief and faith on which secular municipal courts cannot possibly reach a decision, either as a matter of law or fact….this court should put a halt to this case now.‖ 45 40 khaira v shergill [2013] ewhc 4162 (ch) [22] [25] (hhj cooke). 41 see mummery lj in ca [51] – [56]. as the headnote put it, ‗it was not simply a question of the meaning of word ―successor‖, but whether [the third holy saint] fitted that description‘. 42 [1982] ac 888, in which the house of lords considered a claim for slander whose true goal was to obtain a decision of the english court about the boundary between the territory of three gulf states, which affected the parties‘ off-shore drilling rights. 43 shergill (n 39) [15], quoting lord wilberforce in buttes 938b-c. 44 ibid [16], [59], [70]–[71]. 45 ibid [72]–[73]. the denning law journal 249 khaira in the supreme court the single judgment in the supreme court differed with mummery lj‘s understanding of buttes gas. that case was non-justiciable because it was inherently political and involved the transactions of foreign sovereign states: ―it trespassed on the proper province of the executive, as the organ of the state charged with the conduct of foreign relations‖, as well as the lack of ―judicial or manageable standards‖ as mummery lj identified, making it ―difficult to imagine that such a conclusion could have been reached in any other context than the policy acts of sovereign states, for the acts of private parties, however political, are subject to law.‖ 46 the implication here is that, although religious matters may fall under the second quality of political matters, they do not fall under the first, and thus there is no inherent non-justiciability in matters of religion. a case is non-justiciable ―where an issue is said to be inherently unsuitable for judicial determination by reason only of its subject matter‖, for two reasons. 47 firstly, there was a ―rare‖ class of disputes where the issue was beyond the ―constitutional competence assigned to the courts under our conception of the separation of powers‖, and once the ―forbidden‖ area was identified, including certain transactions of foreign states and of proceedings in parliament, the court could not adjudicate on matters within it, even if necessary to decide some other justiciable issue (if it ―inhibits the defence of a claim, this may make it necessary to strike out an otherwise justiciable claim on the ground that it cannot be fairly tried‖). 48 the court also proposed a second, ―quite different‖ basis for nonjusticiability: ―claims or defences which are based neither on private legal rights or obligations, nor on reviewable matters of public law‖, such as ―domestic disputes, transactions not intended by the participants to affect their legal relations, and [certain] issues of international law.‖ disputes in this category may, however, be entertained by ―reluctant‖ courts if a legal right is engaged. 49 46 ibid [40]. 47 non-justiciability was juxtaposed to other matters, such as state immunity, the act of state doctrine, and unenforceability of foreign penal, revenue or public laws, which are ‗generally questions of territorial limits of the competence‘ of english courts or the competence the courts recognise in foreign courts: ibid [41]. 48 ibid [42]. see prebble v television new zealand [1995] 1 ac 321 and hamilton v al-fayed [2001] 1 ac 395. 49 ibid [43]; see the lord bingham quote from r (gentle) v prime minister [2008] 1 ac 1356. the problem of the non-justiciability of religious defamations 250 the court cited a canadian supreme court case, where a promise to obtain a jewish religious divorce made by a husband to his wife was enforceable as a civil contract and was not merely a religious and moral obligation, in support of the proposition that the court is ―not barred from considering a question of a religious nature, provided that the claim is based on the violation of a rule recognized in positive law‖. 50 the court set out the limited instances where this might happen. a line of english and scots law cases show how ―where a claimant asks the court to enforce private rights and obligations which depend on religious issues, the judge may have to determine such religious issues as are capable of objective ascertainment.‖ 51 these include questions of religious belief and practice where the court‖s jurisdiction is invoked either (a) to enforce the contractual rights of members of a community against other members or its governing body, or (b) to ensure that property held on trust is used for the purposes of the trust. 52 the supreme court also rejected two bases of non-justiciability of religious disputes. the first related to public law. the well-known decision in ex parte wachmann, that the chief rabbi‘s decision that the applicant was not religiously and morally fit to hold office as a rabbi did not raise an issue of public law which was amenable to judicial review, was ―not an authority for a proposition that the legality of such disciplinary proceedings is not justiciable‖. 53 in wachmann the court declined jurisdiction because the respondent was not a reviewable body, exercising functions ―essentially intimate, spiritual, and religious — functions which the government could not and would not seek to discharge in his place were he to abdicate his regulatory responsibility‖ 54 , and the decision was not reviewable as to do so would ―inevitably‖ draw the court into ―adjudicating upon matters intimate to a religious community‖. 55 50 ibid [44]. 51 ibid [45]. 52 although today statutory provisions may ‗provide a means of avoiding the judicial determination of a religious dispute‘ in both jurisdictions: [56]. the authors of religion and law in the united kingdom distinguish between courts intervening where there is a financial interest (the ‗forbes v eden principle‘: (1867) lr 1 sc & div 568) and where the disposal and administration of property is at stake: 78. 53 shergill (n 39) [58]. 54 r v chief rabbi of the united hebrew congregations of great britain and the commonwealth ex parte wachmann [1992] 1 wlr 1036, 1042. 55 ibid 1043. the denning law journal 251 the implication in the supreme court‘s consideration of wachmann is that it was the absence of any cause of action on the ―government function‖ test in public law that defeated the claim – the first reason given by simon brown j – and not the second, which alone would not have been enough to defeat a claim ―presented as a challenge to the contractual jurisdiction of a voluntary association‖, where the court had jurisdiction to consider questions of ultra vires and allegations of breaches of natural justice. 56 the second basis rejected by the court was that found in the grounds of blake, a former anglican clergyman who purported to conduct a samesex marriage on a tv programme. two pieces in the daily mail commented on the programme and described him variously as a ―self-styled‖ and ―imitation‖ bishop with a ―costume mitre‖. 57 in his claim for libel, mr blake pleaded that the articles alleged he was not validly consecrated nor entitled to call himself a bishop, although he ―masqueraded‖ as one, and that he was ―publicly and dishonestly‖ imitating a bishop, thereby setting out to deceive the public. 58 the publishers of the mail disagreed with the precise meanings borne by the articles, but pleaded that ―in all the circumstances c is an imitation bishop‖. it sought to defend the articles using the defences of justification and/or fair comment. 59 after the exchange of pleadings and witness statements the statements of the claimant and his witnesses were ―redolent with doctrinal, procedural, jurisdictional and historical arguments in favour of validity of his consecration‖ 60 the judge decided that the pleaded issues were within the ―territory which the courts, by self-denying ordinance, will not enter‖. 61 gray j then moved on to consider whether the action should be stayed or proceed to trial, with perhaps some ―adaptation of the issues as they stand at present‖. 62 the claimant argued that underlying the doctrinal issue as to the validity of his consecration was a ―secular issue‖ that could be 56 the reasoning in wachmann has been described as ‗suspect on several counts, not least since the test for judicial review is the present of ―public‖ functions not ―governmental‖‘: doe, religion and law in the united kingdom (n 2) 79. 57 blake (n 3) [1] – [10]. 58 ibid [11]. 59 ibid [12]-[13]. 60 ibid [17]. 61 ibid [24]. 62 ibid [25]. the problem of the non-justiciability of religious defamations 252 appropriately determined by the courts: whether the claimant had ―in historical fact‖ been consecrated as a bishop. 63 the claimant‘s expert opined that the claimant had been ―clearly‖ consecrated a matter of historical fact, and that this was within ―a valid historical succession‖, albeit one that may not be recognised by other churches. the complained of articles wholly neglected this context, generating the misleading impression he was an impostor. 64 the defendant countered that nonjusticiable religious issues were so ―fundamental‖ that the action could not be fairly tried. 65 gray j, who acknowledged that a stay should only be granted in most extreme circumstances as it would deny the claimant the opportunity of establishing good name in the courts, concluded that the issues in the action could not be adapted to ―circumvent the insuperable obstacle placed in the way of a fair trial‖. 66 he suggested that the claimant, who he found ―understandably somewhat reluctant to abandon his claim to have been validly consecrated‖, should make a ―modified version of the secular issue‖ the basis of the claim, before noting the sheer quantity and depth of issues in the case that came within the ―forbidden‖ territory of nonjusticiability: ―such questions include, by way of example only, substantive doctrinal questions including the canon law of catholic apostolic churches, questions of ecclesiastic procedure such as the authority and entitlement of richard palmer to consecrate the claimant and the validity (in the absence at the time of any denomination or established church) of the consecration of the claimant; questions whether the consecration of the claimant was in conformity with the customs and practices of any established christian denomination or criteria independently of poem [the claimant‘s order] and finally questions as to the moral standing and fitness of both richard palmer and the claimant for episcopal office.‖ 67 the impact of khaira on defamation cases the court does not explain precisely why the decision in blake was incorrect; the thrust of its criticism is that, because a private right was 63 ibid [27]. 64 ibid [28]-[30]. 65 ibid [31]. 66 ibid [35] and [38]. 67 ibid [33]. the denning law journal 253 engaged, the claim should have proceeded to trial, even if that required the determination of religious doctrine, in order to give legal effect to the claimant‘s private rights. this is indicated by the fact that the court was happy to remit a number of difficult questions about the dispute back for trial by the lower courts, including on the fundamental tenets of the first holy saint and the nirmal sect, the nature of the institution at nirmal kutia in india, the steps or formalities were needed for a person to become the successor of the first holy saint, and whether the teachings and personal qualities of the third holy saint comply with the fundamental religious aims and purposes of the trust. 68 on this basis, the court could have criticised other recent decisions applying the ―fundamental and inseparable‖ test to religious doctrine. similar matters arose in the parallel defamation proceedings in baba jeet v singh and shergill v purewal. in baba jeet, the third holy saint claimed that an article in the sikh times about the nirmal sikh faith damaged his reputation in the uk as it alleged he was the leader of a ―cult‖ and an impostor who disturbed the peace in the sikh community generally and in high wycombe specifically, had dishonestly produced counterfeit trust deeds to remove the gurdwara trustees and management committee there, and promoted blasphemy and the sexual exploitation and abuse of women. 69 in purewal, the first claimant in khaira brought a libel action against another sikh newspaper, the punjab times, and a journalist for three articles that attacked the third holy saint and his followers, including some of the trustee appointees. the articles claimed that the third holy saint had abandoned sikh principles, that he and his supporters were a ―sham‖, and that the claimant had sought to instigate violence. 70 both actions were stayed at preliminary issues hearings because issues of religion and doctrine permeated the pleadings and the courts did not consider it within their jurisdiction to determine the religious questions. for instance, the issue in baba jeet of whether the claimant was an ―impostor‖ could not be isolated and resolved without reference to sikh doctrines and traditions 71 , and the issues in purewal, such as whether the third holy saint was the legitimate successor to the sainthood, were 68 khaira [59]. 69 baba jeet [8]. 70 purewal [1]-[8]. 71 baba jeet [41] (eady j) following the reasoning in blake (n 3). the third holy saint successfully obtained permission to appeal but a substantive appeal not heard as he failed to pay security for costs: his holiness sant baba jeet singh ji maharaj v eastern media group and anr [2011] ewca civ 139. the problem of the non-justiciability of religious defamations 254 ―fundamental‖ to the case, making it ―impossible to adapt the issues in such a way as to circumvent the insuperable obstacle placed in the way of a fair trial of the action by the fact that the court is bound to abstain from determining questions which lie at the heart of the case‖. 72 applying khaira, it is likely that both cases should have gone to trial given the engagement of the claimants‘ private law rights. nothing distinguishes either from blake. it seems that the supreme court has subverted the basis for these decisions. being founded on a religious dispute does not disqualify a legal dispute as non-justiciable per se, whether or not the claim can be reframed in secular terms (it does if it is purely a religious dispute, however). the court has preferred the claimant‘s right to vindication of reputation over the defendant‘s rights in the action, against authority in a line of cases such as prebble, hamilton and greer v hencke 73 , and blake: ―the newspaper would still wish to advance the case that the consecration service had no religious or ecclesiastic validity, so that it was in effect a charade, and that to prevent the newspaper from advancing this case would be manifestly unfair and a serious invasion of its article 10 right‖. 74 furthermore, the court, through its support for lord davey‘s prohibition in overtoun, appears not to permit courts to decide the ―truth‖ of religious doctrines. 75 it seems doubly unfair on the defendant if defamation claims underlain by religious disputes are justiciable but the truth of the religious dispute cannot be contemplated in its own terms nor repleaded in wholly non-doctrinal ones. a solution (or at least a ―preferable means of accommodating religion in the law of libel‖ 76 ) may lie in the reformulation of the defence of honest 72 purewal [35] (gray j) . 73 21 july 1995, may j. to look for another basis for the claim would be ‗both unfair to the defendants and quite impractical‘. 74 blake [36]. see also [31] where the defendant averred that otto-premingerinstitut v austria [1994] ehrr 34 and s 12(4) of the 1998 human rights act supported the proposition that ‗if the right of the newspaper to deploy material in support of the defences of justification and fair comment were to be circumscribed by the court, its right to freedom of expression under art 10 [echr] might be infringed‘. s 12(4) obliges the court pay ‗particular regard‘ to the ‗importance of the convention right to freedom of expression‘ and, inter alia, to the benefit of any defendant respondent, the extent of publication and whether publication was in the public interest. 75 see [45] and [53]. 76 mullis and scott (n 20) 144. the denning law journal 255 opinion. the supreme court alluded to the previous formulation of the defence in spiller v joseph in khaira. 77 currently, under s 3, a ―fact‖ for the purposes of the defence must be something the defendant can prove is true. this does not get the religious doctrine dispute any further than the defence of justification. but if ―fact‖ for the purposes of honest opinion meant the allusion to or representation of the religious doctrine dispute itself, this would form the basis of the defence provided the other conditions in the defence are satisfied. this would not give the defendant the same protection as a strike-out of the claim on the basis of non-justiciability, described as ―an absolute privilege which has never been recognised and could easily be abused‖ 78 , but it would provide critics and commentators with a safer defence provided they refer to the doctrinal dispute in their publication. it would, in effect, extended the concept of privilege, already acknowledged in the honest opinion defence, beyond its established domains of absolute and qualified privilege, and rebalance the scales of justice between the parties in religious defamation disputes. conclusion khaira does more than ―shift…the boundary slightly and enlarge the circumstances in which the court will feel able to intervene‖ 79 or merely ―push the door of non-justiciability open by a crack‖. 80 it potentially heralds a return to what has been described as the ―nineteenth century‖ concept of non-justiciability, where judges sought ―neutrality‖ and detachedness by ―pointing out that it was no role of a court of law to act as a religious insider delivering ―correct‖ answers to the underlying substantive theological or ecclesiological dispute between the parties‖ but would ―regularly proceed to point out that questions of doctrine and 77 [57]. 78 otuo (n 23) [25]. 79 frank cranmer, ‗is religious doctrine justiciable? up to a point, yes: shergill v khaira‘ law & religion uk, 11 june 2014, accessed 15 july 2015. 80 neil addison, ‗shergill v khaira – when can religious doctrine be justiciable?‘ (religion law, 12 june 2014) accessed 1 july 2015. http://www.lawandreligionuk.com/2014/06/11/is-religious-doctrine-justiciable-up-to-a-point-yes-khaira-v-shergill/ http://www.lawandreligionuk.com/2014/06/11/is-religious-doctrine-justiciable-up-to-a-point-yes-khaira-v-shergill/ http://religionlaw.blogspot.co.uk/2014/06/shergil-v-khaira-when-can-religious.html http://religionlaw.blogspot.co.uk/2014/06/shergil-v-khaira-when-can-religious.html the problem of the non-justiciability of religious defamations 256 discipline might well be relevant as questions of fact to determine the outcome of the case‖ through the use of evidence. 81 particularly given the willingness of courts to widen the legal definition of a religion, for instance to the church of scientology, 82 it is hard to disagree with singh that there is likely to be a rise in defamation cases involving religion, more of which will be deemed justiciable. 83 there has even been an attempt at a private prosecution on the basis of the ―untruth‖ of the mormon faith. 84 more cases will involve religions other 81 julian rivers, the law of organized religions: between establishment and secularism (oup 2010) 73. this is in contrast to the ‗modern doctrine‘, which holds that courts should ‗not even resolve disputed questions of religious doctrine and government as matters of fact‘. it is ‗thus a form of blindness to social reality and the expectations of the parties. it leads to a curious instability in the law‘ between denial of a remedy to the claimant on the one hand, or the search for a wholly non-religious basis for legal decision-making on the other. see also rivers‘ preference for the secular approach to blake (n 3) 145: ‗one can easily distinguish between claims which are simply true or false (eg that a person does or does not hold a certain position in a certain religious organization) and claims which depend on a theological judgment….‘ 82 r v registrar general of births, death and marriages ex parte hodkin [2013] uksc 77, reversing the principle of the court of appeal in r v registrar general, ex parte segerdal [1970] 2 qb 697. 83 ‗reports on those alleged to be involved with islamic extremism and charismatic [new religious movement] leaders, along with the increased use of social media, provide ample opportunity for the issuing of further defamation writs. religious practitioners with deep pockets want to manage reputations just like everyone else. they should also expect to be held accountable for their transgressions.‘ accessed 15 july 2015. 84 thomas phillips v thomas monson [2014] westminster magistrates ct (district judge riddle): ‗it is obvious that this proposed prosecution attacks the doctrine and beliefs of the mormon church, and is aimed at those beliefs rather than any wrong-doing of mr monson personally. the purpose is to use criminal proceedings to expose the false (it is said) facts on which the church is based. it is inevitable that the prosecution would never reach a jury, even if mr monson chooses to attend. to convict, a jury would need to be sure that the religious teachings of the mormon church are untrue or misleading. that proposition is at the heart of the case. no judge in a secular court in england and wales would allow that issue to be put to a jury. it is non-justiciable.‘ accessed 15 july 2015. https://inforrm.wordpress.com/2015/03/11/a-leap-of-faith-the-rise-of-religious-libel-cases-hardeep-singh/ https://inforrm.wordpress.com/2015/03/11/a-leap-of-faith-the-rise-of-religious-libel-cases-hardeep-singh/ http://www.judiciary.gov.uk/wp-content/uploads/jco/documents/judgments/thomas-phillips-v-thomas-monson.pdf%3e%20accessed%2015%20july%202015 http://www.judiciary.gov.uk/wp-content/uploads/jco/documents/judgments/thomas-phillips-v-thomas-monson.pdf%3e%20accessed%2015%20july%202015 the denning law journal 257 than christianity, as new religious movements (nrms) use threats of libel to silence critics. 85 nonetheless, these cases will demand resolution by the courts: whereas the property law cases cited by the supreme court were potentially open to alternative dispute resolution (such as mediation) where all parties could be partially satisfied through the division of the trust property amongst them, in defamation cases such division is not possible: either the claimant vindicates their reputation, or the libel stands. there is no halfway house. damage to reputation is not easily repaired nor, in the eyes of many claimants, adequately restored by damages. many will welcome the decision in khaira. at the same time, most of the occasions on which the courts have decided religious truths as the basis for enforcing secular rights and obligations have concerned underlying christian theology. given the composition of the judiciary it is reasonable to infer that most judges will be much more familiar with christian doctrine and practice than with hinduism or islam. the invitation in khaira could thus herald an avalanche of defamation claims in a range of familiar religions and nrms. this would possibly be counter-cultural given the cultural and political shift towards defences of free speech, perhaps seen more glaringly after the charlie hebdo killings. the magna carta ends with a peroration at article 63: ―it is accordingly our wish and command that the english church shall be free, and that men in our kingdom shall have and keep all these liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably in their fullness and entirety for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all things and all places for ever.‖ such a pronouncement was satisfactory for the relative cultural homogeneity of the thirteenth century. 800 years later, it is the balance between the liberty of the churches in their doctrines, and the right of reputation of ―men in our kingdom‖, that is at stake today. 85 religious libel, 153-54. judge, jurist and legislature the right hon. lord coff* after he had despatched augustine, with several other god-fearing monks, to preach the word of god to the english nation in the year 582, pope gregory the great received from st augustine from time to time reports of his progress and requests for guidance. nineteen years later, in the year 601, he sent to augustine a letter in which he granted to him the privilege of wearing the pallium when performing the solemnities of the mass; and, after the messenger bearing that letter had departed from rome, he sent another letter communicating further thoughts which, as bede records, showed "most clearly his unwearying interest in the salvation of our nation." i quote from the letter: "we have been giving careful thought to the affairs of the english and have come to the conclusion that the temples of the idols among that people should on no account be destroyed. the idols are to be destroyed, but the temples themselves are to be aspersed with holy water, altars set up in them, and relics deposited there ... in this way, we hope that the people, seeing that their temples are not destroyed, may abandon their error and, flocking more readily to their accustomed resorts, may come to know and adore the true god ... they are no longer to sacrifice beasts to the devil, but they may kill them for food to the praise of god, and give thanks to the giver of all gifts for the plenty they enjoy. if the people are allowed some worldly pleasures in this way, they will more readily come to desire the joys of the spirit. for it is certainly impossible to eradicate all errors from obstinate minds at one stroke, and whoever wishes to climb to a mountain top, climbs gradually step by step, and not in one leap ... " i quote these passages from pope gregory's letter to st augustine, because they illustrate two qualities which i, for myself, particularly admire his pragmatism and his gradualism. his approach can be most usefully contrasted with that of the moghul emperor who, after conquering the city of mathura, caused a large "'lord of appeal in ordinary. the child & co. oxford lecture 1986, reprinted by kind permission of lord goff and child & co. 79 the denning law journal mosque to be built on the site of the prison cell venerated by hindus as the birthplace of the lord krishna an act which causes offence to this day, though the hindus now venerate a spot just outside the mosque which, they claim, was the actual site of the prison cell. but my purpose is not to condemn the jack-boot policy of the moghul emperor; it is to acclaim pragmatism and gradualism as the sovereign virtues, not only of pope gregory the great, but also of the common law. the history of the common law is a history of continuous, gradual, development over a period of many centuries. of course, under the pressure of economic, political and social developments, the tempo of change has increased dramatically over the past 150 years, and is still increasing today. however, for the greater part of our history, the main instruments in the process of legal development were the judges together with the chancellor; it is to them that we owe the majority of the fundamental legal principles which provide the framework within which we work today. it is only in the past 150 years or so, and especially since the second world war, that the legislature has become increasingly active; but the nature of modern legislation is such that, to a surprising degree, the fabric of legal principle has remained untouched, with the result that its gradual development in the courts has continued unabated. if we are prepared to take the long perspective, we must recognise not merely the capacity of the law to change without the intervention of the legislature, but the absolute necessity that it should do so. moreover, if we compare the law as it is today with the law as it was not so very long ago, we may deduce the following proposition. seen in the perspective of time all statements of the law, whether by the legislature, or by judges, or by jurists, are no more than working hypotheses. they are, quite simply, temporary approximations which some people in their wisdom have found to be convincing at certain points of time. to the layman, this may appear to be a startling proposition. the layman thinks of the law as inherently predictable, clear, precise, certain, even rock-like in quality. it is, in fact, nothing of the sort. of course, it is true that, at any given point of time, if a citizen seeks advice from his legal adviser in order to regulate his affairs to make a will, or buy a house, or even to divorce his or her wife or husband the lawyer should know or be capable of ascertaining the applicable law and so be able to give his client useful advice. it is also true that a citizen who fears that a proposed course of conduct may infringe the law may, for example, contravene regulations which control road traffic or the running of factories, or fall foul of the income tax laws should be able to obtain reasonably clear advice from his lawyer, or even to look up the relevant provisions himself, in order to ensure that his conduct is within the law. but these propositions are entirely consistent with the fact that the law, in the sense oflegal principle, is in a continuous state of change; indeed, it is my own belief that, as a general rule, gradual development of the law does not deprive it of such stability as is desirable in order to enable citizens to regulate their affairs or amicably to resolve their disputes. why is the law always changing? the first reason is that law itself is a subject of 80 judge, jurist and legislature great complexity. since it has to reflect all the untidy complexity of life, it is itself unavoidably complex; and the principles which gradually emerge from the mists of doubt as the preferred principles at any particular point of time are often the product of long debate, and of many judicial decisions on particular facts. moreover, in the ultimate analysis all principles inter-relate property, obligation, estoppel and so on cannot be considered in isolation, and still less can their constituent elements so development in one may have an impact upon another. we should not, therefore, be surprised by the proposition that statements of legal principle are simply working hypotheses. indeed, our laws not only represent the fallible conclusions of men. there are also and this is the s'econd factor which stimulates change subject to the ebb and flow of the tides of fashion and opinion. moreover, the idea that principles of law are, so to speak, just waiting to be discovered if only we are clever enough to find them just like some oil field or gold mine or archaeological artefact awaiting the attention of an intelligent and industrious geologist or archaeologist is entirely mistaken. if that were right, why do not, for example, french and english lawyers come to the same conclusions as to the correct principles applicable to govern contracts and other obligations? why have we not identified the same institutions for the regulation of rights of property? we have not done so; though some of the differences between us are more apparent than real, being the result not so much of differences of substance, than of using different languages not merely different linguistically, but different in the sense that we have adopted different legal concepts as our tools of trade. but it is, i believe, indisputable that, in many cases, legal principles are not self-evidently right; there is often a choice, not only in points of detail or in terms of practicable solutions of particular problems, but also in answering more fundamental questions, and the choice of answer may affect the fabric of a particular institution, or even a whole branch of the law. it follows, of course, that there are no instant, complete, solutions; those of us who persuade ourselves that we can perceive such a solution are deceiving ourselves, and, if we as judges attempt to state legal principles in too rigid a form, we inflict upon a living institution a dose of arthritis which will, before long, require the services of a doctor, or even a surgeon, if it is to be restored to health. a statement of principle, capable of qualification to meet unforeseen circumstances and capable of adaptation to absorb developments in other inter-related parts of the law, is generally all that is needed to provide the temporary certainty required to guide citizens in their practical affairs. absolute certainty in the law is in truth not merely undesirable, but it is, as history shows, a chimera. as i heard professor marcel storme of the university of ghent say only last month, at the institute of advanced legal studies, there are no definitive solutions. the only truly constant feature of the law is that it is in a constant state of change. if it is true that the law is in a constant state of development, and if the judiciary is one of the instruments through which such a development takes place, it is not unreasonable to ask: within what limits are judges empowered to change the law? 81 the denning law journal this is indeed a profound question of constitutional importance; though like many questions, especially profound questions, it is not necessarily desirable, or even possible, that it should be answered with any degree of precision. it is usually said that judges cannot legislate; and this is plainly right in the sense that judges should not invent new laws, as does a legislative assembly in a democratic society such as ours. the function of judges is, literally, to decide cases. in deciding cases the prime influence is, and should be, the facts of the particular case. the judicial act can not unreasonably be epitomised as an educated reflex to facts, though always within the framework of established legal principle. but the emphasis must be on the facts, so that the judge must be able, where appropriate, to adapt or even qualify legal principle, even established legal principle, to accomodate the facts of the case before him. the controlling mechanism under which judges operate in performing their duty of applying legal principles to the cases before them is comprised in what is commonly called the doctrine of precedent. it is usually said that the function of the doctrine of precedent is to achieve certainty in the law. this is, i believe, an over-simplification of a complex matter. to me, the doctrine of precedent (whatever precise form it may take) has two functions. the first is to ensure stability in the law; and the second is to secure consistency in its administration. let me explain. we have in england a well-recognised principle that judges are absolutely bound by decisions of superior courts. so with us a high court judge is bound by decisions of the court of appeal, and the court of appeal is bound by decisions in the house of lords. in point of fact, it is remarkable how much freedom is still left, in practice, to judges of inferior courts to achieve practical justice; this is achieved by the use of the well-known technique of distinguishing authorities which otherwise might be thought to inhibit the freedom of action of the inferior court. but that the principle exists is undoubted; and the function of the principle is to ensure consistency in the administration of the law the effect being that courts of co-ordinate jurisdiction, and expecially inferior courts to which citizens' disputes are directly (and usually, in practice, exclusively) submitted will, generally speaking, apply the same principles of law. i say generally speaking, because we do not find it necessary in england to demand that a judge should be bound by the decision of another judge of co-ordinate jurisdiction; in practice, however, he will nearly always follow it, as a matter of comity. so much for consistency. -but what about stability? here we are talking not about different judges applying the same principles of law, but about an inhibition on change. this is something quite different. it affects principally the appellate courts, and especially the supreme tribunal of the country. the formal question can thus be stated: to what extent are appellate courts, and especially the supreme tribunal, bound by their own decisions? it used to be true in england, not only of the court of appeal, but also of the house of lords, that they were indeed bound by their own decisions. for a period of about 75 years, corresponding roughly with 82 judge, jurist and legislature the first three-quarters of this century, the house of lords proceeded on the basis that it was absolutely bound by its own decisions. that decision has now been abandoned; and surely this is right. at the most simple, practical, level, the proposition that the house of lords should not be free to review its own decisions presupposes a legislature which is ready and available, at reasonably short notice, to put things right when they go wrong. that is just not so. in democracies, legislatures are not much interested in what may be called lawyers' law. they are interested in advancing policies and, at a cruder level, in gaining, or at least retaining, electoral support. moreover, legislative changes of lawyers' law involve very difficult questions on how far the legislature should go. so the proposition that the house of lords was absolutely bound by its own decisions was thoroughly unpractical. but, more fundamentally, it ignored the historical fact of change through judicial development of the law change which can take place, does take place, and must take place in every system of law if it is to provide a satisfactory response to the reasonable expectations of the citizens of the country. whatever the theory underlying the old approach of the house of lords that it should be bound by its own decisions, that theory, like any other, has had to yield to facts. it is far healthier and more realistic to recognise facts, and generalise from them, than it is to propound a constitutional theory and derive from it an inhibition upon the natural processes that in fact take place. if the theory which underlay the old approach was that the judges must not legislate, the answer should be that that statement must be expressed in a qualified form to meet the facts. and if the theory was that the law is a nugget of gold, awaiting discovery, so that, once exposed, it is inevitably right and inevitably permanent, then the answer must be that that is, in point of simple historical fact, untrue. the real principle which both restricts the judicial power to legislate and ensures a sufficient degree of stability in the law is far more subtle than a rigid rule precluding change, or indeed the doctrine of precedent (whatever its form). it is enshrined in one word gradualism. this is the true, the ultimate limit on the power of the judges to develop, even change, the law; though it is important to recognise that the principle of gradualism does not totally inhibit innovation. generally speaking, however, judges do not suddenly invent totally new principles; and when innovation takes place, it is generally as a result of intense pressure of a practical kind. we did not, for example, see the english judges in the nineteenth century suddenly invent a generalised principle of liability in negligence for physical damage to persons and property, despite all the pressures arising from the inventions of the railways, the development of factories, and other consequences of the industrial revolution. what we saw was a gradual development of the law over a period of nearly 100 years, culminating in the decision of a bare majority of the house of lords in donoghue v. stroenson 1 in 1932; and what we are still seeing in england today is a further gradual exploration of the possible principles which may 1. [19321 a.c.s62. 83 the denning law journal govern liability in negligence for purely economic loss. a similar problem is, of course, troubling our colleagues in germany and in france. we must not be surprised that judges have the power to create law. the layman might be forgiven for thinking that that power should be vested only in the elected representatives of the people, i.e. in parliament; but that is not so, for history shows plainly, beyond all contradiction, that no legal system can operate efficiently without the creative power of the judges. that fact is expressly recognised in article 1, paragraph 2, of the swiss code which provides that "if no applicable provision is contained in the code, the judge is to apply customary law or, in its absence, the rule which he himself would establish, if he were the legislature." and german jurists have for long openly recognised that, although, according to the notions of the enlightenment, a code contains an answer to all the questions that may arise in the relevant rubric of the law, such an idea was bound to show cracks before long, as indeed it did. nowadays, in germany, it is accepted that judicial interpretation of the code may go beyond completing the law; it may even alter it against its very words. this is a matter to which i shall revert later in this lecture; i pause only at this stage to observe that it is very difficult to reconcile montesquieu's doctrine of the separation of powers with the recognition of the judicial power to create law a fact which i, as a member of parliament who sits in a judicial capacity, feel able to contemplate with some equanimity. i return to england. it is now over twenty years since the house of lords decided, as 1would put it, to re-assume the power to review its own decisions. but we have yet to see any coherent statement of a philosophy upon which that power will now be exercised; and indeed i suspect that this reflects a sensible restraint on the part of those concerned. at present we have what appears, at first sight, to be a somewhat startling, even bizarre, situation, which can be caricatured in the following manner: the house of lords will not reverse a decision of its own which is too young, or one which is too old, but only one which is, so to speak, middle-aged. so stated, the approach does not have much intellectual appeal; and it is right to search for the reasons underlying this attitude so that a more sensible policy can be revealed. the inhibition against reviewing a decision which is comparatively recent reflects perhaps two things: first, a sense that ding dong change is inherently undesirable because it might de-stabilise the law; and second, of more practical importance, a feeling that in common sense terms time has to pass to enable, so to speak, the dust to settle on a decision, to ensure that any reconsideration of the decision will be the product of mature reflection rather than of simple reaction. these are sensible reasons, inhibiting a rapid review of recent decisions but not, be it noted, precluding such a step altogether. indeed, this reflects actual practice. for i can, and i am sure you can, think of more than one decision of the house of lords which did not survive for many years in this century. what is the origin of the inhibition against disturbing a decision which has stood for many years? it cannot, of course, be simple longevity: for age-old decisions 84 judge, jurist and legislature must, in the fullness of time, be silently consigned to the legal scrap heap. the true reason (putting on one side those cases which have been widely acted upon) is that there is an underlying fear that a decision, if it has stood for many years, may have become so embedded in the mosaic of the law that to reverse it would effect too great an upheaval of legal principle, or at least that the consequences of its reversal cannot be wholly foreseen. this is reasonable, but once again it cannot preclude reversal of any decision, merely because it is old. indeed, in many cases the effect of the excision of an old authority is predictable, at least in a general sense; and it may well be that it is that very effect which provides the argument for change. we can find in the law reports of the last twenty or thirty years numerous illustrations of the judicial development of the law. let me glance at some striking examples. we have seen the abandonment of the absolute doctrine of sovereign immunity for a qualified doctrine, in the phillipine admiral,2 trendtex trading corporation ltd. v. central bank of nigeria3 and i congreso del partido4 a development now, of course, enshrined in a statute. we have seen the acceptance of the principle of forum non conveniens, in cases of stay of proceedings in this country when parallel proceedings have been or should be commenced abroad, in the atlantic stars and macshannon v. rockware glass ltd ..6 we have seen recognition of the principle that both arbitration awards and judgments may be made in foreign currencies, in jugoslavenska oceanska plovidba v. castle investment co. inc.7 and miliangos v. georgefrank (textiles) ltd.8 (in the latter of which cases a by no means elderly decision of the house of lords, in re united railways of havana v. regia warehouses ltd} was overruled). even more remarkable, we have seen the judicial creation of new forms of procedure, in the form of the mareva injunction and the anton piller order. the former of these has indeed fulfilled a long-felt need. i think it worthy of record that when, many years ago, the law commission wrote round asking for proposals for reform, i and mr brian davenport, having some experience of the continental jurisdiction in such cases, proposed that the arrest of assets in aid of civil claims might be a topic worthy for consideration; but the law commission must have decided, no doubt for good reason, not to pursue the matter at that time. it was, therefore, particularly satisfactory to me that the courts were prepared to extend the remedy of the injunction to meet this need. more recently we have seen, in ramsay v. i.r. c.10 and furniss v. dawson,!! a profound change in the attitude of the courts to 2. [1977] a.c.373. 3. [1977] q,b.729. 4. [1983] 1 a.c.244. 5. [1974] a.c.436. 6. [1978] a.c.795. 7. [1974] q,b.292. 8. [1976] a.c.443. 9. [1961] a.c.1007. 10. [1981] s.t.c.174. 11. [1984] s.t.c.153. 85 the denning law journal tax-avoidance schemes. but perhaps the most striking change of all has been in the development of a modem system of administrative law, through the remedy of judicial review, in a whole series of landmark cases in the house of lords notably, ridge v. baldwin,12 padfield v. minister of agriculture, fisheries and food, i3 anisminic ltd. v. foreign compensation commission,14 conway v. rimmer, is and the gchq case in re the council of civil service unions and others.16 no doubt we could all multiply these examples. but in any event i do not see how it can possibly be said, in the face of examples such as those which i have just given, that judges do not have the power to change the law. as one master of the rolls, sir george jessel, said many years ago of the rules of equity: "it is perfectly well-known that they have been established from time to time altered, improved, and refined from time to time. in many cases we know the names of the chancellors who have invented them. no doubt they were invented for the purpose of securing the better administration of justice, but still they were invented. take such things as these: the separate use of a married woman, the restraint on alienation, the modem rule against perpetuities, and the rules of equitable waste. we can name the chancellors who first invented them, and state the date when they were first introduced into equity jurisprudence; and, therefore, in cases of this kind, the older precedents in equity are of very little value. the doctrines are progressive, refined and improved; and if we want to know what the rules of equity are, we must look, of course, rather to the more modem than the more ancient cases." sir george jessel contrasted the rules of equity with the rules of common law, which he said were "supposed to have been established from time immemorial". as his choice of words betrays, this is obviously a fiction; and it is high time that we should take the same realistic view of the development of the common law as sir george jessel took of the development of equity. in all truth, as i never tire of saying, it is not only a historical fact that judges do change the law, but it is also an absolute necessity that they should do so, or the law would not be able to satisfy the reasonable expectations of the society which it is the duty of the judges to serve. but there is an essential corollary of the exercise of this judicial power of change. it is essential that, in seeking to develop the law, the judges should so far as possible operate within the confines.. of the principle of gradualism. they should consciously allow themselves to be influenced by the facts of the cases which they have to decide, and allow their intuition as lawyers to influence them in adapting or qualifying existing legal principle to achieve the just result in those cases. this is 12. [19641 a.c.40. 13. [1968] a.c.997. 14. [1969] 2 a.c.147. 15. [1968] a.c.91o. 16. [1985] a.c.374. 86 judge, jurist and legislature the essentially pragmatic approach which is perhaps the most fundamental of all the characteristics of the common law, which is, i believe, shared by all of us who work within that system. let facts develop principles: do not let principles, still less rules, be so dogmatically stated as to preclude a just decision on the facts. but, if that is right, we must not attempt to decide too much in any particular case. the over-ambitious judge who attempts to re-state the law in broad, even exclusive, terms, is, except in very rare circumstances, doing a dis-service to the legal system. likewise the judge whose reasoning is too complicated, too convoluted; exercises in personal codification, and over-elaborate reasoning, are to be deplored. but there is a technique at hand for dealing with this mistaken form of judicial activity. this is the technique of the narrow definition of the ratio decidendi of the case, ensuring that each case should be treated in law as no more than a judicial reflex to a particular fact-situation, of course always within the framework oflegal principle. so if judges attempt to decide too much, subsequent courts can qualify the decision; and if they use too complicated reasoning, that reasoning can, if appropriate, be unstitched, even unravelled, to allow practical justice to be achieved in a later case. for it is a matter of fundamental importance that no judge, however distinguished, should be allowed in any way to persuade, or even inhibit, the organic growth of the common law. even though we must recognise, as a matter of simple historical fact, the power of the judiciary to create law, it is obvious that, in a society as rapidly developing as the one in which we all live today, the judiciary, operating within the confines of the principle of gradualism, is by itself a wholly inadequate vehicle for the reform of the law. since early victorian times, we have seen an increasingly active legislature remodelling our institutions, including our judicial system, and reforming substantial areas of our procedural and substantive law. all this is well-known. we all know of the extraordinary work of jeremy bentham, who sought to base, upon a single principle, a science oflegislation which would lead to a wholly codified system of law and procedure, organised upon rational principles, so that the legislature would be the sole source of the law and the function ofjudge & co. would be reduced to the literal interpretation of the statutory text. we can see, in the perspective of time, that this was an unrealistic, indeed impossible, dream; but we can also see how very productive his work was in the sense that it led, in the hands of other, more practical, men, to innumerable practical reforms of all kinds. but, although it produced, through the indian law commission under macaulay, notable indian codifications in the form of the indian penal code and the indian contract act, there was no sweeping codification of the law in this country, though there were, of course, the limited codes in the field of commercial law sale of goods, partnership, bills of exchange and marine insurance. the indian legislation was doubtless of great value in introducing new, uniform, laws to a vast sub-continent; but when we read it today, we can see how dated a codification will become over a period of only one century, and how dead a hand it can lay upon the law unless the courts are permitted, and adopt, a very free hand in 87 'the denning law journal its interpretation and development. for example, chapter v of the indian contract act of 1872, entitled "of certain relations resembling those created by contract", is the only place where we can find any source for what we nowadays call the law of restitution;. and of the five sections in that chapter, one is irrelevant to restitution, three are concerned with minor topics, and from one alone (section 72), consisting of a single sentence, would have to be derived the greater part of the law of restitution. a parallel can be drawn with articles 1382-1386 of the french code civile, from whose meagre provisions was developed the french law of delict. it was not until the enactment of the statute establishing the law commissions in 1965 (characteristically, bodies foreshadowed byjeremy bentham) that we see the establishment of institutions entrusted with the systematic development and reform of the law in the united kingdom. such development and reform was expressly stated, in the statute, to include "in particular the codification" of the law. consistently with that expressed statutory purpose the english law commission included, in its initial programme, ambitious projects for the codification of the law of contract and the law of landlord and tenant. yet, twenty years later, no draft code on either subject has seen the light of day; and it is likely that both projects have quietly been put on one side. there are probably many reasons for this. one is that attempts were being made to codify the law on subjects of extreme complexity in too precise a form; in other words, the vice of statutory draftsmanship in england was inhibiting the codification of the law. another is that the projects proved to be far more difficult than was anticipated. but another, and probably more profound, reason is that in truth codification has been perceived to be unnecessary. just as constitutions are the children of revolutions, so also are codes, though the word revolution has in this context to be given a broader meaning. the french code civile was the child of the french revolution, or at least of the napoleonic period which followed it. the german bgb was a product not only of the age of enlightenment, but also of the unification of germany under the prussian monarchy. at another level, countries seeking to change their own societies have imported codes from overseas: france has done a great export trade in law, and notable example of countries which have drawn upon the german codifications are turkey and japan. i have already referred to the introduction of the indian penal code and the indian contract act, introduced to achieve a unified criminal and commercial law in the indian sub-continent. at a more humble level, we can see in this country examples of fundamental change being wrought in particular areas of the law by codification: a classic example in england is the fundamental change made in recent years in our law of divorce, with the abandonment of the concept of the matrimonial offence and the substitution of the concept of the irretrievable breakdown of the marriage, which was achieved by a statutory re-statement of the law relating to matrimonial causes. there are of course many other examples. we are all greatly indebted to the law commission in this country for the 88 judge, jurist and legislature manner in which it has approached its work. under a series of distinguished chairmen, we have seen no rush for spectacular reforms, but rather have we seen a series of proposals founded upon wide consultation and careful research, informed by serious scholarship, which have led to a substantial number of reforms, and on occasion (the recent paper on the so-called parol evidence rule provides a striking example) a refusal to be inveigled into unnecessary or undesirable change. regret is sometimes expressed that they have not been able to move faster; but this is probably a disguised tribute to the quality of their work. the great advantages of this method of developing the law have been eloquently described by dr peter north in his colston lecture of 1984, the basis of a paper published last year in the journal of the society of public teachers of law, legal studies. for example, it does not depend upon the accidents of litigation; it can take account, through consultation and research, of wide-ranging policy issues a point which recalls to my mind the decision of the house of lords in anna v. merton london borough council,17 the principal effect of which appears to have been the pouring of enormous quantities of unnecessary concrete into the ground, at very considerable expense to the community, running possibly to millions of pounds each year; and a third advantage is that it need not be retrospective in effect. we have, however, to recognise, with dr north, that all methods of developing the law have both their advantages and their disadvantages and great care must be taken, not only in proposing a particular change, but also in deciding whether to use a particular vehicle for such change. today, i wish only to draw attention to one serious danger and one serious disadvantage of statutory law reform. the danger is that piecemeal legislation may exercise a distorting effect on the development of the law. this danger is, i believe, generally recognised by the law commission. speaking of the law of restitution, in which i have a particular interest, i was glad when they decided (unlike certain canadian colleagues of theirs) to desist from considering reform of the recovery of payments made under a mistake of law; and, like professor birks, i have been anxious about their proposal for reform of the law relating to recovery of money paid by parties who are in breach of contract. i cannot help remembering the law reform (frustrated contracts) act 1943 and the problem which faced me in b.p. v. hunt18 in relating the provisions of that statute (mercifully drawn, on the express direction of viscount simon, in very broad terms) to a law of restitution now far more developed than it was in 1943. but the one serious danger is of a more profound kind. it is that the product of the labour of the law commission must take the form of legislation. this has two consequences. the first is that, as every competent jurist must know in his heart of hearts, mistakes will inevitablybe made though every care is taken, and new circumstances will occur, new cases will emerge, which have not been, and maybe could not be foreseen. i know full well, 17. [1978] a.c.n8. 18. [1981] 1 w.l.r.232. 89 the denning law journal from my own work as judge and jurist, that practically every statement of principle which i utter is subject to mental reservations, sometimes great, sometimes small; and that the more fundamental the principle, the more likely are there to be reservations, and the more important are such reservations likely to be. the second consequence is that statutory law reform is likely to lead to ossification of the law, precluding gradualist development which is capable of ironing out those wrinkles with which old age disfigures law, like all living creatures. this is especially true of english style statutes, with their tight, precise, draftsmanship, and their obvious "hands off' to judicial busybodies who may be anxious to do justice in cases unforeseen by the draftsman, perhaps inspired by a supposed judicial antipathy to statutes, which, in my own experience as a barrister and a judge, is wholly illusory. this type of draftsmanship is, no doubt, one of the reasons why the benthamite ideal of codification for its own sake has generally been abandoned, thus illustrating most vividly the truth that parliament cannot enact a philosophy, as it purported to do in the law commissions act. nowadays, only when a substantial specific advantage is perceived to accrue from codification, which outweighs its inherent disadvantages, is codification likely to be acceptable in england. and, in a relatively stable country, that substantial advantage is likely to consist of a need for substantial reform of the relevant rubric of the law. it is in this context that the proposed codification of the criminal law in england has to be judged. the draft code, which will relate only to serious crimes, has been commended to us on the basis that it will make the criminal law more accessible, comprehensible, consistent and certain. like many general statements of this kind, this statement of aims has a most attractive ring; but it has to be subjected to critical analysis. imust confess that, when i first read it, it sounded to me like yet another attempt to advocate codification for its own sake; and i was immensely pleased to hear professor smith, the first of the three wise men to whom we owe so great a debt for having dedicated so much skill and time to produce this admirable draft for our consideration, say in his child & co. lecture in london earlier this year that he himself did not believe in codification for codification's sake. so the new draft code will have to be justified on its own merits; and, first of all, an explanation will have to be given why no codification is proposed for scottish criminal law, to which the english law commission's statement of aims is equally applicable. the debate has only just begun. it would not be appropriate for me to dwell upon the subject in this lecture. there is no doubt that the strongest evidence for rejecting the benthamite ideal of codification for its own sake is to be found in the experience of codified systems on the continent of europe. this proposition can best be illustrated by the famous article 242 of the bgb which reads (in translation) as follows: "the debtor is obliged to perform in such a manner as good faith requires, regard being. paid to general practice." 90 judge, jurist and legislature this innocent-sounding provision has been used to create a whole equity, to mitigate the rigours of the code; the comparison with the chancellor's equity in this country is too strong to be ignored. german jurists have stated that article 242 embodies a principle oflegal ethics, which dominates the entire legal system; it has also been described as the gateway for natural law to enter the bgb; yet again it has been said that the extremely numerous decisions under article 242 are more comparable with the case law in the anglo-american systems than anything else in german law. perhaps the most famous decision under article 242 is the decision of the reichsgericht in 1923 (rgz 107, 78, 86), during the period of hyperinflation in germany, to revalorise mortages in terms of the value of money at the time of their creation a decision of such strength that it must take the breath away from even the most pragmatic common lawyer. i have not time to do more than glance at this fascinating topic; but to me it illustrates more than anything else the absolute need, in every legal system, to allow judges the freedom to develop the law both creatively and pragmatically, if the legitimate expectations of citizens are to be fulfilled. but, in any event, the ground has been cut from under the feet of the benthamite movement for codification in this country by the growth in stature of the english jurist of the past century. until the second half of the nineteenth century, there was no systematic instruction in the common law in the english universities. a man who aspired to be a lawyer entered into an apprenticeship, and learned his trade at the elbow of his master in the law whether barrister or solicitor or attorney. but in the late nineteenth century, law faculties began to develop in the universities of london, oxford and cambridge, and gradually also in other universities through the country, especially after the end of the second world war. in consequence, the number of academic lawyers has dramatically increased. during this period, we have seen the growth of the legal textbook. it is difficult nowadays to imagine the difference between a practitioner's library of 1886 and one of 1986. in 1886 there were very few legal textbooks available, apart from practitioners' manuals. today there are innumerable textbooks published on every subject. obviously, some have a strongly practical slant, and many are still composed or edited by practitioners; but many, and especially those of the highest quality, are the work of academic lawyers, sometimes lawyers of the highest distinction. every competent practitioner has textbooks at his elbow as he works in court, or in barristers' chambers or in solicitors' offices. but the influence of the jurist does not stop there. with the growth of law faculties in the universities, we have seen the development of what is now called the academic stage of legal education within the universities, and indeed polytechnics, all over the country; and today over three-quarters of those who enter the profession of law in england, whether as barristers or solicitors, will have taken a law degree. it follows, of course, that during their most impressionable and formative years, these young men and women will have come under the influence of their law teachers and of their writings, both in books and in law journals. this too provides a stark contrast 91 the denning law journal with the state of affairs of 100 years ago or even 50 years ago, just before the war. in the old days, it was not thought that law was a suitable subject for a liberal education; the best minds studied classical literature in the latin and greek languages, philosophy, ancient history modern history, english literature, economics and the sciences were admitted to the club only in relatively recent years. but law was regarded as technical, black letter learning, more suitable for apprenticeship in a practitioner's chambers. all that has changed. it is now recognised that law is in itself an admirable subject for university study, combining both rigorous mental discipline and, if the structure of the course is sound, an element of history and an introduction both to philosphy and to social science. it is difficult to overestimate the influence of the jurist in england today both on the formation of the view of young lawyers and in the development of the law. indeed, we now live in the age of the legal textbook. it is the textbook which provides the framework of principle within which we work. the prime task of the jurist is to take the cases and statutes which provide the raw material of the law on any particular topic; and, by a critical re-appraisal of that raw material, to build up a systematic statement of the law on the relevant topic in a coherent form, often combined with proposals of how the law can beneficially be developed in the future. there has thus been provided for all lawyers,practitioners and students, an established framework for the consideration of each problem as it arises. there has grown up a common understanding of principle, which facilitates a discussion of each problem, and indeed the decision of each case in court. i find it difficult to imagine how i could carry on my work without modern legal textbooks, many of which are of an astonishingly high quality. and it is interesting to observe that this is as true of subjects which are codified, as it is of those which are not. if i have a problem on the sale of goods, i turn straight to my copy of benjamin on sale, despite the existence of the sale of goods act; just as, if i have a problem on the conflict of laws, i turn straight to my copy of dicey and morris. with the benefit of textbooks of this quality, codes are, generally speaking, unnecessary; they are surplus to requirements. for all practical purposes, textbooks are as informative as any code could be, indeed more so; and they lack all the defects of codes, since they can be changed without difficulty as the law develops, and they encourage, rather than inhibit, the gradual development of the law. to put it shortly; propositions of law in a textbook need not aspire to completeness; they may be expressed to be subject to doubt; they may be changed without legislation; and judges are at liberty to depart from them, if persuaded that it is right to do so. it is likely, however, that the next period of our legal history will see the growth of a new influence upon the development of the law. i refer to the growing importance of comparative law. in the nineteenth-century, english lawyers saw comparative law essentially in historical terms, as we can see evidenced especially by the work of sir henry maine. but in the twentieth century, fostered by french and more especially by german scholars, we have seen the growth of an ideal that civilised societies should be enabled, for their mutual benefit, to share the same 92 judge, jurist and legislature principles of law, especially in private law affecting individuals who nowadays move freely among different countries and who transact an increasing volume of business. at first, it was thought that it was only possible to compare systems oflaw which shared a common basis of principle; and for that reason, comparative study tended to be confined to those systems which, to a greater or lesser degree, were derived from roman law. the common law, with its entirely separate legal history, tended to be excluded. but, especially since the second world war, with the expansion of legal scholarship, with the settlement of distinguished german jewish scholars in england and their enrichment of our culture, with the spread of the english language throughout the free world and, as a result, the readier availabilityof english sources to continental scholars, and with visits of continental scholars to generous and hospitable american universities with all these things, we have seen a marked change; and nowadays, comparative study tends to embrace all the legal families of the world. indeed, the common law family, not only because of its enormous size and influence, but also because of its rich and separate history, exerts a peculiar fascination upon, in particular, german scholars. yet another influence towards comparative study has come from the accession of the united kingdom to the european economic community, with its programme for unification of the law; and to some extent also the development of international conventions, notably in the fields of maritime law and of international sale of goods, has contributed to the movement. but, as i gaze into the crystal ball, it is not in the adopting of binding uniform laws that i see the most fruitful developments in this area. for uniform laws are more usually the result of economic and political pressures, even of sheer horse-trading, than of rational acceptance of optimum solutions. i see the most fruitful development in the work of scholars, as jurists from each of the great legal families of the world learn more and more about each other's systems and gradually perceive in particular areas the advantages and disadvantages of each. it is not, i think, difficult to approach the study of comparative law with a degree of objective detachment from one's own legal system: indeed, it is a remarkable fact that the study of the legal system of another country enables a lawyer to learn more about his own. it is, i think, even possible that there will develop among comparative lawyers some degree of consensus as to where, for example in the law of contract, the most desirable principles are to be found. in this way, just as the american law institute has published restatements of the law which, though not binding, have provided a unifying influence upon the differing legal systems applicable in each state of the united states, so we may see the publication of works by european comparative lawyers of a similar kind in which, no doubt with considerable qualifications, some selection may be made of the most desirable principles which might be generally applicable in various branches of private law. at all events, in whatever form the development takes place, we are, i think, bound to see an enrichment of our legal culture on an unparalleled scale through the increasing study of comparative law. indeed i like to think that, in the future, 93 the denning law journal the best english legal textbooks will cease to be critical statements only of english law and that they will no longer rely only on english sources. the modem english jurist tends to specialise closely in the study of one or two subjects. if, as i hope and expect, he extends his vision to the study of those subjects as treated in other systems oflaw, his statement of english law can, and should be, set, to some extent at least, in a comparative context. in this way, practitioners in common law countries, and especially judges in those countries, will be exposed to new ideas which will not only enrich their understanding of their own law, but may influence them to develop it in ways which previously might not have been thought possible. the dominant influence of the jurist in the development of the law is in this way likely to acquire new strength. but it is essential that judge and jurist should not only in fact co-operate in their work of development of the law; but that they should perceive that it is inevitable and desirable that they should do so. if judge and jurist and i include in the latter expression not only those who work at universities and polytechnics, but also those who labour at the law commission if they can understand and recognise each other's respective functions, if they can regard each other's work with mutual respect and each other's problems with mutual sympathy and understanding, then the future can be bright indeed. and if, as i believe we can, we add to co-operation between judge and jurist a greater readiness to learn from the legal systems of other countries, not only in the common law world, but also in the civil law countries, then the common law may be about to embark upon the most fruitful period of development in its long, eventful, history. i began this lecture with a quotation from pope gregory the great's correspondence with st augustine. let me end with another. among the questions which st augustine posed to pope gregory was the following: "since we hold the same faith, why do customs vary in different churches? why, for instance, does the method of saying mass differ in the holy roman church and the churches of gaul?" pope gregory's reply was as follows: "my brother, you are familiar with the usage of the roman church into which you were brought up. but'if you have found customs, whether in the church of rome or of gaul or any other that may be acceptable to god, i wish you to make a careful selection of them, and teach the church of the english, which is still young in the faith, whatever you have been able to learn with profit from the various churches. for things should not be loved for the sake of places, but places for the sake of good things. therefore select from each of the churches whatever things are devout, religious, and right; and when you have bound them, as it were, into a sheaf, let the minds of the english grow accustomed to it." 94 judge, jurist and legislature if i may transpose that passage from the context of religion to the context of law, then i would say, in the words of some dickensian character i forget which them's my sentiments entirely; though bede himself would simply have added, devoutly, amen. 95 the law, politics and morality the right. hon. lord hailsham of marylebone* the object of this article is to explore some of the difficulties involved in the complex relationship between morality, politics, the law, and, where and if it is relevant, religion. the answer proposed is that the question depends on a correct analysis of the nature of each of these interrelated but conceptually different intellectual and philosophical disciplines. there are all too many people who talk as if it is only necessary to establish that conduct of a particular kind is either morally a duty or morally wrong in order to be able to assert that either action by the government or the law to encourage, discourage, prohibit, or enforce such conduct more than usually with a criminal sanction behind it, is not only permissible but necessary. i believe this belief to be both misguided and demonstrably false. on the other side of the fence there are just as many reputable characters who suggest that morality, law and political action by governments have very little or perhaps even nothing in common with the result that no one of these disciplines of thought and action ought to have any influence on decision making in any of the other spheres. whilst i have more sympathy with the second view than the first, i believe it to be equally demonstrably false and quite as dangerous if it be allowed to become a guide to conduct or policy. in both cases the error lies, partly at least, in a false analysis of the subject. but the subject is also confused by a tendency on the part of those on either side of the controversy who seek to argue from first principles to neglect the fact that to found a valid conclusion all syllogisms require a minor premise as well as a major, and that the conclusion must logically flow, according to the modes of the syllogism, as a correct synthesis inferred from both. admittedly i do not believe in the aristotelian basis or technical phraseology of this proposition, but as a mental corrective to muddled thinking i find it invaluable. it is also a good discipline for the clergy and hierarchy at least of my own denomination, and perhaps of others, to reflect that, whilst their first principles in morality (where they have any) may be impeccable, as judges and analysts of disputed questions of fact (which has to inform their minor premises) their credentials and qualifications are at least open to question. "kg, chancellor of the university of buckingham. 59 the denning lawjournal it is, i believe, rather easier to demolish the case of those who seek to exclude moral issues from politics and law than for those who seek to affirm a one for one correspondence. as the late professor h. a. prichard divined at least as long ago as 1905 the history of western moral and political philosophy has very largely proceeded on the demonstrably false basis of seeking to define the requirements of law and political authority in terms other than those of the categories of value judgments to which they are properly applicable. thus the sophist thrasymachus at the beginning of plato's republic, austin the liberal writer on jurisprudence in the nineteenth century, and the late adolf hitler in the twentieth, all founded law on a positivist basis by saying respectively that law is the interest of the stronger, the command of the ruler, or "das is recht was der fuhrer gefiillt." i do not find legal positivism either in that form or in the more sophisticated language of professor hart who, i believe, propounds the view that law is what the courts will decide, at all attractive. the first three at least confuse all law with its relatively minor component, criminal law, and, in defiance of montesquieu, confuse the executive and legislative branches of government. all four make the error of seeking a purely formal definition of the subject without reference to its purpose or content. more attractive, but equally fallacious, both in its original and in its more modern forms, is the specious doctrine of utilitarianism, which seeks to find the justification for law and policy in terms of the greatest happiness of the greatest number or the common good or the interest of the majority. this at least makes some effort to establish some criterion of what law ought to be as distinct from what it is, and to set up a bench mark to distinguish good laws and good policies from bad. the alternative seroice book of the church of england rather fatuously embraces this philosophical heresy by enjoining us all to pray that we may seek the common good rather than any particular interest. but, apart from the fact that the philosophical concept of a good which is at the same time good and common to an entire community and all embracing can be an ignis fatuus, the whole utilitarian concept breaks down when one reflects that both individuals and minorities have rights as well as duties, and that one at least of the functions of law is to protect these against the rest of the world, the weak against the strong, the less numerous minorities against the more numerous majorities, the poor against the rich, the vulnerable rich against depredation by the poor and even occasionally the individual against the rest of the world. numbers do not necessarily enter into it, and, so far as the common good is concerned, one of the functions of law in a civilised society is to protect the interests of the individual against the state. attempts to explain law or policy in terms of anything else except justice (which is indefinable) or virtue (which is equally indefinable) have thus failed, and, i believe, in principle are bound to fail. is there anything to be said on the other side? is law or its policy simply concerned with morality and nothing else? is there, as some would seem to suppose, a one for one correspondence between the one and the other? 60 the law, politics and morality clearly this is not so. some law, and criminal law in particular, has some secondary concern with states of mind (mens rea as it is called in the jargon as distinct from external acts, the actus reus as lawyers have illiterately labelled it). but in the main this is the exception rather than the rule. law is primarily concerned with conduct rather than states of mind, and in particular with conduct considered to have socially desirable or undesirable consequences. in particular law is primarily concerned with past conduct, with situations which have arisen and come up for decision even when one is constrained to admit that one of the objects of legal policy must be to encourage socially desirable conduct and discourage its opposite. despite the late lord atkin's reference to the lawyer's question in the good samaritan parable, there is no law which says that thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. in donoghue v. stevenson i the more modest proposition achieved by atkin's judgment was that if a manufacturer was so negligent as to put a snail in a bottle of ginger beer he might be just as liable in damages to the ultimate purchaser as the retailer of the same bottle caught by the provisions of the sale of goods act in so far as these involve a warranty of quality. neverthless, though one may reject the general positivist thesis that law is what the courts will decide, one may readily embrace the theory, which is not positivist, that law is concerned exclusivelywith that body of doctrine which the courts must apply and with the matters which are brought before the courts to which they are bound to apply it and the methodology or procedure they adopt to set about their business. the qualification is that the body of doctrine itself is to be seen as a coherent whole and cannot be defined except in terms of a set of moral values which can neither be argued away nor defined out of existence, but nevertheless are not to be supposed to correspond on a one for one basis with the precepts laid down for the individual conscience by, say, the ten commandments or either of the two great commandments said to constitute the golden rule. this is because courts are concerned with the practical questions of enforceability, the existing body of doctrine established, in the case of common law by precedent, in the case of statute law by the words on the statute book; whereas morality is concerned with the exercise of what we choose to believe is our free will. so far, i have endeavoured to show that morality and law, though interconnected, have no one for one correspondence with one another. but there are now two other interconnected components to this quadrilateral, the policy of governments and the legislation of parliaments. despite montesquieu and the valiant, though partly unsuccessful, attempts on the part of the founding fathers of the american constitution to separate the two entirely, in countries, like our own, equipped with a fully developed cabinet system, these two arms of government are inextricably intertwined, even though in theory they remain conceptually distinct. 1. [1932] a.c. 562. 61 the denning law journal it would, i think, be morally repugnant even to suggest that the policy of government or the enactments of the legislature can or should be wholly disconnected from moral imperatives or prohibitions. but i would at least claim that it is equally absurd to argue that there could be a one for one correspondence between the actions of government (internationally or internally) or legislatures and the private morality of individuals. in part, of course, what i have already said about the relationship between law as administered in the courts and private morality applies equally in this sphere. there is a fundamental philosphical distinction between what is imposed voluntarily as the result of the dictates of conscience and the exercise of free will from within and what is imposed externally by the implied threat of physical coercion or sanctions by the will of third parties, in this case political authority. it is this which explains much of the debate which has occurred over a wide range of subjects between ministers, prelates and priests on the one hand and practising politicians on the other. it is also at the root of much debate within parliament between the rival political factions there represented. it is quite one thing for a preacher to ask his congregation to put their hands in their own pockets and contribute more generously to christian aid, the church of england children's society, the friends of the local hospital or the repair of the heating apparatus in the church. but, although some or all of these may be entitled to some support from public funds, quite different moral and practical considerations arise when a debate takes place as to whether and to what extent each or any is to be supported by contributions from taxes, public borrowing, or local rates under threat that if the component of such taxes is not paid, the tax or ratepayer will be sold up or put in gaol. still less is it appropriate to employ the language of "generosity" or "meanness" to officials or ministers whose duty it is to spend not their own but other people's money. there is another factor, also of a practical nature which politicans have to take into account, and that is the relationship between the global total of public monies they expend, and the national capacity to generate new wealth upon which ultimately all public expenditure has to draw. clearly this is not simply a question of quantity. a new road may actually assist the generation of new wealth. the same is not true, at least over the same time scale, of money spent on transporting grain by air to ethiopia, or a good many other, even when wholly laudable, ways of spending public money. the difference is even more stark when one enters the field of international relations. subject to treaty and convention (in which i include the charter of the united nations) international law is still based on the sovereign independence of international legal persons, that is states, primarily as regards their internal affairs, and, to a limited extent, even as regards their international obligations, and there are no more determined upholders of this principle than the members of the eastern bloc and the chinese peoples' republic. the demand for independence of former colonial territories against their former imperial sovereigns was based on precisely the same theories. 62 the law, politics and morai.lty now it so happens that the great majority of the human race live under regimes morally, socially or politically repugnant to the morality of others. a system of "sanctions", economic or overtly military, designed to prevent the outbreak of aggressive war with an apparatus for invoking them was instituted by the charter of the united nations, and with good reason after the outbreak of two world wars and the failure to prevent the second after the failure of the milk and water regime of the old league. but a habit has grown up of states or groups of states (often themselves not beyond reproach) imposing unilaterally or demanding the imposition by others of "sanctions" of doubtful efficacy against regimes the internal or external policies of which they disapprove. i myself doubt the efficacy of most such measures, but i question still more strongly the principle of selectivity either of the proposed victims or the proposed authors of such sanctions, and the morality or legality of the basis for their imposing them. i may be right about this, or wrong. i do not pretend that the argument is an easy one or that there are not considerations to be weighed on both sides. but this is irrelevant for my present purpose. my present purpose is simply to claim it as obvious that the kind of considerations, ethical, or practical, to be weighed on either side are not identical either with the dictates of private morality on the individual conscience, or with the considerations which should weigh with governments or parliaments in the determination of their internal policies or their domestic legislation, and that both differ in principle from the sort of policy considerations which should weigh with states or groups of states which constitute the international community. hitherto i have spoken of a quadrilateral, consisting of private morality, the law as administered by a system of courts, the public policies of governments, and legislatures, in relation both to their own peoples, and to other members of the international community of which they are part. the moral i have sought to draw is that, though ethical considerations and morality are not to be divorced from any of these, their application to the different fields to which i have referred is in each case quite different, and any attempt to apply a one for one correspondence between any two of them is doomed from the start to failure. i now come to the fifth, and all pervasive element, namely religion or the absence of it. this is a much more difficult discussion and for two reasons. the first is that, if one believes, as i personally do, in "natural law" , a most difficult and controversial idea, both its constraints and imperatives are as apparent to an intelligent and sensitive agnostic or a theist as they may be to a devout and practising christian. the second is that religion is not primarily about morality at all, but about the private and public worship of god, or gods, whether jehovah, apollo, kali, shiva, priapus, cloacina, hathor or whatever. nonetheless no religion has been able wholly to distance itself from some aspects of morality. old father zeus, who was really a horrible old reprobate who killed or castrated his father, turned himself into a bull or a swan to satisfy his sexual inclinations, and played a wholly irresponsible part in the siege of troy, none the less protected suppliants, and punished breakers of oaths, and those who abused the laws of 63 the denning law journal hospitality. as pagan religion developed, more and more reflective pagans came to think in terms of religious sanctions behind moral laws, and this has happened all over the world in apparently disconnected religious cultures. but, of course, as a christian, i am primarily concerned with the monotheistic religion attributed to abraham, and still embodied in the three world religions of judaism, islam, and christianity, the peoples of the book as the moslems call them. to them at least religion is all pervasive, and all absorbing, and all three lay down different, but closely related, moral codes designed as a pattern for human life, and for every human society to a greater or less extent a pattern of social behaviour, and even jurisprudence. it is of these that i mostly refer when i talk about the relationship between religion and my quadrilateral of private morality, law as administered in the courts, the policy of governments, and parliamentary legislation. it is indeed against the professional casuists and clergy of established churches, synagogues, mosques, and the like that i direct my criticisms. the most serious of these is their fundamental and all too common error of identifying themselves and other members of their cloth with the religious community itself in which they, with an important but, nonetheless, very highly specialised, function of their own, are numerically an extremely insignificant minority. there is no gainsaying the fact that most christians, moslems, and jews are what one would describe as laymen and not pastors, priests, rabbis, ayatollahs or whatever, and though no one in a free society would deny the legal right of these specialists of limited function to express their own opinions (however foolish or perverse) on whatever subject they choose, the idea that they have some special access to infallibilityin areas of which they have no special access to truth, such as those in which their laymen have and they have not specialised experience, is too ridiculous to merit serious consideration. to begin with, it ignores the simple proposition with which i began, that in order to found a credible opinion on any contentious matter, it is necessary to make a correct analysis of the practical and factual basis in order to form a reliable minor premise. in the second place, i wish that, in practice, they would understand that their primary function is to carry out their specialised duties, and contentious activities and opinions, especially when intemperately expressed may actually interfere with these. it is generally accepted that royal persons, judges, civilservants, and officers in the armed forces must put some professional restraint on their right of self expression and curb their tongues and actions in order to perform their several functions in society. might one not also plead for a certain degree of self discipline in the same direction on the part of religious dignitaries if they are to maintain the loyalty and coherence of their various flocks? there is, i believe, a sound philosophical and historical reason for expressing this hope. the religions of the book have aptly been described as the salt in the dish, and the leaven in the lump of dough. it may, and should, be all pervasive, but, being all pervasive, it performs a similar function in the separate parts of the same whole. in a primitive state of society it may be difficult to discern whether a moses was commander in chief of the armed forces, prime minister, archbishop of 64 the law, poi .itics and morality canterbury (or even pope or ayatollah), lord chief justice, chancellor of the exchequer or even, for a period, leader of the opposition. indeed there were phases in the career of moses when he appeared to occupy each one of these several posts. in a more sophisticated political, social, economic, and religious community it may be that these several functions are better performed by different sets of people. however this may be, i hope to have established that, though ethical and moral considerations can never be disconnected from policy, domestic or international, law or legislation the relationship betwen each and all the others differs both as to the principles involved and as to the facts, and that the functions of those concerned with each to some extent disentitle them from claiming to speak with authority on the specialised functions of the other. 65 101 denning law journal 2018 vol 30 special issue pp 101-119 the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government: twenty years on karen brewer and peter slinn* abstract 2018 marks the twentieth anniversary of the latimer house ‘process’ which commenced with the drafting of the latimer house guidelines for the commonwealth on good practice governing relations between the executive, parliament and the judiciary. since then the latimer house guidelines have been transformed into the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government which have been endorsed by commonwealth heads of government on several occasions. this article assesses the role of the latimer house process over the last two decades against the background of the commonwealth’s evolving commitments to good governance and the rule of law. part 1 explores the role of the commonwealth in supporting good governance and the rule of law whilst part 2 considers and evaluates the latimer house process itself. part 3 reviews the development of the commonwealth principles in practice whilst in part 4 some specific implementation issues concerning the judiciary are discussed. part 5 considers the future development of the commonwealth principles whilst part 6 provides a conclusion and overview. keywords: latimer house ‘process’; latimer house guidelines; relations between executive, parliamentary and judiciary; commonwealth principles (latimer house); good governance; rule of law; the commonwealth (of nations); commonwealth law ministers; commonwealth heads of government; intergovernmental policy; latimer house toolkit; commonwealth ministerial * dr karen brewer is secretary general of the commonwealth magistrates’ and judges’ association. dr peter slinn is vice-president of the commonwealth legal education association. the associations were co-sponsors (with the commonwealth lawyers association and the commonwealth parliamentary association) of the joint colloquium which adopted the latimer house guidelines in 1998. as members of the latimer house working group, both dr brewer and dr slinn have remained closely involved with the promotion and implementation of the latimer house principles. 102 the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government action group; edinburgh plan of action; harare principles; democratically elected governments – overthrow of; declaration of commonwealth principles; appointment-discipline-removal of judges gender balance in parliament; expulsion of members of parliament; chogm (commonwealth heads of government meeting); commonwealth ministerial action group; commonwealth associations; the modern commonwealth. introduction 2018 marks the twentieth anniversary of the latimer house ‘process’ which commenced with the drafting of the latimer house guidelines for the commonwealth on good practice governing relations between the executive, parliament and the judiciary. since then the latimer house guidelines have been transformed into the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government which, as noted below, have been endorsed by commonwealth heads of government on several occasions. this article assesses the role of the latimer house process over the last two decades against the background of the commonwealth’s evolving commitments to good governance and the rule of law. part 1 explores the role of the commonwealth in supporting good governance and the rule of law whilst part 2 considers and evaluates the latimer house process itself. part 3 reviews the development of the commonwealth principles in practice whilst in part 4 some specific implementation issues concerning the judiciary are discussed. part 5 considers the future development of the commonwealth principles whilst part 6 provides a conclusion and overview. part 1. the commonwealth, good governance and the rule of law the commonwealth is a voluntary association of fifty-three independent and equal sovereign states that uniquely is not formed by a binding treaty such as that established through membership of the united nations. consensus has been at the heart of the commonwealth association ever since, but the nature of that consensus has evolved since 1950 in both scope and complexity. in 1949, the governments of the then eight members of what was still styled at the beginning as the ‘british commonwealth of nations’ adopted the declaration of london, identified by sir william dale as the ‘foundation document of the modern commonwealth’.1 the declaration was primarily concerned with the 1 the text is found in sir william dale, the modern commonwealth (butterworths 1983) 39. the denning law journal 103 ingenious formula whereby india could remain a member of the (no longer british) commonwealth after becoming a republic on the basis of the acceptance of the british king as ‘a symbol of the free association of its independent member nations and as such head of the commonwealth’. the principles guiding this re-branded association were alluded to in the vaguest terms: members declared that they remained ‘united as free and equal members of the commonwealth of nations, freely co-operating in the pursuit of peace, liberty and progress’ [our italics]. from 1949 until 1969, regular meetings of commonwealth ‘prime ministers’ (28 heads of government by 1969) issued increasingly lengthy communiqués dealing with matters of common concern such as the rhodesia (now zimbabwe) crisis, the middle east, trade, aid and development. the communiqués contained no general statement of principles, though it could be discerned that the commonwealth consensus embraced notions of democratic governance, international co-operation, peaceful settlement of disputes and the promotion of economic development. more particularly, the 1964 communiqué referred to race relations and the need for each member country to build a structure of society ‘which offers equal opportunity and non-discrimination for all its people, irrespective of race, colour or creed’.2 in 1971, at their meeting in singapore, commonwealth heads of governments (the designation replacing that of commonwealth prime ministers, given that a number of members now had executive presidents) took the significant step of adopting a declaration of commonwealth principles. this included a clear commitment to democratic political processes: we believe in the liberty of the individual, in equal rights for all citizens regardless of race, colour, creed or political belief, and in their inalienable right to participate by means of free and democratic political processes in framing the society in which they live. we therefore strive to promote in each of our countries those representative institutions and guarantees for personal freedom under the law that are our common heritage.3 two subsequent declarations in 1977 and 1979 were concerned with addressing apartheid in sport and the elimination of racism and racial prejudice. however in 1991, heads of government adopted the harare commonwealth declaration as a more detailed statement of the fundamental principles set out at singapore, with a 2 meeting of commonwealth prime ministers, 1964, final communiqué, the commonwealth at the summit, commonwealth secretariat, (1987) 83. 3 ibid 156–57. 104 commitment to the protection and promotion of the fundamental political values of the commonwealth, i.e: • democracy, democratic processes and institutions which reflect national circumstances, the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary, just and honest government; • fundamental human rights, including equal rights and opportunities for all citizens regardless of race, colour, creed or political belief.4 heads of government also pledged themselves to work, inter alia, for equality for women, ‘so that they may exercise their full and equal rights’. these references to the rule of law, democratic processes, fundamental human rights and equality for women provided the inspiration for the future latimer house process. the harare declaration contained no provisions for enforcement or compliance monitoring. however, at their meeting in auckland in 1995, heads of government adopted the millbrook action programme on the harare declaration.5 this established the commonwealth ministerial action group (cmag) on the harare declaration ‘in order to deal with serious and persistent violations’ of the principles contained in that declaration, in particular in the event of the overthrow of a democratically elected government. cmag’s task was to recommend measures to restore democracy and constitutional rule, including as a last resort suspension from membership of the association. it may be thought that because of its nature as a voluntary association of nations, the commonwealth might not have effective power to persuade individual countries to conform to its principles. certainly some ‘suspended’ countries have flirted or threatened to join other international entities, for example nigeria joined the francophonie after it was suspended from the commonwealth in 1995. however, with the exception of zimbabwe and the maldives which, when threatened with the process, chose to leave the commonwealth, the historic ties of member nations has provided a driving force behind compliance with the requests from the commonwealth in regard to the re-establishment of democratic processes in the gambia, nigeria, pakistan, fiji islands and the solomon islands.6 4 commonwealth statement on apartheid in sport (the gleneagles agreement) (1977); meeting of commonwealth prime ministers (n 3) 198; lusaka declaration of the commonwealth on racism and racial prejudice (1979); meeting of commonwealth prime ministers (n 3) 217; harare commonwealth declaration vol 2, p 82. 5 harare commonwealth declaration vol 2, p 156. 6 in 2018, zimbabwe applied to re-join the commonwealth. the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government the denning law journal 105 2. the latimer house process the harare declaration invited the commonwealth parliamentary association and non-governmental commonwealth organisations to play their full part in the promotion of the objectives of the declaration. at a meeting of commonwealth law ministers in 1996, the importance of the role played by judges and lawyers in a ‘healthy democracy’ was recognised.7 it was against this background that four commonwealth associations, namely the commonwealth parliamentary association (cpa), commonwealth magistrates’ and judges’ association (cmja), commonwealth lawyers association (cla) and commonwealth legal education association (clea) came together in a joint colloquium in 1998 at latimer house, a country house conference centre in buckinghamshire in the united kingdom. they were supported in their endeavours by the commonwealth secretariat, the commonwealth foundation and the british foreign and commonwealth office. the colloquium brought together for the first time a senior-level group of over fifty participants from twenty-three jurisdictions, including parliamentarians, some holding ministerial office, judges, legal practitioners and legal academicians, to adopt a commonwealth model on ‘parliamentary supremacy and judicial independence’. the object was not only the promotion of dialogue between those at the cutting edge of good governance issues. the colloquium had the specific aim of drafting detailed guidelines as to best practice with regard to relations between the executive, parliament and the judiciary in the promotion of good governance, the rule of law and human rights to ensure the effective implementation of the harare principles. the latimer house guidelines on parliamentary supremacy and judicial independence (the guidelines) which emerged from the deliberations and were adopted by consensus, were intended as an operational manual of good practice rather than yet another highsounding declaration of principle (of which the commonwealth was proving itself only too adept). as recalled at the beginning of this article, it is now twenty years since the drafting of the guidelines, an initiative, it should be stressed, of the four partner organisations, not of commonwealth governments. the preamble to the guidelines recited the fundamental political values of the commonwealth quoted above from the harare declaration.8 from these values 7 communiqué of the meeting of commonwealth law ministers 1996. 8 the full text of the guidelines and subsequent documentation, including the principles (see below) are conveniently set out in a booklet published by the four sponsoring organisations accessed 20 november 2018. a full account of the latimer house deliberations can be found in john hatchard and peter slinn (eds) parliamentary supremacy and judicial independence: a commonwealth approach (cavendish publishing ltd 1999). 106 the guidelines adopted the principle that, in terms of the relationship between executive, parliament and the judiciary, each ‘institution must exercise responsibility and restraint in the exercise of power within its own constitutional sphere so as not to encroach on the legitimate discharge of constitutional functions by the other institutions’. in essence, the doctrine of separation of powers was imported into the fundamental values of the commonwealth. the document then set out in some detail guidelines concerning the relationship between parliament and the judiciary, the independence of judges and parliamentarians, the role of women in parliament, judicial and parliamentary ethics, accountability mechanisms, the law-making process, the role of non-judicial and non-parliamentary institutions, and measures for implementation and monitoring compliance with the guidelines. the guidelines also dealt with a number of controversial issues, such as the expulsion of members of parliament for ‘floor-crossing’, gender balance in parliament and the appointment, discipline and removal of judges. the guidelines attracted wide notice throughout the commonwealth and their adoption was the beginning of a ‘latimer house process’ which continues to this day. this process was fostered by the determined advocacy of the four sponsoring organisations through what were styled the ‘red channel’ (via commonwealth governments and governmental institutions) and the ‘green channel’ (via independent non-governmental organisations and activities). these channels were interrelated in the sense that the partner organisations recognised that, if the guidelines were to be implemented effectively, they would require endorsement by commonwealth governments. on the other hand the partner organisations needed to retain freedom to hold governmental agencies to account for perceived breaches of the guidelines. the commonwealth legal community were made aware of the guidelines through publicity at conferences of lawyers, legal educators and parliamentarians sponsored by the partner organisations, so that, for example, references to the guidelines began to appear in judicial pronouncements.9 9 in september 1999, the chief justice of trinidad and tobago referred to the guidelines in his opening of the legal year speech in publicly expressing concern over a perceived threat to the independence of the judiciary in his jurisdiction: see accessed 20 november 2018. in the same year, the guidelines were cited for the first time in a commonwealth court. the high court of judiciary in scotland referred to the guidelines in holding that a temporary sheriff appointed on an annual renewal basis by the executive did not constitute an independent and impartial tribunal as required by the fair trial provisions of the european convention on human rights: starrs v procurator fiscal (linlithgow) [2000] 1 lrc 718, 737 and 765. subsequent citations of the guidelines/principles from around the commonwealth include that of the chief justice of tonga in tu’ifua v public service tribunal [2014] 5 lrc 588, [15]. the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government the denning law journal 107 remarkable progress was made through the ‘red channel’. beginning in 1999, representatives of the partner organisations were invited to participate in a lengthy process of consultation at commonwealth official and ministerial level leading to the formation of a joint working party of ministers and representatives of the four partner organisations. this resulted in a ‘refinement’ of the guidelines into the commonwealth (latimer house) principles on the accountability of and relationship between the three branches of government (the commonwealth principles). commonwealth heads of government at their meeting at abuja, nigeria, in december 2003: …[e]ndorsed the recommendation of their law ministers on commonwealth principles on the accountability of and relationship between the three branches of government. they acknowledged that judicial independence and delivery of efficient justice services were important for maintaining the balance of power between the executive, legislature and judiciary.10 at their next meeting in malta in 2005, heads of government: …[n]oted that the commonwealth (latimer house) principles … 2003, which recognised the importance of a balance of power between the executive, legislature and judiciary, constitute an integral part of the commonwealth’s fundamental political values as set out in the harare declaration’(emphasis added).11 this was affirmed at the commonwealth heads of government meeting in london in 2018. 3. the commonwealth principles: status and enforcement what had begun as a set of guidelines drafted at an unofficial gathering of lawyers, legal academics, politicians and judicial officers from around the commonwealth had now emerged, through a process of consultation in which the unofficial partners had played a full part, as a set of principles accepted by all commonwealth member states as ‘an integral part’ of their fundamental political values. as richard bourne, a leading commentator on commonwealth affairs, has observed: 10 abuja communiqué, para 8, the commonwealth at the summit, vol 3 (commonwealth secretariat 1997) 131. 11 malta communiqué, para 8; abuja communiqué (n 10) 172. 108 at the abuja chogm, leaders not only approved [the commonwealth principles] but, in an unprecedented move, attached them to the 1991 commonwealth harare declaration. this was a spectacular example of the impact of the commonwealth associations on intergovernmental policy, even though practice in countries as varied as pakistan and uganda has failed to live up to it.12 bourne has identified several crucial elements of the latimer house process which should be of general interest to all lawyers concerned with public law in both domestic and international spheres, namely the role of commonwealth associations in shaping the development of the fundamental values of the commonwealth, the legal status of such principles and the problem of compliance. i) the role of the commonwealth associations in shaping the intergovernmental organisation’s fundamental values an examination of the latimer house process suggests that the commonwealth has evolved a system whereby organisations independent of government can play a full part in the development of principles which governments may endorse. of course there is nothing new about recognising the influence of civil society on international policy-making as is witnessed in the environmental sphere. however, the devising of the commonwealth principles represents a significant example of cooperation between ministers, their officials and the commonwealth secretariat on the one hand, and the partner organisations on the other, thus overcoming the suspicion with which ministers and officials often regard ‘civil society’ groups which may be perceived as attempting to insert themselves into decision-making processes which are the sole prerogative of elected governments. ii) the legal status of the commonwealth principles the reference in the malta communiqué is to the principles as being part of the fundamental political values of the commonwealth. does this mean that the harare declaration and other instruments emerging from the chogms are merely statements of political intent and of no legal or normative effect? the legal significance of commonwealth declarations was analysed some thirty-five years ago by sir william dale in his seminal work the modern 12 richard bourne, ‘the commonwealth and civil society’ in james mayal (ed.) the contemporary commonwealth: an assessment 1965–2009 (routledge 2010) 128. the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government the denning law journal 109 commonwealth.13 as noted earlier, commonwealth member states are not mutually bound by agreements binding in international law so as to attract registration under article 102 of the united nations charter. however, dale concluded: the commonwealth declarations emanate, as do the united nations declarations, from an organised body, the heads of government meeting, a principal organ of the commonwealth association… the heads of government are able to ensure –subject to the requirements of their domestic constitutions – that [the commitments contained in the declarations] are carried out…. the instruments may also, as evidence of state practice, contribute to customary international law.14 the issue has been further explored, in the light of developments since 1983, by one of the present writers who argues that, at the very least, commonwealth declarations fit comfortably into the character of ‘soft law’. non-binding legal instruments may involve commitments in good faith which are expected to have normative significance for the way states behave.15 commonwealth declarations in relation to human rights, the rule of law, gender equality and good governance, as particularly reflected in the commonwealth (latimer house) principles, thus reinforce the development of international law and processes whereby: both textually and in practice the international legal system is moving towards a clearly defined democratic entitlement, with national governance validated by international standards and instruments and systematic monitoring of compliance.16 this approach is strengthened by the inclusion of the commonwealth (latimer house) principles as an integral part of the ‘affirmation of commonwealth values and principles’ by heads of government meeting in trinidad and tobago in 2009. as we shall see, the principles are also embodied in the commonwealth charter of 2013.17 13 dale (n 1) 48–51. dale had been legal adviser in the commonwealth office when it was a separate department of state in the united kingdom government. 14 ibid. 15 peter slinn, ‘the commonwealth and the law’ in mayal, op cit, pp 32–34. 16 thomas franck, fairness in international law and institutions (oup 1995) 139, quoted in slinn (n 15). 17 available at accessed 20 november 2018. 110 iii) monitoring of compliance the ‘systematic monitoring of compliance’ has proved problematic as far as the commonwealth (latimer house) principles are concerned. the original 1998 guidelines envisaged that: [i]f these guidelines are adopted, an effective monitoring procedure, which might include a standing committee, should be devised under which all commonwealth jurisdictions accept an obligation to report on their compliance with these guidelines…. considerations of these reports should form a regular part of the meetings of law ministers and heads of government.18 whilst the cmja, cla and clea have tried to establish their own monitoring mechanism and other commonwealth-accredited organisations have called for some form of evaluation of the implementation of commonwealth fundamental values,19 funding has proved elusive to date for such a venture. the principles, as they emerged at abuja, from the process of refinement, contain no reference to such procedures, merely stating that the objective is: …[t]o provide, in accordance with the laws and customs of each commonwealth country, an effective framework for the implementation by governments, parliaments and judiciaries of the commonwealth’s fundamental values.20 in 2005, a forum of representatives from all eighteen african commonwealth countries organised by the commonwealth secretariat led to the production of a plan of action for africa (the nairobi plan of action for africa) on the implementation of the principles. this was adopted in revised form for the commonwealth as a whole at a colloquium held in edinburgh in 2008. these plans of action urged governments to establish mechanisms to monitor and evaluate their implementation in their respective jurisdictions. whilst the nairobi plan of action for africa was endorsed by governments, this was not the case with the edinburgh 18 guideline ix ‘measures for implementation and monitoring compliance’, secretariat text, p 23 accessed 20 november 2018. 19 ‘democracy in the commonwealth: a report on democracy 18 years after the harare declaration’ produced for electoral reform international (eris) and the commonwealth policy studies unit (cpsu) 2009 by kwadwo afari gyan, asma jahangir and tim sheehy. 20 see booklet (n 8) 10. the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government the denning law journal 111 plan of action and no mechanism for evaluating the implementation was established.21 however, the question of the implementation of the principles has remained on the agenda of commonwealth law ministers. in 2011, commonwealth law ministers adopted recommendations from a rule of law expert group to encourage heads of government to give better effect to them.22 in yet another report commissioned by heads of government, an eminent persons group (epg) considered means of strengthening the core values of the commonwealth. the epg recommended the appointment of a commonwealth commissioner for democracy, rule of law and human rights and the adoption of a charter for the commonwealth encapsulating in a single document the principles embodied in the singapore and subsequent declarations and statements. the commissioner proposal foundered on the unwillingness of governments and of the then secretary general to accept an independent monitoring mechanism of any kind. however, the charter proposal did find favour. after much amendment of the original draft appended to the epg report by michael kirby, a distinguished former australian high court judge, the charter was adopted in 2012 and formally signed in march by the head of the commonwealth.23 however, this charter is not a legal instrument binding on member states. it is a declaration by ‘we the people of the commonwealth’ of the core values and principles of the organisation, including those of latimer house. perhaps not surprisingly, there are no references to any monitoring or enforcement mechanisms and the charter appears to be aspirational in nature rather than prescriptive. it might appear that a decisive step had been taken to ensure the implementation of the commonwealth’s fundamental values at the auckland chogm in 1995 by the establishment of the commonwealth ministerial action group (cmag) which comprised a rotating group of nine ministers of foreign affairs, i.e. a governmental peer review mechanism. as noted above, cmag has proved of limited effectiveness except where a complete breakdown of constitutional governance has occurred. however, in 2011 cmag, as a watchdog protecting the commonwealth fundamental values, moved from considering only military or coup-led attacks against democracy, to dealing with ‘serious or persistent violations of commonwealth fundamental political values that do not involve an unconstitutional overthrow of a democratically 21 ibid 47. 22 communiqué of the commonwealth law ministers meeting, sydney, australia 2011. 23 the text of the charter was presented to the british parliament as a command paper in march, 2013, cm 8572. commonwealth accredited organisations were given the opportunity to make submissions and the latimer house working group made a submission which was to some extent reflected in the text. 112 elected government’. cmag recognised that the commonwealth had ‘added important principles to those contained in the harare declaration such as the commonwealth (latimer house) principles’, so that cmag now had a mandate to invoke breaches of the principles in calling a government to account for serious or persistent violations of commonwealth fundamental values.24 the difficulties posed by a cmag intervention on this basis may be illustrated by the example of the maldives. in september 2016, the maldives government was given six months by cmag to address concerns including the detention and prosecution of opposition leaders, interference with the judiciary and undermining of democratic institutions. the response of the maldives government was to leave the commonwealth, alleging that it had been treated unjustly and unfairly by cmag, and that the maldives were being targeted by cmag and the commonwealth secretariat ‘in the name of democratic promotion, to increase the commonwealth’s own relevance and leverage in international politics’. all the commonwealth secretary general could do was to express her ‘sadness and disappointment’.25 4. specific problems of implementation: the case of the judiciary aside from cases referred to cmag, there has been persistent evidence of breaches of the commonwealth’s fundamental values in jurisdictions which have never experienced military rule and which ostensibly maintained a democratic system under the rule of law. as discussed below, it has been left to the latimer house group, working outside of government through the ‘green channel’, to draw attention to these breaches and attempt to hold governments to account. upholding the independence of the judiciary provides an important case study. in a number of instances the independence and personal safety of judicial officers and parliamentarians has been threatened. for example, a military takeover in pakistan led to the judges being required to take a new oath of office or face dismissal. subsequently, the supreme court of pakistan, in dealing with a constitutional challenge to the military take-over, vigorously asserted the independence of the judiciary. however, it found that the conduct of the deposed 24 strengthening the role of the commonwealth ministerial action group (cmag) report by cmag adopted by the commonwealth heads of government meeting 2011 (commonwealth secretariat). 25 a succinct account of the withdrawal and reaction thereto can be found in michael safi, ‘maldives quits commonwealth over alleged rights abuses’ (the guardian online 13 october 2016). the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government the denning law journal 113 democratically elected government had been such in terms of corruption, mismanagement and abuse of the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law as to justify the military intervention under the doctrine of necessity. however, after the restoration of civilian rule and of the dismissed judges, the supreme court nullified the earlier judgment and ruled the military take-over unlawful.26 in 2018, the political situation in pakistan remains volatile. however, the election of the leader of the opposition as prime minister through a largely peaceful transition may mark a departure from the habitual chaos and violence of pakistani politics.27 in some countries, such as australia, the separation of the judiciary from legislative and executive powers and the separation of the judicial officers from political activity have been rigorously maintained. in other countries where the system is based on the westminster model, checks and balances against abuse of power may not be as effective as in those countries which have enshrined the principle of constitutional supremacy so all actions of the organs of the state have to conform to the constitution as the supreme law. an independent, honest and impartial judiciary is integral to upholding the rule of law, engendering public confidence and dispensing justice. in a number of commonwealth countries despite the well-intentioned provisions in the constitutions which provide for equality of opportunity, appointment on merit and the removal of gender and other historical discriminations, appointments are subject to the whims of the executive. the principles outline the requirements of all commonwealth countries to have in place a system where: a. judicial appointments should be made on the basis of clearly defined criteria and by a publicly declared process. the process should ensure: • equality of opportunity for all who are eligible for judicial office; • appointment on merit; and • that appropriate consideration is given to the need for the progressive attainment of gender equity and the removal of other historic factors of discrimination; b. arrangements for appropriate security of tenure and protection of levels of remuneration must be in place; c. adequate resources should be provided for the judicial system to operate 26 khan v musharaf [2008] 4 lrc 157; sindh high court bar association v pakistan [2010] 2 lrc 319. 27 imran khan, the former international cricketer was elected in august 2018. see also interim report of the commonwealth observer group on the pakistan election july 2018 (available on the commonwealth secretariat website). 114 effectively without any undue constraints which may hamper the independence sought; d. interaction, if any, between the executive and the judiciary should not compromise judicial independence. well-established parliamentary procedures for the removal of judges exist in all commonwealth constitutions. however, these mainly affect judicial officers in the higher courts although even then some countries have disregarded the constitutional or parliamentary process. magistrates and district court judges may not benefit from the same security of tenure and can often be removed by a simple decision made by the attorney general as happened in the gambia under the jammeh regime. this issue was highlighted at the 2018 triennial conference of the cmja which adopted the brisbane declaration on the independence and integrity of judicial officers of the lower courts.28 even the perception that there may not be security of tenure may require a change in the system of appointment. this was demonstrated in scotland following the judgment in the starrs v procurator fiscal (linlithgow)29 where it was successfully contended (citing what were then the latimer house guidelines) that the existing system of appointment of temporary sheriffs brought into question their independence. as a result of this judgment, the system of appointing sheriffs was radically changed and there are no longer any temporary sheriffs in scotland. in other cases where judicial officers do not benefit from constitutional protection, the same individual rights under article 10 of the universal declaration of human rights should apply to them.30 it is recognised that parliaments are primarily responsible for law-making. in some commonwealth countries the judiciary has been charged with ‘judicial activism’ especially in the area of human rights where since 198831 judicial officers have increasingly made reference to norms established by international 28 available on the cmja website (n 18). 29 linlithgow (n 9). 30 article 10 provides that ‘everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of [their] rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against [them]’. 31 the judicial colloquium on the domestic application of international norms held in bangalore, india, concluded inter alia that: ‘it is within the proper nature of the judicial process and well-established judicial functions for national courts to have regard to international obligations which a country undertakes – whether or not they have been incorporated into domestic law – for the purpose of removing ambiguity or uncertainty from national constitutions, legislation or common law’. the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government the denning law journal 115 treaties for the purpose of deciding cases where domestic common law is ambiguous. this is inevitable in a world which has been progressively moving towards globalisation. however, judicial officers remain sensitive to the fact that it is parliament that has primacy in the law-making process and that they are accountable to the constitution and to the law. in most cases where this has happened, the country may have already signed and/or ratified an international convention but not integrated the international norms into domestic law. article ii of the commonwealth principles states: a. relations between parliament and the judiciary should be governed by respect for parliament’s primary responsibility for law making on the one hand and for the judiciary’s responsibility for the interpretation and application of the law on the other hand. b. judiciaries and parliaments should fulfil their respective but critical roles in the promotion of the rule of law in a complementary and constructive manner. as the third pillar of democracy, the judiciary cannot operate without resources. in a number of instances, funding has been cut to the judiciary (whether through limitation of salaries, non-repair of court buildings or reduction of budgets for improving access to justice and similar projects) in order to exert influence over judicial officers who may not be toeing the executive line. sufficient and sustainable funding needs to be provided to the judiciary so that it can perform its functions. it is recognised that shortfalls in national incomes have to be taken into account in all budgets. however, parliaments which are responsible for agreeing national budgets must ensure provision of adequate resources to the judiciary so that they can ‘operate effectively without any undue constraints which may hamper the independence sought’.32 5. towards implementing the commonwealth principles a number of commonwealth countries are already making progress in implementing the commonwealth principles. in the united kingdom where the separation of the judiciary from the legislative and executive has been in modern times a strong convention of the constitution, the major constitutional reforms enacted in 2005 removed perceived anomalies which appeared at variance with the principles embodied in the latimer house guidelines. for example, the lord 32 article iv(c) of the principles. 116 chancellor is now merely a government minister (and not necessarily a lawyer!), having lost both legislative and judicial roles. the judicial committee of the house of lords was replaced with a supreme court, separated institutionally and physically from parliament. further, the informal system of judicial appointments has been replaced by a process involving a judicial appointments commission.33 the united kingdom can now be considered formally in compliance with the commonwealth principles. as an example of good practice, the australian capital territory legislature commissioned an audit of the implementation of the principles in the territory.34 sadly, this audit precedent has not been followed in other jurisdictions. the commonwealth principles are now firmly entrenched in the fundamental political values of the commonwealth. however, given the refusal of commonwealth governments to accept any formal monitoring mechanism (such as the rule of law commissioner proposed by the epg high-level review and the failure of cmag to carry out its full mandate), the four sponsoring organisation have been left with the task of holding member states to account for any alleged breaches of the principles. they have contributed to the development of tools to ensure best practice such as the benchbooks for legislatures produced by the commonwealth parliamentary association35 and the guide for the magistrate in the commonwealth: fundamental principles and recommended practices which was produced by the cmja in 2017. they have also undertaken training for parliamentarians, lawyers and judicial officers and provided regular confidential briefings to meetings of commonwealth law ministers and senior officials. in addition, the cla, clea and cmja have produced joint statements drawing public and official attention to such breaches. joint statements in the form of press releases have been issued, inter alia, in relation to the impeachment of the chief justice of sri lanka, the forced removal and deportation of a magistrate from nauru, the removal of three judges in zambia, the threat of impeachment of judges in botswana, the arrest and detention of lawyers and judges in the cameroon, executive threats against the judiciary in kenya and threats to the position of the chief justices of lesotho and the seychelles.36 the effect of these statements is hard to assess. the intervention may have contributed to the restoration of the 33 for a succinct summary of the 2005 reforms, see david mcclean, ‘judicial reform in the united kingdom’ (2005) 16(1) commonwealth judicial journal 25. 34 report of the act legislature 2009: available at accessed 20 november 2018. 35 see the website of the cpa at accessed 20 november 2018. 36 the full texts of all these statements are available on the cmja website: see n 18. the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government the denning law journal 117 impeached chief justice of sri lanka after a change of government in 2015 even though she promptly resigned her position. also regarding the seychelles, a report of a fact-finding mission by the southern african chief justices forum relies on the principles and the guidelines in relation to judicial accountability and judicial security of tenure.37 the commonwealth principles and the role of an independent media the principles closely follow the guidelines in the issues that are considered paramount to a modern democracy, including the role of an independent media which can promote government accountability as well as the role of other independent bodies whose role it is to scrutinise and oversee the integrity of the executive’s activities. article ix states: a. steps which may be taken to encourage public sector accountability include: the establishment of scrutiny bodies and mechanisms to oversee government enhances public confidence in the integrity and acceptability of government’s activities. independent bodies such as public accounts committees, ombudsmen, human rights commissions, auditors-general, anticorruption commissions, information commissioners and similar oversight institutions can play a key role in enhancing public awareness of good governance and rule of law issues. governments are encouraged to establish or enhance appropriate oversight bodies in accordance with national circumstances. government’s transparency and accountability is promoted by an independent and vibrant media which is responsible, objective and impartial and which is protected by law in its freedom to report and comment upon public affairs. the bodies referred to in article ix are essential in maintaining public confidence and awareness of the rule of law. they are also the front line in fighting against corruption, one of the priorities of commonwealth countries seeking to develop economically. it is a well-proven fact that economic development requires a strong, effective, and transparent legal system. foreign investment is not forthcoming without such the structures in place. the principles urge the promotion of ‘zero-tolerance’ for corruption as being vital to good governance. 37 report of the southern african chief justices forum on the fact-finding mission to the republic of seychelles, june 2018, available at accessed 5 september 2018. 118 in 2018, an ad hoc working group convened by the commonwealth journalists association and including representatives of the cla, clea and cpa adopted the ‘commonwealth principles on freedom of expression and the role of the media in good governance’ in what was a conscious imitation of the development of the commonwealth (latimer house) principles.38 the promoters of these principles hope that they too will be embodied in some form by heads of government as part of the commonwealth’s fundamental values. 6. conclusion and overview the commonwealth (latimer house) principles call for judiciaries and parliaments to ‘fulfill their respective but critical roles’ for otherwise this can severely impact on the good administration of justice. the edinburgh plan of action noted that ‘each new generation of government officers, parliamentarians, lawyers, judicial officers and members of civil society has to be alert to the imperatives of, and balance between, the independence and accountability of the judiciary, parliament and the executive…’.39 most problems which arise in the commonwealth derive from a continued lack of understanding of each institution’s role in the governance process. the edinburgh plan of action also called for more regular awareness training, on appointment or election, of parliamentarians, judicial officers and public servants on basic constitutional principles and the primary roles of each pillar of democracy in the constitutional process. in 2013, the commonwealth secretariat commissioned the cla, clea, cmja and cpa to develop a ‘latimer house toolkit’ to enhance the dialogue between the three pillars of democracy whilst not compromising their independence. published in 2015, the four associations are still waiting in 2018 to assist the commonwealth secretariat to roll out of this toolkit in order to promote better respect between the three organs of the state in order to ensure that ‘each commonwealth country’s parliaments, executives and judiciaries are the guarantors in their respective spheres of the rule of law, the promotion and protection of fundamental human rights and the entrenchment of good governance 38 ‘the development of these principles has been inspired by the example of the latimer house principles’: commonwealth principles on freedom of expression and the role of the media in good governance, introduction p 3. the principles accessed 5 september 2018. 39 note (4) of the edinburgh plan of action for the development, promotion and implementation of the commonwealth (latimer house) principles (2008), booklet p 40. the commonwealth principles (latimer house) on the relationship between the three branches of government the denning law journal 119 based on the highest standards of honesty, probity and accountability’. in this, the associations derive comfort from paragraph 13 of the chogm communiqué of april 2018: heads reaffirmed their commitment to the commonwealth (latimer house) principles on the accountability and the relationship between the three branches of government (2003) as an integral part of the commonwealth’s fundamental political values. heads requested the commonwealth secretariat work in partnership with other commonwealth organisations in promoting dialogue between the three branches of government, including through the full application of the latimer house toolkit, which provides a practical guide to enhancing the separation of powers.40 thus the latimer house process, twenty years on, is in bourne’s words, ‘a spectacular example of the impact of commonwealth associations on intergovernmental policy’.41 the principles thus must be seen as a commitment to the core commonwealth values and as a benchmark by which the performance of all commonwealth countries should be judged. 40 the toolkit, a comprehensive set of guidance in a number of volumes, with illustrative case-law from the law reports of the commonwealth, lexis-nexis, 1985 to date, was published by the commonwealth secretariat in 2015 accessed 20 november 2018. 41 bourne (n 12). human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 1 denning law journal 2015 vol 27 pp 1-44 ‘magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries’ michael j beloff qc introduction the great charter is often portrayed as the source of english liberties: a medieval document which projected its beneficent light forward over eight centuries and which, while representing the triumph of barons over monarch, brought to birth principles which had equal resonance for an age of representative governance and universal suffrage. such portrayal is naturally and explicably depicted in brighter colours in this its 800 th anniversary with celebrations, exhibitions, conferences, a new and scholarly book co-authored by none other than the recently retired lord chief justice, the aptly named lord judge, 1 and a no less scholarly but more sardonic one by the historian and television pundit david starkey 2 and last but not least, these lectures under the auspices of the university of buckingham. i am particularly happy to be invited to give the first of these lectures since it enables me to discharge my obligation as a visiting professor which, i regret, that i have hitherto honoured only in the way of the oxford don who, when asked during a mid-twentieth century inquiry into the governance of the university about his teaching duties, replied ―i have to give an annual lecture – but not, you understand, every year‖. the sumption thesis in his iridescent address to the friends of the british library ―magna carta then and now‖, 3 lord sumption, probably the most gifted lawyer, blackstone chambers.visiting professor of law visiting professorial lecture delivered at the university of buckingham 29 th april 2015 to mark the 800 th anniversary of the signing of magna carta. 1 anthony arlidge and igor judge, magna carta uncovered (hart 2015). 2 david starkey, magna carta: the true story behind the charter (hodder and stoughton 2015). 3 lord sumption, ‗magna carta then and now‘ (address to friends of the british library 9 march 2015). magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 2 and certainly the most gifted historian in the supreme court, exercised an erudite iconoclasm to deride the claims of those who saw the charter as the foundation stone of democratic government and the parent of the rule of law as ―high minded tosh‖. following in the august footsteps of professor (and later sir) john holt whose study was published on the 750 th anniversary of the charters sealing, 4 he made the irrefutable point that, like any legal instrument, the magna carta had to be understood in its historical context. the baronage who compelled king john to submit to their demands at runnymede were doing no more than seeking to enforce on him ―conventions which were profoundly traditional and obligations which he and his predecessors had acknowledged for more than a century‖. 5 they were concerned more about matters which touched on their finances and standing than about infant constitutional principle. it was lawyers of later epochs who, as lord sumption demonstrated, put a halo around magna carta; sir edward coke who defended the courts against royal interference and was, as a result of his pains, dismissed from the high office of chief justice of the kings bench by james i, used the years of his enforced retirement to seek ideological revenge on the stuart monarchy and declared ―magna carta is such a fellow that he will have no sovereign‖. 6 (though the charter in latin is female, coke‘s epigram reflects a gender bias current then and indeed for several subsequent centuries). maitland, the doyen of english legal historians, at the turn of the last century described magna carta as ―the nearest approach to an unrepealable fundamental statute that england ever had‖, 7 though many of its provisions had already been repealed, and, as i shall explain later, only a handful have survived a still later legislative cull. a case-centric approach given the plurality of ways in which others, like lord sumption himself, far more eminent and knowledgeable than i, have expatiated on the larger themes whether as believers or belittlers, i thought i would select a smaller and distinct topic: paint a miniature rather than a fresco and consider whether and, if so, how it has continued to impact directly on 4 j c holt, magna carta (cup 1965). 5 sumption (n 3). 6 during the parliamentary debates on the petition of right. 7 frederick pollock and frederic maitland, history of english law (vol i i. i 73). the denning law journal 3 the domestic jurisprudence of this country since the start of the twentieth century. i say domestic because paradoxically magna carta has been more influential in the courts of the usa than in the courts of the (previously) mother country. lord sumption states ―in 1991 it was calculated that magna carta had been cited in more than 900 decisions of state and federal courts to date‖ adding sardonically ―generally in support of propositions that would not have been recognised by the barons at runnymede‖ 8 though i suspect that even the qualification ―generally‖ is itself over generous. by contrast, by his calculation magna carta has been cited in no more than 170 judgments of the superior courts in england since 1900. my search engine westlaw actually bought up 171 cases, which makes somewhat modest the assertion in halsbury‘s statutes that is has been ―more than once referred to in the law reports‖. 9 i can honourably claim to have considered all 171 of them, 10 but once i probed beneath the surface of these statistics it appeared that some such references were to commentaries on the cases rather than dicta in them, 11 and several others were to the same case but at different level of the judicial hierarchy, and some even to the same case at the same level. 12 yet other references were simply to a case name: there is an otherwise unmemorable personal injury case called walton v magna carta polo; 13 to a magna carta lecture delivered by lord falconer, 14 the former lord chancellor, to legal metaphor: the companies act 1862 was described by sir francis palmer as ―the magna carta of co-operative enterprise.‖ 15 a judgment of lord mansfield that the crown could not levy taxes in the island of grenada after its capture from the french was described as ―the 8 sumption (n 3). 9 halsbury’s statutes (4th edn, 2013) 81. 10 with the invaluable assistance of elaine wintle our chambers information officer. 11 for example roger smith magistrate, magna carta a living will. 2014 70(6) p 28-29. 12 r (mohammed) v secretary of state for foreign and commonwealth affairs [2010] ewca civ 65, [2011] qb 218. 13 [2000] cly 1694. 14 r (on the application of al rawi) v secretary of state for foreign and commonwealth affairs [2008] qb 289. 15 re lehman brothers international (europe) (in administration) [2015] ewca civ 485. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 4 magna carta of the colonies‖; 16 its constituent act was described as ―the magna carta of the manchester ship canal co‖, 17 to parliamentary statements themselves not always accurate, 18 and allusions in cases in the european court of human rights where the magna carta was mentioned by way of embellishment of the narrative or analysis 19 but, for obvious reasons, not critical to the result since that court‘s jurisdiction is founded in and bounded by the european convention on human rights. finally there are gratuitous judicial mentions of academic articles dealing with aspects of magna carta. 20 in a case on whether the west beach at newhaven could be registered as a village green under the commons act 2006 lord carnwath, in discussing public rights of recreation over the foreshore made use of an article in the yale law journal in which ―the author traced the history of the law from its roman roots through magna carta to the more modern law in england and america‖. 21 in r v b 22 the court had to consider whether in a trial of several defendants for sexual abuse of children it was open to the judge to try together those who were fit to plead and those who were not. the decision turned on the meaning and effect of section 11(4) of the juries act 1974 but thomas lj wrapped himself in scholarly garb by referring to an article by professor oldham on anglo-american special juries. 23 the lesson is, put not your trust in search engines: they can accumulate but they cannot differentiate. there was much chaff and little wheat but i shall nonetheless do my best to bake it into something nutritious for your consumption. oddly the graph of references in the cases, reported and unreported, has curved upwards in the last few years 16 woolwich equitable building society v irc [1993] ac 70 (hl) 116 (lord goff). the case was campbell v hall (1774)1 cowp 204. 17 the calgarth (1927) 93 (ca). 18 r (nikonovs) v governor of brixton prison [2005] ewhc 2405, [2006] 1 wlr 1518 where the issue was whether the extradition act 2003 had overridden habeas corpus and scott baker lj at (19) quoted baroness scotland saying in the house of lords debate ‗habeas corpus as we know and love it which was given birth to by magna carta remains‘. magna carta was not the parent of habeas corpus. see further below some conflicting dicta on the point. 19 for example case 3455/05 a v united kingdom [2009] echr, case 7397/01 kyprianou v cyprus [2005] echr 873, case 34044/96 streletz v germany [2001] echr. 20 see below. 21 r (on the application of newhaven port and properties ltd) v east sussex cc [2015] uksc 7, [2015] 2 wlr 601, 124. 22 [2008] ewca crim 1997, [2009] 1 wlr 1545. 23 ibid [23]. the denning law journal 5 but, i suspect, through coincidence rather than in anticipation of this anniversary. a statute surviving and speaking magna carta still features in halsbury‘s statutes in the volume on constitutional law 24 although pride of place in terms of antiquity in taken by the statute of westminster 1275, if only because the version of magna carta in that classic and comprehensive summary of english law is that confirmed in 1297 by edward i. the four clauses which survive from the nine still standing on the statute book in professor holt‘s time 25 include two which are little known, those which protect the privileges of the church, 26 and those which protect the privileges of the city of london, 27 the church and the city being in 1215 in the barons camp. the remaining two have far greater resonance: clause 39 which provides: ―no freeman shall be taken or imprisoned or disseised or outlawed or exiled or any in way ruined, nor will we go or send against him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land.‖ and clause 40 which provides: ―to no-one will we sell, to no-one will we deny or delay right or justice.‖ 28 i say four, although in halsbury, which as i said uses the 1297 update, not the 1215 text, amalgamates clauses 39 and 40 into a single clause 29, provoking the same mild irritation in the reader as do the references in the post lisbon version of the treaty of european union in which key articles have been renumbered but, and it is some consolation, then carry the 24 halsbury’s statutes (n 9) vol 10, para 53 although in swaffer v mulcahy [1934] 1 kb 608 (kb) it was noted ‗neither magna carta nor the statute of westminster the first was on the statute roll.‘ 25 holt (n 4) 1. 26 magna carta 1215 (9 hen 3), clause 1. 27 ibid, clause 13. 28 both were originally clause 29. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 6 legend ―ex article‖: an aid to understanding not conceived of by the thirteenth century draftsman. judges in their judgments have tendered to meander between the two versions, but i will be faithful to the earlier text. the first two, guarantees to church and city, survived, according to professor holt, ―because they were harmless confirmations of rights and privileges conveyed by other instruments‖ 29 and have required almost 30 no modern judicial exegesis, though one may wonder whether in a multi faith britain the church‘s special rights will remain unchallenged. the third and fourth are the jewels in the crown of magna carta and the source of most of the recent judicial dicta. i shall return to that case law shortly, but make this prefatory comment that the introductory reference to freemen (but not villeins) as beneficiaries of the right in clause 39 confirms that it was not intended by the barons to be enjoyed by hoi polloi or the plebs, the toxic word used, according at any rate to mr justice mitting, by former cabinet minister andrew mitchell to the downing street policeman. for magna carta to play any role in modern jurisprudence at all, it has to be classified as an always speaking statute, a phrase popularised by lord steyn to indicate that statute should be given its current, not simply its historic meaning, 31 an approach which would be disliked by a 29 ditto. 30 in my lecture i said ‗no‘ without the qualification. but on the very same day the court of appeal handed down its judgment in sharpe v bishop of worcester [2015] ewca civ 399 about whether a parish rector was an employee or worker so as to qualify for rights under modern employment legislation. lady justice arden at [110] surmised that the article embraced ‗freedom of thought and conscience for individual incumbents free from interference by parishioners or the church hierarchy‘ but went no further since no reliance had been placed on it by the rectors‘ counsel. 31 see for example r v ireland [1998] ac 147 (hl) 158 (lord steyn). bearing in mind that statutes are usually intended to operate for many years it would be most inconvenient if courts could never rely in difficult cases on the current meaning of statutes. recognising the problem lord thring, the great victorian draftsman of the second half of the last century, exhorted draftsmen to draft so that ‗an act of parliament should be deemed to be always speaking:‘ thring, practical legislation, (london 1902) 83. in cases where the problem arises it is a matter of interpretation whether a court must search for the historical or original meaning of a statute or whether it is free to apply the current meaning of the statute to present day conditions. statutes dealing with a particular grievance or problem may sometimes require to be historically interpreted; but the drafting technique of lord thring and his successors have brought about the the denning law journal 7 transatlantic originalist like justice scalia of the united states supreme court to whom the us constitution means what it meant when drafted, no more, if no less. obsolete provisions whatever approach to interpretation is used, many of the rights guaranteed or obligations imposed in magna carta have no scope for application in the todays world. we know no more of scutage; 32 there are multiple and more ingenious modern ways to tax us. novel dissessin, mort d‘ancestor, darrein presentment and the writ of praecipe 33 34 have vanished from our legal lexicon. we have scant concern with mortmain, 35 or subinfeudination. 36 no one peer, commoner or cleric is at risk of amercement. 37 the fate of the relations and followers of gerard d‘athee 38 is not at the apex of the political agenda. developing and elaborate legislation for consumer protection has made obsolete the charter‘s insistence on uniform measures of wine, ale, corn and cloth throughout the kingdom; 39 while justices, constables, sheriffs and bailiffs (or their analogous contemporary officials) are still expected ,as clause 45 enjoins, to ―know the law of the land and mean to observe it well‖ 40 there are rules and regulations, training and discipline rather than mere general exhortation to the monarch to ensure the continuation of such happy state of affairs. nor is this obsolete character a cause for unalloyed alarm. some of the charters articles are the antithesis of emancipatory. at least two are antisemitic, 41 in particular setting limits to jewish activities as moneylenders; situation that statutes will generally be found to be of the ‗always speaking‘ variety. 32 magna carta (n 26), clause 12. 33 ibid, clause 18. 34 ibid, clause 34. 35 see discussion in attorney general v parsons [1956] ac 421 (hl) and morelle v wakeling [1955] 2 qb 379 (qb). 36 the subject of re holliday [1922] 2 ch 698 (ch). 37 magna carta (n 26), clauses 20-22. 38 ibid, clause 50. 39 ibid, clause 35. 40 ibid, clause 45. 41 magna carta (n 26), clauses 10 and 11: a point made in a letter to the times of 4 th april 2015 by zaki cooper trustee of the council of christians and jews. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 8 and the provision in clause 45 ―no one shall be taken or imprisoned upon the appeal of a woman for the death of anyone except her husband‖, 42 fall short of the highest feminist ideals, even, i stress, taking account of the qualification at the end of the sentence. ancient rights those articles that have perished more slowly en route to today are certainly redolent with the flavour of their times. the first case in the twentieth century, and the only one which predates, to the best of my researches, the first world war, in which magna carta was referred to is williams v thomas. 43 it involved the claims of a widow of an intestate who had himself died in 1885 to an assignment of dower and an account of rent and profits from 1905. on that date, the land from which she had hitherto received since her late husband‘s death a third of the rents from the co heiresses, the defendants to the suit, suddenly became available for highly profitable development similar to the familiar contemporary situation when a farmer receives planning permission to build a housing estate on his fields. the master of the rolls considered the position of the doweress both in law and in equity, and observed: ―at law the doweress was entitled under magna carta to have an assignment of dower by metes and bounds within forty days after her husband‘s death.‖ 44 equity provided no sufficient relaxation of such strict time limits and the widow‘s claim was held barred on account of laches or delay. some of the cases touch on the collision not of private against private but of private against ancient public rights. mr loose, lessee of the lords of the manor of mecham and snettisham argued that pursuant to his lease he had a right which trumped the public‘s right to fish in tidal waters. relying on the presumption of a lost medieval grant from the crown, which had to be a date prior to 1189, given that amongst other matters, as lord justice moore-bick recollected ―magna carta prohibited the creation of new private fisheries‖ 45 so curtailing what would otherwise have been the crown‘s prerogative power to exclude the public right. 42 ibid, clause 54. 43 [1909] 1 ch 713 (ch). 44 ibid 720 (cozens-hardy mr) referring to clause 7 of the magna carta (repealed). see also the mention in national provincial bank ltd v ainsworth [1965] ac 1175 (hl). 45 loose v lynn shellfish ltd [2014] ewca civ 846, [2015] 2 wlr 643 [124]. see also loose v castleton [1981] 41 p&cr 19 (ca). the denning law journal 9 the same starting point featured in the thoroughly modern context of the government‘s fisheries policy and its compatibility with the laws of the european union and european convention on human rights where the judge recorded ―interveners submissions began with the proposition that fish are a public resource, recognised as such as long ago as magna carta.‖ 46 an analogous right was the public right of navigation in tidal waters which formed the backcloth to a dispute between mr moore and the british waterways board 47 where hildyard j commented ―the claimant provided an impressive historical review of the genesis of these rights back past the magna carta which confirmed such rights‖. 48 unfortunately this erudition did not save the day for mr moore because the issue was whether the spot where he wished to berth his craft was or was not in tidal waters and the finding of fact on that critical point was against him. mr roberts was another enthusiast for ancient rights. on acquiring the title to the manor and suburbs of st david‘s, he claimed as successor in title to the eponymous bishops to be entitled to rights in the foreshore granted to them by the crown. in holding that his only right in the foreshore was as to wreck, that is to say to salvage any beached ships, lewison j observed, again, that ―the creation of a several fishery was prohibited by magna carta‖. 49 an avid collector of titles as well as a serial litigant, the same mr roberts, on becoming lord marcher of trellench claimed part of the fee simple in the banks of the severn estuary. the crown relied by way of defence on adverse possession. mummery lj agreed that, among other legal materials cited, magna carta provided ―no man shall be disseised of 46 united kingdom association of fish producers organisations v secretary of state for the environment, food and rural affairs [2013] ewhc 1959, [2013] all er (d) 181 (jul) (cranston j). see further on fishing rights isle of anglesey cc v welsh ministers [2009] ewca civ 94, [2010] qb 163, 35 (carnwath lj) where the challenge was to an order giving exclusive rights of oyster and mussel fishing. anderson v alnwick dc [1993] 1 wlr 156 (ca), nicholls v ely beet sugar factory no 1 [1931] 2 ch 84 (ch). 47 moore v british waterways board [2012] ewhc 182, [2012] 1 wlr 3289. 48 ibid [27]. see also a-g ex yorkshire derwent trust v brotherton [1990] ch 136 (ch). 49 crown estates commissioners v roberts [2008] ewhc 1302, [2008] 4 all er 828 .see too alfred f beckett ltd v lyons [1967] ch 449 (ca): ‗the only public rights in the foreshore which have been recognised by the law since magna carta are those of navigation, fishing and possibly some rights ancillary thereto...‘ irish society v harold [1912] ac 287. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 10 his freehold…but by the law of the land‖ but reasoned that ―this could not limit the ability of the crown to rely on statutes of limitation which were not then but are now part of the law of the land‖. 50 such cases and the clauses on which they were based are essentially of antiquarian interest, so i pass from the periphery to the core of the charter, and those clauses inherently capable of adaption. clauses 39 and 40 indeed deal with issues of potential contemporary and general relevance. denial of justice magna carta guarantees the provision of justice to all the kings subjects: whether it entitled foreigners to sue in the kings courts was considered but left open in a case where irish rebels claimed return of money seized from them, 51 but, to whomever it is owed, the right to justice in clause 39 is not unqualified. in r v bracknell ex p griffiths 52 lord simon said 53 ―although magna carta provided that to no man should justice be delayed or denied, it is not unparalleled for the legislature to constitute such lets or hindrances‖. hence, by way of material example, the statutory requirement for mental patients to obtain the leave of the court to bring proceedings 54 or the restraints on vexatious litigants. and statute is not the only source of such qualification. in rost v edwards 55 an mp sought to bring proceedings for libel against the newspaper which alleged that he had improperly disclosed confidential information obtained in his capacity as a member of the commons select committee on energy and that, as a result, he had lost his post as well as his good name. he wished to adduce in support of his claim evidence about matters internal to parliament such as the requirements of the mps‘ register of interests. the question was whether this was prevented as involving the questioning of proceedings in parliament prohibited by the bill of rights 1689. mr justice popplewell ruled in mr rost‘s favour 50 roberts v swangrove estates ltd [2007] ewhc 513, [2008] ch 439 [45]. 51 johstone v pedlar [1921] 2 ac 262 (hl). lord sumner said that ‗an historical inquiry would be of great interest but i doubt if all the necessary material is yet available‘, 291. 52 [1976] ac 314 (hl). 53 ibid, 329. 54 applied winch v jones [1986] qb 296 (ca) 302 (donaldson mr). 55 [1990] 2 qb 460 (qb). the denning law journal 11 stating, with reference to magna carta ―it is important to recognise that there is a no less important principle that the citizens of this country should have free and unrestrained access to the courts of the land‖ but adding, ―subject to the rules of court‖. 56 i would add subject too to such substantive rules as those of parliamentary privilege which, on the facts of that case, the learned judge had found not to stretch as far as the newspaper would have wished. other principles can collide with and override the right not to be denied justice. in de crittenden v bayliss (deceased) 57 the claimant had been cheated out of his share of partnership monies by the late mr bayliss. he brought a claim in debt, and then, only later, sought to trace the money owed to him into property purchased by mr bayliss with it. unfortunately it was by then too late sir christopher staughton said: ―37…there is a latin maxim — interest res publicae ut sit finis litium — it is in the interest of the state that there be an end of lawsuits. that is in my opinion a sound principle, but it is not the whole story. the state has an obligation to provide the apparatus of civil litigation so that citizens may make use of it‖. that can be found in magna carta. nulli vendemus, nulli negabimus, aut differemus — to no one will we sell or deny or delay right and justice. our task is to hold the balance between those principles.‖ ―38… it is regrettable but unavoidable that we have to decide this appeal against mr de crittenden. it may well be that pure justice would require us to entertain the further claims that he wishes to put forward; but, a litigant is obliged to bring forward the whole of his claim at one time. that is not always an absolute rule, but here the effect of embarking on mr de crittenden‘s further claim would require an extensive inquiry which would be difficult or even impossible now to conduct.‖ 58 indeed, paradoxically, the principle that justice should not be denied can be trumped by the principle that justice should not be delayed. in 56 ibid 724. 57 [2005] ewca civ 1425. 58 ibid. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 12 allen v macalpine 59 where lord denning mr developed the concept that cases could be struck out on grounds of want of prosecution even if brought within the statutory limitation period, he summarily dismissed an argument that this involved a denial of justice contrary to magna carta with the succinct sentence, ―the delay of justice is the denial of justice‖. 60 rules as to rights of audience can also limit indirectly the means of access, to which itself, individuals have a prima facie entitlement. 61 dr pelling a maths lecturer had a lucrative side line occupation as a professional and paid mckenzie friend in family law disputes. 62 the issue which confronted the court was whether dr pelling was entitled to act in custody proceeding which were held not in public but in chambers. dr pelling argued, noted otton j, that ―there was now a right to a mckenzie friend in proceedings in chambers and for the friend so to act once appointed by the litigant. (he) developed this line of argument by reference to magna carta with an appropriate citation‖. 63 otton j nonetheless held that the requirement for dr pelling to obtain leave of the court before so acting ―cannot be said to be in violation of rights enshrined in magna carta‖, 64 a proposition he thought so obvious that he did not take time to explain it. the court of appeal upheld his decision, without reference to magna carta, but confirmed that the discretion which the judge hearing the custody dispute undoubtedly enjoyed should be exercised by reference to the ―interests of the litigant in person‖ not those of dr pelling 65 which, i suspect rightly, they may have thought were in the forefront of dr pelling‘s concerns. magna carta enjoins the state not to deny access; but it does not necessarily require it to provide access. mr wynne, a prisoner, submitted that the state was obliged to provide him with funds to cover his expenses of travelling to court, even where, as was the case, his seemingly perverse claim was against the state 66 for failure to give him category a status so 59 [1968] 2 qb 229 (ca). 60 ibid 245, applied in barratt manchester ltd v bolton mbc [1998] 1 wlr 1003 (ca) 1010. 61 r v bow county court ex p pelling [1999] 1 wlr 1807 (ca). 62 mckenzie friends are persons, who though not legally qualified, are permitted by the courts to assist litigants in person. 63 ex p pelling (n 61) 1814. 64 ibid 1815. 65 ibid 1827. 66 r v secretary of state for the home department ex p wynne [1993] 1 wlr 115 (hl). the denning law journal 13 that he could be incarcerated in a high security prison. i represented the secretary of state. james munby, now president of the family division, representing the prisoner, had three strings to his bow the third of which was magna carta. the court of appeal held that mr wynne was entitled to come to court, but should pay for the privilege. the house of lords found the issue to be moot, because the prisoner was required to apply for such funding and had not done so, and although wynne‘s was a test case declined to overrule the court of appeal, or for that matter to uphold it. 67 deferment of justice while delays of the kind described so vividly in charles dickens classic ―bleak house‖ are no longer, in the age of the overriding objective of the civil procedure rules and the conversion of judge from referee into case manager, tolerable, or indeed tolerated, delays in dispute resolution can still regrettably occur in her majesty‘s courts. in grahame henry bond v dunster properties limited 68 lady justice arden started her judgment in this way under the heading: ―everyone is entitled to a hearing…within a reasonable time‖. 1. the thrust of the appeal is against the judge‘s findings of fact. a major cause of complaint is that the judge did not hand down judgment until some 22 months after the conclusion of the hearing and that as one result his findings of fact are against the weight of the evidence. this extraordinary delay clearly called for an apology and, if any existed, an explanation of the mitigating circumstances. however, so far as we are aware, there was none. litigation is stressful for the parties, sometimes because they are members of the same family and sometimes because the transactions are commercial in nature and their outcome has implications for other transactions that the parties or others need to carry out. life has to go on before, during and after litigation. in some cases, a delay in producing a judgment may prevent the parties from reaping any benefit from the litigation at all. unfortunately, this case involves both the elements of close family relations and of commercial transactions. irrespective of the respective merits of the appeal, this court has no reservation in 67 see on the same subject an earlier case becker v the home office [1972] 2 qb 407 (ca) where magna carta was relied on without effect (412g). 68 [2011] ewhc civ 455. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 14 expressing its sympathies for the parties as a result of the length of time they had to wait for this judgment. we would include others involved in the litigation such as the witnesses and the professional advisers. delays of this order are lamentable and unacceptable…. 3. the opening cross-heading of this judgment is a quotation from article 6 of the european convention on human rights, which has been given protection under domestic law by the human rights act 1998. a ―hearing‖ includes the delivery of judgment. the right is not a new one or one which is alien to the common law. clause 40 of magna carta provides: ―to no one will we … delay… justice‖. of course the unfortunate judge, the object of this criticism, was a mere tyro in the art of delay compared with lord eldon, the long serving lord chancellor of the nineteenth centuries, the delays of some of whose judgments were measured in years, not months or weeks. it is not only claimants who are entitled to a hearing and judgment without undue delay. in r (casey) v restormel bc, 69 a case about a pregnant teenager living in a car whom the local authority had refused to house on the ground that she was intentionally homeless munby j delivered a thunderous peroration. ―27. when this matter was before me on 3 october 2007 i expressed myself in strong terms on the subject of the delay, actual or threatened, to which the defendant had been subjected by the court. 28. the delay, i said, was simply indefensible. i referred to magna carta, expressing the view that the potential delay here amounted to a denial of justice in the sense in which that phrase is used in magna carta…the opportunity for subsequent reflection gives me no reason to moderate my views.‖ which he then expressed over ten trenchant paragraphs ending: ―33. hard pressed local and other public authorities should not be prejudiced, income tax, corporation tax and council tax payers and rate-payers should not be financially disadvantaged, and other more deserving claimants seeking recourse to over-stretched public resources should not be prejudiced, because of delays in the 69 [2007] ewhc 2554 (admin). the denning law journal 15 royal courts of justice. it is fashionable nowadays in some circles to decry as no longer relevant anything more than twenty or thirty years old. but there are some principles that ring down the centuries. magna carta may be only eight years short of its eight hundredth anniversary, but its message in this respect is timeless. and that message needs to be heeded, not least, it might be thought, in the administrative court.‖ 70 in two cases in the sphere of criminal law the issue was the procedures to be deployed when an application was made for an extension of custody limits. 71 in the former sir john thomas president said ―the time limit placed on trying those in custody is a vital feature of our system of justice which distinguishes it from many of other countries...not only does it provide a sure means of compliance with a principle of the common law as old as magna carta that justice delayed is justice denied but it has the collateral benefit that money is not squandered by the unnecessary detention of persons in prison awaiting trial at significant costs to the taxpayer‖: a happy blend of principle and pragmatism. the same emphasis on expeditious justice is found in a whole variety of contexts: binyan mohammed, a british citizen once detained in guantanamo bay as a suspected terrorist sought disclosure of the united states documents held by the foreign office which he asserted would show that his confessions had been extracted by torture. sir john thomas p,. summarising the courts conclusions, said ―to deny him at this time would be to deny him the opportunity of timely justice in respect of the charges against him, a principle dating back at least to the time of magna carta and which is now a basic part of our common law and of democratic values.‖ 72 70 and, it appears by a non-judicial body such as acas who were told to ‗get on with it‘ in engineers and managers association v acas [1979] 1 wlr 1113 (ca). 71 r (on the application of mccauley) v coventry crown court [2012] ewhc 680 (admin), [2012] 1 wlr 2766. campbell brown v central criminal court [2015] ewhc 202 (admin). 72 r (on the application of mohamed) v secretary of state for foreign and commonwealth affairs [2008] ewhc 2048 (admin), [2009] 1 wlr 2579 [147]. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 16 in a complex commercial case where the bank of st petersburg sought to wrest control of a marine group from its then owner mr arkhangelsky 73 and to rely upon a russian judgment, which the english courts refused to recognise, an issue arose as to whether mr arkhangelsky, who wished to counter claim against the bank for conspiracy, deceit, duress and intimidation, could dispense with service on the bank in the commercial court in order to avoid being time barred. lord justice longmore noted that a mr stroilov, described by him as ―an associate of the arkhangelskys..,with a certain knowledge of legal matters who subsequently acted as the arkhanglesky‘s mackenzie friend‖ 74 … (the reference to a certain knowledge being a feline judicial euphemism for an uncertain and imperfect knowledge) ―had before the first instance judge‖ as it was again somewhat ironically put, ―helpfully referred the judge to magna carta‖ though it is unclear what help that judge had derived from the reference, and certainly neither his 75 nor the court of appeal‘s own judgment turned on it. but justice does not have to be delivered instantaneously; in calvey v secretary of state for home department, 76 jackson j was dealing with the aftermath of a decision of the house of lords 77 that the power of the secretary of state to elongate a prison sentence beyond that stipulated by the trial judge was a breach of an accused persons right to have his sentence determined by the judiciary, not the executive. until new provisions to achieve that end were brought in force, ms calvey remained in prison. the judge referred to the argument of his barrister, 78 ―mr newman submits that in the present case there is a deferring of justice or right to the claimant contrary to chapter 29 of magna carta. there will then be long delays before her case can be considered, and by the time her case is considered she will be very close to the end of the 15 year tariff 73 bank st petersburg v arkhangelsky [2014] ewca civ 593, [2014] 1 wlr 4360. 74 ibid [3] (longmore lj). 75 [2013] ewhc 2068 (comm). 76 [2003] ewhc 3450 (admin). 77 r (on the application of anderson) v secretary of state for the home department [2002] ukhl 46, [2003] 1 ac 837. 78 calvey (n 77) [30]. the denning law journal 17 which has been set. if at the end of the day it turns out that the tariff ought to be very much shorter, for example that recommended by the trial judge, then she will have served substantially too long in prison, and that is contrary to magna carta‖, and continued: 79 ―31. i am not persuaded by this submission for a number of reasons… although any delay in enacting legislation to correct incompatibilities between existing legislation and the convention is unfortunate. ‗defer‘ in chapter 29 of magna carta must be construed as meaning ‗defer for an unreasonable period‘. in my judgment, there is nothing unreasonable about the time which is elapsing between the decision of the house of lords in anderson and the likely date when the criminal justice bill of 2003 will pass into law.‖ and there are delays and delays. it was optimistic, to put it at its lowest, for the prospective developers of coin street to complain that the inspector had adjourned the start of the planning enquiry for a mere three months; 80 for two persons convicted of handling stolen goods to seek to set aside their convictions because their trial had taken place more than the specified period of eight weeks from committal, especially since they had pleaded guilty. 81 magna carta, though relied on, availed none of this diverse cohort of litigants. this precept of magna carta can be a sword as well as a shield. one husband was not permitted to seek to appeal a finding of cruelty against him 21 months out of time; 82 another, the subject of a maintenance order for constructive desertion was held not to be entitled to full particulars of the case against him, as might have been the case in a trial in the high court 83 because as simon p said ―magna carta itself linked delay of justice with denial of justice‖ 84 and to require such formality would be inconsistent with the exercise by magistrates of a summary jurisdiction. the principle – no delay in justice – has been deployed in the administrative as well as in the judicial sphere. 79 ibid [31]. 80 grevcote estates v radmor (ca, 1 january 1981). 81 r v spring hill prison governor ex p sohi [1988] 1 wlr 596 (dc) objectionable delays are remediable by abuse of process applications. r v bow street magistrates court ex p choudhury (1990) 91 crim app rep (ca). 82 edwards v edwards [1968] 1 wlr 149 (dc). 83 frith v frith [1962] 1 wlr 1436 (dc). 84 ibid 1438. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 18 in r v secretary of state for the home department ex p phansopkar 85 two women, one from india one from bangladesh were denied entry at heathrow when they sought to join their british husbands. both were entitled to enter as long as they had a certificate of patriality under section 3(9) of the immigration act 1971 and both were entitled to such certificate. but the queues at overseas offices for persons seeking entry, composed both of those who sought such certificate, and those who sought other forms of entry clearance created delays of up to 14 months before either woman could have received their the open sesame to england‘s green and pleasant land; hence their attempt to short circuit the process.. the court of appeal quashed the refusal of entry. all the members referred to magna carta. 86 lord denning said that the women‘s rights cannot be taken away by arbitrarily refusing her a certificate or by delaying to issue it to her without good cause, 87 and that bureaucratic delays were not such a cause. scarman lj looked not only back to magna carta but forward to article 8 of the european convention of human rights which protects the right of family life, 88 although, of course, at that time it had not been incorporated into domestic law as it later was by the human rights act 1998. 89 sale of justice it is not unexpected that complaints of sale of justice are all but undetectable in recent times. whatever criticisms may be made of the english judiciary in that timeframe, the charge of corruption is not one the solitary example which i have unearthed concerns the attempt by magistrates in wandsworth to impose, as a prerequisite for granting a licence for increased facilities for drinking, a condition that the licence holder should surrender his other licences. 90 mr justice darling referred to the inhibition in the charter on the sale of justice. he explained in reliance on a learned historical analysis by professor mckechnie, the expert on the 85 [1976] qb 606 (ca). 86 ibid 621 (lord denning mr), 624 (lawton lj), 626 (scarman lj). 87 ibid 621. 88 ibid 626. 89 see also r v chief immigration officer heathrow airport ex p bibi [1976] 1 wlr 979 (ca), r (on the application of fh) v secretary of state for the home department [2007] ewhc 1571, r v secretary of state for the home department ex p mersin [2001] inlr 511 (qb). 90 r v wandsworth licensing justices ex p whitbread & co ltd [1921] 3 kb 487 (kb). the denning law journal 19 charter de ses jours. ―the suitor put his money down not to influence the judgment but to obtain a hearing. it was not that justice was sold. it was that the suitor was entitled to the justice of the kings courts… only as a matter of grace‖. he then mused, ―in the present case it seems to me that there was something in the nature of an attempt to return to the procedures of less civilised times‖. 91 i am bound to comment that i cannot follow the judge‘s train of thought, but he was, as judge, celebrated as much for his eccentricities as for his erudition. he wore a silk hat whilst riding to court on a horse accompanied by a liveried groom. 92 trial by peers trial by one‘s peers is certainly guaranteed by clause 39 but again it cannot stand against later and contradictory legislation. in r (misick) v the secretary of state for foreign and commonwealth affairs, the claimant a former, and controversial, premier of the turks and caicos islands (―the territory‖), sought permission by way of judicial review to challenge the legality of the turks and caicos islands constitution (interim amendment) order 2009, whose effect when brought into force would be to suspend temporarily parts of the turks and caicos islands‘ constitution, by, among other things, removing the right to jury trial. lord justice carnwath said; ―22. in this case, the right to a jury trial has been traced back to magna carta and long-settled practice thereafter‖ but concluded… ―42. there are no arguments which offer a realistic prospect of the claimant‘s case succeeding at a full hearing; the court will not enter into discussion of the merits of the particular measures. in the end, the challenge comes down to one of statutory construction or rationality, and on that basis it is bound in my view to fail.‖ another example in a wholly different sphere, that of libel, the case of cook v telegraph media group limited 93 confirms the point. the salient facts were these: on 17 september 2006 an assistant of mr cook, then an 91 ibid 497. 92 d w smith, the life of charles darling (cassell & co london 1938). 93 [2011] ewhc 763 (qb). http://login.westlaw.co.uk/maf/wluk/app/document?src=doc&linktype=ref&context=6&crumb-action=replace&docguid=i8e63ab501a8611deb1f1d2daa8be8f68 http://login.westlaw.co.uk/maf/wluk/app/document?src=doc&linktype=ref&context=6&crumb-action=replace&docguid=i8e63ab501a8611deb1f1d2daa8be8f68 magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 20 mp, made a £5 offertory donation at a battle of britain church service in stockton. mr cook quite properly reimbursed his assistant. he then improperly, and certainly unwisely, included the £5 in his own claim for reimbursement of his expenses as an mp. it was predictably rejected. however, the very fact that he had made it became an issue in 2009 when the daily telegraph published its series of articles on mps‘ expenses which attracted very wide publicity. mr cook boldly brought a suit for libel against the newspaper for their critical comments on his behaviour. the issue before mr justice tugendhat was whether there should be trial by jury or trial by judge alone. the judge delved into history… ―101. blackstone discussed separately the merits of trial by jury in civil actions in which the state was not a party. book iii at p 379ff. it reads: ―the impartial administration of justice … is the great end of civil society. but if that be entirely intrusted to the magistracy, a select body of men, and those generally selected by the prince or such as enjoy the highest office in the state, their decisions, in spite of their own natural integrity, will have frequently an involuntary bias towards those of their own rank and dignity: it is not to be expected from human nature, that the few should always be attentive to the interests and good of the many… the most powerful individual in the state will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another‘s right, when he knows that the fact of his oppression must be examined and decided by twelve indifferent [i.e. impartial] men not appointed till the hour of the trial.‖ despite these resonant comments, the judge recognised the clear trend in modern case law, fortified by legislation, 94 which made the traditional practice that a citizen‘s reputation should presumptively be in the hands of twelve not one obsolete, and ended: ―115. this multiplicity of opportunities to argue the same point 95 is one of the major reasons why the costs of libel actions have become so disproportionate as to risk condemnation as an interference with freedom of expression and the right of access to 94 see now the defamation act 2013. 95 on what the allegedly defamatory words meant. the denning law journal 21 the court (see mgn v uk [2008] echr 1255 ). in these circumstances the effect of the human rights act 1998 is to require judges and parliament to continue to develop the law to make it convention compliant. trial with a jury makes such development more difficult. 116. taking all these considerations into account, i see no reason to exercise my discretion in this case to order this action to be tried with a jury, and every reason to order trial by judge alone.‖ in that case the judge had also, if maybe superfluously in a civil case, cited blackstone on criminal trials: ―98. as to criminal cases, blackstone‘s commentaries on the laws of england book iv (1769) p342–3 includes the following: ‗the trial by jury … is also that trial by the peers of every englishman, which, as the grand bulwark of his liberties, is secured to him by [magna carta]… in times of difficulty and danger, more is to be apprehended from the violence and partiality of judges appointed by the crown, in suits between the king and the subject than, than in disputes between one individual and another.‖ yet even in that sphere the trend is clear. more cases are delegated to the magistracy; and the notion that complex commercial crimes would be better tried by specially composed courts with a degree of financial expertise, and the concern that juris verdicts are unreasoned is the subject of continued policy debate. magna carta will be prayed in aid by those who object to such trend but prayers cannot stand out against a parliamentary majority. 96 lord devlin once described the jury was ―the lamp that shows that freedom lives‖; 97 but it is a lamp whose light is being progressively dimmed. but when juries are provided, of what must they consist? who are the peers to which clause 39 refers? in r v danso & hodge 98 mr hodge convicted of a series of serious offences of violence made, as the court of appeal‘s judgment recited a whole series of complaints to the effect that it was wrong for him to be tried by 12 whites, who included, he complained, 96 ‗no doubt the next target will be the jury‘ lord hutchinson of lullington qc thomas grant, jeremy hutchinson’s case histories. (john murray 2015) 371. 97 patrick devlin, trial by jury (stevens & sons ltd 1956) 164, cited in r v mirza [2004] ukhl 2, [2004] 1 ac 1118. 98 [2005] ewca crim 620. http://login.westlaw.co.uk/maf/wluk/app/document?src=doc&linktype=ref&context=11&crumb-action=replace&docguid=i5fb840f0e42311daa7cf8f68f6ee57ab magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 22 seven women. he had submitted that is not a trial, amongst other things, by his peers in accordance with, amongst other things, magna carta, or with requirements of fairness. 99 this argument, along with others, in which in scattergun style, he blamed indifferently judge, police, prosecution and his former legal advisers for undermining his defence and failing in their respective duties, was summarily dismissed. the law on juries, then and now, is race and gender blind. unlawful detention magna carta provides no guarantee of life, but it does protect liberty which stands between life and the pursuit of happiness as the objectives in the declaration of independence. in the famous belmarsh case where legislation allowing for the detention without trial of foreign, but not british, nationals suspected of involvement in terrorism was held unjustifiably discriminatory 100 lord bingham said ―in arguing the fundamental importance of the right to personal freedom the appellants were able to draw on the long libertarian tradition of english law dating back to clause 39 of the magna carta, given effect in the ancient remedy of habeas corpus, declared in the petition of right 1628, upheld in a series of landmark decisions down the centuries and embodied in the substance and procedures of the law to our own day.‖ 101 scarcely less eloquent were the words of lord phillips, his successor as senior law lord, in a mental health case 102 ―the common law respects and protects the personal freedom of the individual which may not be curtailed save for a reason and in the circumstances reflected in the law of the land. this principle is reflected in but does not depend on article 5(1) of the european convention on human rights. it can be traced back to chapter 29 of magna carta 1297 and before that to chapter 30 of magna carta 1215.‖ 103 99 ibid [52]. 100 a v secretary of state for home department [2005] ukhl 56, [2005] 2 ac 68. 101 ibid [36]. 102 r (on the application of brandenburg) v east london and city mental health nhs trust [2003] ukhl 58, [2004] 2 ac 280. 103 ibid [6]. the denning law journal 23 inter arma leges silent? especially in times of war, laws and orders designed to protect the community against potential threats have had to be tested against that historic bedrock; and now with legitimate anxieties about the presence of an enemy within, not as before aliens but even british citizens, the same exercise – the balance of private rights against public interests – is required. mental health but it is not only in such extreme situations that the principle is engaged. in a case which came before the court of protection 104 the question was whether a local authority could keep a man in a residential support unit contrary to his wishes and those of his father. peter jackson j stated ―if a local authority seeks to regulate control compel restrict confine or coerce‖ a liberal use of a thesaurus, ―it must, except in an emergency point to specific statutory authority for what it is doing or obtain the approval of the court.‖ 105 he continued ―the origin of this basic principle is to be found in an era long before the invention of local authorities as we know them‖ and quoted predictably chapter 29 of magna carta 1297 106 adding ―the court of appeal has recently said this right to freedom is a fundamental constitutional right (a reference to a dictum of toulson lj). 107 it will certainly not lose its importance in the field of adult social care with an ageing population increasing the responsibilities of families and state‖ and many cases in this discrete area illustrate the truth of his proposition. in another the issue was whether a tribunal rather than the secretary of state was empowered to order the discharge of a patient from a mental hospital into a care home but from which he could only move among the community under escort, so indisputably restricting his liberty. 108 arden lj echoed the sentiments: 104 hillingdon lbc v neary [2011] ewhc 1377 (cop), [2011] 4 all er 584. 105 ibid [22]. 106 ibid [23]. 107 in r (ttm) v hackney lbc [2011] ewca civ 4, [2011] 1 wlr 2873 [33] (toulson lj). 108 secretary of state for justice v rb [2011] ewca civ 1608, [2012] 1 wlr 2043. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 24 she said ―the right to liberty of person is a fundamental right. it has been so regarded since at least the time of the well-known provisions of clause 39 of magna carta, which in due course found its reflection in article 9 of the universal declaration of human rights and article 5 of the european convention…‖ 109 so important was this right that it was nothing to the point, held the court of appeal, that the discharge even on those restricting terms was in the best interests of the patient. 110 a different issue arose in another case where a mental patient refused a social worker permission to consult his nearest relatives on whether he should be admitted for treatment. as a result the social worker determined, without consideration of all the circumstances, that it was ―not reasonably practicable to do so‖ which was the only qualification to the duty to consult imposed by the mental health act 1983. aikens lj, stressing the importance of compliance with the provisions of that act continued ―if they are not‖, as toulson lj said in r (ttm) v hackney lbc, since the statute of magna carta ch. 29 1297… ―a person can obtain redress where her right confirmed by that statute has been infringed even though there is no provision in the 1983 act; which enables her personally to do so.‖ in the case referred to by aikens lj (and indeed by peter jackson j) , toulson lj had instanced the writ of habeas corpus and the writ for trespass as reinforcing the substantive protection of ch 29 111 which itself is actually silent on remedy for breach. 112 in an earlier case lord donaldson mr had cited magna carta as confirming that habeas corpus lay against the crown itself 113 but, more precisely and accurately, habeas corpus was described in the house of lords as ―rendered more actively 109 ibid [8]. 110 the same substantive issue was revisited by the supreme court, where the issue was not whether and, if so, when it was lawful to deprive someone of his or her liberty but rather what was meant by deprivation of liberty, however, the various judgments made no reference to magna carta focussing on its philosophical descendant article 5(4) of the european convention on human rights. cheshire west and chester council v p [2014] uksc 19, [2014] ac 896 111 r (ttm) (n 107) [33]. 112 further mental health detention cases include secretary of state for justice v rb [2011] ewca civ 1608, [2012] 1 wlr 2043, r (on the application of epsom & st helier nhs trust) v mental health review tribunal [2001] ewhc admin 101, st george’s healthcare nhs trust v s [1999] fam 26 (ca), and re s-c (mental patient: habeas corpus) [1996] qb 599 (ca). 113 r v secretary of state for the home department ex p muboyayib [1992] qb 244 (ca) 254 g-h. the denning law journal 25 remedial by the statute of charles ii but founded upon the broad basis of magna carta ...the principal bulwark of english liberty.‖ 114 immigration detention another area of contemporary political and social importance and indeed controversy is immigration. in r (on the application of lumba) v secretary of state for the home department 115 the secretary of state, john reid mp, had an unpublished policy that for all prisoners who were subject to immigration control and liable to deportation on completion of their sentence of imprisonment should be detained pending deportation. this was inconsistent with his published policy which allowed for discretion and hence violated a well established principle of public law lord collins of mapesbury said ―this is a case in which on any view there has been a breach of duty by the executive in the exercise of its power of detention. fundamental rights are in play‖. he then quoted ch. 39 of magna carta 1215 (9 hen 3) adding that the liberty of the subject as a fundamental constitutional principle hardly needs the great authority of sir thomas bingham mr but it is worth recalling what he said in his book the rule of law 2010 at p.10 about the fundamental provisions of magna carta ―these are words which should be inscribed on the stationary of the home office‖, 116 the department which mr reid himself famously described on his accession to his high office as unfit for purpose. 117 at the other end of the chronological spectrum in immigration matters which stretches from entry to expulsion, in a case involving a juvenile asylum seeker 118 the issue was the lawfulness of the decision by the secretary of state to detain pending removal the claimant, a juvenile citizen of afghanistan. lady justice arden opined: 114 secretary of state for home affairs v 0’brien [1923] ac 603 (hl) 646. to the same effect ex p mwenya [1960] 1 qb 241 (ca) 292 (evershed mr) and greene v secretary of state for home department [1942] ac 284 (hl) 302 (lord wright). 115 [2011] uksc 12 , [2012] 1 ac 245. i represented the home department. 116 ibid [217]. 117 see further r (on the application of detention action) v secretary of state for the home department [2014] ewca civ 1634. 118 r (on the application of aa (afghanistan)) v secretary of state for the home department [2012] ewca civ 1383. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 26 ―…the burden of showing that the detention was lawful falls on the secretary of state‖ and referred in swift succession to magna carta, article 5 of the european convention on human rights, united nations convention on the rights of the child (―uncrc‖) and other international instruments. ultimately no instruments, ancient or modern, saved the claimant from removal. extradition in the field of extradition the same principle is engaged. in the case of juana chaois v spain 119 the high court of northern ireland was seized of an application by the respondent to revoke the appellant‘s bail, and commit him to custody. the issue to be determined was jurisdictional, namely whether the high court or any other agency was empowered to take the measures requested. mccloskey j noted that there was no express power to that effect in the extradition act 2003. he continued; [27] the suggestion of an implied statutory power of the kind mooted is contradicted by two further considerations. the first is article 5/1 echr… in short, a power of this kind would lack the essential qualities of accessibility and foreseeability. the second contra indication is the nature of the power. such a power would entail deprivation of the citizen‘s liberty. the common law has long recognised liberty as a hallowed right and it possesses a similar ranking in convention jurisprudence. there is no justification in logic or in principle for adopting a less robust approach where the detaining agency is the court, rather than the executive. contempt of court the necessity of finding an express provision justifying detention to override the magna carta presumption in favour of liberty is shown in a pair of cases in the sphere of contempt of court, where incarceration is one of the options available to a court. it has been held that there is no power to remand in custody someone pending a decision as to what is the 119 [2010] niqb 68 (qb northern ireland). the denning law journal 27 appropriate sanction in his case for such contempt. 120 nor someone arrested under a search and find order in connection with alleged child abduction unless and until the contempt by way of breach an earlier court order to return the child was proved. 121 protection of property chapter 39 protects not only the person, but property against arbitrary seizure. 122 many of the most famous constitutional cases arise from the executive appetite in wartime to lay its hands on whatever suits its purpose provoking inevitably pleas to that article. 123 in the case of de keysers royal hotel 124 it was stated ―since magna carta the estate of a subject in lands or buildings has been protected against the prerogative of the crown‖, lord parmoor suggesting that not only out and out seizure, but also interference with use and occupation fell within the remit of clause 39 125 although in another case 126 where a company complained about a refusal of permission to build factories and shops on its land viscount simonds said dismissively but realistically ―such a diminution of rights can be affected without a cry being raised that magna carta is being dethroned or a sacred principle of liberty infringed.‖ 127 arbitrary of course means without colour of law. the problem is the wealth of law governing everything from compulsory purchase to enforcement of 120 delaney v delaney [1996] qb 387 (ca). 121 re b (minors) (wardship: power to detain) [1994] 2 flr 479 (ca). 122 said to extend to freedom of trade in esso petroleum v harper’s garage [1968] ac 269 (hl) 317 e-d (lord hodson). 123 for example central control board (liquor traffic) v cannon brewery co ltd [1919] ac 744 (hl) 760 (lord parmoor) where magna carta was held to disentitled the central control liquor board to use the prerogative to confiscate private property per nissan v a-g [1970] ac 179 (hl) (expropriation of luxury hotel in cyprus for use of british peace keeping forces where counsel for the plaintiff praying magna carta in aid was quintin hogg qc, later twice lord chancellor. burmah oil v lord advocate [1965] ac 75 (hl) where the house of lords ordered compensation to be paid to the company whose property had been destroyed to keep it out of the hands of japanese invaders, only – notoriouslyto have the effect of their order set aside by the war damage act 1965. 124 [1920] ac 508 (hl). 125 ibid 508. 126 belfast corporation v od cars [1960] ac 490 (hl). 127 ibid 519. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 28 judgments to revenue raising measures, all overriding property rights. do not rely on magna carta against a mansion tax or similar future scheme. exile extradition in an age a mutual assistance between states designed to combat crime is commonplace. exile to which i now turn is exceptional. the most significant case r v secretary of state for the foreign and commonwealth office ex p bancoult 128 illuminates both the strength and the weakness of magna carta. it concerned what lord hoffman described as the ―sad story‖ 129 of the chagos islanders, inhabitants of an archipelago in the british indian overseas territories. diego garcia, the largest island, because of its position, had significant strategic potential and the usa desired it as a military base. between 1968 and 1971 the majority of the islanders were relocated in mauritius, not by force, but as a result of the closure of the plantation company which was their sole source of supply of necessaries from the outside world. the interests of the islanders were disparagingly referred to in an inter-office memorandum as ―a few tarzans or men fridays‖ 130 in an era where racial equality, let alone political correctness was unheard of, but whose disclosure by the respondent department was itself a testimony to the transparency both required of and respected by public authorities. 131 in 1971 an immigration ordinance stipulated that no-one could enter the territory without a permit, and in 2004 belt was added to braces by a further ordinance expelling the few who remained in situ. 132 it was common ground in the challenge to the later ordinance that it raised issues under article 39. neither king john nor the barons at runnymede knew even of the existence of diego garcia. it was nonetheless in law british territory from which prima facie citizens could 128 [2008] ukhl 61, [2009] 1 ac 453. 129 ibid [9]. 130 quoted in a first instance decision in the same series of cases, r (on the application of bancoult) v secretary of state for the foreign and commonwealth office [2001] qb 1067 (dc) 1083 e (laws lj). 131 see the approving comments of laws lj and gibbs j at ibid [63] (laws lj), [72] gibbs j. 132 this unhappy episode in a last chapter of britain‘s imperial history was further discoloured by allegations that diego garcia was used by the usa for extraordinary rendition and the torture of terrorist suspects. the denning law journal 29 not be expelled. 133 but the right was not an unqualified right; it was expressly made ―subject to the law of the land.‖ the key question which divided the majority and minority was whether the prerogative power, as distinct from legislation, was sufficient to annul the right. for the minority lord mance said ―a constitution which exiles territories‘ inhabitants is a contradiction in terms.‖ 134 for the majority lord hoffman said ―in a ceded colony…the crown has plenary legislative authority. it can make or control the law of the land. the right of abode is a creature of the law. the law gives it and the law may take it away.‖ 135 the islanders had to take their claims for a return to their homeland to the european court of human rights where they failed because they had already accepted compensation for resettlement elsewhere. 136 proportionate punishment the principles of magna carta have infiltrated the last phase of the criminal process: the imposition of sanction. in one of the many cases in which the privy council had, with undisguised reluctance, to deal with death penalty cases from caribbean jurisdictions, it had to determine whether a provision of bahamian law prescribing the death penalty should be construed as mandatory or discretionary; it opted for the more lenient construction. as, lord bingham said; ―the principle that criminal penalties should be proportionate to the gravity of the offence committed can be traced back to the magna carta; chapter 14 of which prohibited excessive amercements‖ and, in the words of one commentator, ―clearly stipulated as fundamental law a prohibition of excessive punishment.‖ 137 133 ex p bancoult (n 129) [42] (lord hoffman), [85] (lord rodger), [124] (lord carswell), [151] lord mance. 134 ibid [157]. 135 ibid [45] see to like effect as to approach, if not conclusion: r (on the application of bancoult) (n 131) [34] (laws lj). 136 the guardian (london, 20 december 2012). 137 bowe v the queen [2006] ukpc 10, [2006] 1 wlr 1623 [30] (lord bingham). see too r v morris (charles) 1951 1 kb 394 (ca). nonetheless the fact that the sentence for common law conspiracy to defraud was at the discretion of the court did not infringe the prohibition verrier v dpp [1967] 2 ac 195 (hl) 208g. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 30 double jeopardy but sometimes weight is imposed on magna carta which it does not easily bear. in another case in the same sequence the privy council had to decide whether a provision entitling the prosecution to appeal when a trial judge had erroneously dismissed its case was constitutional. the judge had, wrongly in the view of the privy council, excluded evidence adduced to show that the death of the victim of an assault was the consequence of the assault itself and not of treatment subsequently administered in hospital on the basis that the expert called was not qualified to tender such an opinion. counsel for the respondent accused argued: ―before independence and the republican constitutions of trinidad and tobago came into force double jeopardy was a recognised principle of considerable antiquity; magna carta 1354 confirmation chapter 39.‖ 138 whether this was so or not, and it seems an optimistic reading of the text, the privy council found nothing constitutionally objectionable in such prosecutorial appeal. open justice another illustration of the same ambition extravagantly to magnify magna carta‘s effect can be detected in the case of commissioner of the police for the metropolis v times newspapers ltd. 139 there the newspaper sought to make use of leaked police documents to defend a libel action brought by a person whose criminal network was said by the sunday times to be so vast that scotland yard regarded him as too big to take on. the question was whether it could do so. tugendhat j said ―the principle of freedom of expression in all proceedings in court is so highly regarded by the law that it is given effect to by defences of absolute (sometimes qualified) privilege and witness immunity. these principles can be traced back to the origins of the right to a fair trial which had already been recognised before it was included in magna carta in 1215.‖ 140 the conclusion seems farfetched. but then the same judge had form in this area. in lns v persons unknown, the claimant, the initially disguised, the former english football captain and chelsea centre half john terry 141 – no role model he – sought 138 trinidad and tobago v boyce [2006] ukpc 1, [2006] 2 ac 76. 139 [2011] ewhc 2705 (qb), [2014] emlr 1. 140 ibid [72]. 141 [2010] ewhc 119 (qb), [2010] emlr 16, 400. the denning law journal 31 an injunction to prevent revelation of the fact that he was sleeping with another team member‘s wife. in rejecting the claim which he held to be more concerned with protecting the commercial value of the player‘s commercial reputation rather than his or his paramour‘s privacy, the judge said ―open justice is one of the oldest principles of english law, going back to before magna carta‖ 142 but not, as far as i can discern, actually included in it. burden of proof other principles have been read into magna carta by advocates seeking to clothe their submissions with spurious pedigree. one case involved an asylum seeker requiring accommodation 143 to which he would be entitled if he was a minor, but not if he was not. was it for the claimant to show that he was a minor or the local authority to prove that he was not? the ordinary rule is of course that he who asserts something essential to a claim, or for that matter defence, bears the burden of proving it; but there are some exceptions. counsel for the applicant submitted that ―the origin of exception ―to the presumption of regularity‖ may have lain, at least instinctively in chapter 39 of |magna carta 1215(9 hen 3)… as set out in sir thomas bingham‘s the rule of law‖. even the qualification, at least instinctively, does not save the observation from the charge of overheated imagination, and lord bingham‘s name as a potential supporter of this thesis was surely taken in vain. nor did magna carta provide special rules to protect an owner of property threatened with compulsory purchase. a decision to exercise such power could only be challenged on conventional wednesbury grounds of unreasonableness. 144 natural justice the same tendency to wishful resort to the charter was displayed in an extradition case. 145 lord donaldson mr stated that it was elementary that a person threatened with extradition was entitled to know the case 142 ibid 106. 143 r (on the application of cj v cardiff cc [2011] ewca civ 1590, [2012] 2 all er 836. 144 r v secretary of state for transport ex p rothschild [1989] 1 all er 933 (ca), 935c (slade lj), singh v department of the environment [1989] 24 eg 128. 145 re nagdhi [1990] 1 wlr 317 (dc). magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 32 against him ―without‖ as he said somewhat archly ―having to refer to magna carta.‖ 146 clearly in his view a reference by counsel too far. 147 torture i must therefore emphasise that magna carta is simply not the source of all that is good in english law, the seed of every plant in the field of justice. in the case which authoritatively laid down that evidence obtained by torture was inadmissible in our courts 148 lord bingham in confirming the common laws long standing aversion to torture noted the fact ―that reliance was placed on sources of doubtful validity such as chapter 39 of magna carta 1215… does not weaken the strength of received opinion.‖ 149 but not all judges are so willing to deny the link. in another case involving binyan mohammed, an application to redact passages in a judgment on the ground that their inclusion would damage the relationship of the united states of america and the united kingdom. 150 lord judge referred to chapter 29 of magna carta before concluding ―all the said ancient authors are against any pain, or torment to be put or inflicted upon prisoners before attainder, nor after attainder but according to judgement.‖ 151 in a later case j v the metropolitan commissioner of police 152 the actual issue was again a narrow procedural one; what was the correct forum for claims in tort and for breach of convention rights brought by environmental protesters who had been persuaded into sexual relationships with an undercover police officer masquerading as a green sympathiser. in the course of his judgment tugendhat j, something, as you will by now have appreciated, of a magna carta groupie, said ―the right not to be subject to degrading treatment has been recognised by the 146 ibid 322. 147 ibid 396 g-h. 148 a v secretary of state for the home department [2005] ukhl 71, [2006] 2 ac 221. 149 ibid [11]. 150 r (on the application of mohamed) v secretary of state for foreign and commonwealth affairs [2010] ewca civ 158, [2011] qb 218, 151 ibid [16]. 152 j v the commissioner of police of the metropolis [2013] ewhc 32 (qb), [2013] 1 wlr 2734. the denning law journal 33 common law from the earliest time‖. according to blackstone amongst the natural rights recognised by the common law were, in the words of magna carta, ―a prohibition not only of killing and maiming but also of torturing to which our laws are strangers.‖ 153 forensic failure sometimes magna carta is deployed as ballast. in the leading case on control orders 154 counsel submitted that ―the right to liberty and freedom from arbitrary detention lies at the heart of the domestic legal system as the pre-eminent freedom guaranteed by the common law since magna carta‖: a legitimate submission. the same use was made in the famous case of liversidge v anderson concerned with wartime internment under the notorious 18b 155 which provoked the most celebrated dissent in english legal history by lord atkin: ―i view with apprehension the attitude of judges who on a mere question of construction when face to face with claims involving the liberty of the subject show themselves more executive minded than the executive.‖ 156 however magna carta can sometimes indeed be not merely an unnecessary and gratuitous add on to an otherwise reputable argument but, as i have already illustrated, the last resort of the forensic failure. in attorney-general’s reference no.1 of 1990 it was argued that that a mere two years deferment in prosecuting a police officer for assault, which had resulted from the explicable need to await the outcome of the trial of the two alleged victims whom he had arrested violated article 39 so that the prosecution should be stayed. lord lane lcj gave short shrift to this ambitious contention. ―delay‖ he ruled ―means at its lowest wrongful delay such as is not justified by the circumstances of the case.‖ 157 it is a curious feature of that case that the unsuccessful counsel, anthony arlidge qc was co-author with lord judge of ―magna carta 153 ibid [67]. 154 secretary of state for the home department v jj [2007] ukhl 45, [2008] 1 ac 385. 155 1942 ac 206 (hl). ‗the appellants counsel truly say that the liberty of the subject is involved. they refer in emphatic terms of magna carta...‘ 156 ibid 244. 157 a-g’s reference (no 1 of 1990) [1992] qb 630 (ca) 640g-h. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 34 uncovered‖ and the junior member of the court which rejected his argument was judge j himself. 158 but mr arlidge‘s efforts were surely trumped by those of mr randlejoliffe, who sought to quash orders for possession in favour of the city of london made against the protesters of the occupy movement: ideological opponents of capitalism of the philosophical school of russell brand, who had pitched their tent in the environs of st pauls cathedral. 159 lord neuberger mr referred politely to his ―esoteric arguments‖ which he then enumerated: ―first he challenged the judgement on the ground that it did not apply to him as a magna carta heir. but that is a concept unknown to the law. he also says that his magna carta rights would be breached by execution of the orders but only chapters 1, 9 and 29 of magna carta 1297 version survive. chapter 29 with its requirement that the state proceeds according to law and its prohibition on the selling or delaying of justice is seen by many as the historical foundation of the rule of law in england but has no bearing on the arguments in this case.‖ somewhat ironically, lord neuberger added, ―the two other clauses concern the rights of the church and of the city of london and cannot help the defendants.‖ one might add au contraire… the latitude characteristically in our courts extended to litigants in person was stretched to breaking point in the first instance decision in the same case 160 where the same randle joliffe referred to ―the fairness founded in magna carta‖ and his fellow dissenter mr ashman invoked magna carta as allowing persons in ―situations of…overwhelming urgency…to respond by breaking the law‖, a charter on this exotic analysis not then for rule law but for lawlessness. still less persuasive, were that possible, was the argument of a private investigator who, in blatant and deliberate breach of a reporting restriction order, continued to assert that a husband involved in acrimonious divorce proceedings whom she was tracking was a rapist and paedophile and then sought to resist committal for contempt relying on ―her inalienable right under common law and the inviolable right to exercise lawful rebellion 158 in tan soon gin (george) v cameroon [1992] 2 ac 205 (pc) 222 a similar submission was avoided: ‗no such argument has been advanced in the present case and we need say no more about it.‘ 159 city of london corp v samede [2012] ewca civ 160, [2012] 2 all er 1039 160 [2012] ewhc 34 (qb). the denning law journal 35 under chapter 61 of magna carta‖. the president of the family division commented intelligibly on these submissions: ―once again i do not understand these in the context of committal summons.‖ 161 nor indeed do i. the clause chapter 61 is, described in arlidge and judge as ―the security clause‖ enabling the provisions of the charter 162 to be ―guaranteed by the barons choosing 25 of their number with powers of distrait and distress against the crown, if the king does not observe its terms.‖ 163 while the authors imaginatively describe the clause as establishing ―representative action and majority voting‖, 164 the private investigator‘s attempt to deploy it as a justification for her violation of a court order trespasses beyond the boundaries of imagination and into the realm of illusion, not least of course because it had been long repealed. litigants in person are clearly particularly prone to rely on magna carta, or their misunderstanding of it, where all else fails. mr rockliff brought proceedings before a tax tribunal 165 complaining that the taxation of his police pension as his sole income and not the joint income of himself and his wife discriminated against him as a married man, indeed against the institution of marriage itself. the chairman recorded 166 at 22: the taxpayer also submitted at all three hearings a great deal of nonstatutory material, in support of his argument ranging from magna carta to statements by ministers in parliament and contemporary articles speeches and radio interviews. it is interesting and informative, and doubtless material to the policy decisions of the legislature, but it does not constitute legal authority which the tribunal is entitled to take into account or is bound by, and i will not refer to it further. i repeatedly explained this to the taxpayer, who replied that he wished this material to be ―on the record‖; it is accordingly retained in the tribunal‘s files. where, no doubt, if you are interested, it can still be located. nor did mr davidson fare any better before the vat and duties tribunal suggesting that the revenue and customs commissioners had no 161 doncaster mbc v watson [2011] 3 fcr 422 (f) [37]. 162 arlidge and judge (n 1) 77. 163 ibid 6-7. 164 ibid 78. 165 rockliff v revenue and customs commissioners [2009] ukftt 162 (tc). 166 ibid [22]. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 36 right to seize and to refuse to return his illegally imported tobacco without trial and judgment of a court of law as the charter allegedly required. 167 magna carta has been wheeled out without success in cases for compensation for unfair dismissal 168 to invalidate the compulsory introduction of metric in place of imperial weights 169 to prevent on his own appeal one solicitor from being struck off the roll for fraud 170 or another solicitor from suffering the same fate on the application of a businessman who complained that the solicitor‘s clients, not the solicitor himself, had given false evidence against him: 171 an application which, had it won the day, would have added fresh terrors to the practice of law. magna carta proved no basis for a challenge to the congestion charge 172 or to regulations altering the criteria for blue badges for disability parking 173 or, on a matter of greater moment, the diminution of national sovereignty involved in the treaty of nice and the european communities amendment act. 174 the striking out of claims for negligence against two major pharmaceutical companies for damage allegedly caused by their antidepressant pills 175 on the basis that individual plaintiffs at the highest would recover little and the costs of defending the claims would be disproportionate, did not involve a denial of justice; nor did the nondisclosure to a plaintiff in a family dispute of medical evidence which was relied on to justify the official solicitor taking over his threadbare case. 176 the court of appeal declined to decide whether magna carta could be relied on as the source of an award of exemplary or punitive damages for wrongful arrest by police officers but displayed no enthusiasm for the 167 davidson v revenue and customs commissioners (vat and duties tribunal, 25 july 2008). 168 pearson v halesowen college [2004] all er (d) 389 (mar) (eat). 169 thorburn v sunderland city council [2002] ewhc 195 admin, [2003] qb 151. 170 re solicitor no 11 of 2001 [2001] ewca civ 1538. 171 tassell v president of the law society [2001] ewhc admin 611. 172 r (on the application of george) v the mayor of london [2003] ewhc 1257 (admin). 173 seaton v secretary of state for transport [2015] ewhc 146 (admin). 174 mcwhirter v secretary of state for foreign and commonwealth affairs [2003] ewca civ 384. 175 ab v john wyeth & brother ltd (no 5) [1997] piqr p385 (ca). 176 cobbett v cobbett (ca, 24 march 1993). the denning law journal 37 proposition; 177 nor did it save a drug trafficker in singapore from execution. 178 the house of lords dismissed claims made for compensation by someone mistakenly certified, in the language of the early twentieth century, as a lunatic. 179 he addressed the house himself. viscount haldane, while noting that the appellant was ―obviously of an excitable disposition‖ said that the question was whether the defendant had reasonably thought him to be of unsound mind. among the items of evidence considered adverse to the appellant was that a medical officer had thought him ―to have exaggerated ideas of his own importance‖, that he refused to ―eat animal food or drink milk‖ 180 that he ―would not do any work but lay in bed till the middle of the day‖ 181 ―worried his mother with questions for hours at a time‖ 182 and had ―pulled down curtains at his father‘s house.‖ 183 there but for the grace of god may some of us go… even witnesses can pray magna carta in aid though to no greater benefit. in r v usman ali 184 mr khan, victim of an unsuccessful murderous attack, provided the key testimony against those charged as his assailants. under strenuous cross-examination in which he displayed a penchant for not answering the question but for making statements, for which the judge properly chided him, he commented ―magna carta no man shall be denied justice‖, adding ominously ―if they (presumably the accused) come back on the street you are going to have the biggest war on your hands.‖ magna carta’s influence so to the question posed by adam tomkins in an article in public law ―would a court go so far as to invalidate an executive decision solely on the basis that it violated clause 29 of magna carta or is magna carta now something which is, as a matter of law, capable of carrying only 177 holden v chief constable of lancashire [1987] qb 380 (ca) 387h-385a. see counsels argument at 382c-d. 178 counsels submission in ong ah chua v public prosecutor [1981] ac 648 (pc) 653c. 179 everett v griffiths (no 1) [1921] 1 ac 631 (hl). 180 ibid 645. 181 ibid 647. 182 ibid. 183 ibid 648. 184 [2006] ewca crim 161, [2006] crim lr 776. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 38 symbolic or rhetorical weight?‖ 185 i would be compelled to answer it is the latter rather than the former. my tour d‘horizon of the last 115 years, my chosen time frame shows, i must conclude, that, magna carta has never been necessary to a judicial decision and that whether it has been sufficient is an all but meaningless question. lord bingham in his magisterial statement in the belmarsh case about the ancestry of the right to liberty in english law started but did not end with magna carta. it is hard to imagine that, even without magna carta, the same right would not have taken root in later centuries. indeed the overwhelming majority of the cases exemplify what magna carta cannot do rather than what it can, and many constitutional principles of the first water, such as the fact that only primary legislation entitles the state raises taxes, have been decided without reference to it even when it was argued. 186 there are obvious reasons for this decline in influence. first magna carta has been progressively repealed with, as i said at the outset, only 4 out of 63 clauses still extant. secondly even those clauses which have survived cannot stand against later inconsistent legislation; this lecture is littered with examples of which the chagos case is only the most prominent. as darling j said ―magna carta has not remained untouched, and like every other law of england is not condemned to that immunity from development and improvement which was attributed to the laws of the medes and the persians.‖ 187 or as lord atkinson said, concurring in a judgment, that the internment of a naturalized british subject of german birth was validated by dora in world war 1, dora ―was itself part of the law of the land; if it were otherwise then every statute and every intra vires rule or by law having the force of law creating a new offence for which imprisonment could be inflicted would amount, pro tanto to a repeal of magna carta.‖ 188 thirdly the value of is key provisions, clauses 39 and 40, have been enhanced and updated in later and more focussed legislation. 189 185 ‗magna carta, crown and colonies‘ [2001] pl 571. 186 see bowles v bank of england [1913] 1 ch 57 (ch) 61-2. 187 chester v bateson [1920] 1 kb 829 (kb) 832 (a case where under dora not only was property requisitioned but the owner prevented from challenging its requisition in the courts: see further ibid 839 (avory j). 188 r v halliday [1917] ac. 260 (hl) 272. the exercise of the prerogative to deport an enemy alien was held consistent with magna carta in netz v ede [1946] ch 224 (ch) 234 (wynn parry j). 189 see for example re c’s application for judicial review [2012] niqb 62 (qb northern ireland) ‗it has been said from the time of magna carta that justice the denning law journal 39 fourthly, a point i could not have made on the seven hundredth or even the 750 th anniversary, we look today to analogous articles of the european convention on human rights, not least article 5(4) of the echr: the prohibition on arbitrary detention and article 6: the right to a fair trial, which have made reliance on magna carta redundant. 190 in oxfordshire cc v dp, 191 a case about how far the court could go at an interim stage in proceedings in making findings of fact as to the father‘s responsibility for injury to his child. macfarlane j said: magna carta is not habitually quoted in support of legal argument in the family division, it is however of interest to be reminded of the terms of its chapter 29 and to measure them up against the more modern and well known provisions of echr, art 8. there is in my view very little difference between the requirements laid down in these two instruments, despite the passage of over 700 years between the two. that this is so is really of no surprise. both are fundamental statements of core human rights. for the purposes of the ―lawfulness‖ argument raised in this case, i fully accept that any process upon which this court embarks to find facts in these proceedings must be ―by lawful judgment‖ and ―by the law of the land‖ (per 1215) or ―in accordance with the law‖ (per 1950). 192 contemporary issues current debate about the future of our legal system in the age of austerity focusses on the restrictions on judicial review, the reduction in legal aid and the increase in court fees. the first two could be classified as instances of the denial of justice; the latter as its sale. yet though all three have been the subject of actual or proposed legal challenges, magna carta was not placed in the forefront of the argument. the first, restriction of judicial review, was considered in a claim brought by several well-known campaigning law firms to regulations for the introduction of a ―no permission, no fee‖ arrangement for making a delayed is justice denied. this has perhaps received new vigour from cases under article 6.‘ 190 although magna carta‘s role as the inspiration of such instruments is itself important. 191 [2005] ewhc 1593 (fam), [2005] 2 flr 1031. 192 ibid [11]. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 40 legally aided application for judicial review. 193 the issue was whether section 1 of the legal aid, sentencing and punishment of offenders act 2012, an awkwardly double jointed statute, more familiar known, in the modern taste for acronyms as laspo could be read as, contemplating that where substantial legal services under the scheme established by it are properly provided they will nonetheless have to be provided without payment. the claimants complained of its chilling effect on access to the high court inasmuch as lawyers might be deterred from taking on clients with meritorious but not straightforward claims because of the threat of no remuneration. the lord chancellor retorted that the providers of legal services should bear the risk of determining whether cases to be advanced by those clients qualified for legal aid on a proper interpretation of the relevant criteria. the divisional court upheld the challenge insofar as the scope of the impugned regulation ―extends beyond the circumstances which can be seen as rationally connected to the purpose given for its introduction.‖ 194 so the outcome turned on construction of a twenty first not of a thirteen century statute the second, the restriction of legal aid has prompted the judiciary on several occasions to suggest 195 that it is a false economy leading to additional expense for the courts. in a recent divorce case an unrepresented husband sought an order for disclosure of documents against the police, a non-party, a procedural issue described by lord justice aikens as ―technical and unusual‖. in the course of his ruling he added: yet again the courts have been without any legal assistance and had had to spend time researching the law for itself, then attempting to apply it to the relevant facts in order to arrive at the correct legal answer. to do the latter exercise meant that the court itself had to trawl through a large amount of documents in the file. all that involved an expensive use of judicial time which was in short supply already. money might have been saved from the legal aid funds but an equal amount of expense, if not more, had been incurred in terms of the costs of judges and courts time. the result was that there had been in fact no economy at all. worse, that way 193 r (on the application of ben hoare bell solicitors and others) v lord chancellor [2015] ewhc 523 (admin), [2015] all er (d) 19 (mar). 194 ibid [72]. 195 see cases cited in michael j b beloff qc, ‗virtuous values the advocates contribution to the rule of law (mcdermott lecture queens university belfast 2014). the denning law journal 41 of dealing with the cases ran the risk that a correct result would not be reached because the court had not the legal assistance of counsel that it should have had and the court had no other legal assistance available to it. 196 but he entirely, maybe prudently, refrained from seeking to engage magna carta in a judgment whose intended audience was clearly the ministry of justice. the third, higher court fees, had a more promising prologue. at the three day legal summit in london celebrating the sealing of magna carta, with an acute eye for public relations, legal bodies including the law society and the bar council issued a pre action protocol letter putting the lord chancellor on notice of yet another judicial review. in that letter, a required first step for the issue of legal proceedings, the law society said that the proposals were tantamount to ―selling justice‖ and so contrary to the principles of magna carta. the president of that body expatiated on that proposition in a public statement saying ―the policy on enhanced court fees amount to a flat tax on those seeking justice‖ they ―will price the public out of the courts and keep small business saddled with debts they are due but unable to recover. state provision for people to redress wrongs through the courts is the hallmark of a civilized society‖. to which the ministry of justice responded by saying that it is not litigants but that a segment of our community so much beloved of politicians 197 ―the hard working taxpayers‖ who had up to now had to pick up some of the bill. this clash of ideologies will not, however fall to be resolved in the courts after all. judicial review is of course a discretionary remedy. but in this instance discretion proved the better part of valour. despite the indicative precedent of r v lord chancellor ex p witham 198 where an order repealing provisions which gave poor litigants exemption from a reduction in court fees was held unconstitutional as a denial of access to the court, and apparently on the advice of leading counsel, the law society announced on 8 th april 2015 ―that it did not intend to pursue the litigation route.‖ 199 this did not, however mean their spokesman said, ―that we are giving up. far from it, our relentless lobbying has led the labour and the liberal democrats stating that they will review the court 196 lindner v rawlins [2015] ewca civ 61, the times, 7 april 2015. 197 frances gibb, the times (march 2015). 198 [1998] qb 575 (qb). 199 law society gazette (8 april 2015). magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 42 fee increase if they are part of a new government.‖ ―if‖ may be the operative word. 200 so i would not seek to dispute the proposition that magna cartas significance is as mythic document rather than as a legal text. nonetheless the text is not trivial. a submission made by david, (now) lord pannick qc, in the chagos islands litigation that it was ―not an act of parliament 201 but some unspecified category of subordinate law‖, 202 was withdrawn by him after, if not merely as a result of, an expression of judicial dismay by laws lj. indeed rather than being classified as less than law, there is high authority that it is a category of superior law. in litigation in the supreme court over the paving legislation for hs2 203 lord neugberger and mance jointly stated ―the united kingdom has no written constitution but we have a number of constitutional instruments. they include magna carta.‖ 204 theirs is merely one of many statements to the same effect, some of which i have already quoted. 205 i stress, however, that one should not be beguiled by such encomia into classifying magna carta as a constitution in the sense that we usually ascribe to that concept: that is to say, a superior legal norm against which even legislation, enacted by a democratic legislature, fails to be tested and, if found wanting, to be invalidated, of which the constitution of the usa is the best known, but by no means the only example. it does not even enjoy the level of potency of the human rights act which entitles the judges, where legislation offends against its provisions, to make a declaration of incompatibility, 206 requiring in fact if not in form the enactment of amending legislation to ensure such compliance. at its highest it supplies presumptions that liberty or property is not to be 200 and so indeed it proved to be. both parties have been since the general election in opposition. 201 r (on the application of bancoult) (n 131) 1073 f-g. 202 ibid [32] (laws lj) for the interpretation of his submissions. see too a-g’s ref (no 1 of 1990) (n 158) where lord lane himself described it as a statute. 203 r (on the application of buckinghamshire cc) v secretary of state for transport [2014] uksc 3, [2014] 1 wlr 324, 207. 204 ibid [207]. 205 see too in re s-c (n 113) 534 (bingham mr): ‗as we are all well aware, no adult citizen of the united kingdom is liable to be confined in any institution against his will, save by the authority of law. this is a. fundamental constitutional principle, traceable back to chapter 29 of magna carta 1297…‘ 206 human rights act 1998, s 4. the denning law journal 43 interfered with other than by clear colour of law 207 and is immune itself to implied repeal by later legislation. 208 magna carta myth? so myth it chiefly is, but i stress too that myth can sometimes be as potent as reality in shaping history. lord sumption puts the proposition pithily ―some legislation has a symbolic significance quite distinct from any principles it actually articulates.‖ it is often the interpretation given to words rather than their literal meaning which can be decisive in shaping human action; in our times the diverse treatment of the koran perfectly illustrates the point. as laws lj said in the chagos islander‘s case ―magna carta is in truth the first genuine declaration in the long history of our constitutional jurisprudence of the principle of the rule of law that describes the enduring significance of magna carta today.‖ 209 if it has survived cromwell‘s vulgar pun – he called it magna farta – it can surely survive dr starkey‘s observation that it contained ―a lot of guff.‖ 210 magna carta was as important for what it was as for what it said. the barons may not have been fully fledged democrats, but they did corral the king. we should not mourn that it has survived only in an abbreviated form and with diminishing impact on the development of our jurisprudence. we should marvel that, eight centuries on, it has survived at all. let me leave the penultimate word with lord judge and mr arlidge: the perception of what the charter stood for became as important as the actual language of the original clauses. in this country we now take for granted that laws should not be handed down by government diktat and that the community should be involved in its creation; that those in authority are subject to the rule of law 207 see jaroo v a-g of trinidad and tobago [2002] ukpc 5, [2002] 1 a.c. 871 [24] on its inspiration for the phrase ‗due process of law‘. 208 thorburn (n 170) [62] (laws lj). 209 r (on the application of bancoult) (n 131) [36]. 210 made at white and cases celebration at the british library to make the angloamerican firms sponsorship of the us loans of its declaration of independence and bill of rights. see edward fennell, ‗law diary‘ the times (2015) < http://www.thetimes.co.uk/tto/law/article4365364.ece> accessed 21 august 2015. magna carta in the twentieth and twenty first centuries 44 and that the rights of the citizen should be protected by the efficient administration of justice. 211 or as i would put it in a single sentence: it is because of magna carta that we can truthfully say that in our society the immortal principle is that ―no one – the king or lawmaker is above the law‖, 212 that we are governed by laws and not by men. 211 arlidge and judge (n 1) 2-3 212 halsbury‘s laws (5th edn, 2010) vol 88a, para 1 205 the denning law journal 2018 vol 30 pp 205-208 book review corruption and misuse of public office colin nicholls qc, tim daniel, alan bacarese, james maton and professor john hatchard, (3rd edn, oup 2017) lxxviii and 934. peter slinn* the well-documented rise in corruption at national and international levels has demanded increasing attention from governments, civil society and the legal profession across the globe. thus, this volume has doubled in size since the first edition in 2005. as lord phillips explains in his foreword, “this is not because corruption is necessarily on the increase, although the latest report from transparency international records a perception that this is indeed the case. it is because of an increase in the measures that are being taken both in this country and around the world to root out and stamp out corruption.” 1 the scope of the volume is impressively wide in both its jurisdictional coverage and in the variety and complexity of the topics addressed. thus, we find a detailed treatment of the relevant domestic law, both civil and criminal, of the united kingdom, of international and regional anti-corruption initiatives and of corruption laws of selected common law, civil law and other jurisdictions. the primary focus of the work is on developments in the united kingdom, which, to quote lord phillips again, “has established itself as second only to the united states in its efforts to combat domestic corruption and to encourage international cooperation in this field.”2 part i of the volume contains a detailed analysis of the bribery act 2010, which came into force in 2011. for the tortuous process leading to the reform of the uk’s bribery law, the authors refer the reader back to the earlier editions which should be retained for this purpose. one of the most problematic areas of the new legislation relates to the creation of a separate offence of bribery of a foreign public official. the act does not provide a defence in such circumstances of, for example, duress. uk travellers to africa are familiar with the police roadblock which can only be passed by payment of a small “facilitation” payment. such payment would constitute an offence under uk law, mitigated by the exercise of prosecutorial discretion in * vice-president, commonwealth legal education association. 1 colin nicholls qc, tim daniel, alan bacarese, james maton and professor john hatchard, corruption and misuse of public office (3rd edn, oup 2017) vii. 2 ibid. book review 206 according with guidelines which militate against prosecution in such circumstances. the authors stress that the act, which is quite short, can only be understood and applied in the context of the extensive guidance published by the ministry of justice and that produced by the director of the serious fraud office (sfo) and the director of public prosecutions (dpp). helpfully, these documents are reproduced as appendices to the volume. a novel feature of the law introduced subsequent to the bribery act is the “deferred prosecution agreement” (dpa) introduced by the crime and courts act 2013. dpas provide a mechanism whereby an organisation can avoid prosecution for certain economic or financial offences (including those involving corrupt practices) by entering into a court-supervised agreement on negotiated terms with the prosecutor. the authors emphasise the importance of judicial oversight of this novel process and they provide useful summaries of recent cases of which the most spectacular and controversial involved payments by rolls royce to the sfo of £500 million in respect of the company’s egregious criminality over decades, part ii deals with a vital element in combating corruption effective measures for the recovery of the proceeds of crime. the authors provide a chapter of international case studies relating to both criminal and civil proceedings in the uk and elsewhere. these provide a sorry record of the large-scale robbery of state assets by such notorious ruling families as those of general abacha in nigeria, of president chiluba of zambia and of president suharto of indonesia. part i of the volume contains a full treatment of the common law offence of misconduct in public office and the tort of misfeasance in a public office. public concern in the uk over evidence of misconduct by police officers led to the creation of a corruption offence specific to the police by the criminal justice and courts act 2015. whether this measure reflects a decline in standards of police conduct or rather the uncovering of malpractice which has always existed maybe a matter for debate. however, the authors feel justified in including a chapter on the regulation of conduct in public life generally, while admitting that “twenty years ago it would have appeared strange that a book on the law of corruption and misuse of public office should include a chapter on integrity in public life.” 3 however, since the 1990s, allegations of “sleaze,” particularly in respect of the conduct of members of parliament (expenses and cash for questions) have led to serious public concern about standards of public life in the uk. the authors trace the various measures that have been taken to regulate the conduct of parliamentarians, ministers, civil servants and judges. it is worth noting in a comparative commonwealth context that the enactment of the recall of members of parliament act in 2015 follows a precedent from 3 ibid 398. the denning law journal 207 other commonwealth jurisdictions such as kenya and uganda. the authors also address the issue of standard setting in the private sector. the purpose is to provide information as to existing standard setting in initiatives, both international and national, without attempting, as the authors admit, “to evaluate their effectiveness.”4 perhaps inevitably in a work of this kind, attempting to cover so much ground, information tends to take precedence over analysis. perhaps in a future edition the authors might manage to condense some of the detail and thereby provide room for a concluding chapter which might attempt the formidable task of evaluation of the effectiveness of the measures described. however, the authors’ response would no doubt be that in what is primarily a practitioners’ text, there is no room for “academic” analysis. this edition contains in part iii a new chapter on combating corruption in sport, which has been a source of frequent scandals in recent times. such corruption can take a number of different forms –corruption within international sporting bodies such as fifa and iaaf, match-fixing and illegal gambling, doping and other sporting corrupt practices. dealing with such issues has required the creation of a complex regulatory framework based on a variety of international initiatives. again, useful case-studies are provided. those who lament the scale of corruption in sport in recent years may take comfort from evidence that it has existed for at least 2,800 years. statues to the gods outside the ruins of the ancient olympic stadium in greece were paid for by athletes and coaches who were caught cheating.5 part iv is devoted to a detailed account of international and regional anti-corruption initiatives including the united nations convention against corruption and regional measures such as the african union convention on preventing and combating corruption. those who regard the commonwealth as playing a significant role in world affairs will be gratified by the inclusion of a section on commonwealth initiatives in combating corruption, in particular the provision of technical assistance to the small and developing states that make up the majority of the organisation’s membership. part v displays the broad scope of the work by describing the corruption laws of jurisdictions other than the uk, it is appropriate that most detailed treatment is accorded to us law, since the foreign corrupt practices act has just passed its fortieth anniversary and has proved to be “the most significant anti-corruption law that applies to international business.” 6 a representative selection of common law jurisdictions includes some of the most and some of the least corrupt countries in the 4 ibid 448. 5 ibid 502. 6 ibid 674. book review 208 world. the civil and other jurisdictions included have a comparable range – brazil, china, france, russia, south africa and the united arab emirates. in relation to each of the jurisdictions, the legal framework is described, with key cases on enforcement. the latter expose the extent of corruption, often involving serving or former heads of state, in, for example, nigeria and brazil. part v also contains an examination of offshore financial centres, so often the repository of the fruits of the corrupt practices described in this volume. the concluding part vi acknowledges the role of civil society organizations (csos), operating at international, regional and national levels, in making an invaluable contribution to supporting good governance and the fight against corruption. in emphasising the constructive role of csos in partnering governments and the private sector, in particular by providing information, research capacity and publicity to support anticorruption measures, the authors may help to defuse the suspicion of cso activity often manifest in governmental and business circles. apart from the appendices of uk instruments already referred to, the volume benefits from a comprehensive index which greatly enhances the utility of the work for the busy practitioner. no practitioner today can afford to be without a knowledge of the issues covered by this book in such an impressive fashion. this suggests that the law students of today need a good grounding in corruption issues as part of professional training. if the authors are looking for another project, they might consider producing a slimmed down (and cheaper!) volume which would provide a basis for teaching courses on corruption as part of the academic or practical stage of legal training. lord denning: an antipodean appreciation . the ron. justice m. d. kirby, em. g. '* end of an era lord denning was fond of saying that he had every christian virtue save resignation. in 1982 he was one of the few remaining judges in england not subject to compulsory retirement. to use his own words he was "one of the few judges who have freehold." however, in a statement made by his clerk in july 1982, he said that he had intended for some time to retire at the end of the legal year "because of his advanced age." i he was then, as they would have said at the time of his birth, in the 83rd year of his age. the initiating circumstances for his retirement was an unhappy controversy over his book what next in the law? the book, the third since his 80th birthday, included a few typically blunt observations concerning the jury service of citizens of west indian or other non-english ethnic origin. when these comments became public, calls for his resignation were made by the society of black lawyers in england and by others. even before the announcement of lord denning's retirement was made, mr rudy narayan, secretary of the society wrote to the times: "lord denning remains one of the greatest judicial minds of this century; he was my sponsor on call to the bar but that should not be taken too heavily to his discredit ... a great judge has erred greatly in the intellectual loneliness of advanced years; while his remarks should be rejected and rebutted he is yet, in a personal way, entitled to draw on that reservoir of community regard which he has in many quarters and to seek understanding, if not forgiveness." 2 lord denning was no stranger to controversy. yet the controversy which surrounded his book and his remarks was bitter and personal. almost certainly it hastened his decision to 'bring forward' the announcement of his retirement. 3 in correspondence, writing of the controversial book, he expressed the feeling that it ·president of the court of appeal, supreme court, sydney. formerly chairman, australian law reform commission and judge of the federal court of australia. \. peter post quoted law talk is3(nz law50ciety), 14 july 1982,7. 2. r. narayan, times quoted ibid. 3. p. post, ibid. 103 the denning law journal was "about the right time" for him to retire "whilst i am still in good form and able to do my work." 4 lord denning urged upon me the merit of much of what was in it when it was reissued soon afterwards. he said it was worth reading "because it deals a great deal with law reform."s so it does. so does much of his writing in and out of court. the retirement of such a towering figure of the common law certainly marked the end of a legal era. it removed from one of the highest judicial offices in the english speaking world, a judge who had been dedicated to law reform, and not content to leave. reform solely to parliament, whether or not helped by law reform agencies or other bodies. who is lord denning? why has he been such a controversial judicial figure? will his achievements last? what lessons does his career hold for the judiciary and the administration of justice in far-away countries of the common law, such as australia? lord denning the man alfred thompson denning was born in 1899, the son of a draper in the village of whitchurch, where he still lives. he was one of five brothers. one became a general, another rose to be an admiral. lord denning began life as a teacher but later returned to oxford and a pursuit of the law. two of his brothers were killed in the first world war. one, jack, the eldest son, died leading his men at flanders. the other, gordon, a sailor, was killed in the battle of jutland, aged 19. in his book the due process of law, lord denning finishes with a personal epilogue, written in a special style of english prose of which he is a modern master: "i remember the telegram coming. mother opened it with trembling fingers. 'deeply regret ... died of wounds'. she fainted to the floor. a few days later came a letter which was found in his valise after his death. mother and father poor dears they were to lose another son before that war was over ... reg is now a generalretired. norman is now an admiralretired. butjack and gordon they were the best of us ... the poppies slipped from my hand to the floor. eyes filled with tears. it was the eve of remembrance day.,,6 lord denning himself fought at picardy in the first world war. "only there for the last nine months. too young to go before. i came through unhurt." 7 he won scholarships and first class degrees in mathematics and jurisprudence. in 1923 he was called to the bar. he soon learned that the law and justice were not always the same thing. cases came to him for opinion. in accordance with the binding authority of the highest courts, they required conclusions that struck him 4. letter of lord denning to the author, 14 july 1982. 5. ibid. 6. lord denning, the due process of law (1980), at pp. 250-251. 7. ibid., at p. 249. 104 lord denning: an antipodean appreciation as unjust. "the house of lords had decided it. that was the end of the matter", he later wrote. cases of apparent injustice disturbed denning. he was later to describe binding principles as "false idols which disfigured the temple of the law." in the fullness of his career, he was to come to a position where he could do something about them. in 1944 he was appointed a judge. accordingly, he served in judicial office for 38 years. he was elevated to the english court of appeal in 1948 and to the house of lords in 1957. in 1962 a vacancy occurred in the position of master of the rolls. lord denning took this position. there he remained until july 1982. at the age of 83, he admitted no diminution in intellectual vigour. if anything, in his later years, he seemed to show an increasing reformist zeal. his appeals to the 'broad rule of justice itself' became more frequent and more insistent in the closing years of his judicial service. for a judge to take this course under our system of law is unusual. for the presiding judge of england's second highest court to do so, and frequently to carry his colleagues with him, is nothing short of remarkable. he has had his critics. they are not confined to the clubs where gather the judges and lawyers, or the boardrooms of newspapers' offices in whitehall or other places where disappointed or disaffected litigants collect. but observers of the common law world could not ignore the extraordinary impact of his intellect. stability in reform lord denning illustrates the difficulty facing all law reformers, whether judicial or otherwise. the law is a force for stability and predictability in society. people need to know what the law is so that they can live peacefully together without resort to violence or expensive litigation. but times change. the inventions of science and technology present challenges to the law which often speaks in the language of a previous time. moral and social attitudes change rendering previously accepted values suspect or unpalatable. well established principles which may have endured for centuries can lead to results that strike the modern judge as unjust but the law, nonetheless. the original genius of the common law of england lay in its capacity to adapt its rules to meet different social conditions. the advent of the representative parliament has tended to make judges, including appeal judges, reticent about inventing new principles of law or overturning decisions that have stood the test of time. "heresy is not the more attractive because it is dignified by the name of reform,"s declared viscount simonds, one of lord denning's critics. "it is even possible that we are not wiser than our ancestors. it is for the legislature, which does not rest under that disability, to determine whether there should be a change in that law and what the change should be.,,9 8. midlalld si/icolles lid. v. scrullol/s ltd. [1962] a.c. 446, 467. 9. chapmall v. chapman [1954] a.c. 429, 444. 105 the denning law journal denning suffered no tongue-tied inhibitions just because parliament could change the law. parliaments have generally shown little interest in the reform of wide areas of the law. individual, small injustices may not amount to many votes or much public interest. repeatedly in his thirty-eight years as a judge, denning expressed impatience with the notion that the judge's duty was blindly to follow precedents or, if there were none, to do nothing, leaving it to the legislators to act. in october 1979 addressing the national conference of the english law society he again took his stand for the judicial role in law making: "law reform ... should not be left solely to the law commissions. there is a great movement today which says that judges should not do anything to reform the law, that they should treat their old cases as binding upon themselves and do nothing. i give you an example ... [in a recent case] i said there should be a radical reappraisal of our system of assessing damages for personal injuries and, in the house of lords, lord scarman giving the one' judgment said: 'yes i agree with lord denning there ought to be a radical way of reappraisal. ' but he went on to say that we will not do it. we will leave it to other bodies. the law commissions can do all this and eventually report. how long will it take? will it ever take place? i would suggest that there is still a field for judge made law in our land. of course, i do not get my own way as a rule." 10 certainly, an aspect of the original common law system was constant law reform: judges and lawmakers working together to mould principles to fit the new circumstances of the case before them. but such inventiveness is not now common, whether in england, australia, or other common law countries. lord denning again: "writing in the times of 5 january 1977, sir leslie scarman said: 'the past 25 years will not be forgotten in our legal history. they are the age of legal aid, law reform and lord denning'. i am gratified by the tribute but i feel that many of my endeavours have failed at any rate so far. the strict constructionists still hold their fortress. the officious bystander still dominates the field. the court of appeal is still bound hand and foot. the powerful still abuse their powers without restraint." 11 this is not to say that denning did not try. certainly, he was never prepared to leave it to law reform commissions and bureaucrats to improve laws which, in his view, judges could perfectly well attend to. in one case, for example, he found that courts should imply into a tenancy agreement, which said nothing about the 10. lord denning, address to the law society's national conference, jersey, october 1979, (1979) 76 guardiall gazelle, 1057. ii. lord denning, the discipline of lam (1979), at p. 315. 106 lord denning: an antipodean appreciation subject, an obligation upon the landlord to take care that lifts and staircases were reasonably fit for the use of tenants and their visitors. "i am confirmed in this view by the fact that the law commission in their codification of the law of landlord and tenant, recommend that some such terms should be implied by statute ... but 1 do not think we need to wait for a statute. we are well able to imply it now in the same way as judges have implied terms for centuries. some people seem to think that now there is a law commission the judges should leave it to them to put right any defect and to make any new development. the judges must no longer play a constructive role. they must be automatons applying the existing rules. just think what this means. the law must stand still until the law commission has reported and parliament passed a statute on it: and, meanwhile, every litigant must have his case decided by the dead hand of the past. 1 decline to reduce the judges to such a sterile role so i hold there that there is clearly to be implied some such term as the law commission recommends." 12 this passage gives the flavour and texture of this extraordinary judge's written style. short sentences. pungent phrases. headings in his judgments to guide the reader through his reasoning. even his critics and enemies acknowledge his skill in handling the legal techniques and in presenting them in prose which is startling because of its contrast to the normal style in which judgments are written. that is not to say that everybody approves of his very special way of writing english. a confessedly 'carping' review of his 1979 book the discipline of the law was rather severe: "the style is unmistakable. and unmemorable. judicial staccato. not a cadence in sight. 1wonder if that is the unfortunate consequence of writing all those longhand notes in the early days on the bench while those below waited for the pen to be laid down, for the 'ye-es', for the raised eyes." 13 to show that these matters are simply matters of taste, another reviewer of the same book asserts "the book is intensely readable." 14 there is little doubt that elegant or not, it is a prose style which is powerful for its simplicity and directness. it is the prose style of an evangelist and propagandist: appellations which lord denning would not shun. denning the reformer needless to say lord denning's view of his role frequently drove him into dissent from other more conventional judges. even where, in the court of appeal, he carried the day, he was sometimes reversed in the house of lords in chilling 12. liverpool city council v. irwin [1976] qb. 319, 332. 13. j. a. g. griffith, book review (the discipline of the law), in (1979) 42 m.l.r. 348. 14. c. h. gage, book review, in (1980) 39 c.l.j. 194, at p. 195. see also review by t. harper, in (1979) 129 new l.j. 83. 107 the denning law journal language. one of his abiding concerns was to reform the law of contract. he waged a battle over a quarter of a century against the unfair exclusion of claims by written terms, sometimes found obscurely on the back of a ticket or form. but to his 1951 plea for the law to look at the reality of contract relationships, the lords answered coldly. "phrases occur", said viscount simon "which give us some concern." 15 lord simonds added, "it is no doubt essential to the life of the common law that its principles should be adapted to meet fresh circumstances and needs. but i respectfully demur to saying that there has been or need be any change in the well-known principles of construction of contracts." 16 undeterred, denning went on to effect important changes in contract law, guided by justice and commercial morality, as he saw it. his reformist enthusiasm was not limited to contract cases. he helped to dispose of the principle that a hospital was not liable for the negligence of its professional staff. he decided the first of many cases in which a deserted wife was held entitled to remain in the matrimonial home. in 1951 he wrote a famous dissenting judgment lamenting the calamitous exception from the law of negligence which relieved many, including professional advisors, from actions for damages for loss caused by negligent as distinct from fraudulent misrepresentations. he did not hesitate to dissent, although he was then but recently added to the court of appeal. the language he used was typical: "this argument about the novelty of the action does not appeal to me in the least. it has been put forward in all the great cases which have been milestones of progress in our law. in each of these cases the judges were divided in opinion. on the one side there were timorous souls who were fearful of allowing a new cause of action. on the other side there were the bold spirits who were ready to allow it if justice so required. it was fortunate for the common law that the progressive view prevailed." 17 although in 1951 the progressive view did not prevail, in 1963 the house of lords introduced a limited duty of care for persons who take upon themselves to supply information or advice to people whom they know will place reliance on it. j 8 lord denning's dissent of 1951 became the rule in 1963. it has now been substantially adopted in other jurisdictions, including australia.19 be you never so high a judge who so often turned the law upside-down was bound to attract criticism. in 1971 some thought he went too far when he held that decisions of the house of 15. british movietone news ltd. v. lorldon and district ciuemas ltd. [1952] a.c. 166, 181-182. 16. ibid., at p. 188. 17. candlerv. crane, chnstmas (sco. [1951] 2 k.b. 164, 178. 18. hedley byrne (s co. ltd. v. heller (s parlllers ltd. [1964] a.c. 465. 19. mutual life and citizens' assurance co. ltd. v. evatt [1971] a.c. 793. see now shaddock aud associates pty. ltd. v. parramatta city council (1981) 55 a.l.].r. 713. 108 lord denning: an antipodean appreciation lords not only did not bind the lords themselves but might not bind the court of appeal. he could not abide a decision of the lords which had abolished punitive damages. he saw it as having "knocked down the common law as it had existed for centuries." 20 carrying two colleagues with him, he held that this rule of the lords "should not be followed ... because the common law of england on this subject was so well settled before 1964 ... that it was not open to the house of lords to overthrow it." 21 it remained for lord chancellor hailsham to deliver a sharp rebuke. "it is necessary", said the lord chancellor, "for each lower tier, including the court of appeal, to accept loyally the decisions of the higher tiers." 22 but it was not only denning's judicial and more conservative legal critics who expressed astonishment at his views. some believed that denning was excessively teleological in his approach. he was charged with thinking of the result he wanted before he considered the legal reasoning on which it had to be founded. this process was all very well if there was agreement on the first principles which were guiding him. but should a judge, near to the apex of the legal system, be able to give vent to his personal value system, thereby disrupting settled principles and creating confusion and uncertainty in the law? during the 1970s denning took a leading part in the assault on ministerial and executive authority. he leapt to the defence of the little man in combat with the bureaucracy. he appealed to the old bill of rights.23 in january 1977, he took part in the decision by which the court of appeal granted an injunction on the application of a private citizen directed at a union which, contrary to law, had announced a ban on postal services to south africa.24 he rejected the claim that the attorney-general's fiat was necessary to permit a private citizen to bring the case. "every individual in the land has an interest in the channels of communication being kept open. the law shall be obeyed. even by the powerful. even by the trade unions. we sit here to carry out the law. to sec that the law is obeyed. and that we will do. a subject cannot disregard the law with impunity. to every subject in this land, no matter how powerful, i would use thomas fuller's words over three hundred years ago 'be you never so high, the law is above you'." 25 subsequently the house of lords reversed this decision holding, in effect, that the courts could not question the long established rule that it was for the 20. broome v. cassell [1971] 2 qb. 356. 21. ibid., at pp. 380-381. 22. broome v. cassell [1972] a.c. 1027, 1054. 23. couriel v. v,lio,l ofposl oj]iceworkers [1977j 2 w.l.r. 310, 331 (on appeal 10 the i-louse of lords, appeal allowed) [1978] a.c. 435. 24. couriel v. v,liorl of posl office workers [19771 2 w.l.r. 310. 25. ibid., at p. 331. 109 the denning law journal attorney-general not the courts to decide whether such actions should be brought. this very question is now under study in the australian law reform commission. there are some who say that lord denning's view, though held not to be good law, may yet be right in principle and become the law. others assert that he is too concerned with the 'little man' and forgets that, in the modern state, the elected government represents the mass of 'little people' and is no longer the crown exerting selfish, overweaning power. other critics point to denning's concern to uphold valiantly christian principles of morality and to impose them on all members of a pluralistic society. in one famous case, he denied relief to a young girl, gillian ward, who had been expelled from a teachers' college after being found with a man in her room at night. "i,do not think she has been treated unfairly or unjustly. she had broken the rules most flagrantly. i say nothing about her morals. she claims that they are her own affair. so be it ... but instead of going into lodgings, she had this man with her, night after night. that is a fine example to set to others! and she is a girl training to be a teacher! she would never make a teacher. no parent would knowingly entrust their child to her care." 26 the same strong language came out in his well known report on the 'profumo affair' in 1963. he did not hesitate to lay responsibility squarely on the prime minister and his colleagues. the report rings with his moral outrage. its impact was the more electrifying because of this. those who did not complain about his 'blind spot' where matters of morality were involved, asserted that he was just a conservative member of the english ruling class who reflected the attitudes of a britain in which he grew up and which was then still a great imperial power. wherever an international element is involved in the case, it is said, lord denning usually came down in favour of english law and english courts to the exclusion of applying foreign law to the parties' transactions, although towards the end of his judicial career he has faced realistically the 'incoming tide' of the law of europe as it affected the united kingdom. what most exasperates lord denning's critics is what is seen to be an idiosyncratic claim to plain talking morality: "he uses history as if it were a box of goodies from which it is possible to extract all sorts of useful arguments. whether they meant then what they can be interpreted as meaning now worries him not at all. he must know that the 19th century was not like that. but if it were, so much the better for his analysis of what characterises the 20th. so let's pretend. for all his private searching in his books lord denning is the most unhistorical of reformers ... my view of where the line should be drawn between judicial power and 26. ward v. bradford corpora/ion (1972) 70 lg.r. 27. 110 lord denning: an antipodean appreciation ministerial power will not necessarily be that of the next man. but it is likely that he and i will agree that the line is political. i wish lord denning would. he plays not only the ace of trumps but all his 52 cards as if god had dealt them to him. there are other players who also have a view of justice, different though that view may be from lord denning's ... " 27 according to this critic, lord denning's value as an innovator could not be denied. certainly, when his sympathy was aroused, he could be a most formidable champion. "but his view of justice is too personal, too idiosyncratic, too lacking in principle for greatness. he may instruct us, as he claims to do, in the principles of the law. but the grasp of political principle, the insight into the natur.e of the change that society is currently undergoing, for these he shows no special flair, no particular understanding." 28 the controversies that surrounded denning, the law reformer in the courts, persisted into his 82nd year. not only did his views on the scope of the privilege of journalists give rise to comment.29 his observations in the jury vetting case30 also drew a dissenting voice from the times editorialist. this was a case where lord denning sought to strike a blow for a cause he has long championed: a new approach to statutory interpretation. the editorialist cried caution: "what lord denning is trying to do is to import into the interpretation of statutory provisions the same degree of judicial creativity as is normally applied to developing the common law. the tradition of english law does not support that approach. it may be acceptable to introduce a qualifying element of equity into the harsh rules of statutory construction. [but] this would be, under his formula, for the majority of judges to determine a sensible result. that would be to usurp parliament's function and give judges a power which the vast majority of them neither seek nor are capable of exercising." 31 once again, lord denning may simply have been ahead of his time. in australia, at least, important changes have been introduced in the rules governing statutory construction.32 denning's acceptance of reform undoubtedly stimulated the greater willingness to accept the reality of judicial creativity and to provide new rules designed to acknowledge and direct that creativity. in may 1980 the times editorialist returned to this theme in comments on lord denning's ruling about journalists' privilege: 27. griffith, supra n. 13, at p. 349. 28. ibid., at p. 350. 29. lord denning, the due process of law (1980), at p. 30; what next in the law (1982), at p. 328. 30. r. v. sheffield crown court, ex p. brow/dow, unreported, times l.r. for 3 march 1980. 31. the times (london), 3 march 1980. 32. see, e.g., the acts interpretation amendment act 1984 (eth), assented to on 25 may 1984, and the interpretation of legislation act 1984 (vic), assented to on 23 may 1984. 111 the denning law journal "lord denning, this time, is on the wrong side ... what lord denning has done is to lay down a new test, based on whether a court thinks the journalist or his employer has acted properly and responsibly: 'if a newspaper should act irresponsibly, then it forfeits its claim to protect its sources of information.' that is neither a logical nor a necessary criterion. it would mean that a potential source, even one who revealed a relatively innocuous piece of information, would be at risk of having his identity divulged because his contact was adjudged to have acted irresponsibly. the courts are far from being the best judges of what is responsible journalism. their task should be to determine the balance of public interest, not to judge journalistic ethics. the court of appeal has done a disservice to the cause of press freedom." 33 to the day of his retirement, lord denning was followed by adulation and calumny, praise and blame and always controversy. why should this be so? because he is one of the chief proponents of the reformist role of the english judge. he enjoyed the approbation of those who agreed with his decisions. he had to endure the attack of those who did not. each he accepted with equal fortitude. denning and parliament there are some judges of our tradition who, for fear of being accused of "judicial imperialism",34 would not even venture to criticise a statutory provision which they felt, in a case coming before them, worked an injustice. an english attorney-general once told the house of commons that "it is a most important principle of our constitutional practice that judges do not comment on the policy of parliament, but administer the law, good or bad as they find it. it is a point of doctrine on which the independence of the judiciary rests." 35 in 1950, lord denning cautioned against taking this view too far. he pointed out that the judges had often called attention to laws being in need of reform. he quoted lord justice scrutton who, after wrestling with a very troublesome provision under the rent acts said that he was sorry that he could not order "the costs to be paid by the draftsman of the rent restrictions acts and the members of the legislature who passed them and are responsible for the obscurity of the acts.,,36 obviously, denning shared this view: "i do not myself see why responsible comments or suggestions on the way in which acts work, intended only in the public interest, should be regarded as an infringement of the sovereignty of parliament. this applies not only in respect of law laid down by judges or enactments of parliament in ancient times, but also in respect of enactments in modern times, subject to the 33. the times (london), 8 may 1980. 34. see g. s. reid, "the changing political framework", q!ladral/l jan-feb 1980, 5, at pp. 12-13. 35. cited by lord denning in his holdsworth lecture, "the independence of the judges" in b. w. harvey (ed.), the lawyer al/d justice (1978) 53, at p. 63. 36. ibid., at p. 66. 1i2 lord denning: an antipodean appreciation qualification that the judges must never comment in disparaging terms on the policy of parliament, for that would be to cast reflection upon the wisdom of parliament and that would be inconsistent with the confidence and respect which should subsist between parliament and the judges. just as members of parliament must not cast reflections on the conduct of judges, sojudges must not cast reflections on the conduct of parliament. if everyone observes these rules, there will be no conflict." 37 the australian law reform commission now collects and reports to parliament, judicial and other suggestions for law reform.3!! i am sure lord denning would approve this innovation; though never did he regard proposals to parliament as foreclosing his opportunities for judicial reform, without troubling parliament. lion or tribune? for every reformer on the bench like lord denning there are many more who have their doubts. some, such as sir garfield banvick, past chief justice of australia, deny that even the highest court may legitimately 'change' the law?} others, whilst acknowledging that judges may be good "contributors and formulators" 40 do not believe that they are the stuff of which reform is made.4\ on this view enthusiasm is not and cannot be a judicial virtue.42 even if not mere ciphers, mechanically discovering, declaring and applying the law, they see the judicial role as very severely circumscribed by its lack of democratic legitimacy. judges are not e1ected.43 parliaments, in our generation at least, are. on this view, whatever may have been permissible to the judges of ancient times, it is impermissible today. moreover, it flies in the face of the community's simplistic notion of democracy. if too candidly disclosed, it may undermine the appearance of judicial impartiality and neutrality.44 judges are urged by people who hold this view, not to confuse their role with the frank law making function of a legislature.45 they do not have its warrant from the people. they are generally members of the older generation. they are not reflective of the whole variety of the population.46 if the law is not satisfactory, the 37. ibid., at p. 67. 38. australian law reform commissionaliillial report 1983, p. 7; "community reforms" 11984134 rejimll, pp. 50-54. 39. g. e. barwick, "judiciary law: some observations thereon", (1980) 33 cl.p. 247. 40. p. devlin, the judge (oup, 1979), at p. 12. 41. j. a. griffith, the politics of the judicia!)1 (fontana, 1977), at p. 208. 42. devlin, mpra n. 40, at p. 5. 43. devlin, ibid., at p. 10; b. abel-smith and r. stevens, lawyers alld the courts (wcinemann, 1967), at p. 121. 44. lord reid, quoted in griffith, supra n. 41, at p. 179. 45. lord jowin, in abel-smith and stevens, mpra n. 43, at p. 287. 46. devlin, mpra n. 40, at p. 53. 113 the denning law journal people can blame parliament. if the shoe pinches, the brake on reform is a brake applied by parliament not by the judges.47 where parliament fears to tread, the courts should be specially careful. 48 the establishment of permanent law reform commissions, to help parliament with the reform of the law, provides the judges who hold to these views with further ammunition against their reformist brethren. law reform bodies have developed techniques of widespread community consultation which are not available to judges. at best, judges merely have only the parties before them. they might not be representative of the whole community. almost surely they would not provide the judge with the economic, scientific and other expertise available to professional law reformers. the first chairman of the english law commission, lord scarman, referred to these matters in distinguishing his approach to law reform, as a judge, from lord denning's: "i disagree with lord denning. i believe in law reform by statute, and preferably by statutes introduced after full consideration of the problem by the law commission, or other body charged with considering law reform, or the implications of law reform. lord denning thinks that one can take a short cut by judicial decision, avoiding all the parliamentary delays, and indeed the delays associated with a thorough-going and patient examination of the problem by a body like the law commission. i profoundly disagree with lord denning on this. and i think if i had any criticism of lord denning as a developer of the law, it is that he develops it at a cost of uncertainty. the question is where the line is to be drawn. i go along with lord denning to this extent, that i think there is room for a certain degree of development of the law by judicial decision. but i do think that the development has to be in the minor key. one cannot change a rule of law which is clear and well established merely because it produces a hard case, that is to say, works injustice." 49 in response, denning had put the judicial reformers' point of view. judges have been developing the law for centuries. parliament has neither the time nor the inclination to attend to all the necessities of law reform. 50 if it does attend to some of them, the delay is crippling. 51 it will not help the litigants in the particular case before the judge: "well, i am afraid the present trend is that the judges should not do anything new. they should not alter the law. there should be no law making by the judges. everything should be left to parliament or to the law commission. i 47. lord parker, hal/sard, 5th session (hl), vol. cclviii, 9 june 1964, col. 1071-2. 48. lord reid, in griffith, supra n. 41, at p. 183. 49. lord scarman, interviewed by hugo young, talki//fr law, ssc, 16 sept 1979. 50. lord denning, in paterson, the law lords (macmillan, 1982), at p. 181. 51. lord reid, in paterson, ibid., at p. 182. 114 lord denning: an antipodean appreciation take a completely different view. i think the judges alone can deal with the instant case, to remedy the wrong in the case which is before them. if you wait for legislation you may wait for years and years and they can't affect the instant case only the future cases. so i hope the judges, if they are strong enough, will continue to develop our law as by history they've done in the past ... if you have judges of the best kind, who are ready to take a broad view, you can get it done as well or better by judges than from all these long inquiries by law commissioners and the like. but of course, it depends on the judges." s2 standing hallway between denning and scarman, lord justice kerr, also a former chairman of the english law commission, could not disguise his admiration for lord denning's approach. perhaps it takes a professional law reformer of the 1980s to know the limitations of institutional law reform. will a reference be given? how quickly can the report be made? will it get through the bureaucracy? will parliament have the time to consider the report? will parliament change the recommendations?: "i do feel very strongly that when you've got a supreme!y able person, as lord denning is, it is a good thing to have what you might call a pacemaker somebody who, if you like, goes a little bit too far and then others can put him right under our ordinary process of the courts and appeals and so forth. but it's a good idea to have somebody there who is a bit more visionary than the rest. and he is the ideal person." s3 if we have thrown away the fairy tale54 that judges do not make, but only discover the law, there is still a natural disinclination for judges to embrace too stridently the assertion of their law making functions. the passive and mechanical view of the judicial role is deeply embedded in the community's consciousness. ss the suspicion of too much candour or too much activism in judicial law-making arises from a fear of idiosyncratic personal judgments not grounded in a coherent framework of legal rules. this, for example, was lord hailsham's criticism of lord denning: "i think there is a want of coherence in his approach to things. he has a very highly subjective view of the world, i think. speaking simply now as one who has appeared before him, as well as read his judgments in the reports, one's never quite sure with tom whether one's going to meet with the lion under the throne or the tribune of the people." 56 52. lord denning, interviewed by hugo young, supra n. 49, at p. 14. 53. m. kerr, interviewed by hugo young, ibid., at p. 12. 54. lord reid, "the judge as lawmaker," (1972) 12 }.s.p. t.£. 22. 55. lord radcliffe, quoted in m. cappelletti, "who watches the watchman? a comparative study on judicial responsibility", (1983) 31 a,}. com.l. 1. 56. lord hailsham, interviewed by hugo young, supra n. 49, at p. 10. 115 the denning law journal the way of the iconoclast whether lawyers are scandalised by denning or admire his persistence, courage and reforming zeal, he is clearly a great judge of our century who cannot be ignored. his judgments continue to have an influence on the life of the common law. we live in a time of change. people expect judges to help society meet the challenges of change. leaving each and every reform to parliament will simply not do. denning reminds us of the original genius of the common law: adapting the law's reasonable predictability and certainty, to new times. "what then is the way of an iconoclast?", he once asked an oxford audience. "it is the way of one who is not content to accept cherished beliefs simply because they have been long accepted. if he finds that they are not suited to the times or that they work injustice, he will see whether there is not some competing principle which can be applied in the case in hand. he will search the old cases, and the writers old and new, until he finds it. only in this way can the law be saved from stagnation and decay." 57 reformer or mischief-maker? revolutionary judge or maverick? lion under the throne or tribune? iconoclast or harsh moralist? one thing is certain, lord denning has been a towering figure of the common law of our century. his passion for justice and reform carries lessons for all lawyers and especially for those who take the judicial oath to do justice. 57. lord denning, "the way of an iconoclast", (1959) 5 ].s.p. t.l. 77, at p. 89. 116 human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 66 denning law journal 2016 vol 28 special issue pp 66-108 offshore oil pollution damage: in pursuit of a uniform international civil liability regime jae sundaram* abstract a significant amount of marine oil pollution is vessel-source with another being non-vessel-source originating from offshore oil platform operations. the world has witnessed a number of oil spill disasters since the 1950s including the deepwater horizon incident in the united states, the montara wellhead platform in australia and the continuing oil spill incidents in the niger delta, nigeria. technological advances mean that offshore operators now venture further out from coastlines to explore for, and exploit hydrocarbon reserves, thus increasing the crude oil output, and also the possibility of oil pollution incidents from offshore platforms. the international convention on civil liability for oil pollution 1969 and the international convention on the establishment of an international fund for oil pollution damage 1971 were developed under the leadership of the international maritime organization in response to the increasing incidents of vessel-source oil pollution of the marine environment. since the entry into force of these conventions the membership has increased and the incidents of vessel-source oil pollution reduced. efforts made by the comité maritime international (cmi), as early as in 1977, to develop a uniform civil liability convention for claims arising from offshore operations did not come to fruition, and very little progress has been made in finding a solution. currently, there is no uniform international civil liability regime in place for oil pollution compensation claims arising for damages caused by offshore operations. this article explores the reasons behind the lack of a coherent legal framework to process civil liability claims arising from offshore oil spill incidents, especially when a comprehensive international regulation exists to govern vessel-source and other related forms of marine oil pollution. it argues that the lack of leadership to find a solution is proving to be highly damaging and that there is a strong case and an urgent need to establish a * senior lecturer in law, buckingham law school, university of buckingham. e-mail: jae.sundaram@buckingham.ac.uk. the denning law journal 67 uniform international offshore oil spill liability regime. the article looks at existing regimes, both regional and national, as a way forward to develop an international regime for oil pollution compensation for damages arising from offshore activities. keywords: offshore oil-pollution; marine oil-pollution; deepwaterhorizon; niger-delta; montara wellhead; civil-liability; clc; unclos; opol; us oil pollution act 2010. part i: introduction: extraction, carriage and the risk of oil spill crude oil is still the primary source of energy for the modern global economy. over half of the crude oil that is extracted, both off the coast and inland, is transported by sea for refining and eventual consumption. each year, over 2,000,000,000 metric tonnes of petroleum products are transported by sea, which accounts for a 29.8% share of annual seaborne trade.1 about 63% of the world's oil production is moved using maritime routes2 and, not unsurprisingly, has led to oil spills from tankers, drilling rigs and wells, and offshore platforms.3 the pollution caused by crude oil is a major threat as it can escape into the marine environment at any point during its extraction and transportation, viz., directly from the platforms, from the pipes, or from the oil tankers. offshore activities play an important role in crude oil production, with offshore installations producing an estimated 15.4 million barrels of oil per day globally.4 needless to say, both offshore operations and the carriage of crude by sea 1 in 2013 over 2,800,000,000 tonnes of oil and gas products were carried by sea. see unctad, “review of maritime transport” (2014) 4. 2 according to the us energy information administration (eia) estimates, in 2013, world petroleum and other liquids production was about 90.1 million barrels per day, and about 63% (56.5 million barrels) travelled by seaborne trade. see us energy information administration, ‘world oil transit chokepoints’ (10 november 2014) (accessed 4 march 2016). 3 oil spills may also occur due to releases of refined petroleum products, such as petrol, diesel, or from bunkers used in large ships, or from the spill of any ballast oil or waste oil from ships. 4 see m faure, l jing and w hui, “a multilayered approach to cover damage caused by offshore facilities” [2015] virginia environmental law journal 356422. see also quest offshore, “the state of the offshore us oil and gas industry: an in-depth study of the outlook of the industry investment flows offshore” no 14 (2011). offshore oil pollution damage 68 carry with them the high risk of oil spills leading to damage to both the marine environment and to the livelihoods of individuals. this article, in particular, is concerned with the legal issues relating to civil liabilities arising from the operations relating to the former. as it stands today, the fate of any civil liability claim arising from oil pollution damage appears to depend entirely on a) the source and the geographical location of the incident that gave rise to the claim—as there is a lack of uniform international regulation to govern such incidents, b) the domestic legal framework and oversight on corporate social responsibility, and c) in the case of developing nations involved in hydrocarbon extraction, the domestic legal and regulatory framework to oversee the work of offshore operations. legal claims are further influenced by factors such as the spill being vessel-source or non-vesselsource oil pollution. the outcome of any claim for civil liability is also shaped by the availability of any domestic legislation and/or any regional agreements and international conventions to which a state may be a party. liability laws in general have the function to compensate for damages caused to individuals, and also to serve as a deterrent to the originator of the damage.5 whilst, vessel-source pollution has been addressed globally with the participation of oil producers, shipowners, etc., under the leadership for the international maritime organisation (imo), the same cannot be said about the approach to compensation for pollution arising from offshore oil exploration and exploitation activities. this is a major loophole in international governance of the marine environment, especially as numerous offshore facilities have been developed in the littoral states since the creation of the clc, all of which have experienced numerous oil spill incidents from their offshore facilities over the past four decades. the current study analyses the reasons for the lack of a coherent legal framework to process civil liability claims arising from offshore oil spill incidents, especially when a comprehensive international regulation exists (since the late 1960s) for vessel-source and other forms of marine oil pollution. it also presents the key argument for the urgent 5 vj hartje, “oil pollution caused by tanker accidents: liability versus regulation” (1984) 24 nat. resources j. 41. the author also observes that since “…pollution causes damages to individuals, the use of liability law for pollution control would be a logical extension of existing instruments”. see also rb stewart, “liability for natural resource injury: beyond tort” in rl revesz and rb stewart (eds), analyzing superfund: economics, science, and law (resources for the future, 1995) 219-249. the author explores the natural resource damage regime in the us which represents an extension of traditional tort liability to public natural resources and how it serves to protect the public commons in the event of any environmental damage. the denning law journal 69 establishment of a uniform international offshore oil spill liability regime. the article argues that, subject to certain caveats, an international regime template can be developed using the us oil pollution act 1990 (opa)6 in conjunction with some of the existing regional agreements. this article is divided into five parts, with the first part presenting the introduction to the discussion, the second part taking up for discussion a selection of vessel-source oil pollution incidents from around the globe, and the civil liability conventions and domestic legislations that emerged from the incidents. the third part covers some of the offshore oil pollution incidents and the measures taken by developed nations to create a domestic civil liability regime. the fourth part presents the state of play as regards civil liability claims arising from offshore oil pollution and analyses the reasons for the lack of a clear strategy to develop an international civil liability regime. in doing so, it identifies the efforts of the comité maritime international (cmi). this part will also consider the urgent need for an international liability regime for oil spill liability arising from offshore operations and identify the major difficulties faced in putting together a uniform system. the fifth part investigates the possibility of forging an international regime using existing national regimes and regional agreements to cover liabilities arising from offshore operations, and concludes with suggestions for the way forward in the effective governance of claims arising from offshore oil spills. part ii: vessel-source oil spill incidents and the international civil liability regime the international regulation on marine oil pollution that is currently in force is focused primarily on vessel-source marine pollution. although there had been a number of vessel-source marine oil spill disasters since the 1950s, there was very little effort put in place internationally to prevent or mitigate marine pollution damage7 and a regulatory framework for vessel-source marine oil pollution only emerged after 1967. one early 6 the us, which is not a party to the clc, has its own domestic law, viz., the oil pollution act 1990 which covers civil liability claims arising from both vesselsource and non-vessel-source marine oil pollution liabilities. 7 see akj tan, vessel-source marine pollution: law and politics of international regulation (cambridge 2012) 107. a conference was convened in washington dc in june 1926 for the purpose of creating a regime to regulate vessel-source pollution within ocean zones. the author notes that at the conference, the uk and the us were able to persuade other states to adopt pollution control zones of up to 50 nautical miles from shore—beyond the traditional three-mile territorial waters limit. offshore oil pollution damage 70 international measure was the international convention for the prevention of pollution of the sea by oil 1954 (oilpol 1954) which expressly prohibited the discharge of oil and or oil mixture within specific geographic zones. the two vessel-source oil pollution incidents worth mentioning here that brought about changes to the law are the torrey canyon and the exxon valdez, which are discussed below, albeit briefly. while the first incident was instrumental in encouraging the international community to take action to create an international civil liability regime for claims arising from vessel-source oil spill incidents, the second was a catalyst for the passing of domestic legislation designed to address civil liability claims arising from both vessel-source and offshore oil spill incidents. torrey canyon: in march 1967 the oil tanker torrey canyon split into two in the english channel spilling its cargo of 119,328 tonnes of crude oil along the cornish coastline, contaminating the oyster beds and the fishing waters besides causing extensive damage to bird life.8 this incident, which caused damage of an unprecedented level to both the english and french coastline, served as a trigger9 for taking urgent measures to address the issue of civil liability claims arising from oil pollution damages. following the torrey canyon disaster, efforts to formulate an international regime for oil spill damages gained momentum. as, at that time, there was no international regime to regulate liability for compensation for oil pollution damage (both vessel-source and vesselsource), compensation was worked out under the domestic laws of the affected states. indeed it is not an exaggeration to say that the torrey canyon disaster, to a significant degree, forced the international community and the oil industry to re-examine the existing laws for assessing civil liability10 arising from oil pollution. by 1967 the first and second united nations (un) conferences on the law of sea had taken place and the issue of marine pollution had not featured on the agenda.11 it 8 for details of the case see vp nanda, “the torrey canyon disaster: some legal aspects” (1967) 44 denver law journal 400, 400-401. 9 akj tan (n 7) 288. see also m tsimplis, “marine pollution from shipping activities” in y baatz (ed) maritime law (informa law, routledge 2014) 369. the author notes that there was little public interest in developing pollution prevention and compensation regimes prior to the major pollution incidents. the author also notes that strong lobbying from the shipping industry to a certain extent delayed any development in this regard. 10 see g clausen, “liability for high seas oil pollution cleanup costs: domestic and international provisions” (1980) 3 hastings int’l and comp l rev 473-496, 474. 11 see akj tan (n 7) 115. the denning law journal 71 is to be noted that though there had been a few incidents of vessel-source oil pollution damage prior to the 1967, but none as severe as the torrey canyon. exxon valdez: this oil spill incident occurred in 1989 when the oil tanker exxon valdez ran onto the bligh reef in prince william sound in alaskan waters. the single-hulled oil tanker spilled approximately 11 million gallons of crude oil onto a varied marine ecosystem. at the time of the disaster the clean water act 1970 was in force in the us and the cost of removing the oil greatly exceeded the liability limit under section 311 of the act.12 due to the limited reach of the provisions of the act, in seeking a remedy the claimants were constrained to rely on other legal avenues available under domestic law13 the us, although a party to the international convention relating to intervention on the high seas in cases of oil casualties, was not a party the international convention on civil liability for oil pollution damage which governs civil liability claims for vessel-source oil pollution. the us has, instead, sought to create its own domestic framework to find solutions to civil liability claims arising from oil spill incidents, both vessel-source and non-vesselsource. the oil pollution act 1990 was enacted in response to the exxon valdez oil spill disaster14 and soon proved to be a watershed event in the history of modern oil pollution law in the us.15 in sum, both the torrey canyon, and the exxon valdez disasters resulted in vessel-source oil pollution in different jurisdictions, affecting both the marine environment and livelihoods. the resulting laws that developed in response to the above incidents differ, and an analysis of both international and domestic laws on the subject is presented below. 12 see km murchison, “liability under the oil pollution act: current law and needed revision” (2011) 71 la. l. rev. 917-956, 925. 13 ibid. the federal government, in this case, filed both civil and criminal charges against exxon, which paid nearly $900 million towards the civil charges and another $100 million towards the criminal case. besides, exxon was asked to pay $303 million with some private parties. later, exxon was also required to pay a further $500 million towards punitive damages. see exxon shipping co v baker, (2008) 554 u.s. 471, 476-514. exxon spent a total of $2.1 billion in cleanup efforts. 14 see li kiern, “liability, compensation, and financial responsibility under the oil pollution act of 1990: a review of the first decade” (2000) 24 tulane maritime law journal 481, 482. the author opines that there were other incidents such as the american trader (1990), and the mega borg (1990), which persuaded the us congress to pass the oil pollution act 1990. 15 ibid. offshore oil pollution damage 72 1. overview of civil liability claims for oil pollution 1969 in the aftermath of the torrey canyon and other oil spill disasters, relevant international conventions, collectively known as the clc-iopc fund regime, were developed under the auspices of the imo. the conventions currently in force to regulate civil liability claims for oil pollution are the international convention of civil liability for oil pollution 1969 (1969 clc), and the international convention on the establishment of an international fund for oil pollution damage 1971 (1971 fund convention). both were negotiated in 1967. this move represented a clear response from the international community to vesselsource oil pollution incidents. the civil liability regime for vessel-source oil pollution established under the 1969 clc enables victims of oil spill damage from member states to make financial claims against both domestic and non-domestic tanker owners and, in certain circumstances, against the global oil cargo industry.16 the 1969 clc and 1971 fund convention have since been amended, leading to the adoption of the 1992 clc, the 1992 fund convention and the 2003 supplementary fund protocol. strict liability is the dominant liability rule for marine pollution under the conventions. however, their scope is restricted to vessel-source oil spills and to such incidents of pollution damage in the territorial sea and exclusive economic zone (eez) of the signatories to the conventions. from available statistics it can be safely said that large vessel-source oil pollution incidents have reduced both in number and in size in recent times, but the potential threat of environmental damage and any consequential economic loss associated with the carriage of crude oil by sea still remains. it is worth noting that the clc 1969 has attracted more ratifications than any other international liability convention.17 although the clc enjoys a substantial membership, not all states are parties to the convention with the us being the notable absentee. so far as the protection and preservation of the marine environment is concerned, the member states which are parties to the un convention on the law of the sea (unclos 1982) have certain responsibilities and liabilities under the convention. the following section provides an overview of the relevant provisions of the unclos 1982, and highlights its importance to the current discussion. 16 m mason, “civil liability for oil pollution damage” (2002) 27 marine policy, 1. 17 b soyer, “compensation for pollution damage resulting from exploration for and exploitation of seabed mineral resources” in b soyer and a tettenborn (eds) pollution at sea: law and liability (informa, london 2012) 73. the denning law journal 73 2. un convention on the law of the sea 1982 the un convention on the law of the sea (unclos) came into force on 16 november 1994. although the us played a major part in shaping the final draft, in the end it did not ratify the convention. article 2(1) of unclos provides that coastal states have sovereign powers over their territorial sea, being the adjacent belt of water to their land territory and internal waters.18 article 2(2) further clarifies the position by extending sovereignty to the territorial sea bed and subsoil and granting the coastal state the powers of exploration and exploitation of the natural resources of the territorial sea.19 as regards the right of the coastal state over the exclusive economic zone (eez),20 article 56(1) of the convention provides that the coastal state may exercise sovereign rights for the purpose of exploring and exploiting the natural resources of the eez, and through the establishment and the use of artificial islands, installations and structures. importantly, article 57 limits the eez to 200 nautical miles from the baseline whilst article 235 outlines the responsibility and liability of littoral states/parties to the convention. the relevant article reads as follows: responsibility and liability 1. states are responsible for the fulfilment of their international obligations concerning the protection and preservation of the 18 see also c brown, “international environmental law in the regulation of offshore installations and seabed activities: the case for a south pacific regional protocol” (1998) 17 australian mining and petroleum law journal, 109-137, 115. 19 article 2(2) provides: “this sovereignty extends to the air space over the territorial sea as well as to its bed and subsoil”. 20 the eez is defined in article 55 of unclos as follows: “the exclusive economic zone is an area beyond and adjacent to the territorial sea, subject to the specific legal regime established in this part, under which the rights and jurisdiction of the coastal state and the rights and freedoms of other states are governed by the relevant provisions of this convention. the eez as a talking point in the law of the sea first emerged in the early 1970s, when a growing number of coastal states advanced claims to extend their authority over vast marine areas off their coasts. the eez as envisaged under the unclos attempts to reconcile these claims with the interests of the international community, such as freedom of navigation and the right of innocent passage. offshore oil pollution damage 74 marine environment. they shall be liable in accordance with international law. 2. states shall ensure that recourse is available in accordance with their legal systems for prompt and adequate compensation or other relief in respect of damage caused by pollution of the marine environment by natural or juridical persons under their jurisdiction. 3. with the objective of assuring prompt and adequate compensation in respect of all damage caused by pollution of the marine environment, states shall co-operate in the implementation of existing international law and the further development of international law relating to responsibility and liability for assessment of and compensation for damage and the settlement of related disputes, as well as, where appropriate, development of criteria and procedures for payment of adequate compensation, such as compulsory insurance or compensation funds. although unclos entered into force in 1994, no successful legal action was taken against any littoral state under the above provisions for some years nor had the seabed disputes chamber constituted under unclos been required to provide an advisory opinion. this position changed on 1 february 2011, when the seabed disputes chamber unanimously adopted an historic advisory opinion (the opinion) on the application of nauru during the international seabed authority’s 16th session. nauru had submitted an application for an advisory opinion from the seabed disputes chamber of the itlos seeking clarification on the sponsoring state’s responsibilities and liabilities.21 this is the first time 21 responsibilities and obligations of states sponsoring persons and entities with respect to activities in the area, case no. 17, advisory opinion (itlos seabed disputes chamber feb. 1, 2011), 50 ilm 458 (accessed 5 september 2016). see further h zhang, “the sponsorship state’s ‘obligation to ensure’ in the development of the international seabed area” (2013) 28(4) international journal of marine and coastal law 681-699. it is also to be borne in mind that the jurisdiction of the itlos comprises both contentious and advisory proceedings—both under article 21 of the itlos statute, and article 138(1) of the rules of the tribunal—and normally only signatory states may be made a party to the proceedings before the itlos. also, disputes arising under unclos may also be settled before the itlos, besides the icj or an arbitral tribunal. see r verheyen and c zengerlin, “international dispute settlement” in c carlarne, kr gray and r tarasofsky (eds) the oxford handbook of climate change law (oxford 2016) 431-32. see the denning law journal 75 that the advisory jurisdiction of the international tribunal for the law of the sea (itlos) was invoked and also the first time that the seabed disputes chamber was called upon.22 in the advisory opinion handed down by the tribunal, the significance of unclos was emphasised. amongst other things, the chamber defined the responsibilities and obligations of states that sponsor activities in the seabed area beyond their national jurisdictions—the “area”23 and the extent of the sponsoring state’s liability for the failure of any entity it has sponsored to comply with unclos 1982.24 article 136 of unclos designates the area and its resources as the “common heritage of mankind”. article 138, which deals with the general conduct of states in relation to the “area”, requires that the general conduct of states parties in relation to the area be in accordance with part xi of unclos. interestingly, the exploration and exploitation of minerals in the area are governed by the isa and require all prospective exploration and also d freestone, “responsibility and obligations of states sponsoring persons and entities with respect to activities in the area” (2011) 105(4) american journal of international law 755. 22 it was also the first time that the tribunal had reached a completely unanimous ruling in a case referred to it. until february 2011 the tribunal’s jurisprudence has been marked by a multiplicity of dissenting and separate opinions. following the above advisory opinion from 2011, the tribunal received a request for an advisory opinion on 28 march 2013 from the sub-regional fisheries commission. see the advisory opinion (2 april 2015) on the request submitted to the tribunal by the sub-regional fisheries commission (srfc) (no. 21) (accessed 5 september 2016). see also dd baere and h wouters, “the contribution of international and supranational courts to the rule of law: a framework for analysis” in dd baere and h wouters (eds) the contribution of international and supranational courts to the rule of law (edward elgar, 2015) 73. 23 under article 1(1) unclos, the ‘area’ means the seabed, ocean floor and its subsoil that are beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. further, part xi of unclos deals with the exploration for and exploitation of its entire solid, liquid and gaseous resources. see verheyen and zengerlin (n 21). 24 freestone (n 21). for a more detailed analysis of the advisory opinion in relation to foundational issues of international environmental law see, d french, “from the depths: rich pickings of principles of sustainable development and general international law on the ocean floor—the seabed disputes chamber’s 2011 advisory opinion” (2011) 26(4) international journal of marine and coastal law525-568. offshore oil pollution damage 76 exploitation activities to be sponsored by a state party to unclos.25 if a licence is granted for exploration or exploitation, the isa determines the area to be allotted to the applicant; while the second area is reserved for activities by the isa through the enterprise or in association with developing states. however, the enterprise (the international body that was originally designed to carry out such activities for the benefit of mankind), was effectively disbanded by the 1994 agreement relating to the implementation of part xi, which brought the convention into force.26 in case 17,27 the first of three questions posed by the isa to the chamber was as follows: “what are the legal responsibilities and obligations of states parties to the convention with respect to the sponsorship of activities in the area in accordance with the convention, in particular part xi, and the 1994 agreement relating to the implementation of part xi of the united nations convention on the law of the sea of 10 december 1982?” in response, the chamber expressed the opinion that the phrase “activities in the area” included “drilling, dredging, coring, and excavation; disposal, dumping and discharge into the marine environment of sediment, wastes or other effluents; and construction and operation or maintenance of installations, pipelines and other devices related to such activities”.28 in the key part of the opinion, the chamber expressed the opinion that activities in the area for the purposes of the convention (article 139(1)) did not include transportation and processing (although these were covered by the regulations). further that state parties were 25 freestone (n 21). see also s rares, “an international convention on off-shore hydrocarbon leaks?” [2011] lloyds maritime and commercial law quarterly 361-371. under article 153, paragraph 3 the activities in the area are to be carried out in accordance with a formal plan of work approved by the authority in the form of a contract. that contract must also incorporate relevant rules, regulations and procedures in the “mining code” issued by the authority. the “mining code” currently consists only of regulations relating to prospecting and exploration for polymetallic nodules and polymetallic sulphides. the authority has not made any regulations for offshore exploration and exploitation of hydrocarbons. 26 the agreement relating to the implementation of part xi of the united nations convention on the law of the sea of 10 december 1982, july 28, 1994, 1836 unts 3. see also freestone (n 21). 27 advisory opinion (n 21). 28 advisory opinion (n 2), para 87. the denning law journal 77 obliged to assist the authority, and under annex iii, article 4(4) of the convention, the state parties “pursuant to article 139, have the responsibility to ensure, within their legal systems, that a contractor so sponsored shall carry out activities in the area in conformity with the terms of its contract and its obligations under this convention” (emphasis added). the chamber also observed that due diligence is a variable concept, as measures considered to be sufficiently diligent at a certain moment may not be so considered in light of new scientific or technological knowledge/advances. the opinion of the chamber makes it clear that the sponsoring state must take all measures necessary to ensure the contractor’s compliance and those measures must be incorporated in that state’s legal system.29 the opinion also suggests that a state sponsoring such activities in the “area” may (emphasis added) be held liable to pay compensation if it fails to carry out its responsibilities under unclos with due diligence and a third party were to suffer damage as a result.30 however, the opinion provides no clarity and certainty as to the amount or sufficiency of the compensation payable to the affected party, nor requires any insurance cover in the event the person primarily liable is unable to pay. the chamber also expressed an interesting opinion that according to annex iii, article 4, paragraph 4 of the unclos, the 29 ibid, para 118. see also freestone (n 21). 30 ibid, para 139. see zhang (n 21), where the author argues that the word “ensure” occurring in article 139(1) of unclos causes current and potential sponsoring states to worry about the assumption of any “obligation” as under the advisory opinion the sponsoring state will be deemed to be in breach of its obligations if its contractors do not comply strictly with the provisions of the unclos. the author takes the position that the characterization of ‘obligation to ensure’ as a due diligence obligation on the sponsoring state clarifies the meaning of ‘ensure,’ and from a legal perspective the obligation of a sponsoring state to a reasonable extent is in conformity with ‘historical and contemporary practice’ in international law, but from that from a seabed mining perspective it is appropriate to charge the states with the due diligence obligation. see further m gavouneli, “state jurisdiction in relation to the protection and preservation of the marine environment” in dj attard, m fitzmaurice, nam gutiérrez and r hamza (eds) the imli manual of international maritime law: vol iii: marine environmental law and maritime security law (oxford university press 2016) 13. the author takes the view that the advisory opinion of the chamber and the icj in in 2011 judgment in the pulp mills in the river uruguay case best defines ‘due diligence’ thereby confirming the position of the state as the final arbiter of all such activities and reinforcing the state-centred concept of international law. see however, rares (n 25) where the author argues that the advisory opinion does not go into detail of the state’s obligation to exercise due diligence. offshore oil pollution damage 78 “obligation to ensure” applies within the legal system of sponsoring states, and to implement and enforce it, necessary measures are required and must be adopted within the national legal system. in zhang’s view this observation may adversely affect the protection of marine environment as states that do not have a sound regulatory regime can reduce their obligation and responsibility and have the advantage to attract companies to set up base corporations to develop the area.31 what the chamber demonstrated in the opinion is that there is a possible recourse for those affected by any activities carried out by an operator authorised by a member state. the opinion can also, to some degree, particularly help those affected in developing countries (e.g. nigeria) who are not part of any regional agreement to seek redress for the damages caused in the course of offshore exploration and exploitation in their state’s eez. however, the claimants may not succeed in getting any monetary compensation if the operator/tortfeasor were not to have any insurance to cover any damages directly arising from their offshore operations. in february 2011, the imo secretariat prepared a note on the existing international instruments relevant to the subject of oil spills from offshore facilities.32 interestingly, the note refers to articles 192, 208, 214 and 235 of unclos but observes that these and other provisions do not create an international liability and compensation regime.33 it also refers to a number of other international instruments including the convention between european countries with oil and gas reserves in the north sea.34 31 zhang (n 27). see also r pereira, ‘pollution from seabed activities,’ in dj attard, m fitzmaurice, nam gutiérrez and r hamza (eds) the imli manual of international maritime law: vol iii: marine environmental law and maritime security law (oxford university press 2016) 95-138, 108. 32 international maritime organisation legal committee, note by the secretariat – information relating to liability and compensation for oil pollution damage resulting from offshore oil exploration and exploitation, 18 february 2011. see also rares (n 25). 33 see rares (n 25). for instance, the international convention for the prevention of pollution from ships (marpol 73/78) under article 2(3)(b) clearly excludes from its ambit the release of harmful substances from exploration, exploitation and associated off-shore processing of seabed mineral resources. 34 the convention on civil liability for oil pollution damage resulting from exploration for and exploitation of seabed mineral resources, adopted at london on 1 may 1977. the states parties to this convention are the united kingdom, germany, ireland, the netherlands, norway and sweden. see also rares (n 25). the denning law journal 79 3 the us response: the oil pollution act 1990 as mentioned earlier, the exxon valdez incident was a catalyst for the passing of the opa 1990. following the incident it became apparent that the existing legal framework was insufficient to process claims arising from oil spill incidents (both vessel-source and non-vessel-source),35 or to tackle some of the blowout incidents taking place in some of the offshore facilities. the act was aimed primarily at creating comprehensive oil spill liability and compensation legislation. the legislation is comprehensive in that it provides for a liability regime for oil pollution damage arising from both vessel-source and non-vessel-source pollution incidents, including from offshore facilities. it also expands both the recoverable damages and liability for oil spillage. importantly, the opa also mandates funding on a per-barrel contribution on oil imported to or transported within the us. this measure covers coastal trade, as the crude oil extracted in the us offshore facilities will be transported through vessels along the coast, which again from an operational perspective makes it vulnerable and potentially giving raise to vessel-source oil pollution. the opa is discussed in more detail here as it covers both vessel-source oil pollution and non-vessel-source oil pollution, and potentially serves as a template for work on an international liability regime. the provisions of the opa had been invoked in a number of cases, including civil liability claims arising from the deepwater horizon incident in 2010. also, there is good source of scholarly discussion available for scrutiny on both the positives and shortcomings of the legislation. section 1001(23) of the opa broadens the definition of “oil” by providing that it is of any kind or in any form whilst in section 1001(22) an offshore facility is defined as a “facility of any kind, located in, on or under any of the navigable waters of the us’ and subject to us jurisdiction. under the definition of “vessels”, the opa provides that a mobile offshore drilling unit (modu) is a vessel “capable of use as an offshore facility”36 and thereby effectively extending the same liability limits for vessels and offshore facilities to be applicable to a modu. section 1002(a) of the opa imposes strict liability on the responsible party (rp) of an offshore platform, stipulating liability for removal costs 35 murchison (n 12). 36 section 1001(18) reads as follows: “mobile offshore drilling unit” means a vessel (other than a self-elevating lift vessel) capable of use as an offshore facility. see the discussion in part 4.1 on the cmi draft 1977 which proposed the extension of those legal concepts unique to maritime law which applied to ships to offshore mobile craft. offshore oil pollution damage 80 and damages that result from the spillage.37 the “responsible party” (rp) of an offshore facility is defined in section 1001(32)(c)38 as the “lessee or permittee” as opposed to the “owner or operator”39 of an offshore platform. the focus of the opa in this regard is only marine oil pollution, and the offending object could be a sea going vessel, a floating platform, etc. the act has introduced tough provisions which enable the government to prevent the prospect of continuous wilful or inadvertent pollution originating from offshore platforms.40 the opa places strict liability on the “responsible party” and the definition, notably, does not include the owner of the oil cargo aboard the vessel. under section 2702(b)(2)(e), the opa recognizes, as recoverable damages, loss of profits or impairment of earning capacity arising from injury of natural resources.41 it is clear that the opa has expanded the damages that can be claimed for oil spills beyond those previously available under us federal laws. as in earlier oil spill legislation, the opa under section 2702(a),(b)(1) provides for the recovery of clean-up and removal costs. the approach taken in the opa to cover both vessel-source and nonvessel-source oil pollution claims eliminates the unnecessary problems as 37 section 1001(32)(c) reads as follows: “notwithstanding any other provision or rule of law, and subject to the provisions of this act, each responsible party for a vessel or a facility from which oil is discharged, or which poses the substantial threat of a discharge of oil, into or upon the navigable waters or adjoining shorelines or the exclusive economic zone is liable for the removal costs and damages specified in subsection (b) that result from such incident”. 38 section 1002(a) reads as follows: “in the case of an offshore facility (other than a pipeline or a deep-water port licensed under the deepwater port act of 1974 (33 u.s.c. 1501 et seq.)), the lessee or permittee of the area in which the facility is located or the holder of a right of use and easement granted under applicable state law or the outer continental shelf lands act (43 u.s.c. 1301–1356) for the area in which the facility is located (if the holder is a different person than the lessee or permittee), except a federal agency, state, municipality, commission, or political subdivision of a state, or any interstate body, that as owner transfers possession and right to use the property to another person by lease, assignment, or permit”. 39 section 1001(26) reads as follows: “owner or operator” means (a) in the case of a vessel, any person owning, operating, or chartering by demise, the vessel, and (b) in the case of an onshore facility, and an offshore facility, any person owning or operating such onshore facility or offshore facility, and (c) in the case of any abandoned offshore facility, the person who owned or operated. 40 md morgan, “the oil pollution act of 1990: a look at its impact on the oil industry” (1994) 6(1) fordham environmental law journal 1. 41 ibid at 5. hotel owners, pleasure craft lessors, and coast-side restauranteurs may recover under the statute. the denning law journal 81 to the definition of a “vessel” or “ship” that arise in the vessel-source international regimes under the clc. the opa requires oil storage facilities and vessels to submit to the federal government plans detailing how they will respond to large-scale oil discharges. following the passing of the opa, a trust fund financed by a tax on oil was made available to clean up spills when the offending party is incapable of, or unwilling to pay. the opa to a large extent has streamlined and strengthened the us environmental protection agency’s ability to prevent and respond to catastrophic oil spills in us waters. following the deepwater horizon catastrophe, serious questions were raised concerning the compensation regime in force for civil liability under the opa. one such question was how a major offshore-related oil spill damage could be compensated in the future.42 this concern comes from a leading modern state which views compensation as being an important component and key element of any civil liability regime, when a corporation (while acting under the authority of the state) is engaged in a highly profitable commercial venture, which also carries with it the major risk of causing environmental damage and loss to both property and livelihood, if not carried out properly. it is to be emphasised that compensation has an important role to play in such ventures, as it provides monetary relief to both victims and for restoration of the environment. any compensation regime also guarantees cost internalization and incentivizes operators and stakeholders to prevent further oil spills.43 for both vessel-source and non-vessel-source (offshore-facility) oil pollution, the opa imposes strict liability on the responsible party, who is required to establish and maintain evidence of financial responsibility up to certain amounts.44 for claims arising from both vessel-source and nonvessel-source oil pollution, liability of the responsible party is limited and under us law, civil liability claims will be processed through a patchwork of legislation including the opa. when damage costs are not covered by the limited liability of the responsible party, the pollution costs are covered by a federal fund.45 for vessel-source oil pollution the financial 42 faure, jing and hui (n 4). 43 faure, jing and hui (n 4). from an economic perspective, the primary goal of tort law is to minimize the total social costs, or in the other words, to create deterrence. see generally g calabresi, the costs of accidents: a legal and economic analysis (yale university press, 1970). 44 h wang and m faure, “civil liability and compensation for marine pollution lessons to be learned for offshore oil spills” (2010) 8(3) oil, gas and energy law journal 1. 45 ibid. offshore oil pollution damage 82 responsibility is based on the limited liability of the responsible party, whereas for non-vessel-source offshore facility oil pollution, the amount of financial responsibility is unrelated to the liability limit.46 under the vessel-source regime, the responsible party will be, on most occasions, the shipping industry (the shipowner, operator and/or charterer). nevertheless it is the oil industry that contributes to the fund based upon the barrels of crude oil shipped.47 under the offshore liability system, the responsible party is invariably an oil company licensed by the concerned state party to explore and exploit the area from which the spill originates although the oil industry still contributes to the fund.48 wang and faure’s analysis of the system raises the question of whether the liability regime under opa imposes too heavy a burden on the oil industry. it can be strongly argued here that all players are involved in the business to make profits—the operator through extraction, the oil industry through the sale of crude, and the state party through the levy of licence fees (and revenue), the creation of employment, and also the earning of foreign currency through the export of crude oil. this raises the question of whether the scheme envisaged under the opa can be adapted for the purposes of developing an international civil liability regime for damages arising from offshore oils spills. part iii: offshore oil spill incidents and the absence of an international response available statistics show that there are over 2,657 offshore installations in the us49 and, according to us bureau of ocean energy management, these provide about 16 percent of us domestic oil production and another 5 percent of domestic natural gas production.50 likewise, in eu waters there are around 1,000 offshore installations in operation.51 over 90 percent of the oil and over 60 percent of the gas 46 claims arising and brought against bp petroleum under the deepwater horizon incident showcased some of the intricate workings of the legal regime for civil liability claims. 47 wang and faure (n 44) observe that it is down to cost-sharing between the shipping and the oil industries. 48 ibid. 49 faure, jing and hui (n 4). 50 us bureau of ocean energy mgmt, ‘oil and gas energy program’ (april 2016) (accessed 4 september 2016). 51 european commission, “commission proposes new rules on the safety of offshore oil and gas activities” memo/11/740, (27 october 2011). an the denning law journal 83 produced in the eu comes from offshore operations.52 the offshore facilities include fixed or floating platforms, offshore storage systems, wells, pipelines, drilling units and installations. offshore oil installations are classified into two broad categories, viz., mobile units (floating) and fixed platforms, where floating rigs include drill ships, semi-submersible and barges, and bottom-supported rigs which include submersibles and jack-up drills.53 it is estimated that around 6000 oil and gas installations are presently operating in the marine environment, with a sizable majority of them located in the gulf of mexico and the north sea.54 in addition, offshore oil and gas operations are now being carried out much further away from the land and at record depths.55 this expansion increases the estimated 486 are located in uk waters, 181 in the netherlands, 61 in denmark, 2 in germany, 2 in ireland, 123 in italy, 4 in spain, 2 in greece, 7 in romania, 1 in bulgaria and 3 in poland. see also european commission: energy, ‘topics: offshore oil and gas safety’ (accessed 4 september 2016). 52 european commission, impact assessment accompanying the document, “proposal for a regulation on safety of offshore oil and gas prospection, exploration and production activities” sec(2011) 1293 final, commission staff working paper (27 october 2011) (accessed 4 september 2016). see also k sales, s mudgal and v fogleman, “civil liability, financial security and compensation claims for offshore oil and gas activities in the european economic area” final report prepared for european union (bio by deloitte 2014) 18. 53 k agyebeng, “disappearing acts toward a global civil liability regime for pollution damage resulting from offshore oil and gas exploration” cornell law school graduate student papers, paper 11 (2006) (accessed 5 september 2016). see also e tarelli, “international efforts to establish rules on liability for offshore activities” in p ehlers and r lagoni (eds), responsibility and liability in the maritime context (lit verlag, hamburg, 2009). offshore installations for the purpose of exploration and exploitation of oil and gas usually encompass all types of fixed and mobile installations, as well as drilling, production and storage structures, whether self-propelled or not. 54 gesamp (imo/fao/unesco-ioc/unido/wmo/iaea/un/unep joint group of experts on the scientific aspects of marine environmental protection). 2007. estimates of oil entering the marine environment from sea-based activities. rep. stud. gesamp no. 75. 55 see faure, jing and hui (n 4). fixed platforms are used in shallow waters, not more than 400 meters deep. “deepwater” refers to a depth between 400 and 1,800 meters, and “ultra-deepwater” refers to a depth between 1,800 and 3,000 meters, or more. see “uruguay: first offshore well in years breaks world record” offshore energy today (1 april 2016). offshore oil pollution damage 84 possibility of more crude extraction and profit, and also a higher risk of more oil spill incidents. it is well documented that there have been several instances of oil pollution incidents from offshore facilities, reportedly causing serious damage to the environment and in turn to livelihood. studies show that the frequency of blowouts from oil wells is five times higher offshore than onshore,56 the databank maintained by det norske veritas (dnv) recorded more than 6000 such incidents around the world between 1975 and 2012.57 from a purely environmental point of view, offshore oil exploitation is a potentially destructive process from exploration to exploitation.58 in the case of offshore oil exploration, pollution hazards arise out of seismic surveys, oil drilling, the use of oil-based drilling muds and explosives, and the accidental spillage or leakage of oil and gas from offshore installations.59 some of the recorded oil spill incidents from the past four decades are presented below to gain a better picture and understanding of the considerable damage that they have caused to individuals and the marine environment. in some such incidents the state authority has responded proactively by introducing legislation to address the issue of liabilities arising from such incidents and also to introduce further regulation on energy exploitation through offshore facilities. ekofisk bravo: a major blowout occurred in 1977 on the bravo platform in the ekofisk field which led to the uncontrolled release of oil (accessed 5 september 2016). on 30 march 2016, a maersk drillship broke the world record for the deepest water depth for an offshore oil rig in uruguay waters at a depth of 3400 metres (11,156 feet). 56 brown (n 18) notes that offshore blowouts are also more likely to result in fire. 57 as of 28 april 2014 dnv has recorded 6451 accidents in 3795 operating units. see cm hickey ‘new update of world offshore accident databank (woad),’ (28 april 2014) (accessed 5 september 2016). see also m christou and m konstantinidou, “safety of offshore oil and gas operations: lessons from past accident analysis” report eur 25646 (2012) 14, (accessed 5 september 2016). 58 z gao, “international petroleum exploration and exploitation agreements: a comprehensive environmental appraisal” (1994) 12(2) journal of energy and natural resources law, 240-56. 59 brown (n 18) notes that this does not include the escape of oil from ruptured pipelines on the seabed, and the disposal of sewage and garbage. a further problem is the disturbance of marine ecosystems by disused or abandoned platforms which are past their economic use. the denning law journal 85 and gas resulting in the north sea's biggest oil spill. the official inquiry into the incident attributed human errors as the major cause for the blowout. piper alpha: on 6 july 1988 a series of explosions rocked the piper alpha oil and gas production platform in the north sea oil field which resulted in 167 fatalities. this is widely considered as the deadliest accident in the history of offshore oil and gas industry. the 106 recommendations from the cullen inquiry60 published in november 1990 essentially re-shaped the offshore safety legislation and practices in the uk.61 these were incorporated into the offshore safety act 1992 together with other regulations aimed at augmenting safety on board offshore platforms operated within the territorial waters of the uk. montara wellhead platform: in august 2009, the montara wellhead platform in australia experienced an uncontrolled release of hydrocarbons. australia’s principal legislation covering the liabilities arising from the incident was the offshore petroleum and greenhouse gas storage act 2005 which applied from 3 nautical miles from the baseline out to the limits of the exclusive economic zone (eez).62 this accident reopened the debate on the suitability of an international framework regulating liability and compensation in case of accidents arising from drilling activities.63 in the aftermath, indonesia claimed that the oil slick from the well blowout damaged the marine environment in indonesian waters causing socio-economic hardship to the coastal communities who depended on the sea in the surrounding areas, and also to the living resources of the region.64 as of 2016, no pay-out has been made to the 60 the hon. lord cullen, the public inquiry into the piper alpha disaster, vols 1 and 2 (report to parliament by the secretary of state for energy by command of her majesty, november 1990). 61 christou and konstantinidou (n 57). 62 ibid. 63 j rochette and g wright, “strengthening the international regulation of offshore oil and gas activities” institut du développement durable et des relations internationales (iddri) brief (2015) (accessed 12 may 2016). 64 ibid. in 2010, indonesia submitted a proposal to the legal committee of the imo regarding the development of an international regime for liability and compensation for oil pollution damage arising from offshore oil exploration and exploitation activities. see imo, report of the legal committee on its ninetyseventh session, leg 97/15, 1 december 2010. this proposal was rejected by the imo on the ground the same should be addressed at a regional level. see j rochette, m wemaëre, l chabason and s callet, “seeing beyond the horizon offshore oil pollution damage 86 indonesian claimants due to the fact that there was an inappropriate insurance cover for the operator, and an ongoing dispute as to the alleged extent of the damage sustained.65 while operators do carry insurance, it is to be determined in accordance with the regulatory limits set out by the national bodies (australia) that regulate offshore drilling in the country where they are headquartered.66 the incident also captures a scenario of how oil spilled in a marine environment is potentially capable of giving rise to civil liability claims in more than one jurisdiction. deepwater horizon: on 20 april 2010, an explosion occurred on the deepwater horizon, a mobile offshore drilling rig. the rig was owned and operated by transocean67 and leased out to british petroleum (bp).68 the explosion caused a blowout, killing eleven workers, leading to a fire that led to the sinking of the rig two days after the macondo well blowout. although attempts were made to activate the blowout preventer (bop), it failed, resulting in oil gushing into the gulf of mexico. the oil spill caused extensive harm to the marine environment, resulting in multibillion-dollar losses to the fishing, tourism and other industries. nearly 170,000 claims were submitted to bp’s claims offices and later to the gulf coast claims facility.69 bp, being a major oil enterprise and the party responsible for the oil spill, instead of invoking the liability cap clause under the opa to limit liability to $75 million plus removal costs,70 for deepwater oil and gas: strengthening the international regulation of offshore exploration and exploitation” iddri study no 1/14 (2014) 1-36. 65 ibid. 66 ibid. in indonesia’s view what is missing is an international framework which will apply for all incidents of this nature. 67 transocean is the world’s largest offshore drilling contractor. 68 british petroleum (bp), one of the world’s largest energy companies, was also the lessee and principal operator of the macondo prospect field, where the rig in question was located. at the time of the deepwater horizon incident, bp was the world’s fourth-largest corporation (based on revenue), producing over 4 million barrels of oil daily from 30 countries (including the us), with each barrel with a capacity of 42 gallons. see “global 500,” cnnmoney.com (26 july 26 2010) (accessed 21 october 2015). 69 the gulf coast claims facility (gccf) was an independent “claims” facility established for submission and resolution of claims from individuals and businesses for costs and damages incurred as a direct result from deepwater horizon incident. bp agreed to contribute funds to an escrow account to be used to pay claims submitted to the gccf. 70 see 33 u.s.c. § 2704(a)(3) (2012). the denning law journal 87 opted to commit itself to compensate for total costs.71 the deepwater horizon incident led to an intensive re-examination of existing regulatory and liability schemes for offshore oil and gas activities in the us.72the incident also prompted the eu to pass safety directives to establish minimum safety standards to prevent major accidents in the offshore and gas operations within the eu.73 niger delta: nigeria is currently africa’s largest oil producer with a production capacity of 2.5 million barrels per day.74 unlike the earlier examples, the niger delta oil spills cover a period stretching to well over two decades with the region being subjected to grave oil pollution arising from unregulated offshore platform operations.75 in 2010, the national oil spill detection and response agency stated that since 2006, the niger 71 statement of bp exploration and production inc. re applicability of limit of liability under oil pollution act of 1990, in re oil spill by the oil rig “deepwater horizon” in the gulf of mexico, on april 20, mdl no. 2179, 2010 wl 4151003 (ed la. oct. 18, 2010). see also faure, jing and hui (n 4). 72 faure, jing and hui (n 4). see also i stefankova, “international regulation v. national regulation on offshore oil exploitation: the usa as an example” (2013) elsa malta law review, edition iii 126-139; w amos, “development of canadian arctic offshore oil and gas drilling: lessons from the gulf of mexico” (2011) 20(1) review of european community and international environmental law 39. 73 the european union adopted the offshore safety directive (2013/30/eu) with a view to establishing minimum standards/requirements for preventing any major incidents in eu waters. 74 k kalejaye, “nigeria risks losing africa’s biggest oil producer status” vanguard (9 july 2013) (accessed 3 september 2016). see also jw carpenter, “the biggest oil producers in africa” investopedia (15 october 2015) (accessed 4 september 2016). interestingly angola has been challenging the position of nigeria as the largest producer of crude in subsaharan africa. in june 2015 it briefly overtook nigeria in oil production, but has been dogged by government red tape and falling oil prices. see c mendes, “angola recently became africa’s largest producer, now its oil industry could disappear” (bloomberg 6 september 2015) (accessed 4 september 2016). 75 for example, the funiwa 5 blowout in 1980 and the shell bonga oil spill, amongst others. see c nwachukwu, o ndiribe, e ovuakporie and k kalejaye, “bonga oil field spill: fg fines shell $5bn” vanguard (12 july 2012) (accessed 5 september 2016). offshore oil pollution damage 88 delta area had suffered over 2,400 oil spill incidents.76 according to amnesty international, hundreds of oil spills occur annually in the niger delta, causing severe harm to the environment, to local livelihoods, besides placing the local population’s health at risk.77 oil corporations (primarily shell) have maintained the position that the vast majority of the oil spills are down to sabotage and theft.78 in amnesty international’s view the investigations into the oil spill incidents are not independent and lack transparency.79 in most cases shell has controlled the data that is recorded on joint investigation team forms and these forms are treated in the field as the company’s document80 which does not allow access to affected parties (potential claimants) and law enforcement authorities. this malpractice has to a great extent disadvantaged the rights of any lawful claims being brought against the oil corporations operating in the niger delta. the worrying trend can only be classified under corporate social irresponsibility (csi), suggesting that the country lacks any effective oil regulations.81 76 c eboh, “nigeria cautions exxon mobil on offshore oil spills” reuters news (15 june 2010) (accessed 5 september 2016). 77 see amnesty international, bad information: oil spill investigations in the niger delta (amnesty international publications, 2013) 5. according to amnesty international the spills were/are caused by corrosion, poor maintenance of oil infrastructure, equipment failure, sabotage and theft of oil. see also, amnesty international, petroleum, pollution and poverty in the niger delta (index: afr 44/017/2009) and amnesty international and the centre for environment, human rights and development (cehrd), the true tragedy: delays and failures in tackling oil spills in the niger delta (index: afr 44/018/2011). 78 in amnesty international’s view there is no basis for the above assertion by oil corporations. 79 see amnesty international, “oil spill investigations in the niger delta: amnesty international memorandum” (2012) (accessed 5 september 2016). 80 ibid. 81 e wrigley, “oil spills: are corporations responsible for protecting the environment?” (2014) 3(3) african journal of economic and sustainable development 237, 243. see also g eweje, “environmental costs and responsibilities resulting from oil exploitation in developing countries: the case of the niger delta of nigeria” (2006) 69 journal of business ethics 27-56. the author argues that the central issue in both corporate social responsibility (csr) and business ethics is that of a company’s responsibility to the society and physical environment in which it operates. applying this argument, and the the denning law journal 89 however, in reality the federal government of nigeria adopted a regulatory framework as early as in the 1960s to monitor and control the activities of multinational oil corporations.82 it also implemented the 1963 oil pipeline act to monitor the extraction and production of petroleum products by all oil corporations in nigeria.83 at the time of its promulgation, the act was not meant to address the environmental pollution and degradation of other natural resources in nigeria, but was rather to establish the legality of the pipelines and their protection.84 nigeria was to later implement more extensive regulations in an effort to combat the problem of environmental damage arising from offshore oil spill incidents in addition to the nigerian oil and gas industry content development act 2010 (the 2010 content development act). in 1990 the oil pipeline act was passed which requires that oil corporations take responsibility for their actions and pay appropriate fees to the landowners affected in the oil-producing areas of the niger delta in the event any damage is incurred.85 section 5(1)(a)(b) the 1990 act grants the oil licence holder the right to enter and survey the land without interference from any third parties, and also to provide adequate maintenance of those pipelines in the niger delta oil producing communities.86 in fact the petroleum exploration decree no 25 of 1969, required oil operators to take prompt action to control and, if possible, end any pollution.87 however there is very little evidence to suggest that the oil operators acted to comply with the provisions of the decree no 25. section 20(2)(1)(a)(b) and (c) stipulates the compensation that the holder of a license must pay to the land owners or third parties for damages resulting from its operations. unfortunately, none of the above provisions seem to have been used by claimants from the niger delta to bring a substantially successful claim for oil pollution damage before the judiciary in nigeria. evidence also shows that “… most oil companies available evidence, one can boldly state that the oil corporations operating in the niger delta do not seem to follow the good practice principles of csr. 82 aoy raji and ts abejide, “compliance with oil and gas regulations in the niger delta region, nigeria c. 1960-2000: an assessment” (2014) 3(8) arabian journal of business and management review 35, 36. 83 ibid. 84 ibid. 85 ibid, at 37. 86 c mwalimu, the nigeria legal system: volume 2, private law (peter lang 2009). 87 raji and abejide (n 82). offshore oil pollution damage 90 deliberately contravene established regulations” in relation to the environment in nigeria,88 which is shocking to say the least. the 2010 content development act was aimed at facilitating the participation of nigerians and nigerian companies in the country’s oil and gas industry. this act signalled the government’s intention to increase indigenous participation in the overall functioning of the oil and gas industry in the country.89 even so, section 92 of the act has come under severe criticism as it seems to facilitate institutionalised corrupt practices amongst public officials overseeing the implementation of the act.90 overall, the above discussion has emphasized that the niger delta region has suffered and continues to suffer from a combination of institutionalised corruption, unregulated exploitation of mineral resources whilst the offshore operations in the region are characterized by numerous oil spill incidents.91 some striking features of the problem include large scale csi of the firms engaged in exploration and exploitation of off shore hydrocarbon resources in niger delta, a lack of clear state/legal oversight of such activities and an inept judiciary in dealing with civil liability claims arising from oil spill damage claims.92 88 ibid at 42. 89 see u bellema, “local content policy and smes sector promotion: the nigerian oil industry experience” (2010) 5(5) international journal of business and management. the author observes that from the data gathered, in a number of cases the local content policy resulted in increased contract awards to existing companies without significantly enhancing the participation of new entrants. the author concludes that the local content policy had had very little positive implication in enhancing higher small and medium sized firms’ participation in the oil and gas industry. 90 see c nwapi, “corruption vulnerability in local content policies in the extractive sector: an examination of the nigerian oil and gas industry content development act 2010” (2015) 46 resource policy 92. the author notes the existence of corruption vulnerabilities in the act and that section 92 does not have a place in law as it clearly paves the way for corrupt practices by stating that the “board may accept gifts of land, money or other property on such terms and conditions, if any, as may be specified by the person or organisation making the gift”. the author notes that if local content policies (lcps) are not properly implemented, resource-rich developing countries can create opportunities for corruption which can see revenues stolen from the state continuously and damage the business reputation of the country. 91 br konne, “inadequate monitoring and enforcement in the nigerian oil industry: the case of shell and ogoniland” (2014) 47 cornell international law journal 181. 92 ibid. the denning law journal 91 part iv: offshore facilities and oil pollution: the state of play the potential for large scale, widespread pollution damage exists with every offshore hydrocarbon drilling activity.93 under the “polluter pays” principle, the party responsible for polluting the marine environment is required to bear the costs of clean-ups and damages. however, as discussed above, liability for pollution damage originating from offshore platforms is yet to be resolved under international law. it would not be an exaggeration to state that the environmental concerns arising from offshore energy exploitation have largely been overlooked by the players involved in the oil industry.94 although there have been a few attempts to formalise a regulatory framework for civil liability claims arising from offshore oil spills, they have met with little success. the regulation of liability for pollution damage arising from offshore platforms and structures remain at the discretion of a state to prescribe such measures for compensation. one such measure adopted within the eu along with norway is the offshore pollution liability agreement (opol).95 the recent accidents arising from offshore operations, including the ones discussed earlier, demonstrate that the environmental risks of offshore drilling activities are prevalent in all regions of the world, and faced by all types of companies involved in the activities.96 the cross-border nature of the impact from such incidents has only reinvigorated discussions regarding the suitability of the current international regulatory framework for offshore oil and gas activities97 and highlighted the absence of a uniform civil liability regime to process claims for damages. it is also clear that there are regulatory gaps for both liability and compensation in case of accidents from, and for the safety of, offshore drilling activities.98 93 ibid. 94 gao (n 58) writing in the 1990s, notes that environmental concerns have more or less been neglected by both the governments of oil producing countries and exploiting companies, with hardly anyone suggesting that environmental protection and resources conservation should also be part of the petroleum agreements. 95 offshore pollution liability agreement 1974. 96 rochette and wright (n 63) 97 rochette, wemaëre, chabason and callet, (n 64). 98 rochette and wright (n 63). see also l chabason, “offshore oil exploitation: a new frontier for international environmental law” iddri working paper no 11 (2011), where the author notes that there is at present no ongoing process at the international level designed to fill the gap in the regulatory regime as regards the safety of offshore drilling activities. offshore oil pollution damage 92 the discussion in the following section will explore the earlier attempts by the cmi, the current state of play and also the way forward. 1 the cmi draft 1977 and other regional agreements in 1977 the cmi at its conference in rio de janeiro drafted a convention on offshore mobile craft (the rio draft),99 which proposed the extension of those legal concepts unique to maritime law and which applied to ships to offshore mobile craft. the original objective of the rio draft was to clarify the application of certain recognised principles of maritime law to new types of craft developed in connection with the exploration and exploitation of offshore mineral resources, but which did not fall within the definition of a ship.100 the reasoning was based on the fact that mobile craft, as in the case of sea going vessels, require ownership, registration and a flag, and the creation of maritime liens and rights of civil arrest.101 the imo had already adopted in 1979 and 1989 the modu code on the application of the loadline and solas conventions to mobile offshore drilling units.102 the rio draft which was the brainchild of the cmi, was forwarded to the imo for further discussions and in the hope of its eventual adoption at the international level. the draft was discussed at the cmi conference in sydney in 1994, where it was revised and adopted as the sydney draft, with the conference unanimously resolving that the cmi would “establish a working group for further study and development, where appropriate, of an international convention on offshore units and related matters”.103 99 r shaw, “offshore craft and structures: report of the legal committee of the international maritime organisation from the international subcommittee of the comité maritime international” cmi yearbook 1998, 145. see also n liu, “protection of the marine environment from offshore oil and gas activities” in rosemary rayfuse (ed) research handbook on international marine environmental law (edward elgar publishing 2015) 190, 203. 100 shaw (n 99). see also sections 1001(18) and (22) us oil pollution act 1990. 101 r shaw, “the fpso – is it a ship? the proposed cmi offshore mobile craft convention – an update” year book of australian mineral and petroleum law association (ampla yearbook) (2000). in the author’s view the cmi attempted to “apply established legal concepts specific to maritime law to the strange new craft generated by the offshore industry”. 102 shaw (n 99). the author observes that this code is a good example of the adaptation of established maritime law principles to craft for which they were not originally conceived. 103 ibid. it is worth noting that the author acted as chairman of the working group. the denning law journal 93 although the need for an international regulation on matters relating to the application of legal principles with regard to subjects such as registration, mortgages and salvage is well recognised, some sections of the industry are not overly convinced on the need for a convention.104 writing in 1998, shaw raised the bigger, and more pertinent question of whether the imo should try to produce “a broader based convention dealing with all offshore activities”, whilst attempting to develop a solution to the recognised legal uncertainties.105 this point gains force as there are in force a number of regional agreements covering the north sea, mediterranean, and arabian gulf areas with regard to civil liability claims arising out of offshore activities. however, there are regions such as south east asia, west africa, and the south atlantic which do not have a set of rules to govern any civil liability claims arising out from offshore activities and these would benefit from an international convention. likewise, the global ocean commission106 in its 2016 report expressed its commitment to “support efforts to adopt and improve international safety and environmental standards for offshore drilling on the continental shelf, including regional protocols… in line with the polluter pay principles, the commission also supports the development of an international liability convention to cover damage to the marine environment from offshore oil and gas installations”.107 for soyer the best international organization for handling a matter of this magnitude is the imo.108 unfortunately, the state parties that initiated the process for the creation of a new regime did not enjoy sufficient support from any of the international organizations. although the imo’s 104 ibid. the author notes that the international association of drilling contractors was not in favour of establishing an international convention. 105 shaw (n 99) 146. 106 the global ocean commission, an international initiative was launched in 2013. the commission works to raise awareness and promote action to address the degradation of the ocean. 107 the global ocean commission, the future of our ocean: next steps and priorities (february 2016) (accessed 6 september 2016). in the 2014 report published by the commission similar commitments were expressed as regards the environmental standards of offshore carried out in the continental shelfs. see the global ocean commission, from decline to recovery: a rescue package for the ocean (24 june 2014) (accessed 6 september 2016). 108 soyer (n 17). offshore oil pollution damage 94 current vision and strategic plan does not include pollution damage arising from offshore oil exploration and exploitation activities, it is worth pointing out that the legal committee of the imo at its 97th session in 2010 approved a proposal to recommend that the assembly revised the strategic plan, direction 7.2 to include the impact of offshore activities on the environment and related liability and compensation issues.109 the imo in its 99th session in 2012 was to reconsider its strategic plan, direction 7.2, as brazil had challenged the jurisdiction of the imo to work towards the creation of a multilateral convention. the objections related to the competency of the imo and also to the substantive issue of whether such a convention was needed.110 the imo’s legal committee opined that there was no compelling need to develop an international convention on the subject.111 in this regard gaskell takes a more pragmatic approach to institutional competence by noting that there are precedents for joint projects with other un bodies, and that “there is scope for the un to approve joint drafting work where the subject matter crosses jurisdictional boundaries”. gaskell presents the instance where two international organisations, the imo and the unctad coordinated as joint sponsors to work on the creation of the international convention on arrest of ships 1999. gaskell also opines that the imo may not possess the special (technical) expertise on offshore platform operations (as opposed to ships), but there is no other un organisation with comparable expertise to develop a liability and compensation regime.112 a more recent project to develop an international framework for civil liability arising from offshore activities was discussed within the g20 109 see n gaskell, “compensation for offshore pollution: ships and platforms” in m clarke (ed) maritime law evolving (hart publishing 2013) 63, 83. 110 leg 99/13/1, 10 february 2012. see also the report of the legal committee on the work of its 99th session, leg 99/14, 24 april 2012, 23-28. see also gaskell (n 109) where the author notes that the issue of the imo extending its competence to offshore activities had been raised when the sydney draft was being discussed in the mid-1990s. also of importance is the remit of the imo outlined in article 1 the imo convention 1948 on the purpose of the organisation which repeatedly refers to “shipping”: thus giving rise to doubts as to whether it was competent even under its own convention of 1948. 111 leg 99/14, 24 april 2012, para 13.7. 112 gaskell (n 109). the author also points out that work on any aspect of offshore activities will necessary include the united nations environment programme (unep), the international seabed authority (isa), the united nations office of legal affairs/division for ocean affairs and the law of the sea (un/doalos) and the international law commission. the denning law journal 95 framework but failed to progress beyond the preliminary stages of the discussion.113 this was only the second attempt after the cmi draft of 1977 and the failure to make progress at the highest level only demonstrates the difficulty in agreeing on the development of a binding international convention regulating an economic activity that is considered vital for most states.114 nevertheless, the existing gaps in the international legal framework have only encouraged the development of regional agreements. what has emerged as a result is a patchwork of fragmented and uncoordinated regional agreements. while some regional agreements, like the persian gulf/oman sea area, and the mediterranean are more comprehensive, some others like the arctic agreement are less so. also, the scope of the regional agreements varies, with some being binding on the parties and others remaining as only soft law instruments with little enforceability. one of the major drawbacks that rochette et al, highlight is the lack of coordination amongst states in the sharing of experience between different regions involved in offshore drilling regulation. one of the earliest conventions to be adopted in europe is the 1976 barcelona convention. sixteen mediterranean countries and the european community adopted the mediterranean action plan (map) in 1975, and in 1976 adopted the convention for the protection of the mediterranean sea against pollution (barcelona convention).115 most importantly the convention applies without distinction to all the maritime waters of the mediterranean sea116 and calls for the development of an international liability regime “as soon as possible”. these words originally contained in article 12 of the convention was later modified in 1995, and the amended provision now enshrined in article 16 no longer carries the words “as soon as possible”.117 the 1994 offshore protocol118 was one of the measures aimed at creating a liability regime. the protocol was finally ratified and adopted 113 rochette, wemaëre, chabason and callet (n 88). 114 ibid. 115 the convention for the protection of the mediterranean sea against pollution (barcelona, 16 february 1976, entered into force on 12 february 1978). 116 see article 1, para 1 of barcelona convention, which states, “… the mediterranean sea area shall mean the maritime waters of the mediterranean sea proper, including its gulfs and seas…”. see also pereira (n 31) 124. 117 pereira (n 31) 124. 118 protocol for protection of the mediterranean sea against pollution resulting from exploration and exploitation of the continental shelf and the seabed and its subsoil, adopted 14 october 1994, and entered into force on 17 march 2011. unep register of international treaties and other agreements in the field of environment (unep 2005) 569. offshore oil pollution damage 96 in 2011. its most interesting feature is that it covers a range of activities concerning the exploration and exploitation of seabed resources in the mediterranean. unlike its predecessor, the 1976 barcelona convention, the offshore protocol calls for the parties to establish under national laws the liability of the operator for damage and to pay prompt and adequate compensation.119 more importantly, in january 2008 the guidelines for determination of liability and compensation for damage resulting from pollution of the marine environment in the mediterranean sea area were adopted.120 although this is a step in the right direction, pereira opines that the regime governing liability for offshore pollution remains underdeveloped under the offshore protocol.121 gaskell notes that regional conventions are drafted much more in the language of general public international law obligations rather than the more precise private law casting such as the clc.122 as earlier stated, the eu in response to the deepwater horizon catastrophe, adopted the offshore safety directive (2013/30/eu) with a view to establishing minimum standards/requirements for preventing any major incidents in eu waters. the eu also carried out a review of the regulations in relation to offshore oil and gas activities within the eu envisaging safety rules. this however, fell short of adopting a moratorium on drilling.123 the eu also introduced a number of regulations on safety,124 and on the prevention of environmental damage.125 the eu 119 article 27(a), offshore protocol 1994. 120 guidelines for determination of liability and compensation for damage resulting from pollution of the marine environment in the mediterranean sea area (2008) (22 doc unep(depi)/med.ig.17/10) of 18 january 2008, adopted at the 15th ordinary meeting of the parties. see also t scovazzi, “mediterranean guidelines for determination of environmental liability and compensation: the negotiation for the instrument and the question of the damage that can be compensate” in a von bogandy and r wolfrum (eds) max plank yearbook of united nations law, vol 13 (2009) 183-212. 121 pereira (n 37) 125. 122 gaskell (n 109) 89. 123 pereira (n 31) 126. 124 european commission proposal for a regulation of the european parliament and of the council on safety of offshore oil and gas prospection, exploration and production activities, com(2011) 688 final. 125 directive 2004/35/ec on environmental liability with regard to the prevention and remedying of environmental damage, 21 april 2004. the denning law journal 97 directive126 covers a number of aspects including prevention of pollution, the response and the financial liability in relation to granting permits, controls. interestingly, the directive also requires companies seeking permits to have clear response plans in case of an oil spill event, and to prove they have the means to pay for the clean-up costs and for compensation for environmental damage.127 one criticism is that it pays more attention to accidental pollution from offshore oil and gas activities, rather than from operational pollution.128 as regards national legislation introduced by states with offshore activities, some are more detailed and address every stage of the platform’s lifecycle, from the exploration phase to the dismantling of installations, while others are limited to the production stage.129 the latter’s restrictive approach neither takes into account the environmental impact of such exploration and exploitation nor the consequences that gives rise to civil liability claims arising from the damage caused to property and persons. this criticism apart, the effective implementation of any domestic legislation by developing states also prevents them from effectively controlling and monitoring the development of offshore activities and enforcing regulations.130 returning to the international regimes, it is noticeable that the attempts to create an international regime are weak whilst the existing regional arrangements are limited in scope as they are restricted in their geographical coverage. this means it may not be possible to extend the same to a larger area. a classic example is the offshore pollution liability agreement 1975 (opol) which has limited geographical reach and where compensation for damages is capped at a rather low level.131 the opol agreement is a private agreement between the uk, denmark, germany, france, republic of ireland, netherlands, norway, isle of man, faroe islands and greenland—all operators in the offshore sector. opol was 126 directive 2013/30/eu of the european parliament and the council of 12 june 2013 on safety of offshore oil and gas operations and amending directive 2004/35/ec text with eea relevance, in force on 18th july 2013. 127 see pereira (n 31) 126. 128 liu (n 99) 201. the author notes that the directive is identified as eea relevant, which raises the question as to its applicability in the european economic area. this view is now under challenge by norway. 129 rochette, wemaëre, chabason and callet (n 64). 130 panel scientifique indépendant sur les activités pétrolières et gazières en république islamique de mauritanie, (2009) as cited by rochette, wemaëre, chabason and callet (n 64). 131 client earth, “note on the limitations of opol in response to oil and gas uk additional evidence” (2009). offshore oil pollution damage 98 introduced as an interim measure during the negotiation phase of the convention of civil liability for oil pollution damage resulting from exploration for and exploitation of seabed mineral resources. the uk government considered the opol agreement to be a satisfactory means of providing for a strict liability regime in case an operator should default on providing the clean-up costs associated with an incident.132 under the scheme every operator of an offshore facility in uk waters used in connection with the exploration for, or production of oil, gas or natural gas liquids is required to be a party to the opol agreement.133 additionally, any signatory to the agreement is required to demonstrate financial responsibility for costs resulting from the remediation of an oil spill and third party compensation for pollution damage.134 this is one of the key features that make the scheme work. the opol agreement has not yet attracted ratification or acceptance by any of the nine parties that took part in the intergovernmental conference which adopted the convention. the offshore pollution liability association ltd, the body that is responsible for the supervision and administrative operation of the opol agreement, accepts only operators as members of the association as they are more directly involved and hence in a better position than nonoperators to assume obligations imposed under the agreement.135 in essence, the opol agreement is a voluntary oil pollution compensation scheme that provides guarantees of payment for claims up to a liability limit of us$250 million per incident.136 the preamble to the opol 132 c feikert-ahalt, “oil spill liability and regulatory regime: united kingdom” library of congress (june 2010) (accessed 14 may 2016). see also, offshore pollution liability association limited, home (accessed 14 may 2016). 133 see “oil spill cost study – opol financial limits” joint study commissioned by opol and oil and gas uk (2012) (accessed 14 may 2016). 134 ibid. 135 interestingly, the agreement initially applied only to offshore facilities within the jurisdiction of the uk, but was later on extended to offshore facilities within the jurisdiction of the coastal states of the european community, of norway, of the isle of man and the faroe islands (denominated as “designated states”). 136 joint study of opol and oil and gas uk (n 145). the financial limit in the opol agreement is reviewed regularly. in october 2010 the limit was increased to us$250 million per incident, which was the industry’s response to the deepwater horizon incident in the gulf of mexico. the denning law journal 99 agreement outlines the scheme by stating that it seeks to “provide an orderly means for compensating and reimbursing any person who sustains pollution damage and any public authority which incurs costs for taking remedial measures as a result of a discharge of oil from any offshore facility”. the scheme envisaged under the agreement is that in the event of any oil discharge from an offshore facility, the operator of such facility must meet the cost of remedial measures and pay compensation for pollution damage up to an overall maximum of us$250 million per incident on a strict liability basis, subject to a limited number of usual exceptions (e.g. war and negligence of the claimant).137 it is indeed frustrating for those who are in favour of an international regime for oil pollution damage from offshore exploration when informed that the offshore oil industry is opposed to the idea of a global liability convention.138 currently, the oil industry’s specific obligations are geared more towards regulating oil tankers, as opposed to offshore drilling activities,139 which helps explain the attitude of the industry towards a global liability regime for offshore operations. sachs points out that the offshore industry does put pressure on the governments—both in developing and developed countries.140 developing countries are vulnerable as they need to attract international partners that have the financial and other resources to engage in energy exploration and exploitation but which may be keen to avoid discouraging any potential investors with measures such as offshore oil pollution damage regimes. interestingly, sachs also points out that developed countries have also opposed a civil liability regime fearing that removing obstacles to crossborder litigation through international agreements could potentially expose them and other corporate bodies in their jurisdiction to additional liability.141 as mentioned earlier, the opol regime which is in force in some countries with offshore facilities (like the uk) does not provide any 137 joint study of opol and oil and gas uk (n 145). 138 soyer (n 17) 75. 139 see k galbraith, “gap in rules on oil spills from wells” new york times (16 may 2010) (accessed 16 march 2016). the author argues that the regulatory discrepancy due to the fact that tankers move across international boundaries whereas platforms remain fixed. see also d fowler, “offshore oil: a frontier for international law making” (2012) 12 chicago-kent journal of international and comparative law153. 140 n sachs, “beyond the liability wall: strengthening tort remedies in international environmental law” (2008) 55 ucla law review 837. 141 ibid. offshore oil pollution damage 100 certainty to the sector as such. the only option that law provides for any oil pollution damage is a tort action against operators and other tortfeasors. this remedy again is more a common law remedy, with the analogous position under civil law being based on delictual and quasidelictual civil liabilities.142 it should be noted that the position on limitation of liability under maritime law on the matter is unclear. again, when the pollution is from a pipeline (connected to the well-head), it is more likely that the liability will be unlimited. one can say that if an international regime were to be in place the offshore industry will benefit from a clear limitation of liability.143 2 the cmi draft, clc and other possible frameworks it can be argued that it is technically possible to extend the scope of the clc to cover liability for pollution arising from offshore installations, including pipelines attached to them, and craft.144 shaw and other authors point out that this was in fact the envisaged solution suggested by the cmi in 1977 when it proposed a comprehensive compensation regime for oil pollution damage arising from offshore operations.145 as discussed earlier, the scheme is found in the rio draft. as far as the scheme of the 1977 cmi draft convention is concerned, it seeks to apply the regulations of existing maritime/admiralty law practices to matters relating to arrest of ships, collisions, mortgages and salvage with regard to any maritime structure, as long as it is not attached permanently to the seabed. here, the reference is clearly to include offshore oil platforms. with regard to pollution liability arising from offshore installations and craft, the draft convention simply extends the earlier version of the clc 1969 to the superstructures. as mentioned earlier, the draft convention was forwarded by the cmi to the imo’s legal committee. the imo respond to it only in 1990 by requesting the cmi to undertake a further study, make a report and produce a modified draft convention. the cmi in 2004 met in sydney and carried out changes to the draft. this 142 l zhu and mz zhang, “insuring against marine pollution liability: an international perspective” (2015) 46(3) journal of maritime law and commerce 373. see also mpg rubio, “the prestige case, international and spanish legal regime for compensating damage” in m faure and j hu (eds), prevention and compensation of marine pollution damage, recent development in europe, china and the us (kluwer law, 2006). 143 soyer (n 17) 75. 144 shaw (n 99); soyer (n 17). 145 ibid. the denning law journal 101 draft, known as the sydney draft has a similar approach as the earlier draft from 1977 as regards the scheme of liability for pollution is concerned. soyer and tettenborn are of the view that it may be difficult to apply the clc and the fund regime to the offshore sector, as it may be difficult to get the sector to satisfy the compulsory insurance requirement.146 it is hard to determine how contributions to the fund from the offshore sector will be calculated, and also who will bear the financial responsibility for such contributions. under the clc, the fund receives contributions from the receivers (oil importers) of the oil in member states, which is relatively easy to determine. this may not be the case with the offshore industry, as the same principles as applicable to the clc may not be applicable. if the clc and the fund were only to be extended to cover the offshore industry, then it is only logical to require the offshore installations to contribute to the fund. the offshore industry is a complex sector, as in addition to the operators a number of other interested parties come into the frame such as the licence holders, the landowners, the contractors and the coastal state. in other words, it is a multiple-party operation with various individuals holding stakes at various points of the operation, with interests of their own. hence the operator may not be willing or be convinced to readily accept the additional financial burden. being a multiple-party operation, it will be extremely difficult to determine who will be responsible for making contributions. in the words of soyer, it “…has the potential of turning into a political mine-field”. strict liability, which is the backbone of the clc, will be of no use if there are no avenues to recover liability. the clc, which enables action to be brought directly against the insurer, also requires that compulsory insurance be taken out by registered owners up to the limit of their liability under the convention. the existence of a cover is the cornerstone of the clc and contributes hugely to its success, as it guarantees adequate compensation through its various insurance provisions.147 the clc not only imposes compulsory insurance on ship-owners but also requires them to carry a certificate of insurance as proof, ensuring oil pollution victims access to insurance proceeds by allowing them to bring direct action against the insurers.148 usually it is the p&i club which issues a certificate (known as blue card) confirming the existence of the required insurance. 146 soyer (n 17). 147 mm billah, “the role of insurance in providing adequate compensation and in reducing pollution incidents: the case of the international oil pollution liability regime” (2011) 29 pace environmental law review 42. 148 ibid. offshore oil pollution damage 102 this in turn is presented to the state/ship registry where the ship is registered. the concerned state authorities then in turn issue a certificate in recognition of the insurance.149 such an arrangement may not work in the case of offshore industry, as the p&i clubs do not offer liability insurance for pollution damage arising from such offshore operations.150 liability insurance in the case of offshore operators come from the commercial market and as the nature of the risk involved is different and complicated it may not be an attractive proposition for p&i clubs to be involved. will the states concerned be in a position to recognize the blue certificates from the commercial insurers for the offshore operators, especially when the limits of liability under the clc are to be high? in soyer’s view the stability and uniformity of the clc and fund regime could be seriously jeopardized if it were to be extended to the offshore industry, as it has the potential to change the balance considerably.151 they also opine that states with no offshore operations may view that the clc and fund conventions as subsidising a fund that only benefits states with offshore operations and may decide to leave the clc and the fund conventions altogether. in effect, extending the clc and fund convention to offshore operations could see the demise of the clc and the fund convention. for instance, under the european union directive 2004/35, referred to as environmental liability directive (eld), the operator of activities causing significant environmental damage to protected species, natural habitats, or water is strictly liable to prevent and remedy the damage, and also to bear the full costs of such remedial action.152 149 soyer (n 17). 150 such liabilities arising out from wells drilled, blow-outs from subsequent equipment connected to offshore installations, as well as clean-up costs. 151 soyer (n 17) 74. 152 under the eld, operators who carry out certain dangerous activities (as listed in annex iii) are strictly liable for environmental damage. in contrast, operators carrying out other occupational activities are liable for any fault-based damage. operators may benefit directly from certain exceptions and defences, for example force majeure, armed conflict, third party intervention, as well as defences introduced via transposition (e.g. permit defence and state of the art defence). operators must take preventive action if there is an imminent threat of environmental damage. they are also under an obligation to remedy environmental damage once it has occurred and to bear such costs under the polluter-pays principle. in specific cases where the operators fail to do so, or are not identifiable, or have invoked defences, the competent authority may carry out the necessary preventive or remedial measures. see t scovazzi, “maritime accidents with particular emphasis on liability and compensation for damage from the denning law journal 103 the position of strict liability for pollution damages greatly varies from one state to the other and is strongly based on the legal system that is followed. if liability is limited, it is very common to establish a compensation fund for cases where the amount of compensation payable exceeds the limitation, or where the responsible person for the damage caused is not identifiable.153 one example is the us practice established under the opa 1990, where liability for damages from offshore spills is capped at us$75,000,000 and claims up to us$1,000,000,000 above the cap are paid out of the oil spill liability trust fund.154 to pay out any damages, national legislation can also make it compulsory that the operator of any offshore facility is to be insured, or furnish adequate financial guarantees to cover the damages arising out of any accidents. hence the grant of any licence by a state to an operator for exploration and exploitation of seabed resources will be strongly predicated on the availability of financial security from the prospective operator or on the availability of an adequate insurance cover for the risks involved in the operation. the european union directive 2004/35 follows a gradual approach on the question of financial security. the relevant provision, article 14 of the directive reads as follows: 1. member states shall take measures to encourage the development of financial security instruments and markets by the appropriate economic and financial operators, including financial mechanisms in case of insolvency, with the aim of enabling operators to use financial guarantees to cover their responsibilities under this directive. 2. the commission, before 30 april 2010 shall present a report on the effectiveness of the directive in terms of actual remediation of environmental damages, on the availability at reasonable costs and on conditions of insurance and other types of financial security for the activities covered by annex iii. the report shall also consider in relation to financial security the following aspects: a gradual approach, a ceiling for the financial guarantee and the exclusion of low-risk activities. in the light of that report, and of an extended impact assessment, including a cost-benefit analysis, the the exploitation of mineral resources of the seabed” in international disaster response law, (tmc asser press, springer 2012) 287. 153 scovazzi (n 152). 154 ibid. offshore oil pollution damage 104 commission shall, if appropriate, submit proposals for a system of harmonized mandatory financial security. in 2010 the eu commission presented a report following from the above regulation.155 the report was tabled after extensive consultation with government experts and other stakeholders, such as insurers, brokers, banks and financial institutions and non-governmental organisations.156 with regard to the development of financial security, it was reported that eight member states, namely, bulgaria, portugal, spain, greece, hungary, slovakia, czech republic and romania were to introduce mandatory financial security, which measures were to come into effect at different dates up to 2014. later, it was reported that the member states portugal, spain and greece had put back the dates of entry of the above arrangement for mandatory financial security.157 on the question of insurance the operators were required to have adequate cover for general third party liability (gtpl), environmental impairment liability (eil), and for other risks. but, in the view of the european commission, the introduction of a uniform mandatory financial security is currently not justified158 but could be justified in specific cases of oil spills arising from offshore activities.159 to guarantee adequate compensation, the clc creates various compensation funds, primarily funded by the oil industry.160 two such funds are the international oil pollution compensation fund (iopc) and the supplementary fund. additional funds that currently exist are the canadian ship-source oil pollution fund (sopf), which covers oil pollution damage not recoverable under the international regime; and the us oil spill liability trust fund (osltf), which provides compensation above and beyond ship-owners' liability under the oil pollution act 1990.161 these funds function as an additional tier of insurance against oil pollution damage. in billah’s view, although intended primarily to provide adequate compensation, the insurance provisions contained in international agreements also incidentally lead to improved deterrence. 155 doc. com (2010) 581 final of 12 october 2010. 156 scovazzi (n 152). 157 doc. com (2010) 581 final of 12 october 2010. 158 scovazzi (n 152). interestingly, the insurance industry welcomed the eld, and had responded positively by developing products for eld, either specific ‘standalone’ solutions, or top-ups to existing liability products. 159 scovazzi (n 152). 160 billah (n 147). 161 ibid. the denning law journal 105 the reason being that insurance premiums needed for the above insurance arrangements will roughly reflect the compensation paid to oil pollution victims—and higher compensation means higher premiums—which in turn induce insured ship-owners and the oil industry towards a heightened standard of care so that they pay less in premiums.162 billah is also of the firm opinion that the success of vessel-source oil pollution liability regimes in providing adequate compensation is attributable to the various insurance arrangements which are part of the scheme, and as well as the higher limit on shipowners’ liability.163 also to note here is the advisory opinion of the seabed disputes chamber (under unclos) dated 1 february 2011, which does not give any clear picture on the amount of compensation payable to the affected party from such oil spill incidents, and which does not also require insurance cover in the event the person primarily liable is unable to pay.164 as mentioned earlier, the failure of the seabed disputes chamber to require operators to have an insurance cover denies any compensation claims to be processed under the provisions of unclos. also parties to any reference to the seabed disputes chamber can only be state parties, who are the licensors, or the license issuing authority for exploration and exploitation of the seabed resource. hence any action to enforce a private right (e.g., claim for compensation suffered as a direct result of oil pollution) before the 162 ibid. in the author’s view the incidental effect of insurance arrangements explains to some degree the decline in vessel-source oil pollution incidents. see also itopf, “oil tanker spill statistics 2015” (the international tanker owners pollution federation limited, february 2016) (accessed 27 may 2016). two large spills (over 700 tonnes) were recorded in the year 2015, with both incidents arising from collision incidents. also reported in 2015 were six medium spills (between 7 and 700 tonnes) of various oils including cargoes of asphalt, naphtha and slurry oil, as well as bunker fuels. in the last three and a half decades the average number of incidents involving large oil spills from oil-tankers has reduced progressively, and since 2010 it stands at an average of 1.8 large oil spills per year. 163 the author uses the word “insurance” in its wider context to include any guaranteed source of compensation for victims of oil pollution damage, namely, the compensation from the iopc fund, the supplementary fund, the sopf, and the osltf. they are to be included under the term “insurance” as the common goal of these funds is to provide for adequate compensation against oil pollution damage. 164 see advisory opinion (n 27). see also rares (n 25), where the author comments that the advisory opinion of the seabed disputes chamber does not go into detail as to a state’s obligation to exercise ‘due diligence.’ offshore oil pollution damage 106 authority will not be sustainable and can only be processed before the domestic courts. the above discussion only demonstrates that any proposal to extend the clc and the fund regime to cover offshore operations largely depends on the existence of insurance cover and a fully supported fund from the industry concerned. the proposal while being ambitious can run out of steam if it is not backed by the operators and the offshore industry at large. likewise, both under the opol agreement (aimed at claims arising from offshore operations in the uk waters), and the opa 1990 (aimed at claims arising from both vessel-source marine pollution and offshore operations in us waters), it is absolutely essential that operators have a comprehensive, compulsory insurance cover for their operations. in short, all the existing regimes for claims arising from both vesselsource and offshore marine pollution, envisage the full cooperation and participation of the operators (shipowners, charterers, offshore operators, licensees, etc.) to fund any schemes for civil liability, and an adequate insurance cover for their operations which acts as the backbone.165 part v: the way forward rochette and wright highlight the possibility of several risks if no liability and compensation rules are adopted for damages caused by offshore incidents. in their opinion the risk of legal uncertainty surrounding the subject could potentially lead to political disputes between states.166 further, the absence of a legal framework in this area runs the risk of partial or total non-payment of damages by operators to the claimants who had suffered as a direct consequence of the oil spills arising from offshore operations. they call for the promotion of an international convention to regulate liability and compensation for pollution damage resulting from offshore drilling activities. there is also the risk of the operator going insolvent before the settlement of any claims, given the lack of financial capacity of many small operators (especially from developing countries) to pay for large claims,167 and in the absence of a clear cut civil liability regime the claimants may not have anyone to proceed against. however, the task of finding a solution through the creation of a new international regime for offshore oil 165 billah (n 147). 166 rochette and wright (n 63). 167 p cameron, “liability for catastrophic risk in the oil and gas industry” (2012) 6 international energy law review 207. the denning law journal 107 pollution damages may be a difficult task as there is very little political will amongst the international community to engage.168 in gaskell’s view there are many advantages in developing a multilateral convention-based regime to claimant states, as it can primarily bring uniformity of rules for an industry that operates worldwide.169 he argues that it would be more difficult for the industry to resist international action than national legislation, that the risk could be spread internationally (rather being targeted on one state), and most importantly a compulsory insurance would work where there is an inbuilt ability to seek reciprocal enforcement of judgments.170 gaskell also advocates, as a minimum, a “strict liability regime with its boilerplate defences, coupled with compulsory insurance and direct action”. apart from the lack of a political will, one of the major obstacles is also the lack of leadership to take up the task of forging an international convention, as the imo appears to be more concerned with safety at sea issues and is content to oversee the clc and the fund conventions. the cmi, which was instrumental in producing the 1977 draft, does not enjoy the same authority it seemed to possess in the twentieth century. also, a number of developing countries and emerging economies that are engaged in offshore oil exploration may not be keen to be parties to an international regime which will require them, or the operators authorised by them, to be in a position to foot the bill for any damages arising from such offshore oil spills. one further hurdle faced along the way is also the lack of involvement from the key players responsible for causing any offshore oil spill171 in finding a solution. the conclusions that one draws from the above discussion are that i) there is an urgent need for an international civil liability regime for oil pollution damages arising from offshore activities—especially with more developing countries engaging in oil exploration and with lax regulatory mechanism in place; 168 soyer (n 17) at 74. 169 gaskell (n 109) 85. 170 ibid, 86. 171 there was little public interest in developing pollution prevention and compensation regimes for vessel-source oil pollution damage prior to the major pollution incidents. the author also notes that strong lobbying from the shipping industry to a certain extent delayed any development in this regard. see tsimplis (n 9). likewise, it can be said that there is very little interest in developing a civil liability regime arising from offshore oil pollution damage, as there is very little interest to engage from the industry. offshore oil pollution damage 108 ii) the existing international regimes on marine oil pollution may not provide the answers/solutions to the problem at hand, as they are primarily designed for vessel-source marine oil pollution and not for oil pollution arising from offshore facilities (floating and fixed platforms); iii) the clc, although strongly premised on compulsory insurance, may not be fit for the purpose as it is more geared towards vesselsource oil pollution and a mere extension of the terms to include offshore oil pollution may not be workable; iv) the law of the sea convention, although containing provisions on state responsibility, cannot be modified to create a regime for offshore oil spill damages; and v) that solutions, if any, are to be found in the existing legal framework, i.e., the domestic legislation of the us, namely the oil pollution act 1990. regional agreements designed to address the issue of oil pollution damage arising from offshore operations do not have the characteristics to be extended beyond their geographical remit, although some features from the barcelona convention and opol may provide useful/credible inputs into any working draft. it is true that there had been a number of criticisms about the opa 1990 being inadequate172 to meet all the requirements while dealing with the civil liability claims arising from the deepwater horizon incident. but nevertheless claims were processed in record time under the opa and other domestic legislation in comparison to the suffering that has to be endured by thousands of innocent citizens from the ogoniland oil spill disasters in nigeria. one is encouraged to say that the way forward could still lie with the opa 1990, which presents a template at the domestic level to process civil liability claims for both vessel-source and non-vessel-source oil pollution damages. this can be used as a model to develop a uniform international regime to work alongside other civil liability regimes like the clc, any regional agreements, and the opol agreement. 172 see murchison (n 12), where the author raises questions about the adequacy of existing federal law provisions including the opa 1990 that govern liability for oil spills in the us waters. see also faure, jing and hui (n 4), where the authors opine that the deepwater horizon catastrophe triggered an intensive reexamination of the then existing regulatory and liability schemes for offshore oil and gas activities in the us, implying that there were gaps in the civil liability regime. the denning law journal 149 denning law journal 2019 vol 31 pp 149-164 non-apology in the age of apology aliza gail organick* * weihofen professor of law, university of new mexico school of law. 1 william faulkner, requiem for a nun (first published 1950, vintage books 2011) 73. 2 united nations department of economic and social affairs, indigenous peoples (united nations, 2016) accessed 5 august 2019. 3 i use the term settler nations to describe the colonial occupations of indigenous homelands by those who came with intent to remain. ‘the past is never dead. it’s not even past’.1 introduction after more than two decades winding its way through a variety of united nations (un) mechanisms, in september 2007 the world’s indigenous peoples welcomed the news that the un declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples (hereinafter the declaration) was at last approved by the vast majority of nation-states.2 the four settler3 states that opposed the declaration initially (the united states, canada, australia and new zealand) have each in turn voiced their ultimate approval of the declaration and have issued statements in support to their indigenous citizens. in spite of the fact that these statements expressed a measure of regret for past wrongs committed, not one of those endorsements embodied a formal apology. now that the declaration has entered its eleventh year, many continue to question to what extent these endorsements have meaningfully advanced reconciliation for indigenous peoples and whether these endorsements were authentic in their stated desire to do more than just acknowledge the aspirations contained in the declaration. this comment will examine the framework for political apologies in general and then consider the endorsements of the declaration by the united states, canada, australia and new zealand in light of contemporary apology theory. the article will then examine affirmative actions taken by those states following their endorsements in order to advance the claims of indigenous peoples and look at whether these actions have fallen short in providing meaningful redress for centuries of past wrongs. https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/declaration-on-the-rights-of-indigenous-peoples.html https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/declaration-on-the-rights-of-indigenous-peoples.html 150 non-apology in the age of apology necessary elements of apology the interpersonal apology apologies occur in many contexts from interpersonal relationships to international relations. regardless of the context, there is consensus that in order for an apology to be effective, there are several elements that must be met to achieve the desired outcome.4 researchers posit that the ‘best’ apologies include: (1) an expression of regret; (2) an explanation of what went wrong; (3) an acknowledgement of responsibility; (4) a declaration of repentance; (5) an offer of repair; and (6) a request for forgiveness.5 researchers are quick to point out that not all elements of any apology have equal weight.6 the most significant component of an apology is the taking of responsibility, with the offer of repair being second in importance.7 the request for forgiveness8 was ranked as the least valuable component.9 studies have also shown that apologies that occur long after the wrong was incurred risk being seen as disingenuous or made for political gain rather than from a place of moral good.10 most of us know a good apology when we hear it. we also know when an apology seems qualified in a way that undermines its effectiveness. according to psychologist dr harriet lerner, a ‘true’ apology must fulfil nine essential rules.11 4 roy lewicki and others, ‘an exploration of the structure of effective apologies’ (2016) 9(2) negotiation and conflict management research 177, 178–179. 5 jeff grabmeier, ‘the 6 elements of an effective apology, according to science’ (the ohio state university, 12 april 2018) accessed 19 november 2018. 6 ibid. 7 ibid. 8 ibid. 9 ibid. 10 elizabeth hopper, ‘what makes a political apology seem sincere?’ (greater good magazine, 2 august 2017) accessed 24 april 2019. 11 harriet lerner phd, ‘the 9 rules for true apologies’ (psychology today, 14 september 2014) accessed 7 november 2018. the nine rules for a true apology according to lerner: (1) does not include the word ‘but’; (2) keeps the focus on actions of the person apologising; (3) does not overshadow the feelings of the hurt party with the hurt or remorse of the person making the apology; (4) does not ‘get caught up’ in blame; (5) must have corrective action; (6) avoids repeating harmful actions; (7) should https://news.osu.edu/the-6-elements-of-an-effective-apology-according-to-science/ https://news.osu.edu/the-6-elements-of-an-effective-apology-according-to-science/ https://greatergood.berkeley.edu/article/item/what_makes_a_political_apology_seem_sincere https://greatergood.berkeley.edu/article/item/what_makes_a_political_apology_seem_sincere https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/the-dance-connection/201409/the-9-rules-true-apologies https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/the-dance-connection/201409/the-9-rules-true-apologies the denning law journal 151 in the context of this article, three of those rules in particular have significance. dr lerner asserts that a true apology must be followed up with ‘corrective actions, requires meaningful effort not to repeat past wrongs, and recognises when the apology is not enough’.12 the rules outlined by dr lerner are general and meant to understand apologies in their simplest form. however, these rules can be used to provide a straightforward lens though which we can analyse all apologies. the political apology although the political apology has a long history, it has become more common since 1945 and the end of the second world war.13 the institute for the study of human rights (the institute) has compiled a list of political apologies, beginning in 1077 with the apology of the holy roman emperor henry iv to pope gregory for ‘church-state conflicts’ and ends in 2016 with an apology made by isis to israel for firing on an israeli military unit in the golan heights.14 according to the institute, after the apology made by the holy roman emperor to the pope, it took another 340 years before the next political apology, made by way of a proclamation from queen margaret i of denmark.15 this apology was made to the peasantry for ‘the great burden and much toil’16 caused by the malfeasance of her clerks and herself in 1403. in the period from 1403 to 1911, only 12 recorded political apologies are listed in the study.17 from 1910 to 2016, according to the institute, roughly 640 political apologies were listed.18 not silence the other person; (8) should not make the person making the person apologising ‘feel better at the risk of making the hurt party feel worse’; and (9) recognises that serious harm may take time to restore trust. 12 ibid. 13 ruti teitel, ‘the transitional apology’ in elazr barkan and alexander karn (eds), taking wrongs seriously, apologies and reconciliation (stanford university press 2006) 3, 101. 14 institute for the study of human rights, columbia university 2016. the list compiled by the institute describes the selection criteria for inclusion on the list as ‘any and all apologies that involve state, nations, or major political groups and actors …’ and did include apologies made by individuals for ‘alleged’ criminal or personal failings. see institute for the study of human rights, ‘political apologies archive’ (institute for the study of human rights, 2016) accessed 5 august 2019. 15 ibid. 16 ibid. 17 ibid. 18 ibid. http://www.humanrightscolumbia.org/ahda/politicalapologies http://www.humanrightscolumbia.org/ahda/politicalapologies 152 non-apology in the age of apology while not a new phenomenon, the frequency of the political apology has increased so significantly over the past 25 years that some refer to this as the ‘age of apology’.19as the prevalence of the political apology has increased, so has literature on the topic with, perhaps not surprisingly, some confusion over terminology. the political apology has also been called the state apology, collective apology or reconciliation apology among others.20 while each term may be somewhat different in scope, they can be defined by who makes the apology.21 in his article on national apologies, eneko sanz confirms that the political apology remains somewhat more difficult to describe but ‘can be loosely considered political if they involve political issues and are delivered by an appropriate political agent’.22 additionally, the political apology can be issued both internally, from the state to its own citizens, or to groups harmed in another state.23 who makes the apology is also important. political apologies may be made by heads of state on behalf of their country and by ‘subgroups’24 of a country that have the authority to make the apology as nation-state agents.25 apologies are sometimes issued by non-state agents such as ‘civil organisations’26 or religious groups, as can be directed by states at the harmed population of another state to express collective ‘regret’.27 as with personal apologies, the political apology has necessary elements that can help us assess their legitimacy. these elements may include compensation to the wronged party, being responsive to specific requests of the community, and a commitment to changing past hurtful behaviour.28 however, as with all types of apologies these components are more than just the sum of their parts. in order to assess the political apology for validity, researchers also consider the 19 eneko sanz, ‘national apologies: mapping the complexity of validity’ (the centre for peace and conflict studies, april 2012) accessed 10 june 2019, pp 3, 7. 20 ibid., 1, 14. the author also identifies the community-focused apology, the many-tomany apology, the historical apology and the public apology. 21 ibid., 1, 15. 22 ibid., 15. ibid., 16. 23 ibid. 24 ibid., 15–17. 25 ibid. 26 ibid. 27 ibid., 23. 28 ibid., 26, 27. http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/publications/browse/national-apologies-mapping-the-complexities-of-validity/ http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/publications/browse/national-apologies-mapping-the-complexities-of-validity/ the denning law journal 153 ‘interconnectedness’29 of these elements as a way to determine whether it will be deemed a ‘true apology’30 and perceived as an apology that will serve to move the dialogue with affected groups towards reconciliation. other theorists contend that given the stakes of the political apology, critical elements must also include ‘an official written record’31 that provides parties an opportunity to assess the value and subsequent attempts to cure made by the state, as well as a measure of ceremony and ‘concrete reparation’.32 in their article, the status of state apologies, authors gibney and roxstrom suggest criteria that the apology should be made public, have some element of ceremony attached, should be clear and concise, and state what the apology is for.33 the authors assert that justice and consistency are also important elements.34 an apology that lacks these essential details and that fails to be responsive to the community voice is defined as a non-apology or quasi-apology and is, therefore, deemed ‘fundamentally flawed’.35 it is not surprising, therefore, that the political apology is viewed as complex and thus not taken lightly by those states that issue them.36 since the repercussions of political apologies can be so fraught with delicate social and political considerations, the question remains – why do states feel compelled to make them? one theorist suggests that states apologise for three reasons: (1) in order to underscore and validate a change in its own past beliefs and harmful actions stemming from those beliefs; (2) as consideration for using the history of past actions to understand modern disadvantages to groups which it has harmed; and (3) to advance its obligations and define the boundaries of ‘membership in the national community’.37 others suggest that the principles underlying the apology are to repair past relationships and to lay the groundwork for future stabilisation and transitional process.38 while ostensibly a step forward 29 ibid., 11. 30 ibid. 31 matt james, ‘wrestling with the past: apologies, quasi-apologies, and non-apologies in canada’ in mark gibney and others (eds), the age of apology: facing up to the past (university of pennsylvania press 2008) 137, 138. 32 ibid. 33 mark gibney and eric roxstrom, ‘the status of state apologies’ (2001) 23(4) hrq 911, 927–929, 931, 932–933. 34 ibid., 931. the authors suggest that while financial support may be helpful, it is often much less than what the country spent to perpetrate the wrong in the first place. 35 sanz (n 20) 11. 36 ibid. 37 melissa nobles, the politics of official apologies (cambridge university press 2008) 71, 72. 38 sanz (n 20) 10. 154 non-apology in the age of apology in relationship building, viewing the political apology from this perspective is troubling because the political apology emerges from the dominant party and does not consider or address what is important or valuable to the needs of marginalised parties. this, in and of itself, underscores the historic and ongoing imbalance of power between the state and its minority and indigenous populations.39 in her book, the politics of official apologies, melissa nobles asserts that official apologies serve the function of assessing past acts though a modern lens.40 according to nobles, when coupled with new facts and societal understandings, political apologies can become the cornerstones for moving forward in new relationships.41 it is worth noting here that the political apology has become the preferred method chosen by the west to acknowledge past wrongs as opposed to the use of truth commissions.42 it is not altogether clear why some states choose the apology over truth and reconciliation.43 it may be that where truth and reconciliation has been tried it has not proven to be successful overall in transforming relationships between the state and its citizens in achieving the measure of reconciliation hoped for.44 regardless of which process has been employed, there has been a general acknowledgement that states must deal with these past wrongs in order to find a way forward to some measure of societal healing.45 how a state chooses to move forward may ultimately prove to be more important than which type of process is chosen. as professor corntassel notes, a process that chooses to look only at the wrongs perpetrated and not the underlying relationships that lead to those wrongs, also known as affirmative repair, is inherently misguided by its very nature.46 transformative repair, on the other hand, because its process looks more deeply at the root of the relationship between parties in an effort to transform those relationships, stands a better chance of repairing those historical wrongs.47 corntassel asserts that a critical component must include ‘a shared’48 vision of the future and ‘strategies for moving forward 39 jeff corntassel and cindy holder, ‘who’s sorry now? government apologies, truth commissions, and indigenous self-determination in australia, canada, guatemala, and peru’ (2008) 9(4) hum rights rev 465, 466. 40 nobles, (n 38) 72. 41 corntassel and holder (n 40) 466. 42 ibid. 43 ibid., 466–467. 44 ibid., 466–468. 45 ibid. 46 ibid. 47 ibid. 48 ibid., 469. the denning law journal 155 collectively’49 as a ‘means to decolonise’ both past and present relationships.50 however, he also contends that even with all of the above, tangible reconciliation may be still unattainable if states are unwilling to ‘go beyond ideals of national unity and modernisation’.51 many nations have issued apology like statements to their indigenous populations since the declaration was approved in 2007.52 however, the usefulness of these statements in light of general inaction on the part of states to implement the declaration remains in question. indigenous peoples continue to face significant hurdles in achieving the human rights expressed in the declaration. this is in spite of state endorsement of the aspirations and goals expressed following the declaration’s adoption and whether or not an apology was ever issued. even if statements of support do rise to the level of a true apology, the question remains whether apologies in this context work as they are meant to as the fundamental key to heal, build and maintain key relationships where the history of oppression has been deep and longstanding. apology or equivocation? australia in april 2009, 18 months after the declaration was adopted, the government of australia, under new leadership, announced that it had changed its opposition and formally endorsed the declaration.53 in affirming the aspirations of the declaration, the australian government recognised the ‘flawed policies’54 of the past and considered the adoption of the declaration as a ‘re-setting’55 of the ‘relationship between indigenous and non-indigenous australians’.56 in spite of this endorsement, the statement did not contain an apology to aboriginal australians for australia’s past actions. 49 ibid. 50 ibid. 51 ibid. 52 sheryl lightfoot, ‘settler-state apologies to indigenous peoples: a normative framework and comparative assessment’ (2015) 2(1) university of minnesota press 15. 53 emma rogers, ‘australia adopts un indigenous declaration’ (abc news, 2009) < h t t p s : // w w w w. a b c . n e t . a u / n e w s / 2 0 0 9 0 4 0 3 /a u s t a d o p t s u n i n d i g e n o u s declaration/1640444> accessed 1 december 2018. 54 ibid. 55 ibid. 56 ibid. ht tps: //wwww.abc.net.au/news/2009-04-03/aust-adopts-un-indigenousdeclaration/1640444 ht tps: //wwww.abc.net.au/news/2009-04-03/aust-adopts-un-indigenousdeclaration/1640444 156 non-apology in the age of apology the statement made in support of the declaration was in stark contrast to the apology made 13 months earlier by prime minister kevin rudd for the mistreatment of children and families of the stolen generation. in that apology, pm rudd apologised to the stolen generation by acknowledging and reflecting on past mistreatment and made clear expressions of regret for the pain and suffering caused by policies and actions of the australian government.57 this apology does have its own shortcomings and was critiqued as falling short by melissa cuthbert because it was couched in general terms and past wrongs while ignoring continuing and ongoing oppression of australia’s indigenous population.58 despite the australian government showing in the lost generations apology that it understood at least some of the elements necessary to craft a true apology, its endorsement of the declaration falls flat in that it contains none of the fundamental elements required. the subsequent result of the non-apology by the australian government is a lack of promised change in the relationship and a failure to re-set the relationship as promised. one example is evidenced by the recommendation and proposal of the expert panel on recognizing aboriginal rights and torres strait islander peoples. their report recommended that a prohibition on racial discrimination be housed in australia’s constitution.59 this proposal was ultimately opposed by both conservatives and a number of indigenous leaders for different reasons.60 conservatives opposed ‘entrenching rights in the constitution’61 and indigenous leaders were not convinced that language would by itself present any real benefit to indigenous peoples.62 given that the australian endorsement of the declaration was not an apology in the first instance, it is also not surprising that the report of the special rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples, victoria tauli-corpuz, published 57 prime minister kevin rudd mp, ‘apology to australia’s indigenous peoples’ (australian government, february 2008) accessed 1 december 2018. 58 denise cuthbert, ‘forced child removal and the politics of national apologies in australia’ (2013) 37 am indian q 178, 184. 59 commonwealth of australia, ‘recognising aboriginal and torres strait islander peoples in the constitution: report of the expert panel’ (commonwealth of australia, january 2012) accessed 1 december 2018. 60 darryl cronin, ‘trapped by history: democracy, human rights and justice for indigenous people in australia’ (2017) 23(2) aust j of hum rights 220, 234. 61 ibid., 234. 62 ibid., 235. https://www.australia.gov.au/about-australia/our-country/our-people/apology-to-australias-indigenous-peoples https://www.australia.gov.au/about-australia/our-country/our-people/apology-to-australias-indigenous-peoples https://www.pmc.gov.au/sites/default/files/publications/recognising-aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-peoples-in-the-constitution-report-of-the-expert-panel_0.pdf https://www.pmc.gov.au/sites/default/files/publications/recognising-aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-peoples-in-the-constitution-report-of-the-expert-panel_0.pdf https://www.pmc.gov.au/sites/default/files/publications/recognising-aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-peoples-in-the-constitution-report-of-the-expert-panel_0.pdf the denning law journal 157 in august 2017, found that existing policies of the government of australia did not respect indigenous peoples right to self-determination and ‘failed to deliver’63 in such critical areas as health, education, housing, incarceration and violence against women.64 while tauli-corpuz’ report did acknowledge that the government had implemented a number of policies addressing indigenous matters, her criticisms focused on the failure of the government to meaningfully ‘respect the rights to self-determination’65 and the lack of ‘full and effective’66 participation of aboriginal and torres strait islanders in that decision making.67 as such, ms tauli-corpuz called for a ‘comprehensive revision’68 of those policies affecting aboriginal australians and underlined the need to make it a ‘national priority’.69 the report made 31 specific recommendations for change to australian government policies ranging from changes to the institutional framework of existing policies to investing in community-led child-family programs in order to minimise the removal of aboriginal children from their families and communities.70 the depth and breadth of these recommendations clearly illustrate how far the australian government has yet to go in order to repair relationships with its indigenous citizens. they also emphasise how the non-apology contained in the original endorsement failed to create the necessary framework required to begin implementing the declaration. canada on 12 november 2010, the canadian government issued a statement supporting the declaration but was quick to assert that the declaration ‘does not reflect customary international law nor change canadian laws’.71 while recognising its 63 united nations human rights office of the commissioner, ‘report of the special rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples on her visit to australia’ (ohchr, 8 august 2017) accessed 10 june 2019. http://ap.ohchr.org/documents/dpage_e.aspx?si=a/hrc/36/46/add.2 accessed 22 april 2019. 75 ibid. 76 cultural survival, ‘joint statement in response to canada’s endorsement of the un declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples’ (cultural survival, november 2010) accessed 1 december 2018. 77 ibid. 78 ibid. 79 ibid. 80 ibid. 81 ibid. https://www.arts.ubs,ca/sheryl-lightfoot-on-the%e2%80%93un-declarations-on-the-rights-of%20indigenous-peoples/ https://www.arts.ubs,ca/sheryl-lightfoot-on-the%e2%80%93un-declarations-on-the-rights-of%20indigenous-peoples/ https://www.culturalsurvival.org/news/joint-statement-response-canadas-endorsement-un-declaration-rights-indigenous-peoples https://www.culturalsurvival.org/news/joint-statement-response-canadas-endorsement-un-declaration-rights-indigenous-peoples the denning law journal 159 declaration within the framework of the canadian constitution.82 the government then began the process of meeting with first nations, inuit and metis peoples in order to identify priorities for moving forward.83 nevertheless, criticism of the implementation process continues over the interpretation of specific language contained in the declaration, with it being described as ‘unworkable’84, and a ‘political distraction’85 by members of the government.86 regardless of the political pushback, indigenous affairs minister, carolyn bennett, affirmed canada’s intention to implement the declaration as a full supporter ‘without qualification’.87 regardless of canada’s official change in position, the uncertainty over the impact of implementation of the declaration on existing and future canadian legislation remains an unanswered and ongoing question. new zealand in april 2010, two and a half years after the declaration was approved, new zealand issued its endorsement.88 the announcement was made by dr pita sharples at the annual meeting of the un forum on indigenous issues and 82 tim fontaine, ‘canada removing objector status to un declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples’ (cbc news, 8 may 2016) accessed 6 august 2019. 83 brandi morin, ‘where does canada sit 10 years after the un declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples?’ (cbc news, 13 september 2017) accessed 10 june 2019. 84 aptn national news, ‘justice minister jody-wilson-raybould says adopting the undrip into canadian law “unworkable”’ (aptn national news, 12 july 2016) accessed 16 january 2019. 85 ibid. 86 ibid. 87 tim fontaine, ‘senator murray sinclair on canada’s change of stance on united nations indigenous rights declaration’ (cbc news, 10 may 2016) accessed 1 december 2018. 88 new zealand parliament, ‘ministerial statements – un declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples – government support’ (parliament.nz, 20 april 2010) accessed 6 august 2019. https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/canada-position-un-declaration-indigenous-peoples-1.3572777 https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/canada-position-un-declaration-indigenous-peoples-1.3572777 https://cbc.ca/news/inidigenous/where-does-canada-sit-10-years-after-undrip-1.4288480 https://cbc.ca/news/inidigenous/where-does-canada-sit-10-years-after-undrip-1.4288480 https://aptnnews.ca/2016/07/12/justice-minister-jody-wilson-raybould-says-adoptingundrip-into-canadian-law-unworkable/ https://aptnnews.ca/2016/07/12/justice-minister-jody-wilson-raybould-says-adoptingundrip-into-canadian-law-unworkable/ https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/canada-adopting-implementing-un-rights-declaration-1.3575272 https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/canada-adopting-implementing-un-rights-declaration-1.3575272 accessed 5 november 2018. 93 pita sharples, ‘was it worth it?’ (the university of auckland, 16 july 2018) accessed 5 november 2018. 94 ibid., 8. 95 ibid. 96 human rights council, ‘report of the working group on the universal periodic review’ (united nations human rights office of the high commissioner, 8 november 2013) accessed 6 august 2019, paras 1–2. 97 ibid., para 4. https://stuffco.nz.national/politics/3599153/nz-does-u-turn-on-rights/charter https://www.thebigq.org/2018/07/16/was-it-worth-it-pita-sharples-reflects-on-the-un-declaration-of-indigenous-rights/ https://www.thebigq.org/2018/07/16/was-it-worth-it-pita-sharples-reflects-on-the-un-declaration-of-indigenous-rights/ https://www.thebigq.org/2018/07/16/was-it-worth-it-pita-sharples-reflects-on-the-un-declaration-of-indigenous-rights/ https://undocs.org/a/hrc/wg.6/18/nzl/1 the denning law journal 161 the declaration by the formerly opposing states, mr sharple’s statement came the closest to a formal apology. nevertheless, the extent that apologies to indigenous peoples have made any meaningful difference in the quality of their lives in the decade since its approval remains contested. united states on 16 december 2016, the united states, the last of the four states initially opposed to the declaration, finally announced its support for it at a white house gathering that included members of the then 565 federally recognised indian tribes.98 president obama affirmed the aspirations of the declaration and recognised the need to respect the cultures and institutions of native peoples and underscored the need to match words with actions.99 immediately following the announcement by the president, the office of the special representative for global intergovernmental affairs released a set of initiatives outlining the united states’ commitment to address a number of issues facing native americans.100 importantly, prior to its change of position on the declaration, us agencies conducted a series of consultations with tribal leaders, as well as providing an open comment period that solicited over 3,000 written comments.101 the result was a focus on five specific areas in line with those rights encompassed in the declaration. these included increased recognition and strengthening of the government-to-government relationship between the us government and tribal nations, the protection of tribal lands, the environment and access to traditional lands and natural resources in which tribes have an interest. the list also included addressing the health needs and gaps in health care delivery to tribal people, promoting economic development and protection of native american cultures.102 98 valerie richardson, ‘obama adopts u.n. manifesto on rights of indigenous peoples’ (washington post, 16 december 2010) accessed 10 june 2019. the number of federally recognised native american tribes has increased to 573 since the adoption of the undrip by the united states. 99 ibid. 100 office of the special representative for global intergovernmental affairs, ‘announcement of u.s. support for the united nations declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples’ (u.s. department of state, 12 january 2011) accessed 10 june 2019, pp. 1–15. 101 ibid., 2. 102 ibid., 1–15. https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2010/dec/16/obama-adopts-un-manifesto-on-rights-of-indigenous-/ https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2010/dec/16/obama-adopts-un-manifesto-on-rights-of-indigenous-/ https://2009-2017.state.gov/s/srgia/154553.htm https://2009-2017.state.gov/s/srgia/154553.htm 162 non-apology in the age of apology these initiatives, however, were not new policies nor were any legislative changes made as a result of support for the declaration. they were, in fact, based on nixon era policies put in place to encourage greater tribal autonomy and decision making.103 nevertheless, the statement of initiatives in conjunction with calls to further support self-determination, the commitment to engage in collaborative tribal and government agency policy development, along with the acknowledgement that tribal people have been significantly marginalised by historic policies and actions of the us government was significant. president obama’s endorsement of the declaration, while welcomed by tribal nations and well-meaning was not an apology.104 it was simply a statement recognising the aspirations contained in the declaration.105 the formal apology to native peoples was made almost two years earlier, on 6 january 2009, without fanfare, hidden on page 45 of a department of defense appropriations bill in the first session of the 111th congress.106 the apology itself (in full below) clearly ticks some of the boxes of an effective political apology as discussed above, but leaves out other important components and fails to deliver on others. for instance, is it an apology if no one hears it, being buried as it was in the appropriations bill? additionally, where is the ceremony or public expression of regret? where is the explanation of why the us government acted the way it did in relation to the individuals and tribal nations that it harmed? the non-apology issued by the us ultimately has had very little impact on the lives and well-being of tribal people. sec. 8113. a. acknowledgement and apology. the united states, acting through congress 1. recognises the special legal and political relationship indian tribes have with the united states and the solemn covenant with the land we share; 103 on the occasion marking the 45th anniversary of president richard nixon’s message to congress on indian affairs which is seen as marking the beginning of the selfdetermination movement. see ladonna harris, ‘institutionalizing the native american self-determination movement’ (indian country today, 8 july 2015) accessed 10 june 2019, pp 1–13. 104 ginny underwood, ‘obama endorses us endorsement of undrip’ (youtube, 16 december 2010) accessed 22 april 2019. 105 ibid. 106 congress.gov, ‘h.r. 3326 – department of defense appropriation act, 2010’ (congress.gov, 2009–2010) accessed 10 june 2019. https://newsmaven.io/indiancountrytoday/archive/institutionalizing-the-native-american-self-determination-movement-dkqeqcmxpeuugbv-c2zl_a/ https://newsmaven.io/indiancountrytoday/archive/institutionalizing-the-native-american-self-determination-movement-dkqeqcmxpeuugbv-c2zl_a/ https://newsmaven.io/indiancountrytoday/archive/institutionalizing-the-native-american-self-determination-movement-dkqeqcmxpeuugbv-c2zl_a/ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ymv2xiqawyc https://www.congress.gov/bill/111th-congress/house-bill/3326?s=1&r=12 https://www.congress.gov/bill/111th-congress/house-bill/3326?s=1&r=12 the denning law journal 163 2. commends and honours native peoples for the thousands of years that they have stewarded and protected this land; 3. recognises that there have been years of official depredations, ill-conceived policies, and the breaking of covenants by the federal government regarding indian tribes; 4. apologises on behalf of the people of the united states to all native peoples for the many instances of violence, maltreatment, and neglect inflicted on native peoples by citizens of the united states; 5. expresses its regret for the ramifications of former wrongs and its commitment to build on the positive relationships of the past and present to move towards a brighter future where all the people of this land live reconciled as brothers and sisters, and harmoniously steward and protect this land together; 6. urges the president to acknowledge the wrongs of the united states against indian tribes in the history of the united states in order to bring healing to this land; and 7. commends the state governments that have begun reconciliation efforts with recognised indian tribes located in their boundaries and encourages all state governments similarly to work towards reconciling relationships with indian tribes within their boundaries. b. disclaimer. nothing in this section 1. authorises or supports any claim against the united states; or 2. serves as a settlement of any claim against the united states.107 the disclaimers tacked on to this hidden apology also apply to president obama’s endorsement of the declaration. the bill specifically states that the apology does not support any claim against the united states, a provision which clearly undercuts any real desire to pave a path forward. similarly, the us announcement documenting its support for the declaration specifically asserts that it is neither ‘legally binding or a statement of current international law’.108 furthermore, the statement acknowledges that consultation with tribes over matters affecting tribal interests is important, but agreement with tribes on those interests was not required for final decision making.109 this, of course, gives with 107 ibid. 108 office of the special representative for global intergovernmental affairs (n 101) 1–15. 109 cultural survival, ‘victory: u.s. endorses the un declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples’ (cultural survival, 2019) accessed 27 november 2018. www.culturalsurvival.org/news/victoryus-endorses-un-declaration-rights-indigenous-peoples www.culturalsurvival.org/news/victoryus-endorses-un-declaration-rights-indigenous-peoples 164 non-apology in the age of apology the one hand and takes away, or at least preserves the status quo, with the other. given that the status quo is replete with historical wrongs that have disadvantaged native peoples for generations it is not surprising that the effect of the statement of support for the declaration on the part of the united states has been ineffectual at best. conclusion apologies, whether interpersonal or at the state level, are important. how to convey true regret for past actions is vital for all relationships. equally important is what happens after an apology is made. it makes sense, therefore, that researchers have devoted attention to what makes a true political apology, to determine what essential details that they should contain, and what should be left out. if we are, as the literature contends, in the age of apology, states must undertake to take their apologies seriously as a critical step towards healing the wounds inflicted in their name. the declaration was an attempt to define a set of individual and collective rights of indigenous peoples and nations around the globe. even though many human rights were recognised after the second world war, it took another half a century for the rights of indigenous peoples to have merit in their own right. it is telling indeed that only four nations objected to the rights contained in the declaration and refused to recognise those rights. it is significant, as well, that all four nations elected to ignore established political apology considerations when they finally made statements of support recognising those rights. not one of the four made a true apology in their endorsement of the declaration. this has significance as we assess what progress has been made in the well-being of indigenous peoples and indigenous nations and as we embark on the second decade of this historic international instrument. even as indigenous peoples are encouraged to use the declaration to advocate for those rights contained in it, states must themselves step up to implement the protections and reforms enshrined in the declaration. the endorsements by australia, canada, new zealand and the united states, following the adoption of the declaration were non-apologies. whether those non-apologies were intentional or not, each must develop meaningful strategies for implementing the declaration and beginning the process of making concrete legislative changes in support of their indigenous citizens. only then can those relationships begin the process of healing after centuries of past wrongs. human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 1 denning law journal 2018 vol 30 pp 1-2 editorial introduction sarah sargent lord denning is well known for many aspects of his long and illustrious legal career. the denning law journal carries his name both in recognition, and furtherance of his legacy and contributions to law. this is reflected in the mission statement of the journal: “the aim of the journal is to provide a forum for the widest discussion of issues arising in the common law world and the commonwealth, and to embrace the wider global and international issues of contemporary concern. lord denning recognised the importance of: developing the common law focusing on the development of law in commonwealth jurisdictions the need for judicial and community recognition of the urgency of reform and modernization of law the need to preserve traditions of judicial independence, integrity, accountability and creativity reflecting upon the interplay of law and morality the role to be played by the state in the defence of the individual in the modern state international and comparative law protection and promotion of human and constitutional rights development of constitutional and administrative law the denning law journal strives to reflect these in its publication.” this edition of the journal is particularly reflective of the values espoused by lord denning, on the importance of the role of the common law in advancing legal change to keep up with a changing world. this is senior lecturer in law, university of buckingham. 2 noted in his quote from the case of packer v. packer [1954] p. 15 at 22:“if we never do anything which has not been done before, we shall never get anywhere. the law will stand still whilst the rest of the world goes on; and that will be bad for both.” the collection of articles provides a view into the strength of common law in both changing and maintaining the rule of law across a variety of legal areas. this edition provides a diverse and innovative discussion that together highlight the view that is proffered by lord denning. the law indeed is not standing still. there is movement in the area of property law, environmental law, the relationship of law to technology, as well as in managing and resolving issues of corruption and money laundering, and in addressing issues of discrimination in education. the denning law journal provides an important platform for the necessary discussions, introspections, and analysis of where the law has been and where it needs to go, to meet the challenges of a highly technical globalised world that is both adapting to new developments and information while it still has not resolved age-old problems of discrimination, resource allocation and universal access to fundamental human rights. the journal strives to address these issues within the context of the vision of lord denning. we are already looking forward to the 2019 edition, which will include of the winner of a post-graduate student writing competition. we encourage anyone with an interest in publication in the 2019 edition to make a submission. informal queries are always warmly welcomed. as ever, the production of this journal is the result of teamwork, and it is important to note and give thanks to the student editors, gbogboade akitoye, yousef bendahane, charley-anne gordon, wardah masood hasan and jana ward, who gave generously of their time and knowledge to help in proof reading and editing. dr james slater guided and supported the students in this very important endeavor. a thanks is also due to dr jocelynne scutt and professor john hatchard, for their efforts, and a final thanks to sandra clarke, who has joined our law school as dean of law, for her support and encouragement where the denning law journal is concerned. dr sarah sargent chief editor, denning law journal human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 1 denning law journal 2017 vol 29 pp 1 editorial introduction james slater carol brennan as the new editors of the denning law journal, we are proud to present the 2017 edition, which continues the tradition of the university of buckingham’s law school of commissioning and publishing the very best in legal scholarship from a variety of perspectives and across a broad range of subjects. building on the precedent of the hugely successful magna carta (2015) edition in 2016, we published a special edition on ‘energy: contemporary issues in the oil and gas sector’ in 2016. in 2017 the denning law journal returns to its generalist nature, publishing a wide range of scholarship addressing, inter alia, criminal law, land law and commercial law. we would like to convey our admiration and gratitude to professor susan edwards, from whom we have inherited the editorship. her tireless dedication to the denning law journal, both as a contributor and solicitor of contributions, has been invaluable. tribute and gratitude must also be paid to our enthusiastic and hardworking student editors for their invaluable assistance with proofing and editing. we remain honoured to be uniquely permitted to use the name of our late patron, lord denning. dr james slater dr carol brennan senior lecturer in law, university of buckingham. senior lecturer in law, university of buckingham. 191 the denning law journal 2018 vol 30 pp 191-196 book reviews the us constitution – a very short introduction david j. bodenhamer (oxford university press 2018) pp 143 jocelynne a. scutt* * senior teaching fellow, university of buckingham. 1 david j bodenhamer, the u.s. constitution – a very short introduction (oup 2018) xix. the oxford university press began its very short introduction series in 1995 and now, two decades into the 2000s, comprises some 500 volumes translated into more than forty-five different languages, covering ‘everything from psychology and philosophy of science to american history and relativity’. the aim of the series, says oxford university press, is to provide ‘a stimulating and accessible way into a new subject’ for readers unfamiliar with the topic. david bodenhamer’s the us constitution – a very short introduction fulfils this aim, yet does far more than this and its title may imply. david bodenhamer has produced an impressive piece of scholarship. comprising eight chapters, the us constitution covers ‘the revolutionary constitution’, ‘federalism’, ‘balance of powers’, ‘property’, ‘representation’, ‘equality’, ‘rights’ and ‘security’ as well as ‘the future constitution’ in a short ‘epilogue’. included, too, is an impressive list of ‘further reading’ along with a comprehensive compendium of ‘references’. these provide a good lead-in for readers who do wish to explore further. particularly in the current climate of political turmoil and ignorance of the rule of law at the highest levels of the united states administration (and, one hesitates to say, ‘leadership’), the book and the resources contained in it are more than timely. moving back a pace for the moment, however, the us constitution is of interest to the united kingdom because the country prides itself on lacking a written constitution, whilst it is equally of interest to countries with written constitutions. for the latter, the book is of particular relevance where, as is so with australia, the country’s constitution is constructed with a direct united states’ influence. as bodenhamer notes in his preface, ‘the us constitution is the world’s oldest written constitution’ albeit ‘its impact is as recent as today’s news’,1 and this goes beyond the united states with its contemporary relevance being observed 192 book reviews elsewhere. at the same time, as he implies, no other country (written constitution or not) relies so much on, or invokes so often, the constitution as a justification for supporting or decrying not only actions of government, but the conduct of private enterprise and individuals in their everyday lives. that this document is so powerful a backstop and platform for present and future action is belied by its composition: the original united states constitution comprised seven articles and 4,400 words. nevertheless, it ‘established a framework for a national government … allocat[ing] carefully prescribed powers among its branches and between national and pre-existing state governments…’2 addressing the potential for creating new states, and ensuring a process for amendment. the latter has a contemporary relevance for the united kingdom, in the light of the havoc, disunity, upset and dilemma unleashed by the 2016 referendum on whether to remain within the european union (eu), or leave it.3 one of the most significant features of the us constitution is its dedication to the separation of powers, with judicial, executive and legislative arms of government being distinct. australia adopted this insofar as separation of the judicial arm is in issue, however adhered to the united kingdom position whereby the executive and legislature are intertwined. for americans, the united kingdom’s original lack of separation of the three arms would be confounding, and most would be astonished that the present separation of the judiciary from the legislature is so recent.4 bodenhamer’s chapter 3 ‘balance of powers’ traverses well the struggle each arm of government has in the united states to take a pre-eminent role, one arm sometimes being more apparently so, at other times another. he points out that from the outset the struggle engaged the states and the federal government, and the arms of the federal government itself, with the supreme court and the president ‘seizing opportunities to define their own constitutional powers as equal to congress’. thus, marbury v madison (1803) provided the justices ‘with an early victory … confirm[ing] the principle of judicial review’.5 however, the civil war and reconstruction brought about ‘a period of legislative dominance’, preceded by a short time of executive supremacy when president lincoln engaged in wartime actions under his exclusive direction. this then led to a period of domination by the judiciary when, in consequence of ‘weak’ presidents and the public’s dissatisfaction with a congress perceived of as corrupt and 2 ibid. 3 see further jocelynne a. scutt, ‘change the constitution? interpretation, (mis) calculation, reaction and wrongs righted’ p 121. 4 see andrew le sueur (eds), building the uk’s new supreme court: national and comparative perspectives (oup 2004). 5 ibid 37. the denning law journal 193 incompetent, the supreme court ‘filled the vacuum of power, establishing its role as the preeminent branch of the general government for the last three decades of the nineteenth century…’6 bodenhamer draws attention to the fact that the constitution is explicit in its definition of the powers of congress, yet is ‘much less exact in outlining presidential authority’. the constitution states simply that the executive power ‘shall be vested in a president of the united states of america’, but as the us constitution observes, what this vesting clause actually means is ‘left unanswered’.7 thus it is that presidents george w bush and donald trump may be seen as moving the role increasingly towards a reassertion of the ‘divine right of kings’, in both cases a disturbing development. for bodenhamer (and indeed for all americans and the global community, one might add), ‘one of the most vexing questions of power in american constitutional history’ has been whether the vesting clause gave the president ‘inherent, unilateral authority to protect the safety and well-being of the nation’.8 bodenhamer in this regard reflects upon the crisis generated by watergate and president nixon’s incumbency, with notions of an ‘imperial presidency’ and assertions of ‘absolute privilege and absolute immunity’ rejected by the supreme court in united states v nixon (1974). president nixon was not entitled to refuse access to the tapes which recorded his discussions with presidential aides h r haldeman and john erlichman.9 readers may look forward to an updated volume in light of matters surrounding the trump presidency and the current composition of the supreme court. chapter 5 ‘property’ is particularly insightful in covering the constitutional provisions, legislative and executive action, and supreme court decision-making for a country that has capitalism and private property ownership at its heart. having covered this question from the united states foundation, through the early days of railway development and earlier expansionism, bodenhamer discusses the new deal and president roosevelt’s plans for economic recovery following the 1929 crash.10 he raises a matter connecting back to the balance or separation of powers issue covered in chapter 3: president roosevelt’s plan to restructure the supreme court, consistent with article iii of the constitution. this effectively gives the president the power to gain judicial support by appointing more justices, 6 le sueur (n 4) 38. 7 le sueur (n 4) 39. 8 le sueur (n 4) 40. 9 ‘the smoking gun tape’ (watergate.info) accessed 5 november 2018; united states v nixon 418 us 683 (1974). 10 for a short, reflective history, see john kenneth galbraith, the great crash – 1929 (penguin books/pelican imprint 1955, 1961). 194 book reviews as roosevelt sought to do, perceiving that the court, as then composed, would not uphold his new deal measures. in the event this restructure did not take place, due to the lack of popular support.11 further, this power is not constitutionally unbridled: any new supreme court appointments require the congressional process of senate hearings, providing a possible check and balance where a president seeks to ‘stack’ the court.12 the chapters on ‘representation’ (ch 5), ‘equality’ (ch 6) and ‘rights’ (ch 7) are central to issues confronting the united states today. in 2020, the 100 year celebration of ratification of the nineteenth amendment granting women voting rights is a significant milestone in equal rights, representation and equality, and it is ironic that, as bodenhamer remarks, war has been ‘important in crystallizing support for a more democratic constitution’. this occurred with the fifteenth amendment (extending voting rights to african-american men after the civil war), as it did with the nineteenth amendment (first world war), and later with the twenty-sixth amendment lowering the voting age to eighteen (vietnam war).13 today, rights and equality are under significant attack. efforts are made by some states to curb voting rights, particularly for african americans and racial and ethnic minorities.14 the rights of refugees and asylum seekers are under continuing assault, promoted by presidential efforts to bar entry to the united states on the basis of ethnic or national origin or religion.15 11 ibid 57. 12 although the 2018 senate hearings resulting in acceptance of the nomination of judge brett kavanaugh as an associate justice of the supreme court may bring into question the ‘check and balance’ principle: committee on the judiciary, ‘judge brett m. kavanaugh – nominee to serve as an associate justice on the supreme court of the united states’ (hearings) accessed 19 november 2018. 13 ibid 69–70. 14 see for example common dreams, ‘federal civil rights commission finds voting rights under attack’ (common dreams, 12 september 2018) accessed 5 november 2018. 15 see national archives, ‘2017 donald trump federal executive orders’ (federal register) accessed 5 november 2018; national archives, ‘2018 donald trump federal executive orders’ (federal register) accessed 5 november 2018; ‘explaining trump’s executive order on expanding family separation’ new york times (20 june 2018) accessed 5 november 2018. the denning law journal 195 free speech, addressed in chapter 7 ‘rights’, is today confronted in replication of george orwell’s nineteen eighty-four ‘new speak’,16 with charges of ‘fake news’ filling the media and common in everyday conversation. this is a warning in light of bodenhamer’s conclusion that free speech is a ‘bellwether for the expanded conception of rights’ under the constitution.17 the supreme court’s decision in citizens united v federal election commission (2010), striking down congressional limits on campaign spending by corporations, groups and individuals despite this making it ‘easier for wealthy interests to drown out other voices’18 has played a part in the current offensive against rights. all this confirms the need for continuing vigilance in the struggle to ensure that government plays a role supportive of human, civil and political rights rather than undermining them. bodenhamer recognises this in chapter 8 ‘security’, in his observations on the role of the constitution, the president, congress and the supreme court in the ‘war on terror’ which has led to contemporary side-lining of rights formerly recognised as ‘given’. in the brief ‘epilogue’, bodenhamer recognizes that the constitution is ‘one constant in american history’, and as circumstances have changed, ‘so has the constitution’.19 he concludes: how this framework for government will evolve is uncertain, but … it is once again facing serious challenges to its revolutionary legacy. endless wars, an aggressive presidency, a gridlocked and hyper-partisan congress, a sharply divided electorate, economic inequality, immigration, cybersecurity and privacy, and foreign interference in the nation’s democratic processes, among a host of other issues, have placed demands on government and on society that test its constitutional values.20 whether the 2018 mid-term elections and the renewed influx of democrats into a formerly republican dominated house of representatives21 will make the difference some anticipate remains unknown. quoting benjamin franklin’s remarks at the 1787 constitutional convention, bodenhamer wonders whether 16 george orwell, nineteen eighty-four (penguin modern classics 2013). 17 ibid 102. 18 orwell (n 16) 102. 19 orwell (n 16) 123. 20 orwell (n 16) 124. 21 ‘us mid-term elections 2018 results’ financial times accessed 19 november 2018. 196 book reviews indeed power has been addressed successfully: does a rising or setting sun characterise the united states in its original and present form? in response to the question: ‘well, dr franklin, have you given us a republic or a monarchy?’ benjamin franklin replied: ‘a republic, if you can keep it.’22 today, bodenhamer concludes: how americans interpret the constitution during unsettled and disturbing times makes franklin’s challenge the most important one that the united states as a nation will ever face.23 this small book provides both a foundation and insights into how this question may be answered. 22 us constitution, ‘speech of benjamin franklin’ (17 september 1787) accessed 5 november 2018; ibid 125. 23 ibid 125. 17 the denning law journal 2017 vol 29 pp 1740 community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 1 natalie pratt* 1. introduction western understanding of property has traditionally followed the blackstonian conception of: …that sole and despotic dominium which one man claims and exercises over the external things of the world, in total exclusion of the right of any other individual in the universe.1 whilst this infamous quote is often cited out of context, the right to exclude others is still recognised as the hallmark of the property rights enjoyed by a titleholder. communal property arrangements are in sharp decline, especially in capitalist economies. social and economic policy favour those who use by taking resources and excluding others, as opposed to those who use a resource whilst sharing it. by using a number of models (such as the tragedy of the commons, the prisoner’s dilemma or the logic of collective action),2 social scientists, economists and lawyers have all argued for the privatisation of natural resources at the expense of common-property regimes. common-property suffers a stigmatisation; it is often considered an arrangement that is marred by the mismanagement of resources, confined to the developing world and intrinsically linked to poverty. 3 consequently, very little provision is made in english law for communal property arrangements, and there is no real legal mechanism that can * teaching fellow, dickson poon school of law, king's college london. 1 sir william blackstone, commentaries on the laws of england (chicago university press 1979) 2. 2 elinor ostrom, governing the commons: the evolution of institutions for collective action (cambridge university press 1990). 3 cf runge, ‘common property and collective action in economic development’ in dw bromley (ed), making the commons work: theory, practice and reality (san francisco: institute for contemporary studies 1992) 17. community property claims 18 adequately accommodate this alternative method of property holding. 4 the trust and the corporate form can be manipulated to enable communities to control and hold title to land, but are not mechanisms that are designed or inherently suited to such a purpose. even newer initiatives, such as community land trusts,5 are bound to the existing legal forms and have not developed new title holding mechanisms in favour of the community, thus limiting their impact in furthering the communal property cause. notwithstanding the prevalent trend of the privatisation of resources, our legal doctrine strongly suggests that some kinds of property should not be exclusively private; but rather should be open to the public or subject to the jus publicum.6 indeed, it has also been argued that communal resource use is a “versatile and endemic phenomenon, not a relic of past or primitive societies”.7 empirical studies of communal resources have demonstrated that common-property arrangements can, and do, survive. moreover, new de facto common-property arrangements are arising, and yet there is an inadequate legal framework in practice to recognise them. modern commons scholarship is trying to reverse the marginalisation of commonproperty arrangements, the first step of which is to justify these arrangements, as this article aims to do. this two-part article seeks to expose the imbalance between communal and private property arrangements by justifying communal property claims using a theory that is frequently invoked to justify private property: the personality theory of property. it is argued that if a community of users can establish a claim within the personhood perspective, that claim should be treated with the same respect as the private property claim founded through the same mechanism. where competing claims to natural resources (specifically land) exist, it should not always be the private property claim of an individual landowner that takes priority when the other claimant is a community of users. if both claims can be justified through the same mechanism, both should be treated with equal weight and consideration. part ii of this instalment examines the personality theory of property as traditionally applied to justify private property claims, and suggests that this justificatory framework could, in theory, be applied to a communal claim. part iii acknowledges that the personhood claim cannot be applied 4 english law currently restricts the number of individuals who may collectively hold title to a resource to four persons, as per s 34 law of property act 1925. 5 housing and regeneration act 2008, s 79. 6 c rose, property and persuasion: essays on the history, theory and rhetoric of ownership (westview press inc 1994) 106. 7 a clarke, ‘creating new commons: recognition of communal land rights within a private property framework’ (2006) 59 (1) current legal problems 319, 325. the denning law journal 19 to simply any group to substantiate a successful property claim, and examines the requisite group characteristics that allow the application of the theory. the second instalment of this two-part article will then apply the personality theory of property to the limited number of community claims that are recognised in english law. it will be shown that the personality theory of property is not yet operative in the community context, and does not protect community entitlement in the way that it protects the entitlement of private individuals. the second instalment also explores why community entitlement to property fails to adhere to the personality theory, and points to the inconsistency between the nature of the community claim and the dominant narrative in property discourse. finally, it will be suggested that whilst recent political initiatives purport to have given greater weight to community entitlements to property, this is in fact a ruse. the outcome of the policies aimed at recognising the community claim is little more than a perpetuation of the preference for private property initiatives. the reluctant conclusion of these papers is that a community of users cannot establish an entitlement to the resource that they use through the personality theory of property. whilst in theory claims of a community should be respected in the same way as claims of individuals under the personhood perspective, this is impossible as long as the dominant narrative of property is that of the self-interested individual. the english legal system does not understand the nature of communal claims, and all attempts to introduce policies and mechanisms that recognise and accommodate community claims to land have proved ineffective. allocation of, and entitlement to, natural resources not only relies on the dominant property narrative, but also the political climate in which the narrative is developed. the political climate is such that promoting community entitlement to property is not advantageous to realising the economic aims of the government, which, in light of the recent economic downturn, can only really favour the instrumental and fungible property claim. 2. the personality theory of property instinctive impulse drives us to collect property; and the collections thus made become, with different degrees of intimacy, parts of our empirical selves. 8 the personality theory of property, also referred to as property and personhood (the terms are used interchangeably), is traditionally used to 8 w james, the principles of psychology (henry holt and co inc 1890) 293. community property claims 20 justify private property claims. the essence of the theory is that an individual embodies himself or herself in the external world by projecting their will into external unoccupied objects. the property becomes bound up with their personality, and is a constitutive part of their personhood. this embodiment of will justifies the individual having dominium over the property, as it is to be treated as part of his or her empirical self. for another to use the property would be an invasion of bodily integrity, and therefore the entitlement of the individual invoking the personhood claim should be protected by rules prohibiting such trespass. therefore, the personality theory of property extends the assault analogy by extending its scope to invasions of bodily integrity that may occur once personhood-constituting claims to property are recognised.9 hegelian model the origins of the personality theory of property can be found in the philosophical scholarship of hegel, most notably in his seminal text, philosophy of right. in hegel’s personality theory an individual embodies his personality in property by projecting and externalising his personality into previously unoccupied objects. to embody one’s personality in an external object one must use and take possession of the item.10 this in turn precludes a second man taking possession of something that is already the property of another,11 and the first possessor will be considered the true owner, as there is no property left for another man to take.12 waldron describes the embodiment of will as a two way process: first the object is effected by your will, and second, as a result of that effect, it makes certain uses of that object possible that otherwise would not have been possible.13 once an individual has embodied their will in the external object, that object becomes part of their person, in the same way that their physical form is constitutive of their person; this is the justification for the acquisition of property by an individual. however, hegel’s personality theory does not concentrate solely on the individual, and does recognise a role for the group or community; this role is not equivalent to the role of the individual and their will, but it is crucial to establishing a personhood 9 jw harris, property and justice (oxford university press 1996) 213-19. 10 gwf hegel, philosophy of right (t knox tr, clarendon press 1952) 49 para 60. 11 ibid 45 para 50. 12 ibid 49 para 61. 13 j waldron, the right to private property (oxford university press 1988) 349. the denning law journal 21 claim. there are three important references to the community in hegel’s work. first, hegel requires the embodiment of a person’s will in an external object to be recognisable by others, and the presence of other human beings in the world is essential for that recognition. for a person to have something as his or her property, there must be those in the world who do not have that item as their property, and who can recognise the property claim of someone else.14 unless the individual claiming the object to be theirs is doing so in the context of the group, there is no value or substance to the claim, as the right to the property has no correlative duty. second, hegel incompletely introduces the notion of autonomous groups, and gives particular attention to the family unit and their property relationships. 15 he treats the family in the same way as an individual by asserting that the family only has an external existence through property; “and it is only when this property takes the form of capital that it becomes the embodiment of the substantial personality of the family.”16 the desires and needs of particular individuals in the family unit are transformed into the care for common possessions. hegel explains that whilst each member of the family has no property that he can call his own, he has a right to the common stock. the idea that family members share in a common stock initially looks appealing to the aim of this article: applying the personality theory of property to the communal claim. if the group or community that is seeking to establish an entitlement to property can be considered as analogous to the family unit, it seems that it is possible to assert that the community has no external existence until they embody their will in property. this embodiment will be possible if each member of the community is willing to give up their individual entitlement in favour of a share in the common stock held by the community unit. however, this initial reading is flawed and unhelpful. hegel requires that the husband, as the head of the family, must represent the legal entity and that his powers of administration may clash with the right of the individual family members to the common stock. this clash could eventually lead to ‘partition’ and ‘contingency’.17 therefore, hegel’s autonomous family group does not advance the case for the recognition of communal property-holding any further. it seems difficult to understand the family unit as a communal holding mechanism as long as the administration of the property can only be conducted by one of those persons entitled to the common stock. one of the primary problems 14 s munzer, a theory of property (cambridge university press 1990) 69. 15 hegel (n 10) paras 169-71. 16 ibid 169. 17 ibid 171. community property claims 22 with community title is that it is not recognised in law, and even those that are recognised do not have the characteristics of a true communal regime. they invariably rely on the right of one person to administer the property and represent the other members of the community, rather than recognising a collective entitlement to manage and administer the property. this concept of communal-holding bears some resemblance to a trust relationship: the individual with the power of administration holds the common stock on trust and manages it for the benefit of the beneficiaries, who are the members of the family unit. therefore, it seems that hegel’s conception of the family is little more than a trust-like relationship, and advances the possibility of applying the personality theory of property to communal claims no further. only if the notion of the autonomous group is further developed will it be possible that the property and personhood claim could be used to substantiate a community entitlement to property. finally, hegel explicitly cautions that individual property rights cannot prevail over demands that may be made for the realisation or maintenance of a genuine ethical community or state.18 he also goes further by saying that the state may cancel property rights in exceptional circumstances. however, he also renders this unusual, as the state has actively sought to promote private property as “no community has so good a right to property as a person has”.19 therefore, in this instance, the role and entitlement of the community seems to be subordinate to the property of individuals, unless exceptional circumstances prevail. neo-hegelian conceptions: personal and fungible property claims hegel’s work has been examined and reformulated in many of the texts that are referenced throughout this article. one of the most notable contributions to this neo-hegelian restatement is in the work of professor radin, who notes that “[a]lmost any theory of private property can be referred to some notion of personhood”.20 she frames her inquiry as being an exploration as to how the personhood perspective can help resolve specific disputes between rival claimants. therefore, radin’s work could be vitally important to the adjudication of disputes between an individual and a community that lay claim to the same resource. both radin and hegel proceed from the same basic premise: that to achieve proper self-development an individual needs to control resources in the external environment. yet, despite being a species of the same theory, 18 waldron (n 13). 19 hegel (n 10) additions to para 46. 20 mj radin, ‘property and personhood’ (1982) 34 stanford law review 957. the denning law journal 23 the personhood perspectives put forward by hegel and radin differ in a number of ways. the most crucial of these differences is the conception of the ‘person’ that each is deploying. as far as hegel’s personhood perspective is concerned, a person is not fully constituted and capable of being a person until they have property and control over resources in the external environment. therefore hegel’s person is akin to the conception of the person that is prevalent in the philosophy of kant. hegel’s person is an autonomous being that is capable of holding rights, and thus does not have any individuating characteristics until these rights are acquired. on the contrary, radin adopts a view of the person that does not eliminate their individuating characteristics. her person is already fully formed and constituted when he projects his personality into the world, and the property relationship allows the individual to express himself in the outside world, rather than attain status as a person. using this conception of the person, radin pursues what she labels as the ‘intuitive view’ of property and personhood, which is wholly subjective. she argues that most people possess objects that they feel are almost part of themselves because they “constitute ourselves as continuing personal entities in the world”.21 to measure the strength of the connection between an individual and the objects that they possess radin suggests the metric to be the level of pain that would be incurred should the individual be deprived of that object. on this measurement, if the pain caused by the loss of the object cannot be alleviated by the replacement of the object, it is likely that the object is bound up with the holder and is closely related to their personhood. the example that radin provides is that of a wedding ring, to which the wearer would attribute a sentimental value that could not be replicated by a replacement ring or through substitution for monetary value. if, however, the wedding ring were stolen from a jeweller, it is likely that a replacement ring or the monetary value of the ring would be a sufficient remedy to alleviate the pain caused by its loss. unless there are special circumstances it seems a safe presumption that the ring has no sentimental value to the jeweller, who views the ring as profit. radin has respectively labelled the claim of the wearer of the ring and the jeweller as personal and fungible property claims. she presents these two claims in the form of a dichotomy, although she does also acknowledge that objects may shift between the categories of personal and fungible property, or they may fall out of the categories of property altogether.22 radin’s view is subjective in the sense that the objects that may be bound up with individuals, through the metric of the pain incurred on their loss, will vary greatly from person to person. one individual may view their 21 ibid 959. 22 ibid 966-67. community property claims 24 rolex as a financial investment, which could be replaced by a watch of the same specification and vintage (or its monetary value), whereas others may have an attachment to their rolex as a gift or family heirloom. similarly, some individuals may feel a deep attachment to items that others view as absurd or odd, but the pain that would be caused by the loss of these items qualifies them as closely related to the personhood of the individual. it is unclear where the limits of the tolerance for personal-property claims in the subjective view are. there must be a dividing line between those claims that are valid and acceptable, and those that are simply fetishes that are not, or arguably should not, be closely linked to personhood. all personhood claims are based on the preferences of individuals, but there must be objective criteria that differentiate between good and bad identification with external objects.23 once a valid connection to an external object can be substantiated, the personality theory of property suggests that the property claims that are constitutive of personhood have a stronger moral claim than property claims that have an instrumental purpose. in short, personal claims to property should be protected ‘against invasion by government and against cancellation by conflicting fungible property claims of other people’.24 personal-property claims should take priority over fungible property claims, even when the fungible property claim is established first in time. this general rule may be rebutted in exceptional circumstances where the property claim can be proven not to be personal, or where is can be deemed not to be so personal as to outweigh the importance of the government taking the object over which the claim is made for a particular social purpose.25 if the latter circumstance occurs, it is likely that the level of compensation awarded for the deprivation of the property would reflect the personal nature of the property claim (notwithstanding the fact that the personal claim is unlikely to be adequately compensated through the mode of damages). at first glance the rule that personal property claims should take priority over fungible claims, even where that fungible claim is established first in time, seems to contradict hegel’s notion that once property has been occupied there is no property left for another man to take. if a property claim can be displaced by a competing property claim it suggests that there was residual property available for occupation, the occupation of which can eventually result in the total displacement of the existing fungible claim. however, on a closer reading, the combined effect of radin and hegel seems only to be that the fungible claim should not be protected against a 23 ibid 961. 24 ibid 1015. 25 ibid 1005. the denning law journal 25 subsequent personal claim; only existing personal claims should be protected against subsequent claims (whether personal or fungible), whereas fungible claims will only be protected against subsequent fungible claims. the fungible claim does not give rise to the same entitlement as a personal claim. the personal claim precludes another from claiming an entitlement to the property, as there would be no property left for another man to take once that property is constitutive of the personhood of the first occupant. conversely, fungible claims can always be displaced where an individual embodies their will in the object and links it to their personhood, regardless of whether the fungible claimant was the first occupant or not. therefore, the personality theory of property is normative, insofar as it suggests that property constitutive of personhood is worthier of protection than other property claims, and that personal-property claims give rise to a stronger entitlement. the inquiry in this article has adopted the personal/fungible dichotomy because its purpose is to adjudicate between competing claims to the same resource. in the context of the wedding ring example above, if there were a conflict between the claims of the wearer and the jeweller, the claim of the wearer would take priority, as their claim is a personal one. the ring is bound up with the personhood of the wearer, whereas the jeweller has only an instrumental value for the ring, rendering his claim fungible. the same reasoning applies to natural resources, such as land. for example: if person a builds their home on a plot of land (we will assume for the moment that this is done lawfully), and the interest that person b holds in the land is purely financial (such as being the landowner), and person b seeks to use the land in a way that is inconsistent with a’s home being on the land (sale or development with the intention of making financial gain etc.), the claim of person a should prevail, unless there are exceptional circumstances. person a has a personal claim over the land; the land is the site of their home to which they have an attachment. it is unlikely that a replacement home will hold the same value for person a as their present home does. this home has fostered relationships, memories and sentiment that a replacement house would not have. on the contrary, the landowner who holds a purely financial interest is asserting a fungible property claim only as he attributes an instrumental value to the land. furthermore, person b would, in this scenario, also be satisfied with replacement land or monetary compensation on the loss of the land. in a direct clash between the two, the personal claim has the greater moral value, and should be protected. person b should be prevented in engaging in the use that is inconsistent with the claim of person a. the personhood perspective does not exist only in the hypothetical instance, nor does it only exist at a theoretical level. there are many legal doctrines that, whilst they are not labelled as such, either expressly or community property claims 26 implicitly acknowledge the personal-property claim as worthy of protection over those claims that are fungible. for example, allowing individuals to acquire rights over land by prescription, and allowing the acquisition of title by virtue of long use through adverse possession, both acknowledge that those who use the land for a sustained period bind themselves with the land in such a way that gives rise to a property claim. this property claim often takes the form of a personal-property claim,26 and in the case of adverse possession may even lead to the fungible claimant losing title to the land altogether. another example can be found in the overriding interest of persons in actual occupation.27 the overriding interest protects unregistered interests in the land, provided those rights are coupled with occupation of the land, even in the presence of a conflicting claim. if the individual occupies the land it is assumed that their personhood is closely linked to the land in such a way that the loss of the land cannot be adequately compensated through substitution of the land, or provision of monetary compensation. they have an entitlement that should be upheld against fungible claims of purchasers, or a pre-existing personal claim that should take priority over new personal claims that may arise. personhood in the group context the contentious element of this project is extending the normative principle of favouring personal claims to a conflict concerning the claim of a group or community against claim made by a private landowner. the personal/fungible dichotomy has rarely, if ever, been analysed outside the context of a conflict between two individuals. it is essentially a way of justifying a private property claim and allocating a resource or object to one person over another. however, it does not seem beyond the realm of logical application that, if a group could establish a personal-property claim, it should defeat the fungible claim of others. the application of the dichotomy and normative principle to this effect would be radical; the group would attain new competencies and status, and is not without its difficulties, but it is certainly not impossible. some headway has already been made in applying the personhood perspective to community claims. for example, professor harris suggests that the assault analogy actually has more force when discussing the concept in the context of community claims to first occupancy. he suggests that to take artefacts that are closely identified with the cultural identity of 26 a clarke, ‘use, time and entitlement’ (2004) 57 (1) current legal problems 239. 27 land registration act 2002, sch 3 para 2. the denning law journal 27 a particular community constitutes a natural wrong. 28 furthermore, he suggests that that analogy is even stronger in the case of land if the community is in occupation of the land and relies on its use for economic survival, as incompatible uses by newcomers will constitute an attack upon the community’s collective integrity. 29 whilst harris is not directly addressing a group personal-property claim, the personality theory relies heavily upon, and indeed extends, the assault analogy that he is discussing. furthermore, there are similarities between the first occupancy rule and the personality theory of property that enhance the relevance of harris’s observations in the context of the personality theory of property. the key similarity is that once property has been occupied by force of individual will, and that claim is personal, there is no property left for another man to take. in much the same way, once property has been taken or occupied for the first time, the individual engaged in that act of taking has the best title to the object. radin does not herself take the additional step of applying the personal/fungible dichotomy in the group context. however, similarly to hegel, radin does indicate that the group has some role in the personality theory of property. she briefly revisits hegel’s assertion that an individual can only find self-determination in the context of a group, and notes that this may have political consequences for group claims on certain resources in the external world. 30 it seems that, for radin at least, applying the personhood perspective to a group claim to protect that group’s entitlement is not beyond possibility, although that step is still only in elementary form. in the context of eminent domain (compulsory purchase), radin suggests that: although the personhood perspective has not yet yielded a general limitation on eminent domain, some fragmentary evidence suggests that group property rights, if connected with group autonomy or association, are given enhanced protection.31 this project seeks to achieve what the neo-hegelians have yet to do: to apply the personal/fungible dichotomy to claims made by groups and communities to natural resources, such as land, and to allow those groups that succeed in establishing a personal-property claim to defeat any competing fungible claims. the application of the theory in this way will potentially allow those communities that use land to defeat the claims of 28 harris (n 9) 216. 29 ibid. 30 radin (n 20). 31 ibid 1006. community property claims 28 those who seek to use the same land in a way that is inconsistent with the use of the community. for example, recognising the personal-property claim of a community that use land for the purposes of recreation could protect these recreational spaces from inconsistent use that is motivated by financial purposes, such as development or enclosure. there is currently very little legal recognition of community rights to resources, and those mechanisms that do exist are tempered by political policy objectives. by grounding the community entitlement in a strong theoretical framework, such as property and personhood, the chances of achieving legal recognition of community claims and entitlement are greatly increased. in principle, the application of the personality theory of property to community claims seems plausible. however, there are a number of difficulties that must be explored. the primary difficulty is the nature and conception of the group. at present a group or community does not enjoy the same legal and moral status as an individual to whom the theory is applied. groups are inherently different in that they are a collection of wills, rather than one single will that is seeking to be embodied in the external world; and it is to this problem that the attention of this article will now turn. 3. defining the community in the attempt to apply the personality theory of property to communal claims the initial challenge is to reconceive the role of the group. it is clear from the preceding discussion that the group dynamic has some, albeit limited, role in the personality theory of property. the settled role of the group, which is in effect the society in which the private property-owning actors operate, is to act as an audience to the claim of the private individual. 32 the present function of the group can therefore be understood by using a centuries-old puzzle; if a tree falls in the woods and there is nobody around to hear it fall, would it make a sound? if a private individual established and then communicated a private property claim over a natural resource, and there was nobody around to receive that communication, would the claim still exist? the group in the property claim serves the same function as the ear with the falling tree. the falling tree causes a number of vibrations in the air, or sound waves. however, ‘sound’ is something within human experience, until the vibrations reach a human ear and are synthesised, they will only ever be vibrations. the same reasoning applies to the property claim: until that claim is communicated to, and understood 32 see also rose (n 6) chapter one, where the importance of the audience and the symbols of possession are discussed. the denning law journal 29 by, the society in which the claimant lives, it has no substance or meaning. by receiving the communication and understanding the property claims made by others the claim is realised, and the entitlement can be respected and observed by the members of society. the group or society is, on this conception, little more than a collection of self-interested individuals; there is nothing inherently cohesive or grouplike about them. the group does not have a level of collective autonomy that elevates it to the status of a right-holder, and which allows the personality theory of property to substantiate a property entitlement in their favour. the individual members and their property claims exist solely as a comparator for the claims of others;33 they allow for the distinction between that which is ‘mine’ and ‘thine’, a distinction that, when made and understood, gives the private entitlement of one individual real substance. the closest that this disparate conception of the group gets to being communal is when a number of individuals with similar interests associate with one another. however, there is a marked difference between groups in which each individual holds a right individually and severally, and a group in which the group itself has a right. a group, whose members make the same property claim, or hold the same property rights, does not automatically lead to a group that itself holds a right. for example, every member of a community may hold the benefit of an easement, which they exercise in common with other members of the community who also have the benefit of an easement that is substantially similar to their own. this state of affairs does not mean that the community itself has an easement, but rather that the community is comprised of a number of similarly situated individuals. professor mcdonald labels this collection of individuals a ‘class action concept of collective rights’, and he defines the group as a “convenient device for advancing the multiple discrete and severable interests of similarly interested individuals.”34 this article seeks to go further than the class action concept of collective rights, and seeks to justify the group itself making a property claim and holding the consequential property rights. the role of the group should be more substantial than just a mechanism advancing the similar interests of individuals. as mcdonald himself argues: 33 it is observed that there must be poverty for there to be private property, however the link between those who are propertyless and their ethical status and incomplete personhood is unclear, see waldron (n 13) 377-89. 34 m mcdonald, ‘should communities have rights? reflections on liberal individualism’ (1991) 4 canadian journal of law and jurisprudence 217-18. community property claims 30 …class action rights are too thin a model for collective rights. a major aim of group rights is to protect interests which are not thus severable into individual interests for the rights in question benefit the group itself by providing a collective benefit.35 group personhood the conception of the group must be modified for the personality theory of property to allow groups themselves to establish personal-property claims, something that hegel did not do, and that the neo-hegelian scholars have yet fully to do. in order to use the personality theory to justify the recognition of communal property rights the group, as a collective, must itself be able to make a claim and must be ascribed the same competencies and power of the private individual. however, the difficulty with considering the group in the same light as an individual is that they are inherently different. the personality theory of property embodies the will of an individual in an external inanimate object. this process is easy to rationalise when it is applied to a private individual who has a single identifiable will. yet, when applied to the group dimension, a problem emerges. the group contains a number of individuals, each with their own will. it is likely, if not inevitable, that these individual wills will in some way be inconsistent with one another. therefore, the first task is to organise disparate individuals into a united group. in the context of arguing that hegel provides a rights-based, as opposed to utilitarian, argument for private property, professor waldron suggests that hegel himself addresses this concern. waldron states: …hegel did not believe that there was ultimately any distinction between the collective interests of a community and the individual interests of the members of that community. that the goals of the community to which he belongs should be pursued and realised that is the ultimate interest of each individual.36 this interpretation does not leave room for inconsistencies or incompatibility in the wills of the individual members of the community. by virtue of belonging to the community every member has the common will of pursuing the interests of the community. however, waldron’s statement presupposes that the community has an identified goal that it 35 ibid. 36 waldron (n 13) 347. the denning law journal 31 seeks to pursue, which in turn transposes itself into the will of the individuals belonging to the community. therefore, it seems that waldron is missing a step, as the group must first determine the goals and interests that it wishes to pursue before this can be adopted as the interest of the collective. for the community to determine the goals that it wishes to pursue there must be some decisionmaking process, of which the members of the community consider the outcome binding. there must also be some form of governance within the community and the ability to police those members of the community who diverge from the determined aims. therefore, a community that is able to achieve a united will, and group personhood that can project into the external world to establish property claims, must possess characteristics that are different from those groups (or society in general) that merely facilitate the private property claims of individuals. mcdonald supports this assertion and argues that for a group to function as a rights-holder its members must see themselves as normatively bound to each other such that each does not act simply for herself or himself but each pays her or his part in effectuating the shared normative understanding. 37 mutual self-interest commons in order to deduce the group characteristics that are necessary to facilitate the adoption of one collective aim, it is necessary to identify the type of common that this two-part article seeks to justify. there are three types of common-property regimes: no property, open access and limited access. the generic terms ‘common-property’ and ‘communal property’ are unhelpfully used to refer to all three. professor bromley suggests that this interchangeable use of language to describe different circumstances and legal relations leaves the progress of understanding these concepts impeded. 38 ironically, even bromley himself conflates the no property regime with open access property, stating that an open access regime refers to resources of which there are no property rights, or a resource that is res nullius.39 the definitions that this paper adopts are as follows. a no property regime is one where everyone in the world has the freedom, but not a right, 37 mcdonald (n 34); see also am honoré, ‘groups, laws and obedience’ in awb simpson (ed), oxford essays in jurisprudence (oxford university press 1973) 2. 38 dw bromley (ed), making the commons work: theory, practice and reality (institute for contemporary studies 1992) 3. 39 ibid 4. community property claims 32 to use the resource. this equates to a hohfeldian privilege and the correlative no-right not to be excluded from the use. in contrast, an open access property regime is one where every person has a hohfeldian right to use the resource, and all others have a duty not to exclude those who enjoy these rights; the paradigm case of which would be a right of way. a limited access regime also hinges on the right-duty correlate, but only those persons who are members of a particular community have the right to use the resource. it has been argued that the limited access common is the only species of common that has any chance of prosperity and of rebutting the tragedy of the commons, as the limited community of users is likely to have the necessary regulation in place.40 the group personhood claim seeks to establish a limited access common, also referred to as a mutual self-interest common (these terms can be used interchangeably). by establishing a group personhood and projecting the community personality into the external world, natural resources (and specifically land) are subject to the use rights and entitlements of the community, who may exclude all those who fall outside of the community. professor rose equates the open access regime with the use rights of the ‘unorganised public’, whereas a limited access common used by a smaller group or community has a greater resemblance to private ownership. 41 the cornerstone of a private property regime is that that titleholder must be able to exclude all others from their property. similarly, the community has the right to exclude anyone who is not a member from the use of the resource. indeed it is likely, if not almost certain, that this right to exclude is what allows mutual self-interest commons to survive, as will be discussed shortly. if this assertion by rose is in fact true, then it seems that a limited access common may not be a true ‘common-property’ regime at all, but rather a sub-species of private property that recognises the legal entitlement of more than four persons.42 however, whilst the small user group of a limited access common may well resemble private ownership, there is a key distinguishing factor; the alienability of communal property is markedly different to that of privately owned property. the rights of the user in both common-property (used in this sense to mean limited access commons) and open access regimes have been 40 clarke (n 7) 323. 41 rose (n 6) 117. 42 english law permits the legal title of property to be held by four persons or fewer, as stipulated by the law of property act 1925, s 34(2), and the rights of any further parties will be recognised in equity only. the denning law journal 33 extensively examined. in particular, professor eggertsson has highlighted the differences between the rights of the user in open access commons, and those in pure common-property regimes. 43 by adopting the spectrum of user rights put forward by professors ostrom and schlager, eggertsson compares the differences in entitlements between the two regimes. the possible entitlements that exist are:44 1. authorised access to enjoy non-subtractive benefits 2. right to withdraw resource units 3. right to manage and improve the asset 4. right to exclude others from entering and withdrawing resources 5. right to sell or lease the asset eggertsson suggests that open access regimes will entitle users to the first two incidents, whereas common-property regimes will entitle users to the first four.45 crucially, even a common-property regime will not entitle its users to the fifth incidence, as this is what separates common-property regimes from all other arrangements that include exclusive rights. true common-property is inalienable. eggertsson argues that a joint ownership arrangement that includes the power of alienation cannot be a common-property arrangement on the definitions given by ostrom and schlager.46 therefore, some of the limited mechanisms that are recognised for the joint holding of property, such as the company, should not be defined as a common-property arrangement. this view is supported by others; for example, professor clarke describes the corporate form as “inappropriatealthough not necessarily unworkable for communal resource holding”. 47 furthermore, the aforementioned distinction between group rights and the class action concept of collective rights would, in this context, suggest that the property rights in the common-property arrangement should benefit the community as a whole, not the individual members of the community. the rights that exist within a true common-property arrangement cannot be severed into individual interests that can be alienated; the property entitlement exists only as a 43 t eggertsson, ‘open access versus common property’ in tl anderson, fs mcchesney (eds), property rights: cooperation, conflict and law (princeton university press 2003). 44 ibid 74; see edella schlager and e ostrom, ‘property-rights regimes and natural resources: a conceptual analysis’ (1992) 68 (3) land economics 249. 45 eggertsson (n 43) 74. 46 ibid. 47 clarke (n 7) 350. community property claims 34 whole, and belongs to the group, not to each and every member of the group as an individual. one way to explain the inalienability of common-property is to view the property arrangement as comparable to a trust arrangement, such as the public trust doctrine. however, whilst in the public trust doctrine it is the state that holds the property on trust for the use of the general public, in a common-property regime the community hold the property on trust for the benefit of the present and future members of the community. this intergenerational equality of benefit prevents the community from alienating the property at the expense of the use of future generations, and is the factor that distinguishes the limited access common from private ownership. private property arrangements predominantly focus on the freedom of the present right holder. unless that right holder voluntarily undertakes to preserve their property for future generations and their heirs, there is no legal obligation to preserve the capital of their property in such a way. this theory also seems to attract some implicit approval from ostrom, who suggests that a successful community that establishes a limited access common will have an “intricate web of connections among participants who share a past and expect to share a future.”48 another way to explain the inalienability of common-property falls squarely within the application of the personality theory of property to communal claims. as professor harris notes: …[a] successful invocation of the personhood-constituting argument would not yield full-blooded ownership. in particular, it appears incompatible with freedom to transmit.49 the conceptual consequence of allowing transmission of property rights that have been established through a personal-property claim is to transfer a portion of the claimant’s personhood, which is in fact nontransferrable.50 professor benson supports this contention in his analysis of hegel’s philosophy, where he argues that only things can be alienated, and as personality is not a thing, it cannot be alienated. looking specifically towards paragraph 66 of philosophy of right, benson says that “whatever constitutes a person’s self-relatedness…whatever belongs to a person’s inward, thinking relation to him or to herself, must be treated as 48 a margalit, ‘commons and legality’ in g alexander, e penlaver (eds), property and community (oxford university press 2010) 145. 49 harris (n 9) 221. 50 pf strawson, individuals (methuen & co ltd 1959) 97-98. the denning law journal 35 inalienable”.51 therefore it seems wholly inconsistent to allow objects or resources, regardless of whether they are subject to a communal or individual personal-property claim, to be alienable. only objects or resources that are subject to a fungible property claim should be transferrable in this way, and personal-property claims would need to become fungible property claims before any alienation of the subject of the claim could occur. required community characteristics for a community successfully to establish a mutual self-interest common it must exhibit a number of characteristics. these characteristics allow the community to lay claim to the resource, and will also be instrumental in facilitating a group personhood claim. a significant and helpful contribution to the scholarship in this area can be found in the work of professor clarke who, after a survey of the literature (particular that of professor ostrom), suggests six important community characteristics: exclusion of non-members, mutual self-interest, homogeneity of interest, cohesive community, idiosyncratic regulation and the availability of sanctions.52 (i) exclusion of non-members the right to exclude others from the use of property that we consider to be ours is an important, if not the most important, characteristic of private property.53 it is also the hallmark of property rights stated in blackstone’s classical view of property. a successful limited access common also relies on the ability of the community to exclude non-members of the community from using the resource. clarke, by making reference to ostrom, summarises that: the tragedy of the commons is averted by communal holding only if the resource is controlled by a group which is small and cohesive enough to permit members, at a sufficiently low cost, to communicate between themselves and devise and enforce rules regulating their own use of the resource. but group control depends 51 p benson, ‘the priority of abstract right, constructivism, and the possibility of collective rights in hegel’s philosophy’ (1991) 4 canadian journal of law and jurisprudence 257, 283. 52 clarke (n 7). 53 rose (n 6) see chapter one generally. community property claims 36 on being able to keep out non-members, or, what amounts to the same thing, on all resource users being subject to the social norms of the group regulating use.54 (ii) mutual self-interest as alluded to during the previous discussion, there is the common misconception that communal property must be available to all. however, clarke contends that a successful communal resource holding must be “just as private to the community as private property is to the private property owner.” 55 the common is governed by a mutual self-interest, not the greater public interest, and its survival is probably contingent on this. (iii) homogeneity of interest the requirement for the homogeneity of interest runs to the core of waldron’s assertions about the community dynamic. if many different, and sometimes incompatible, interests exist within the community it will be difficult to reach an agreement on the collective goal to be pursued. studies have shown that disparate communities are not bound to fail, 56 but the likelihood of them doing so is far greater if homogeneity of interest cannot be achieved. (iv) cohesive community clarke suggests that the need for a cohesive community has a greater significance than the need for homogeneity of interest, as the cohesive community provides both the means and the method for promoting the mutual self-interest. 57 if the community are unable to act in a united fashion, and interact in a way that includes all members of the community, it will be unlikely that a homogeneous interest will be formulated and pursued. the importance of a cohesive community appears to have been acknowledged in english law in the instances where the community interest 54 clarke (n 7) 328. 55 ibid 329. 56 e ostrom, ‘the rudiments of a theory of the origins, survival and performance of common-property institutions’ in dw bromley (ed), making the commons work: theory, practice and reality (san francisco: institute for contemporary studies 1992) 293. 57 clarke (n 7) 329-30. the denning law journal 37 and entitlement to use land is recognised. for example, land may be designated as a town or village green if it can be shown that a significant number of the inhabitants of a locality or neighbourhood within a locality have used the land as of right for a period of twenty years. 58 whilst ‘locality’ has a technical legal meaning,59 sullivan j has suggested that a neighbourhood must have a ‘sufficient degree of cohesiveness’. 60 the example of the town and village green as a mechanism for acknowledging communal rights over land will be examined in the second instalment of this two-article series. (v) idiosyncratic regulation communities that successfully establish mutual self-interest commons also develop a variety of regulations that meet the needs of their community. the precise rules that are developed will be unique to that particular community and may regulate who can use the resource, when they may use it and how. crucially, these rules will be developed by the community itself and will be informed by the shared experience of its members; this is an important point to note, as the law does not create groups and they are not legal fictions. it is not objective factors, such as race, culture or language that makes a collection of individuals into a community or group, but rather subjective factors and a shared understanding. 61 objective factors may be a good indication that the necessary shared understanding exists between the members of the group and that idiosyncratic regulation will develop, but this is neither a necessary nor sufficient condition. only those with the subjective knowledge of the community will be able to initiate successful regulation of the group, and the subjective knowledge of the group does not necessarily flow from objective assessment. an example of idiosyncratic regulation that ostrom provides is the alanya inshore fishery. 62 following a number of experiments in the allocation of fishing sites, the local cooperative devised a number of rules for the efficient and fair allocation of fishing sites among all licensed fishers 58 commons act 2006, s 15. 59 ‘locality’ is defined as an administrative district or area with legally significant boundaries in paddico (267) ltd v kirklees metropolitan council [2011] ewhc (ch) 1606 [97] (vos j). 60 r (cheltenham builders ltd) v south gloucestershire district council [2003] ewhc (admin) 2803 [85] (sullivan j). 61 mcdonald (n 34) 218, 219. 62 ostrom (n 2) 17-20. community property claims 38 in alanya. these rules included provisions that rotated fishers between fishing grounds, so that each had an equal chance of fishing the most prosperous sites. ostrom notes that not only did these rules develop from within the group rather than being imposed from outside the group, it would have been impossible for an outside agency such as the state to achieve the same efficiency in the rules.63 devising these rules required knowledge that could only be gained by fishing in the area for an extended period. the task of mapping the local fishing sites, the migration of the fish and the effect that fishing had on the migration could only be done by those with local knowledge and vast amounts of experience. furthermore, bromley also suggests that influences and rules that originate from outside the group may actually destroy the resource and the common-property regime. 64 in a similar example using fisheries, he suggests that governments often seek to modernise fishing practices by subsiding new technologies. the increase in fishing capability upsets institutional arrangements and leads to overfishing, yet many blame the common-property regime and not the introduction of alien fishing methods and technology. on the contrary, bromley suggests that those outside the community will hail the introduction of the technology as a success, branding the institutional arrangements ‘primitive or quaint’.65 it is possible that the internal idiosyncratic regulation does not even arise from a conscious, or democratic, decision-making process. the most prevalent way in which commons have historically come into being is through custom. the use of the resource may be governed by centuries-old understanding of entitlements between a community of users. (vi) sanctions the requirement that the group has sanctions has two limbs. first, ostrom notes that successful communities will adopt a system of mutual enforcement. for example, in the alanya fishery the fishers themselves monitor the use of the agreed fishing locations, and the enforcement of the rules allocating their use. cheating the rotation system and using a more prosperous site that one is not entitled to on a particular day would not go undetected by those who are entitled to use those sites; the fisher who is burdened by the cheat will take measures to protect his entitlement. the other fishers, who will be seeking to disincentive cheating so that their entitlement to fish on the prosperous sites is not interfered with, will support 63 ibid 20. 64 bromley (ed) (n 38) 8. 65 ibid. the denning law journal 39 him in the hope that there would be a reciprocity of support should they have need for it.66 the second limb is that the ultimate sanction for non-compliance with the regulations is exclusion from the resource or from the community that uses the resource. the community polices itself, and those who are identified through the monitoring process as not willing to comply with the rules are expelled from the community. 4. conclusion this two-part article is concerned with justifying the recognition of the rights of a defined community to a natural resource, also known as a limited access common, and not a claim made the by public generally, which is an open access regimes. despite the key feature of the limited access common being the exclusion from the resource of those individuals who fall outside of the community, there is a marked difference between the limited access common and the private property regime that it resembles: a true commonproperty resource cannot be alienated at the expense of the future generation of users. in order to justify the limited access common, in the hope of protecting community use claims against claims of private individuals, the personality theory of property can be applied. for a community to have the requisite personality that can be projected into the external world, and establish a claim over natural resources, it must have a number of characteristics. the six descriptive characteristics provided above are by no means an exhaustive list of the characteristics that a community must possess in order successfully to initiate a common-property regime, and neither are they a prediction of the success of a common-property regime. 67 indeed, the dominant message of ostrom’s scholarship on this topic is one urging caution against believing that there is one analysis that fits all common property regimes.68 however, the listed characteristics are a way of attaining the state of affairs that waldron; they ensure that the interests of individuals in the mutual self-interest group will be no different from the collective interests 66 ostrom (n 2) 20. 67 clarke (n 7) 329-31. 68 see for example e ostrom, ‘a diagnostic approach for going beyond panaceas’ (2007) 104 (39) proceedings of the national academy of sciences 15181; e ostrom, robust property rights institutions to manage local and global commons (presentation to the world bank – april 26, 2010) accessed 25 may 2016. community property claims 40 of the community, which is that the goals of the community should be pursued. the group characteristics listed above promote the required unity, and it becomes possible that the community possesses only one collective will. it follows that there is no reason why this will, like the will of an individual, cannot be projected into the external world. the second instalment of this article will proceed to apply the personality theory of property to the limited number of community claims that are recognised in english law. the aim of the inquiry will be to establish whether community property claims are afforded the same protection as their private property counterparts that are usually justified by using the personhood perspective. attempting the impossible: a plea for legal economy a. nallott* impossible attempts this is not, i hasten to warn readers interested in criminal law, yet another examination of the law governing impossible attempts, though criminal law comes into the discussion. my theme is directed to the same set of problems which i canvassed in my limits of law (1980),i that is, it concerns the limits on effectiveness and utility which are necessarily implied in the enterprise of regulating human conduct by law. regrettably, one is obliged to note that there is no progress at all to report in reducing the weight and burden of legislation in the decade since the appearance of that work. in fact, things are getting steadily worse, as i shall seek to show. although this topic sounds theoretical and more in the realm of jurisprudence than of practical affairs, this impression would be totally wrong. the implications of this enquiry are deeply practical. what governments and those who push or pressure them are trying to do, viz. to multiply laws in the vain attempt to controlwhether by prescription or proscription ever-increasing areas of our life in society, is doomed to partial or total failure. the failure becomes the likelier the heavier the weight of the new laws and their administration that is imposed on the society and its agents. we are, in my view, now reaching saturation point and beyond. legal economy so much for attempting the impossible. now for legal economy. i confess without shame that this is a pun. often the truth lies in paronomasia. what is argued here is not just a study of the relations of law and economics, interesting and important though these are. but, just as we have the separate subjects of study represented by the terms 'politics' and 'economics' and yet find a need for a discipline linking them, which we call 'political economy', so in my view we should recognise, define, and operate within a new area of study, to be called 'legal economy'. this would provide more than a cost-benefit analysis (though that would form part of the concerns of the legal economist) of new and existing law; in "professor of african and comparative law, university of buckingham. 1. butterworths, london 1980, passim. i the denning law journal this it would go beyond the impact and effectiveness studies which are currently in play. it would seek to provide a strategic overview of law-making, in comparison with what one may term the tactical studies so far made. options it will do this first by looking at options. if politics is about choices, then controlling people's behaviour by a variety of means is a question of options. one may immediately indicate the possible range of such options which are available to a would-be regulator. although and this is one of the major criticisms to be developed in this paper the legislative option, using law as the regulating mechanism, often springs first to mind, it is by no means the only, or even the most useful and effective, option. confronted by behaviour of which he or she either approves or disapproves, or about which he or she is neutral, the regulator has a variety of options of which the first is the simplest, viz.:(i) the 'liberty hall' or 'hands-off' option. this is a very attractive option. it consists in doing nothing and spending nothing, whether of time or resources, on attempting to regulate or provide for the conduct in question. but, and this cannot be stressed too strongly, there may be consequential costs of a do-nothing policy, which are conveniently ignored at the time, but which must be brought into the reckoning on any cost-benefit appraisal of the societal situation as it develops. (ii) the market option. this is a sophisticated variant of the hands-off option, involving the leaving of outcomes to the interplay of market forces. it differs from the hands-off, do-nothing approach in that it purports to be positive and intentional rather than negative in character, the hidden hand of the market being seen as promoting (ultimately) the survival of the fittest and the most economical and effective solution to the problem, whatever it may be. (iii) the persuasive option. no use is made of administrative or legal structures to ensure a particular outcome; instead, a campaign of information and persuasion is undertaken by the government or under its impetus, intended to persuade people to behave in the fashion approved by the government of the day. (iv) the physical option. instead of seeking to achieve a result by one of the other means viz. by persuasion, administrative action or law physical means are used to achieve the desired result. the simplest example is the so-called 'sleeping policeman' or speed-ridge: persuasion or law or the pressure of traffic might be used to reduce and control vehicle speeds; the speed-ridge provides an alternative by interposing a physical obstacle to excessive speed. (v) the administrative option. without making the law the ultimate instrument of policy, the end sought is to be achieved by administrative action, within a legal framework usually, but relying essentially on policy and discretion. (vi) the legal option. the making or adoption of a formal law to command, prohibit, or regulate the approved behaviour. this is or should be very much the last resort in the order of things, other options being pursued for preference with the appropriate action or inaction. 2 atiemptlng the impossible it would not be accurate to say that it is only in the 20th century that the administrative and legal options have been used as the principal instruments of government policy: the history of previous centuries in many countries demonstrates the contrary. think, for instance, of the sumptuary laws of ancient rome, which embodied a governmental objective the reduction of luxury which was achieved in post-war socialist britain by penal rates of income tax, capital taxes, and purchase tax on luxury items. think of henry viii and his attempts and those of his successors on the throne to impose religious conformity or right thinking and practice on his subjects by way of penal sanctions, which in the ultimate might include death; and contrast this with similar attempts to impose state-directed uniformity of thought and practice through the laws and machinery proscribing racial discrimination (though fortunately without such extreme sanctions for non-conformity!). the examples could be multiplied endlessly. but what is different about post-war britain is the sheer volume or weight of laws and administrative machinery which have been used to promote governmental ends. never before in human history have so many, and so complex, laws been accumulated in the pursuit of government policy. it is not unexpected that resort to law is strictly limited in the societies which lacked or lack writing, which is to say, in the majority of human societies for most of human history. in such societies customary laws are the norm. such laws, even when supplemented by chiefly or royal edict, have certain characteristics which tell against excessive law-making. the first feature of such laws is that they are oral, that is spoken, in character, and are recorded in the memories of men rather than in legal texts. human memory, however powerful in pre-literate society, can only retain a certain amount of detail and complexity. next, in so far as the law is customary, it is based on the habitual practices of the people; this implies that law is generated largely from the bottom-up rather than from the top-down, and represents the aspirations and attitudes of the law-subjects rather than those of their rulers. further, the total quantity of law is restrained by the built-in obsolescence of customary laws. a written text endures over time; it is in principle permanent. english law subscribes to the principle that enacted laws are not repealed by mere lapse of time (this principle is falsified in practice, but no matter for the present argument). contrary to the perceptions of some outside critics and observers of customary law, who tend to think that customary laws are by their history and nature fixed and unchangeable from generation to generation, actual study of such laws shows that in reality they can rapidly evolve, gaining features and losing features through the adoption of new practices or the abandonment of old ones. finally, it goes without saying that the technology and social and physical demands of the society and its environment are much less extensive in simpler societies that is why we call them 'simple'. but this adjective should not deceive us into failing to recognise that such societies however crude their technical achievements often exhibit elaborations of social behaviour and religious observance which are at least as complex as any in modem western countries. 3 the denning law journal the record so far it would be quite impossible to examine in detail the total reckoning of success or otherwise in the english attempt to regulate conduct by law. for a start, how do you measure success? (i consider some possible ways of evaluating the success of law below.) furthermore, the examples of the use of law to promote social or political ends are now so numerous that is one of the complaints! that a bare but typical selection must do. first, let us consider the road traffic laws. two items must be enough for present purposes. first, total failure. the speeds of motor vehicles on every road in this country are now purportedly regulated, in the interests of safety, by speed limits imposed by or under law. do vehicles systematically drive at or below these limits? in central london they usually do, but this is not because of the law but because the overwhelming pressure of traffic prevents their going as fast as carriages and carts went in the horse-drawn era. in built-up areas otherwise, the 30 mph limit is usually respected only by the very elderly, learner drivers, some magistrates, and cars being immediately followed by a police vehicle. go out into the country and onto the motorways, and the situation is much worse. a qualitative but effective method of measuring compliance with the 70 mph limit is to drive exactly at 70 mph in the 'slow' lane and see how many vehicles pass one, and how many one passes. when, to the annoyance of other road-users, i have carried out this experiment, 10 cars pass me for every car i pass. the police authorities, recognising the impossibility of enforcing these limits, have created one of their own: in exercising their statutory control over prosecutions, they have announced, they will not prosecute motorists going less than 85 but more than 70. this can hardly be adduced as a sign of the effectiveness of the law; rather, it testifies to the power of law-subjects to modify the law in action by their own systematic non-compliance. next, an unexpected success. before the law provided for the wearing of seat-belts by front-seat passengers and drivers was brought into effect, i shared the general scepticism that this law, which was said to infringe fundamental personal liberties as well as being impossible to enforce, would be unenforced and disregarded in practice. this scepticism was misplaced, as events turned out, even though prosecutions for not wearing a belt are rare. figures from the department of transport, as well as my own personal systematic observations on selected roads, indicate that more than 90% of drivers now habitually wear their belts. (strangely enough the city with the lowest score, under 90%, is belfast. perhaps compliance with the law generally has decreased there; or maybe breaking this law is part of a process of releasing oneself from the stresses imposed by other law-breakers?) why the law on speed fails, while that on seat-belts succeeds, is difficult to say; but an attempt is made below to answer this question when the factors which make for successful regulation of conduct are looked at. next, we may take the data proteaion aa 1984 as an example of a regulatory law of the modem type, of which many more are promised or threatened. a problem is 4 atfempting the impossible identified in this case, the possible misuse of information about individuals stored in computer memories. to tackle this problem, an enormous apparatus of regulation has to be set up, supported by criminal sanctions against those who do not observe the requirements. so we must have registrars, returns, access regulations, codes of practice, and all the rest of the administrative framework. so onerous are the requirements, and so inadequate the machinery and personnel available to oversee them, that one could make the confident prediction that there would be large-scale non-compliance, as much due to ignorance as to wilfulness. in the nature of things it is impossible to put a number on the percentage of non-compliance. anecdotally, especially as it concerns small businesses and data-users, it appears that failure to conform is widespread, and what is more important impossible to detect or remedy. measuring success all laws are ostensibly passed to achieve some goal or goals. there are those who object that it is impossible to spell out the purposes of any law, and so one cannot decide whether any given law achieves its purposes, and so can be counted as a success. with unenacted laws, this is because, they aver, the legal rules have no known source. this is obviously so for customary legal rules, which are formed on the basis of the habitual practices of the people subject to them, and are recognised as having binding force over their subjects (but even this presentation ignores the contribution made by those who decide cases to the articulation and approval of particular rules as rules of law). that unenacted law has no source, and hence no intrinsic purpose, is less obviously so in the case of judge-made law, as one might argue that a given rule of, say, common law can be traced back to a particular judgment or judgments; the authors of these judgments can accordingly be esteemed to be the authors of the rules which their decisions embody (and farewell to the declaratory theory!). but this does not help us as much as we would wish english judges habitually fight shy of articulating the ultimate purposes which they seek to achieve through their formulation of the law in the given case. instead, they emphasize that their job is restricted to deciding the case before them. furthermore, it is notorious that the reason of a decision, the ratio, is not necessarily left as the judge deciding the precedent chose to formulate it; it may be reworked, or a completely new ratio substituted, by a later court interpreting and applying the precedent. in the case of enacted law, the problems are different. so many fingers are in the legislative pie that one cannot definitively say which was responsible for inserting the purposive plum. how is one to decide, it is asked, whether to credit the draftsman, those who instruct him (the civil servants in their departments), the minister who puts forward the bill to the house, or, finally, the members of each house of parliament who discuss and decide on the text of the act (or worse, those who are in the majority voting for any given provision)? the purposes of each person or group of persons might differ, or even be internally in conflict with each other. 5 the denning law journal this would leave us with a lawwithout purpose, explicit or implicit, however it is thought to be generated or discoverable. this one must submit is a contradiction in itself. even if the purpose or purposes (and they are usually plural) of a given law or set of provisions may be difficult to isolate or may change from time to time, law as an enterprise presents itself to those subject to it as a purposeful, motivated set of communications. if i hear a voice on the village loudspeaker (as one might have done in nazi-occupied europe) telling the inhabitants to do or not to do something, i would assume that its instructions are obligatory, carry sanctions for non-compliance and hilve purposes, even if these are not known to me, and i do not know the identity of the person issuing the command or what is his juridical authority for so doing. in other words, what counts is the message at the point of sale or effect. those issuing such messages may be presumed to have objectives and purposes which they seek to achieve. laws, as human communication, carry within them purposes which we can try to discover and to use as measures of the effectiveness of the law, and it makes no difference if the purpose is an ex post faao reconstruction. in the case of the loudspeaker message, it might be declaring a curfew. the immediate purpose of this might be to keep the inhabitants in their houses at night. the presence of anyone on the streets after curfew time would be an indicator of partial failure of the order, and is in principle measurable. the ultimate purpose underlying the order might be to cut down on resistance activity. on this analysis, one may distinguish between the immediate purposes of a law, and the ultimate objective which lies behind it. thus the law on speed limits has as its immediate purpose to hold down vehicle speeds to a safe level. in doing this, it does not stand alone; the law on careless or dangerous driving also comes in to define what is a safe speed in all the circumstances of a given case. the ultimate objective of the law is to make driving safer for all who venture on the roads. this objective involves other factors and measures which are not necessarily legal, such as proper design and maintenance of roads, signposting, and driver training. it follows that in evaluating the success of a law, one must have regard in the first place to how it satisfies its immediate purpose (in the speed limits case, to hold down speeds), and in the second place to how far this immediate purpose contributes to the ultimate objective (holding down vehicle speeds as a contribution to road safety). some of the simpler laws are amenable to easily qualified measures of success, at least so far as the immediate purpose of the law is concerned. but most laws are either too complex to be subjected to such a simple analysis, or are not capable of being appraised quantitatively. qualitative measures are much vaguer and more subjective. theoretically, for instance, one might measure the success of the anti-drug laws by the number of seizures of drugs being smuggled into this country; but since one has no idea what is the total quantity of such drugs being illegally imported it is impossible to state what is the percentage seized, and whether this is improving year-on-year. nor indeed can one confidently say 6 attempting the impossible whether either the success or the failure of the law is attributable to the framing of the law itself, or to the quality and effectiveness with which it is administered. in the current debates (examples of which i mention later on) about the need for tougher or new laws to deal with this and that problem, this fundamental difficulty of appraisal is vital to devising a regulatory strategy. if one cannot say with confidence whether certain regulations are effective or not, how is one to decide which to choose, and which to vary? in the case of river pollution, for example, chemical analysis of rivers provides some gauge of success or failure of anti-pollution measures; in the case of child abuse there is no such gauge. but there are limits to the quantitative approach to the measurement of legislative success. there is the problem, already adumbrated, of what inferences one can draw from raw quantitative data as to the compliance with, or effectiveness of, a given law. on the principle, familiar to computer programmers, of 'garbage in, garbage out', one cannot hope to extract more, and more reliable, information from the data which one inputs than the' data themselves bear. in other words, can one rely on the relevant statistics? it was a common political quip in the 1960s, when the government was said to be operating with out-of-date economic statistics, that they were trying to run the railways according to last year's timetable. in our case, that of effectiveness oflaws, doubt has been cast, not just on the timeliness of the statistics, but on whether they bear any resemblance to reality whatsoever. two important surveys have just been published in this area, both directed to the same question: what is the relation between the reported and the actual incidence of crime? one of these surveys is the islington crime survey, carried out in the relevant part of inner london; the other is the latest official home office british crime survey, which reflects the incidence of criminality in 1987. both surveys carry the same dismal and disappointing message: the incidence of crime is grossly under-reported (as little as one in four, or even fewer, crimes reported to the police). planning for the criminal justice system, and attempts to assess its effectiveness, e.g. in reducing the quantity of burglary, are effectively impossible. some current concerns where a legal reaction is demanded to measure how ingrained and automatic is the current obsession with law as the remedy for all ills, one cannot do better than take a single issue of a quality newspaper as offering a representative reflection of the community's immediate concerns and the remedies proposed. the sunday times issue of february 25th, 1989, which i have to hand, illustrates the point exactly. these topics include:(i) blasphemy. in the wake of the salman rushdie affair, there are strong calls for the extension of the blasphemy laws to prevent injury to the religious feelings of muslims, hindus and jews as well as of christians (in other words, effectively making a new and comprehensive public order offence). other commentators, without realising the implications of the proposal, have argued for a new offence of defaming a dead religious leader or prophet or teacher. traducing the buddha, 7 the denning law journal mahomed, jesus christ, or l. ron hubbard (and even the ayatollah khomeini himself) would be caught by such a law. would this simultaneously mean a general extension of the law of civil or criminal libel to cover defamation of dead persons generally of whatever religious significance? if so, it would put a stop to rude plays about churchill, and also to most hollywood or political autobiographies. (ii) pollution of rivers. the new water bill is criticised, as is the existing law, as providing inadequate control of polluters or penalties for them. new safeguards are called for, with heavier penalties, including the imprisonment of those in large companies who contribute to pollution. (iii) unfit food. quite apart from the salmonella and listeria scares, we now have concern about substandard tinned food sold by food salvage companies. it is reported that "mps demand tough law on rotten food", together with a licensing system for such companies. (iv) terrorism. in the wake of atrocities committed by the ira and more recently by the animal liberation front, there are repeated calls for tougher and more effective measures to suppress terrorism. it is worthy of note that these extend to calls for an extension of the public international law, notably by creating a new international crime, that of terrorism, seen as a crime against humanity. (v) financing students. the projected legavadministrative provision for student loans has attracted fierce criticism. (vi) child abuse. in the wake of the cleveland affair, and the shocking statistics of child abuse which reveal themselves, new and better laws both to protect children and to punish their abusers are called for. (vii)juvenile crime. it is reported that, as a reaction to the growth of juvenile crime, "government ministers are considering changing the law to make parents responsible for crimes committed by their children." (viii) toy food. it is not just the british parliament which manufactures more and more laws; the eec is at it too. now eec legislation to prohibit the making and sale of 'toy food', (i.e. items intended to be used in play, which simulate real food) is coming into effect. (ix) official secrets. the government's bill2 to control the keeping secret of government secrets falls under heavy criticism, even though it is stated to represent a narrowing rather"than a broadening of the existing law. (x)accidents and disasters. from one writer we learn that responsibility for the list of recent disasters piper oil rig, locherbie, clapham, m 1 air crash must be laid at the government's door, and that they are ultimately due to the state of the present health and safety laws as enacted in 1974 and administered since. the health and safety inspectors do not have jurisdiction over off-shore oil rigs, nor over railways and transport undertakings. since 1980 there has been a 19% decrease in the number of such inspectors. the implication is that if the law was extended to cover such areas and more inspectors employed, these disasters might 2. now enacted as the official secrets act 1989. 8 attempting the impossible have been avoided. more laws more vigorously enforced are seen as the remedy for the destruction of aircraft by bombs. (xi) the atmosphere. discussion of the 'greenhouse effect', and the release of noxious substances into the lower and upper atmosphere, are now at the top of the agenda. all sorts of responses, each of which involves creating a new legal framework and new regulations, are under consideration. so far as chlorofluorocarbons or cfcs are concerned, there is talk of an outright ban on their manufacture and use, at least in the developed world, and this would have to be achieved both by international treaty (more international law) and by national legislation. so far as unleaded petrol and the pouring of noxious chemicals and metals into our breathable atmosphere are concerned, the government has attempted up till now to promote the use of unleaded petrol not by reliance on the law, but by the use of the market option on the one hand (manipulating the price mechanism to make unleaded petrol dramatically cheaper than the leaded kind) coupled with resort to the persuasive option. there will surely soon come a time when the uk government will feel itself obliged to use law directly to control pollution of the atmosphere by motor vehicles, by prohibiting the sale of leaded petrol, by requiring the installation of catalytic converters, and so on. more law ... if only the future destruction of the world's ecosystem could be prevented just by law alone, how simple life would be! (xii) dog excrement on pavements. this is seen as a health hazard, as well as aesthetically repulsive. the remedy suggested is stronger laws making dog owners absolutely liable, not just to fines, but to clear up the mess themselves. the reckoning and the overload let us assume for a moment that each and every one of these problems could be met by more and better law (which is a highly debatable proposition). we would still face the problem of juristic overload. neither the legislative machine, which is overtaxed, nor the agents of the law, whether police, inspectors, registrars, magistrates or health analysts, can take an indefinite increase in their duties and responsibilities. one can observe the overload factor at work even when the law is purportedly simplified. to alleviate the burden on magistrates' courts in administering petty road traffic laws, parliament introduced simplified methods of dealing with petty road traffic offences, with the issue by police of fixed penalty tickets etc .. other changes were made in our traffic laws. the effect at the sharp end, that is, in the courts which have to master and administer the new laws and their ancillary procedures, has been to increase still further the already unbearable weight of legislation and administration which presses on them. magistrates' courts clerks, in particular, have with every new law which imposes summary penalties or new procedures on bail, advance disclosure, legal aid and the like to master and hold in their memory this additional information, ready to be produced at the appropriate time. i select one example among many. the criminal justice act 1988 has just been 9 the denning law journal brought into effect. it has major repercussions on the way in which pre-trial and trial procedures are conducted, and its numerous provisions cover a bewildering range of different aspects of the criminal justice system. this has profound implications for the police, prosecutors, legal advisers, and the courts and their staffs. the complexity and range of the act are sufficiently indicated by the fact that its long title alone, which recites in summary the principal matters covered by the act, occupies a whole page to itself in the printed copy of the act which is before me. consider the implications of these radical changes in the law for those who have to conform to it. for the most part, the act's provisions are cumulative and not substitutional, that is, they must be added to the already complex burdens which the relevant authorities bear. each year the pyramid of new laws grows higher and higher. the criminaljustice act comprises no fewer than 173 sections and 16 schedules. it is no wonder that c.]. emmins and g. scanlan, in their commentary on the act,3 summarise the situation in these terms:"it is almost a cliche to remark that the volume and complexity of modem legislation presents [sic] students, practitioners and even judges with almost insoluble problems in trying to keep pace with the speed of change. and yet it is vital that those who will have the task of applying and administering the law in practice become familiar as quickly as possible with the changes that are being made ... . . . in no area of the law, perhaps, is the speed of change faster or the need to understand and assimilate the changes greater than in the area of the criminal justice system." and this is in those branches of law, criminal law and procedure, where it is universally agreed that the paramount needs in the interests of justice are for certainty of application and simplicity of operation, if the subjects of the law are to know where they stand. if it was an official rule that for every new law an old one must be deleted to make way for it, the situation might be controllable. after all, there is a limit to what the machinery can cope with. in my view, that limit has been not merely reached but overrun. what happens then, as with police detection of crime and the enforcement of the criminal law, is that the administrators create their own priority routines. some offences, accorded the lowest priority, are not pursued or investigated: house burglaries, for instance, or minor motoring offences. a large part of the law is de [aao repealed to make way for the new laws. the examples cited above from the sunday times are interesting for another reason. in many of the cases new forms of vicarious responsibility are proposed to ensure that someone pays the penalty for illegal acts. thus, in the case of pollution, company directors and managers may face penalties including prison for offences committed by their companies. and parents would face penalties for 3. a guide to the criminal justice act 1988 (london: 1988), p. vii. 10 atiempting the impossible crimes committed by their children, while dog owners would similarly face penalties for the misdeeds of their animals. these proposals will have some interesting consequences, especially if taken with the recurrent and strident calls for a cutting down on the numbers of the present prison population: would this mean that rapists, burglars and muggers would be released from jail to make room for company directors; juveniles left at home while their fathers serve their sentences; and dog owners would wipe away the stain on society left by their dogs by going to jail for non-payment of their dogs' fines? the impact of all this on the notion of individual responsibility for misbehaviour is considerable. factors which contribute to the success oflaws i have already discussed these in detail in my limits of law. in bare outline these are as follows:acceptability. it is the continuing acceptance of laws by the law-subjects which aids and strengthens the law. laws which cut across the grain of society and make new demands on its members have little chance of success, however draconian the penalties attached to secure compliance with them. this is bad news for the new elitists who seek to impose their vision of a better, or a better-organised, society on those who come within their power. the social engineers, who may (as recent british experience so clearly shows) belong either to the left or the right of politics, wish to remake society in their own image; it is the annoying resistances of ordinary people which impede this process. savigny and the historical school of jurisprudence, who emphasize the dominating influence of the volksgeist (what we might call the national character and traditional mores of a given society) on the pattern of laws in a society, are now generally in disgrace, because they are held to oppose obstacles to the realisation of the new age of compulsory enlightenment. these obstacles are not, however, of their making; and realistic law-givers, who actually wish to secure acceptance and effectiveness of their laws rather than merely to act out their ideological preferences, would do well to recognise this fact. the seat-belt law poses an interesting question for analysis here. what seems to have happened is that there was what we may call a 'tipping' in the attitudes of drivers to the wearing of seat-belts. before, one would have said that most drivers would have resented what they would have seen as an interference with their liberties; after, drivers voluntarily took to belting up as a general rule before driving off. whether this was due to external persuasion, to self-persuasion, or not i cannot tell. bearing in mind, however, the general disregard of so many other more important traffic laws, one suspects that it was most unlikely to be due to the law itself. there is an interesting comparison with the use of dipped headlights when driving in towns. the law, as it stands at present, does not require drivers to use dipped headlights when driving in towns, though the possibility of having such a rule has been considered. but a law to that effect, if that were now introduced, would as a matter of fact be otiose, because drivers almost invariably have adopted the practice of using dipped headlights when driving in towns at night. no law says 11 the denning law journal that they should; the law and practice of other countries may have had some persuasive effect here; perhaps this is an opportunity for a piece of research in what we may term paralegal psychology. education. acceptance largely depends on the people subject to the law acquiring knowledge and understanding of why the behaviour prescribed by the law is advantageous or should be adopted for some other reason, which may be a reason of social morality or justice or prudence. some laws are themselves educative, and seen to be such. we in england do not go as far as some of the codifiers of africa, who have accepted that their new laws will not win immediate compliance but who pin their faith on society coming round eventually to accept and follow the new code. one thinks, for instance, of the ethiopian civil code of 1960, enacted in imperial times, which represented the most advanced legal thinking of its day and interestingly combined features of the french code civile and english common law its primary draftsman, the distinguished french comparatist professor rene david, opined that the code would have little or no immediate influence on behaviour, but might eventually (say, in 100 years!) come into force through a process of education in its aims and provisions. there is now general agreement that the anti-discrimination laws are of this educational kind. it is not so much the penalties as the attitudes which lie behind them which have sunk into the national consciousness and hence contributed to the modifications of behaviour sought by the law. effictiveness of administration. a law which is not applied or effectively administered has little chance of success, unless it corresponds to the way people would behave anyhow. insufficient thought is often (one might say, usually) given to administration problems until years after the introduction of a new law. automaticity of application. this is the ideal to seek for, the self-enforcing law. a law which provides an automatic remedy or penalty is much better than one which depends on human intervention. physical rather than legal restraints. which leads on to our final point: a physical restraint, such as a width gap or a speed ridge in the road, is much more effective than a law, however stringent, in securing compliance. iron bars are a more effective preventative of burglary than any number of theft acts. consider the failure of legal limits on heavy vehicles in towns as compared with the effectiveness of width pillars which narrow the road; and compare the general failure of the pedestrianisation of streets in london in those cases where no physical barrier is interposed to the movement of vehicles. where do we go from here? some people will be profoundly depressed by this analysis, or even tempted to reject it altogether. "after all", they may say, "what alternative is there to law? at least having a law is better than nothing, even if it is ineffective." having an ineffective law is not better than nothing! it is definitely an inferior option if the only result is contempt for or disregard of the law, and this for two good reasons .. 12 atiempting the impossible the first is that unenforced or failed laws weaken, not just themselves, but the whole fabric of legal regulation and the authority of those who propound them; to that extent, ineffective law is a disaster for the civil authority. the second reason is that resort to useless law may inhibit proper effective action of a non-legal character. the trouble is that law is cheap and law is quick; it is so much easier to legislate against sin, crime or other disorder than to rectify the causes of them. one concedes, naturally, that law has a proper place in providing a regulatory framework for effective action: often the civil authority must give itself the power to act. however, the conclusion is short and brutal. the problems of the planet are not being resolved by law. reaching for the legal weapon resembles the bob hope movie where he draws a pistol in a wild west saloon, pulls the trigger, and a flag emerges saying 'bang!' law should be the last and not the first resort. lawyers above all others should know from their experience that the legal system is too fragile and ineffective to bear the weights that agitators ("there should be a law about it!") and legislators ("there is a law about it") would like to place on it. both the civil and the criminal law in this country are now in a state of terminal overload. how nice if for once the new edition of a legal textbook could say that it was shorter than its predecessor! then, at least, we would be progressing in the right direction. 13 55 the denning law journal 2018 vol 30 pp 55-84 assumption of responsibility by public authorities tom cornford * abstract since the house of lords’ decision in the gorringe case, there can be no reason for imposing a duty of care in negligence on a public authority that would not also count as a reason for imposing a duty of care on a private person. in this context assumption of responsibility, as the primary concept used to explain the imposition of a duty of care in novel situations, acquires great importance. this article explores whether the concept’s application to public authorities produces satisfactory results and, finding that it does not, concludes that this underlines the folly of insisting that public authorities must be treated in the same way as private persons. keywords: tort, negligence, assumption of responsibility, public authorities 1 introduction the tort liability of public authorities in english law is sometimes said to be underpinned by “dicey’s equality principle”, the principle that public authorities are to be treated in exactly the same way as private persons. 1 between the house of lords’ decision in anns v merton borough council 2 and its decision in gorringe v calderdale borough council, 3 this assertion was of doubtful accuracy. anns appeared to establish that a body’s subjection to the kind of duty or its possession of the kind of power characteristic of a public authority was a reason (although not a conclusive one) to impose on it a duty of care. the case thus implied the existence of a form of negligence liability special to public authorities and this implication remained a feature of the case law * school of law, university of essex. email: tomc@essex.ac.uk 1 see p cane, ‘damages in public law’ (1999) 9 otago law review 489, 490. 2 [1978] ac 728. 3 [2004] ukhl 15, [2004] 1 wlr 1057. assumption of responsibility by public authorities 56 for a quarter of a century afterwards. in gorringe, however, it was rejected. gorringe is authority for the proposition that the presence of a statutory power or duty is never a reason for imposing a duty of care and the practical effect of this is to return the law to a state in which it approximates dicey’s principle much more closely. one possible response to this turn in the law is to consider it in the context of the wider question of the principle’s legitimacy. critics argue on a variety of grounds that justice demands some specialized form of administrative liability (although this need not, of course, take the form of a specialized variant of the tort of negligence).4 defenders of the present dispensation either approve of dicey’s principle or are pleased to see negligence confined to what they think of as its traditional role of providing redress for the kinds of wrong that private persons are capable of committing.5 a second possible response, however, is to examine in detail how the law of negligence can be made to apply to public authorities once the option of basing a duty of care on a statutory power or duty is removed. this means exploring how a set of concepts developed in order to determine whether there should be a duty of care where the defendant is a private person can be made to do the same where the defendant is a public authority. such concepts apply easily enough, of course, where a public authority performs an act identical in kind to one that might be performed by a private person, as where one of its employees carelessly inflicts physical injury on a member of the public. but their application becomes more difficult where a public authority causes harm by performing acts lacking an obvious private equivalent such as providing or failing to provide welfare services or exercising regulatory powers. a number of supporters of the current law have explored how the concepts in question 4 post-gorringe assertions of this view are to be found in t cornford, towards a public law of tort (aldershot 2008) and the law commission, administrative redress: public bodies and the citizen (law comm cp no 187). dicey’s principle has recently been questioned in s tofaris and s steel, ‘negligence liability for omissions and the police’ (2016) 75 clj 128, 136. 5 notable articles approving of the change in the law wrought by gorringe are s bailey, ‘public authority liability in negligence: the continued search for coherence’ (2006) 26 ls 155 and d nolan, ‘the liability of public authorities for failing to confer benefits’ (2011) 127 lqr 260. gorringe also consorts well with the view of the law promoted by the rights theorists robert stevens and allan beever: see r stevens, torts and rights (oxford 2007) ch 10; a beever, rediscovering the law of negligence (oxford 2007) ch 9. the denning law journal 57 apply to public authorities. 6 their conclusion, or perhaps better, their underlying assumption is that the application of these concepts can produce a body of law that is coherent and in conformity with generally accepted notions of fairness. as a critic of the current law, my view is the reverse: careful examination of the application to public authorities of concepts developed for the purpose of determining the incidence of the duty of care in relation to private persons tends to demonstrate the inadequacy of the current law and the folly of ignoring the public nature of public authorities. detailed consideration of the workability of the concepts currently employed in dealing with public authority cases thus provides another line of attack for those who regard dicey’s equality principle as misconceived and an anachronism. in the present article i adopt this line of attack and since the concept most commonly used in english law for determining the incidence of the duty of care in novel cases involving private persons – and hence also in cases involving public authorities – is assumption of responsibility, i make it my focus.7 the questions i shall seek to address are: firstly, how far can the concept of assumption of responsibility take us in explaining the incidence of the duty of care in cases involving public authorities; and secondly, if it cannot provide a satisfactory rationale for the current case law, might its consistent application provide us with something better. the answer i give to both questions will be negative: the concept does a poor job of explaining the existing law and if one were to try to create a better case law by applying it with rigour and consistency the result would be a body of law in which the incidence of the duty of care would be far more extensive than anything envisaged by the concept’s proponents but which at the same time contained glaring inconsistencies. far from providing a workable alternative to the previous practice of basing a duty of care on statutory powers or duties, i shall suggest, the attempt to make use of assumption of responsibility tends to point us back towards forms of liability that explicitly acknowledge the public nature of public authorities. 6 see for example nolan (n 5); r bagshaw and n mcbride, tort law (4th ed, harlow 2012). 7 i believe similar arguments to those i shall make in relation to assumption of responsibility can be made in relation to other concepts intended to apply indifferently to both private and public defendants in determining the incidence of the duty of care: see further (n 87). space precludes examination of these concepts. assumption of responsibility by public authorities 58 the plan of the article is as follows. firstly, i attempt to sum up in a few propositions the current state of the law on the negligence liability of public authorities. secondly, i define how i shall be using the expression “assumption of responsibility” in the rest of the article. thirdly, i examine the application of the concept to a variety of types of public authority activity. in doing so, i consider both its capacity to explain the existing pattern of outcomes and its potential usefulness in creating a more defensible pattern of outcomes. fourthly, i conclude in the terms outlined above. 2 the negligence liability of public authorities: the current state of the law the current state of the law can, i believe, be summed up in a few propositions. the first does not pertain specifically to negligence but forms a general background and is worth stating for that reason. this is that english law contains no general principle of administrative liability; or, in other words, there is no general principle that entitles an individual to damages where unlawful administrative action causes that individual harm.8 the second is that the existence of a duty of care in negligence can never be based simply on the fact that a public authority possesses a particular statutory power or is subject to a particular statutory duty.9 this proposition is usually expressed, as i have done, by reference to statutory powers and duties but could perhaps be extended so as to encompass the case in which an authority – for example a servant of the crown or a police officer – has public law powers or duties that are not statutory in origin. the proposition would then be that an authority’s public law powers and duties do not, without more, give rise to a private law duty of care.10 8 more or less explicit statements to this effect are to be found from lord wilberforce in hoffman-la-roche v secretary of state for trade [1975] ac 295 [358-59] and more recently by sedley lj in mohammed and others v home office [2011] ewca civ 351; [2011] 1 wlr 2862 [61]. for a general overview of the obstacles to gaining reparation for harms done by public authorities see the law commission (n 4) especially pt 4. 9 gorringe (n 3) especially [32] (lord hoffmann), [71] (lord scott). 10 there is no authority to either support or undermine this more general, nonstatutory form of the proposition, however. the denning law journal 59 the third proposition is that a public authority may, nonetheless, owe a duty of care in those circumstances in which a private person analogously placed would do so.11 an authority may thus owe a duty of care when performing a function that, according to established case law, gives rise to a duty of care when performed by a private person; or where its actions satisfy the threefold caparo test in circumstances in which a private person performing the same actions would do so; and it may also do so if it can be said to have assumed a responsibility towards the claimant.12 the fourth proposition is that where there are arguable grounds for finding a duty of care, the putative duty should be excluded if it would be in conflict with other duties to which the defendant public authority is subject. this general proposition can be analyzed in turn into two subpropositions, of which one corresponds to a general tendency while the other represents a strict rule. the first sub-proposition concerns cases in which the proposed duty of care would be a duty vis-a-vis the claimant to deliver the benefit that the defendant authority is under a public law duty to deliver to members of the public generally. in such cases, the tendency is to say that a duty of care should be excluded because it might conflict with the authority’s ability to perform its duties to the public as a whole.13 the second sub-proposition is that where an authority possesses a power for the purpose of protecting some particular class of person it is inappropriate to impose a duty of care towards some other class of person who might be harmed by the power’s exercise. this type of argument is 11 this has been the law at least since mersey docks and harbour board v gibbs (1866) lr 1 hl 93. 12 see further below. 13 so, for example, the exclusionary rule enunciated in hill v chief constable of west yorkshire [1989] ac 53 excludes a duty of care on the part of the police towards potential victims of crime on the ground that this would interfere with the wider duties they owe to the public as a whole. since the overruling of the ecthr’s judgment in osman v uk (2000) 29 ehrr 245, [1999] flr 193, the rule in hill has been reasserted in a number of other cases, for example: brooks v metropolitan police commissioner [2005] ukhl 24, [2005] 1 wlr 1495; smith v chief constable of sussex police [2008] ukhl 50, [2009] 1 ac 225; an informer v chief constable [2012] ewca civ 197, [2013] qb 579; michael v chief constable of south wales police [2015] uksc 2, [2015] 2 wlr 343. for instances of the application of the first sub-proposition outside the police context, see: mitchell v glasgow city council [2009] ukhl 11, [2009] ac 874; x v hounslow london borough council [2009] ewca civ 286, [2010] hlr 4. assumption of responsibility by public authorities 60 foreshadowed in a number of earlier decisions14 but attains the status of a general rule in jain v trent strategic health authority15 where lord scott (with whom the other members of the house agreed) said the following: “...where action is taken by a state authority under statutory powers designed for the benefit or protection of a particular class of persons, a tortious duty of care will not be held to be owed by the state authority to others whose interests may be adversely affected by an exercise of the statutory power. the reason is that the imposition of such a duty would or might inhibit the exercise of the statutory powers and be potentially adverse to the interests of the class of persons the powers were designed to benefit or protect, thereby putting at risk the achievement of their statutory purpose.”16 the fifth proposition is that a duty of care on the part of a public authority may also be excluded on policy grounds other than those mentioned in connection with the fourth proposition. the fourth proposition concerns the theoretical compatibility of public and private law duties. the fifth proposition concerns the effects of a duty of care on the practical ability of a public authority to fulfil its duties. the policy consideration typically falling under this head is that imposition of a duty of care will lead to overkill or defensive practice and thus inhibit an authority’s ability to carry out its wider duties. since the osman case, the courts have greatly reduced their reliance on such considerations in the face of the criticism that they were being used in blanket fashion and without adequate evidence. 17 nonetheless, they have not disappeared 14 eg caparo v dickman [1990] 2 ac 605; harris v evans [1998] 1 wlr 1285; reeman v department of transport [1997] 2 lloyd’s rep 648; d v east berkshire community health nhs trust [2005] ukhl 23, [2005] 2 ac 373. 15 [2009] ukhl 4, [2009] 2 wlr 248. the conflict here was between the defendant authority’s duty to protect residents of care homes and the duty of care alleged to be owed to the claimant care home owners. 16 ibid [28]. 17 osman v uk (2000) 29 ehrr 245, [1999] flr 193. the criticisms made of the english courts in this regard by the ecthr in the osman case appears to have had a lasting effect despite its later overruling. on the turn from policy considerations to substantive legal rules as a way of controlling liability in cases of public authority negligence see c booth and d squires, the negligence liability of public authorities (oxford 2006) ch 4 especially 4.06, 4.95-98. the denning law journal 61 altogether from the case law as cases on “the hill immunity” in relation to police work show.18 to the propositions i have just described, one can also add what i shall call “the background premise.” this is that the private law principles that determine the incidence of the duty of care in negligence can never be so extended as to require or justify the imposition of a duty of care in relation to the most purely public law functions of public authorities, those involving the exercise of powers to determine the rights or entitlements of citizens. 19 as the name i have given it implies, the background premise is generally assumed to be so obvious as not to need stating.20 as a result, no justification is ever offered for it but, as i shall argue below, it is not at all clear that it can be justified. lastly, before passing on to consider the concept of assumption of responsibility, one more feature of the case law is worth considering, the existence of a strong dissident strain of authority. from the time of anns onward, an influential minority of judges lords wilberforce, 21 bingham,22 woolf23 and to a lesser extent lords nicholls,24 slynn25 and 18 see further below. 19 in the typology below of types of public authority to case in relation to which assumption of responsibility might apply, i call these “legal determination” cases. 20 an indicator of the existence of the premise in the case law is the tendency in the pre-gorringe case law – not altogether extinguished to adopt barriers to liability that distinguish sharply between the public and private parts of a public authorities functions: the policy/operations distinction; the requirements that an act be ultra vires or justiciable before liability can arise. in reform proposals the premise is reflected in the idea that two kinds of public authority liability are required, one belonging to private and the other to public law: see administrative justice: some necessary reforms report of the committee of the justice-all souls review of administrative law in the uk (1988) ch 11; the law commission (n 4) pt 4. 21 in anns itself and see his remarks in hoffmann-la roche (n 8) [358-59]. 22 see his lordship’s judgment in the court of appeal in x v bedfordshire [1995] ac 633 above and his dissenting judgments in d v east berkshire [2005] ukhl 23, [2005] 2 ac 373 and smith v chief constable of sussex (n 13). 23 see larner v solihull metropolitan borough council [2001] rtr 32 above, kent v griffiths [2001] qb 36 (ca). 24 see his lordship’s dissenting judgment in stovin v wise [1996] ac 923 (hl). his lordship seems to have recanted somewhat in d v east berkshire (n 14). 25 see barrett v enfield lbc [1999] 3 wlr 79 (hl) and phelps v hillingdon lbc [2000] 3 wlr 776. assumption of responsibility by public authorities 62 steyn26 – has persistently argued in favour of an expanded liability. their reasons for doing so have not always been made explicit but they are well expressed by lord bingham in an article of 2010:27 “...if a member of the public whom a public service exists to serve suffers significant injury or loss through the culpable fault or reprehensible failure of that service to act as it should, is it not consistent with ethical and, perhaps, democratic principle that the many, responsible for funding the service, should bear the cost of compensating the victim?” this way of thinking involves an explicit rejection of the second proposition set out above. that it persists can be seen in the judgment of the minority in the recent michael case,28 considered further below. in the rest of this article, i shall refer to the principle enunciated by lord bingham as “the bingham principle”. 3 assumption of responsibility the most strenuous attempts to define assumption of responsibility are found not in the case law but in the work of commentators. since the commentators who go to such lengths to define the concept also believe that its application – and that of cognate notions – to cases involving public authorities can produce a satisfactory law of public authority negligence liability, it is worth briefly reviewing these attempts at definition.29 on certain points, they are in accord. they agree that in order 26 see his lordship’s concordant but more pro-liability speech in gorringe. 27 lord bingham, ‘the uses of tort law’ (2010) 1 jetl 3. 28 michael v chief constable of south wales police [2015] uksc 2, [2015] 2 wlr 343. 29 the commentators whose views i discuss here are: n mcbride and a hughes, ‘hedley byrne in the house of lords: an interpretation’ (1995) 15 ls 376; r bagshaw, ‘the duties of care of emergency service providers’ [1999] lmclq 71; r stevens (n 5); d nolan (n 5); r bagshaw and n mcbride (n 6). to avoid the confusions associated with the expression “assumption of responsibility”, use of it is avoided in the article by mcbride and hughes and in bagshaw and mcbride’s book. for the sake of convenience, i overlook this nuance here. in each work, a principle is advanced that is intended to explain some, at least, of the decisions in which the courts used the expression. the denning law journal 63 to assume responsibility, the defendant must perform some positive act.30 they agree too that the question of whether or not the defendant has assumed a responsibility toward the claimant is an objective one i.e. that the existence of an assumption of responsibility does not depend on there being an intention on the defendant’s part to incur an obligation – legal or otherwise – towards the claimant. a corollary of this is that, while the judges in hedley byrne and in some other early cases talked of voluntary assumption of responsibility, assumption of responsibility is now taken to be voluntary in only a very restricted sense.31 the differences between the various accounts of the concept relate to the question of whether or not there must be explicit dealings or “mutuality” between defendant and claimant and whether it is necessary for the claimant to have relied on the defendant’s undertaking. a number of writers have insisted that mutuality and reliance are not prerequisites of assumption of responsibility. they are not, however, in precise agreement as to what are prerequisites. stevens states that “[t]he foreseeable possibility of detriment, whether by reliance of the claimant or a third party, is relevant and will commonly be decisive in determining whether, as a matter of construction, the defendant has by his actions implicitly assumed responsibility towards the claimant.”32 nolan appears to follow him in this. 33 mcbride and hughes 34 and bagshaw 35 emphasize a 30 cf lord hoffmann in customs and excise commissioners v barclays bank [2006] ukhl 28, [2007] 1 ac 181 [38]: “the notion of assumption of responsibility serves a … useful purpose in drawing attention to the fact that a duty of care is ordinarily generated by something which the defendant has decided to do”. 31 as nolan puts it, “[t]he better view, which was expressed by lord walker of gestingthorpe in the customs and excise commissioners case, is that the undertaking is voluntary because it is ‘conscious’, ‘considered’ or ‘deliberate’”. see ‘the liability of public authorities for failing to confer benefits’ (n 5) 283 and customs and excise commissioners v barclays bank plc (n 30) [73]. 32 stevens (n 5) 14. 33 nolan (n 5) 281. a similar view of assumption of responsibility appears also to be taken by allan beever (n 5) ch 8. 34 see mcbride and hughes (n 29) 284: “[t]he defendant has accepted power over the plaintiff knowing that he is expected to use reasonable care and skill in exercising that power. he has failed to do so and the plaintiff has suffered loss as a result.” i assume that the defendant having power over the claimant entails dependence on the part of the claimant. 35 bagshaw ‘the duties of care’ (n 29) 77: “at the very least the defendant must undertake a task which he holds himself out as having special skill and assumption of responsibility by public authorities 64 combination of dependence on the part of the claimant and skill and knowledge of the claimant’s dependence on the part of the defendant. bagshaw, stevens and nolan all point, as illustrating the absence of the need for reliance, to the example of the doctor who comes to the aid of an unconscious patient. the doctor assumes responsibility for treating the patient with reasonable care despite the patient being in no position to consciously rely on the treatment. a principle significantly different from any of those discussed in the previous paragraph has been advanced by bagshaw and mcbride in their text book. this is that “if a has indicated to b that b can safely rely on him to perform a particular task with a certain degree of care and skill and b has so relied on a, a will owe b a duty to perform that task with that degree of care and skill”.36 here actual reliance is central. since, however, this principle can explain only a small proportion of the cases in which assumption of responsibility is invoked, the authors set out a number of other principles to explain the remaining cases. the most important of these is a principle of “severe dependency”.37 this states that “if a knows that b’s future will be ruined if he does a positive act x, then a will owe b a duty to take care not to do x”.38 the authors use it to explain spring v guardian assurance,39 phelps v hillingdon lbc40 and smith v eric s bush,41 and also what they call cases of “business sterilisation”. these are cases in which the defendant acts in such a way as to cause the foreseeable destruction of the claimant’s business and may occur where the defendant is a regulatory authority able to damage the claimant by the competence to undertake, and the task must be one which he knows the plaintiff is dependent on being done with reasonable skill and competence.” 36 bagshaw and mcbride tort law (n 6) 180. this is what the authors call “the extended principle in hedley byrne” as opposed to “the basic principle in hedley byrne”, set out at 175, which relates purely to advice. the former presumably includes or implies the latter. 37 other principles proposed by bagshaw and mcbride (n 6) 200-06) are a principle of liability for negligent intermeddling, invoked to explain white v jones [1995] 2 ac 207, a principle of liability for expenses incurred as a result of putting property in danger, invoked to explain the greystoke castle [1947] ac 265, and a principle of liability for interfering with intangible property, invoked to explain minister of housing and local government v sharp [1970] 2 qb 223. 38 ibid 97. 39 [1995] 2 ac 296. 40 n 35. 41 smith v eric s bush, harris v wyre forest dc [1990] 1 ac 831. the denning law journal 65 use of its coercive powers42 or where the defendant is a private person able to harm the claimant by other means.43 in sum, these attempts to make sense of the case law in which the concept of assumption of responsibility is used yields two types of principle. the first requires explicit dealing and mutuality between the parties. the second does not but requires instead foreseeable detriment flowing from the reliance of the claimant or a third party or a combination of dependence on the part of the claimant with knowledge of that dependence on the part of the defendant. all the versions i have described of these principles require a positive act and the assertion of some knowledge or skill on the part of the defendant and take the question of whether there is an assumption of responsibility to be an objective one in the sense explained above. from the point of view of the argument i wish to make in this article, it is the elements that these different competing conceptions of assumption of responsibility have in common that are important. little turns on the differences, which all concern the extent to which the defendant can he held to have assumed a responsibility towards parties with whom she has no direct dealings or of whom she has limited knowledge.44 at the same time, the more wide-ranging and the greater the explanatory power of the version of the concept i adopt, the more convincingly will my argument (if successful) achieve its aim of demonstrating the concept’s unsuitedness to determining the incidence of the duty of care in relation to public authorities. i therefore, and at the risk of solecism, propose to use the expression “assumption of responsibility” as an umbrella term covering all the principles and sub-principles i have described in this section. a further question concerns the relationship between assumption of responsibility and policy considerations limiting the incidence of the duty 42 as in harris v evans (n 14) or jain v trent strategic health authority (n 15). 43 as in the australian case of perre v apand pty ltd (1999) 198 clr 180 where the defendant sold diseased potato seeds to farmers whose farm was close to the claimants’ potato farm with the result that the claimants’ potatoes fell foul of a legal prohibition on the sale of potatoes from an area where there were diseased potatoes. the claimants sued successfully on the basis of the economic loss they suffered. 44 nearly every application of the concept i consider below is consistent with the requirement that there be direct dealings between the parties. in the only one that is not – minister for housing and local government v sharp (n 37) – the defendant had direct dealings with a third party in the knowledge that careless performance of the task he had undertaken would harm the claimant. assumption of responsibility by public authorities 66 of care. on the one hand, the finding of an assumption of responsibility is sometimes taken to obviate the need to consider questions of policy and hence to satisfy by itself the fair, just and reasonable limb of the caparo test.45 on the other hand, in some cases, notably those concerning the duties of the police towards members of the public, the existence of an assumption of responsibility is treated as an indicator in favour of a duty of care than can be outweighed by contrary policy considerations.46 the commentators who have insisted most strongly on the meaningfulness of the family of concepts i have grouped together under the title “assumption of responsibility” do so because they think policy considerations have no place in the law of negligence. on the basis of the strategy enunciated above of adopting the form of the concept with the greatest explanatory power, however, i shall treat the presence of an assumption of responsibility as an indicator in favour of liability capable of being overridden both by the consequential factors usually referred to as policy considerations and by the restrictive principles in the fourth proposition described in section i above. finally, it has been argued, notably by barker, that the courts use different versions of the concept of assumption of responsibility, no one of which is capable of explaining all the cases, and switch back and forth between them as a way of accommodating concealed policy concerns.47 in the light of this, it might be objected that there is no point in examining the application of the concept to public authorities since it cannot even explain the cases in which it is used in relation to private defendants. there are two answers to this objection. the first is that by adopting the position that there is an assumption of responsibility where any one of the proposed tests is satisfied, i avoid the problem that arises where the courts speak of the concept as if it were a unitary one while meaning different things by it on different occasions. the second concerns the formalism or conceptualism of the current law. as i have suggested above, the current 45 see henderson v merrett syndicates [1995] 2 ac 145 [181d] (lord goff); brooks v metropolitan police commissioner (n 13) [29] (lord steyn). 46 see the cases referred to at notes 48-51. 47 see k barker, ‘unreliable assumptions in the law of negligence’ (1993) 109 lqr 461; k barker, ‘wielding occam’s razor: pruning strategies for economic loss’ (2006) 26 ojls 289. this implies, of course, that the concept of assumption of responsibility is not really distinct from the broader concept of proximity. many dicta suggesting this are to be found in the case law. more recent academic assertions of this view are to be found in k barker, r grantham and w swain (eds), the law of misstatements: 50 years on from hedley byrne v heller (hart, 2015). the denning law journal 67 approach of the courts to the negligence liability of public authorities substitutes conceptual barriers to duties of care for the policy based barriers that were more common in the pre-gorringe case law. at the same time, the supporters of this change in the law propose a highly conceptual or formalistic method for determining the incidence of the duty of care in relation to public authorities via the use of concepts such as assumption of responsibility. if this approach can be shown not to succeed in its own terms, then the unsatisfactory nature of the current law will be exposed, notwithstanding the concept’s disutility in the kinds of case in which it was originally developed. 4 the application of the concept of assumption of responsibility to public authorities i turn then to consider how the concept of assumption of responsibility can be applied to various types of case involving public authorities. the types i shall consider are (as i shall call them) protection cases, cases involving the giving of advice or information, rescue cases, professional cases and cases involving legal determination of the rights or entitlements of private persons. the meaning of these categories will become clearer below. i arrange them according to how successfully the concept of assumption of responsibility can be applied beginning with those to which it can be applied most successfully and ending with those to which it can be applied least successfully. two difficulties that arise from the attempt to apply the concept of assumption of responsibility are worth outlining in general terms before examining the particular types of case. the first concerns omissions. as we have seen, it is a requirement of the concept that, in order to incur a duty of care, a defendant must perform some positive act that brings her into a relationship with the claimant. when this requirement is applied to public authorities, however, it tends to produce unsatisfactory results. where the defendant is a private person, it makes sense to subject her to a duty where she positively undertakes to assist the claimant and not to subject her to a duty where she makes no such positive undertaking. where the defendant is a public authority which exists to serve a citizen, to draw a distinction between the case in which the authority makes some positive undertaking and the case in which it does not may make less sense. as a matter of public law or of moral obligation, the authority may be under an obligation in both cases and to insist on the distinction when making a decision as to when to order the payment of compensation may assumption of responsibility by public authorities 68 lead to a pattern of decisions that would strike most people as indefensible. the second difficulty arises from the need to distinguish the class of cases in which a public authority may be held to have assumed a responsibility to the claimant from the class of cases in which a public authority causes harm to a citizen or citizens by the failure to exercise its powers properly. we may think of the latter class of cases as defined by the bingham principle i.e. as being the class of cases in which a member of the public whom a public service exists to serve suffers significant injury or loss through the culpable fault or reprehensible failure of that service to act as it should. the bingham principle does not represent the law. as described above, this discourages the finding of a duty of care in relation to most public authority functions. one would thus expect that the class of cases in which a public authority could be held to have assumed responsibility toward the claimant would be a much smaller one than the class of cases defined by the bingham principle. but it is not so simple in practice. a public service, to use lord bingham’s terminology, exists to serve a citizen. where it fails reprehensibly to act as it should and thereby causes loss to the citizen, the law presently puts considerable obstacles in the way of any claim to compensation based on negligence. most importantly, as per proposition two above, the fact that the service exists to provide a service to a citizen – that it has statutory powers that enable it to do so and is subject to statutory target duties that require it to do so – cannot be a reason for imposing a duty of care. yet if a person becomes subject to a duty of care where she purports to be able to perform a task with skill and knows that another is likely to depend on her so performing the task or where she indicates to another that the other can safely rely on her performing a task with skill and the other does so rely, then public authorities must very often be subject to duties of care even and especially where the task they are performing is the one that they exist to perform. the doctrine of assumption of responsibility may thus require a duty of care in exactly the circumstances in which the wider framework governing the negligence liability of public authorities discourages it. 4.1 protection cases i begin with what is really a residual class of cases. it consists of cases in which a public authority is or is alleged to be under an obligation to protect citizens from some – usually physical danger to their safety. it is distinct from what i call below “professional cases” in that the public authority employees involved are not usually professionals; and from the denning law journal 69 what i call below “rescue cases” in that the authority in question is not apprised of the danger at exactly the moment that it is about to occur. into this class fall many types of police case, for example: cases in which the police are aware of the activities of a criminal who poses a threat to members of the category of persons to which the claimant belongs;48 cases in which the police are aware of a specific threat to the claimant’s safety from a particular person;49 cases in which the claimant is a witness and the police are alleged to owe a duty to take care to conceal her identity and to protect her from violence;50 cases in which the claimant is a suspect and the police or prosecuting authorities are alleged to owe a duty to take care in investigating the case against him.51 into this class also fall a wide variety of other types of case, for example: cases in which highway authorities are alleged to owe a duty of care to members of the public to avert dangers on the road;52 cases in which local authorities are alleged to owe duties to protect their tenants from the depredations of other tenants or neighbours; 53 cases in which health authorities are alleged to owe duties to protect members of the public from infection.54 for cases which fall into this residual class, the notion of assumption of responsibility does appear to provide a rationale for imposing a duty of care in some cases and not others. to take the police cases referred to, for example, the idea that the police assume a responsibility towards witnesses or informants but not towards members of the public potentially endangered by the presence at large of a criminal provides an explanation of why there should be a duty of care in the former cases but not in the latter. cases in which the police fail to protect an individual from the threat of a particular known individual occupy a point on the spectrum between the two types of case referred to in the previous sentence and are 48 hill v chief constable of west yorkshire (n 13). 49 osman v ferguson [1993] 4 all er 344 (ca); van colle v chief constable of the hertfordshire police [2008] ukhl 50, [2009] ac 225. 50 swinney v chief constable of northumbria police force [1997] qb 464 (ca). 51 welsh v chief constable of the merseyside police [1993] 1 all er 692; elguzouli-daf v commissioner of police of the metropolis [1995] qb 335; brooks v metropolitan police commissioner (n 13). 52 stovin v wise (n 24); gorringe (n 3). 53 mitchell v glasgow city council, x v hounslow london borough council, both (n 13). 54 furnell and another v flaherty (trading as goldstone farm)(health protection agency and another, part 20 defendants) [2013] ewhc 377 (qb), [2013] ptsr d20. assumption of responsibility by public authorities 70 for that reason especially contentious.55 it would seem very plausible to ascribe to a police force which is apprised of and takes some steps to protect a claimant from a threat from a particular known individual an assumption of responsibility towards the claimant. in the light of this, the finding that no duty of care is owed in such cases can only be explained by reference to the supposed conflict between the putative duty of care and the police’s other obligations. 4.2 information cases another category in relation to which assumption of responsibility appears to serve reasonably well as a mechanism for determining the incidence of the duty of care comprises cases in which a public authority has power to give advice or information to a citizen and chooses to do so. for example, in t v surrey county council 56 the defendant authority kept the name of a particular child minder on the register of child minders it was obliged by law to maintain. t’s mother left t in the care of the child minder after having sought and received assurances from an employee of the authority that the child minder was to be trusted. in fact, on a previous occasion, the child minder had caused injury to a child by violent shaking and did the same to t. the court held that although the purpose of the governing legislation was to ensure that only persons who were fit to act as child minders should be registered, it did not give rise to duties to any individuals who might rely on the register. the giving of specific assurances by the authority to t’s mother was, however, capable of giving rise to a duty of care and the assurances constituted negligence misstatement. here the notion of assumption of responsibility (or its cognate, negligent misstatement) makes it possible to pick out a particular act of the authority as attracting a duty of care where its other related activity does not. there is a fine line, however, between cases in which an authority merely has a power to give information to a specific individual and cases in which, by doing so, it changes the legal position of the individual concerned. as we shall see below, the use of assumption of responsibility in relation to the latter is more problematic. 55 note, in this respect, the dissenting judgment of lord bingham in van colle (n 49). 56 [1994] 4 all er 448. the denning law journal 71 4.3 rescue cases at time of writing the four leading judgments in rescue cases in english law are capital and counties plc v hampshire cc,57 oll ltd v secretary of state for transport, 58 kent v griffiths,59 and the more recent michael and others v chief constable of south wales police.60 in capital and counties, the court of appeal heard appeals in four cases in which the fire brigade had been called to fires and failed to put them out. oll concerned the mismanagement by the coastguard of an attempted rescue of a party of schoolchildren who had got into trouble at sea. kent concerned the calling of an ambulance whose late arrival led to the claimant suffering injuries that she would have avoided if the ambulance had arrived timeously. in michael, a telephone call to the police from a woman in danger of imminent violence was wrongly classified with the result that the police arrived too late to save her life. the role actually played by assumption of responsibility in the court’s judgment in each of these cases is fairly limited. the question i wish to address, however, is whether the concept can be used nonetheless to explain the pattern of outcomes that occurred. donal nolan has attempted to rationalise the differing outcomes of rescue cases concerning the ambulance service, fire brigade and police using a conception of assumption of responsibility as involving the voluntary acceptance of an obligation by the defendant combined with the foreseeable possibility of detrimental reliance on the part of the claimant.61 on this view, the reason why there is an assumption of responsibility and hence a duty of care when an injured person summons an ambulance but none where the fire brigade is summoned to put out a fire or the police are summoned to the scene of an emergency is that a person who summons an ambulance is likely to renounce the alternative means of transport available to her whereas a person who summons the other emergency services is likely to have no other means of assistance to renounce. the paradoxical consequence of this reasoning, however, is that the more absolutely dependent a citizen is on the protection provided by a public authority, the less likely the authority is to owe her a duty of care. 62 it would 57 [1997] qb 1004 (ca). 58 [1997] 3 all er 897 (qb). 59 [2001] qb 36, [2000] 2 wlr 1158 (ca). 60 [2015] uksc 2, [2015] 2 wlr 343. 61 nolan (n 5) 281. 62 cf n mcbride, ‘michael and the future of tort law’ (2016) 32 pn 14-31. assumption of responsibility by public authorities 72 presumably mean, for example, that someone who lived on a remote island and who could only be brought to hospital by air ambulance would be owed no duty of care if she called the ambulance service whereas if she lived in a busy town and called the ambulance service, she would be owed a duty. on the most plausible interpretation of how assumption of responsibility should apply to rescue services, i suggest, all the services i have referred to would be held to have assumed a responsibility and hence to owe a duty of care upon acceptance of an emergency call. any person who calls one of these services in an emergency is likely to rely on the service and if a call is made on a person’s behalf and she is unaware of it (as happens, for example, if a third party makes a call to the ambulance service to rescue an unconscious person), she is very likely to depend on the service fulfilling its function with reasonable care.63 this leads us naturally to question whether this is a satisfactory pattern of outcomes? policy fears about the supposed strain on the rescue services aside, i suggest it is; but with one important caveat. as noted above, however one interprets assumption of responsibility, it seems to require that the defendant perform some positive act that can be treated as constituting acceptance of an obligation towards the claimant. in rescue cases, given the general expectation that rescue services will attempt to assist people who ask for their help, the acceptance of the call for help will usually be enough to constitute such a positive act. but suppose a service’s phone operator does not answer the call or tells the caller that no assistance will be forthcoming in circumstances where it is quite unreasonable to do so, for example where the service in question is the fire brigade and is perfectly capable of coming to the caller’s aid and has at the time in question no competing demands for its assistance.64 suppose further that the caller suffers harm that would probably have been avoided if the fire brigade has attended the fire. it makes no sense, i suggest, to differentiate a case such as this by denying the existence of a duty of care if one would be found in the case in which the phone operator allowed the caller to believe that the fire brigade would attend. 63 even if we accept the argument that the fire brigade should not be under a duty to answer emergency calls because this duty would conflict with its wider obligations, we are nonetheless left with a pattern other than the actual one. 64 cf d brodie, ‘public authority liability: the scottish approach’ (2007) 11 edin lr 254, 256. the denning law journal 73 4.4 professional cases the offer of help – explicit or implicit – to a member of the public by a qualified professional is the paradigm example of assumption of responsibility. for this reason, one would expect the concept to apply most easily in those cases in which the claimant’s complaint against a public authority can be treated as a complaint about the failure of a professional person employed by the authority to provide the relevant service. this expectation is, to some extent, borne out by the case law. bodies within the nhs can be held vicariously liable for the failure of the doctors working for them to provide the treatment expected; 65 local authorities can be held liable for the negligent misstatements of the surveyors they employ;66 and education authorities can be held liable for the failure of the teachers and educational psychologists they employ to respectively provide adequate education or correct diagnosis for children with special educational needs.67 it is arguable also that local authorities can be held liable for the omissions of the professionals they employ in the field of child protection.68 a difficulty with the idea that public authorities can be held vicariously liable for the acts of professionals they employ is that it, too, can produce obvious anomalies. where a local education authority or the social services department of a local authority causes harm to children, it may be because the professionals who work for the authority have failed in their professional duty – the head master of a school may have failed to provide a child with appropriate education, social workers may have failed to take the steps necessary to remove a child from abusive parents – but it may also be because of failings that are administrative rather than professional in nature and cannot be ascribed to any particular individual. so, for example, a badly run education authority might fail through simple administrative incompetence to make the arrangements necessary to assist a child who needs home schooling or the social services department may have been informed that a child needs its help but, again, through administrative incompetence – because there is a rapid turnover of staff, because files are lost and letters or emails left unopened – may have failed to take the necessary steps. it would be hard to justify making a finding of 65 barnett v chelsea and kensington hospital management committee [1969] 1 qb 428 (qb). 66 smith v eric s bush [1990] 1 ac 831 (hl). 67 phelps v hillingdon london borough council (n 25). 68 see d v east berkshire community health nhs trust (n 14). assumption of responsibility by public authorities 74 liability in the cases that conformed to the model of vicarious liability for failings of professionals while denying it in the cases where the causes of harm were of the administrative type.69 this problem can be avoided if we take the view that professional liability is only a special case of assumption of responsibility. we can then say that the authorities that employ professionals assume a responsibility toward the persons whom they aim to assist. this solution brings us back to the problem of omissions, however. as noted above, assumption of responsibility, however interpreted, requires some sort of positive act on the part of the defendant and yet some of those failures on the part of authorities to provide expected services that cannot be ascribed to identifiable professionals will also be cases of pure omission. consider again, for instance, the example of the social services department given information about a child in danger which fails through sheer administrative incompetence to act timeously. in such a case, the defendant authority may never make towards the child a gesture that could be interpreted as an assumption of responsibility and yet, to refuse liability in this case while finding it in another in which a similar failure is preceded by such a gesture would be, again, to make an indefensible suggestion. 4.5 legal determination cases cases which involve the making of legal determinations by public authorities as to the rights or entitlements of private persons and in which the question of tortious liability arises are rare, but they exist. one such is the well-known maguire case70 in which the claimants fitted out vehicles for use as taxis in reliance on a policy promulgated by the local authority but were then denied the licences necessary to operate the taxis when the policy turned out to be unlawful. another is the banks case71 in which the claimant was a farmer who suffered financial loss when the secretary of state made his herd the subject of a movement restriction order on the basis of a fact-finding process vitiated by procedural impropriety. a third example is the jain case referred to above where the claimants were the proprietors of a care home who suffered the ruination of their business after the defendant health authority obtained an ex parte court order 69 cf booth and squires (n 17) 9.102-9.110. 70 r v knowsley mbc, ex p maguire (1992) 90 lgr 653. 71 banks v secretary of state for environment, food and rural affairs [2004] ewhc 416, [2004] npc 43. the denning law journal 75 cancelling the home’s registration on the basis of inaccurate information.72 it might be thought that in relation to cases of this sort, the concept of assumption of responsibility had no relevance at all. legal determinations are the purest form of exercise of public law power and it is widely supposed that the functions they involve are too unlike the activities undertaken by private persons for it to be possible for negligence to have any application. 73 since assumption of responsibility is a concept belonging to the law of negligence, it too is supposed to have no place in legal determination cases. assumption of responsibility would thus appear to be relevant only in the sense that there was a kind of negative correlation: there is never assumption of responsibility in such cases and, correspondingly, there is never a duty of care. for two reasons, this appearance is misleading however. firstly, one can make a strong case that wherever a public authority makes a legal determination with respect to the rights or entitlements of a particular citizen, it assumes a responsibility towards that citizen. all the necessary elements are there: the authority acts positively with respect to the citizen; the citizen will commonly be reliant or dependent for some aspect of her welfare on the authority’s act, or both: and the citizen will be aware of this reliance or dependency. in most such cases, moreover, the authority’s act can be seen as involving a representation as to the authority’s power to perform the act, a representation which amounts to a species of negligent misstatement where it turns out to be false. so in maguire, for example, the authority gave the false impression to the claimants that they would receive taxi licences and they suffered loss as a result while in banks, the claimant was led to believe that his herd was subject to a valid movement restriction order when it was not and suffered loss as a result. secondly, parties have attempted to invoke assumption of responsibility in a number of cases involving the making of legal determinations by public authorities and while the argument has been rejected in some cases it has been accepted in others.74 an early example 72 n 15. 73 this supposition is an expression of what i called in section i above “the background premise”. 74 cases in which the argument has been made and rejected are: w v home office [1997] imm ar 302; rowley v secretary of state for work and pensions [2007] ewca civ 598, [2007] 1 wlr 2861; st john poulton’s trustee in bankruptcy v minister of justice [2010] ewca civ 392, [2011] ch 1. in addition to the cases assumption of responsibility by public authorities 76 of a case where the argument succeeded is ministry of housing and local government v sharp. 75 this involved a scheme whereby persons who suffered loss as a result of the denial of planning permission were paid compensation. if permission were later granted the developer had to repay the compensation to the ministry and this obligation was recorded on the local charges register as a local land charge. under the governing legislation, the registrar of local charges was the clerk to the relevant local authority. it was his duty to register the charge and where an official search was requisitioned, to produce a certificate indicating the charge’s existence. the facts were that an owner of land subject to such a charge obtained planning permission and sold the land to a developer. prior to the sale, the developer’s solicitor requisitioned a search of the local charges register but due to the negligence of a clerk in the registry, the resulting certificate made no reference to the charge. as the court of appeal held, the certificate was conclusive as against the ministry and the developer was thus able to avoid having to pay back the compensation. the ministry sued the local registrar, sharp, and his employer, the local authority, for breach of statutory duty and negligence. the members of the court of appeal were not able to agree as to whether an action lay for breach of statutory duty – lord denning mr thought it did while salmon and cross ljj thought it did not – but they were able to agree that sharp was liable for negligent misstatement on the principle of hedley byrne and his employer, the local authority, conceded that it was vicariously liable. the case provides a good illustration of the fine line between the situation in which an authority causes loss by giving out erroneous information (discussed above under the heading “information cases”) and the situation in which an authority harms a person by the improper or careless exercise of its power to determine legal rights or entitlements. it is easy to represent as being an instance of the former: the clerk to the local authority mistakenly informed the developer that there was no charge and his employer, the local authority, conceded that it was vicariously liable for the resulting loss. on a true legal analysis, however, it was an instance of the latter. as lord denning explained,76 in his role as local registrar sharp was not a servant of the local authority. qua registrar, he was under a statutory duty to provide an accurate certificate and the certificate was conclusive as to the existence or not of the charge. mentioned in the text, the argument was made and partly accepted in mccreaner v ministry of justice [2014] ehwc 569 (qb), [2015] 1 wlr 354. 75 n 37. 76 at p 265. the denning law journal 77 the registrar’s careless exercise of his power thus had the effect of depriving the ministry of its right to the money secured by the charge. the judges of the court of appeal fudged or glossed over this difference, but we should not allow their equivocation to blind us to true nature of their decision. sharp is peculiar in that the right or entitlement in question was that of a branch of government. 77 there are other cases in which public authorities have been held to assume responsibility in the exercise of powers to determine rights or entitlements, however, in which the persons affected have been ordinary citizens. one such case is neil martin ltd v revenue and customs commissioners.78 the claimant in this case was a builder who applied to the revenue for a certificate which he needed to in order to obtain work as a subcontractor. in processing his claim, the revenue made a series of errors with the result that he only obtained the certificate after a long delay, thus occasioning loss. the errors included wrongly insisting that he had to produce company accounts, failing to ensure that he signed the relevant forms while at the tax office, mistakenly treating the forms submitted by the claimant as an application for something other than the required certificate, marking a second set of forms with the wrong unique tax reference, and sending the certificate once granted to the wrong address. the court of appeal held that the third of these errors, but not the others, gave rise to a duty of care: in deciding to treat the claimant’s application as an application for something other than the sought after certificate, the anonymous employee had assumed a responsibility towards the claimant and the revenue was vicariously liable for its breach. another example is welton v north cornwall district council.79 here, the owners of a guest house made expensive improvements to their premises on the advice of an environmental health officer given when the officer paid them an informal visit. the improvements turned out not to be required under the relevant legislation. on the owners’ action for recovery of the wasted expenses, the court of appeal held that the officer had, in effect, been offering an advisory service and could thus owe a duty of care to the owners and be liable for negligent misstatement. in reaching its judgment, the court emphasized the informal nature of the officer’s visit and characterized the giving of advice as beyond the officer’s 77 moreover, if the registrar could be represented as making a direct undertaking to anyone it would be to the person seeking the certificate. 78 [2007] ewca civ 1041; [2007] all er (d) 897. 79 [1997] 1 wlr 570. assumption of responsibility by public authorities 78 statutory functions. the case might thus appear to fall outside the category of cases involving the making of a legal determination as to rights or entitlement. as lord scott vc pointed out when he distinguished welton in another case, 80 however, the officer’s giving of advice could not plausibly be differentiated from his statutory functions in this way. the plaintiffs did what he told them to do not simply because he was an expert on the subject who had proffered advice but because he had coercive powers which they believed he would use against them: the officer’s giving of advice in this context was itself an exercise of coercive power. the case thus concerns the exercise of a public authority’s powers to determine rights, despite the court of appeal’s attempt to make it appear otherwise. it is, of course, a noteworthy feature of these cases that the courts never admit that a public authority making a determination as to rights or entitlements can, in so doing, make an assumption of responsibility. in each case, the court pretends that some employee of the authority has somehow stepped outside its statutory function and performed an act of the sort that would involve assumption of responsibility if performed by a private person. justifications have occasionally been advanced in the case law for the view that assumption of responsibility is incompatible with the performance of a statutory function. one is that where a public authority is subject to a statutory duty to act it cannot be said to have assumed responsibility towards those affected by its action because it was not acting voluntarily. 81 this insistence that a person can only assume responsibility in relation to acts which she is not legally obliged on other grounds to perform is inconsistent with the definition of assumption of responsibility i set out above, however. it assumes a reading of “voluntary” as entailing freedom of choice whereas, in a number of leading cases, defendants have been found to have assumed responsibility despite being under a legal obligation to perform the act to which assumption relates.82 to define assumption of responsibility in this way, 80 harris v evans (n 14). 81 see customs and excise commissioners v barclays bank plc (n 30) [14] (lord bingham), [94] (lord mance) respectively; neil martin ltd v revenue and customs commissioners [2006] ewhc 2425 (ch) 97 (andrew simmons); rowley v secretary of state for work and pensions (n 74) [54] (dyson lj); darby v richmond upon thames lbc [2017] ewca civ 252 [18] (thirlwall lj). 82 see barrett v enfield lbc and phelps v hillingdon lbc, both (n 25), in both of which the defendant public authorities were held to owe duties vicariously as a result of actions performed by the professionals they employed while at the same the denning law journal 79 moreover, would have the consequence that the concept could not be used to explain the incidence of the duty of care in cases involving public authorities since most public authority cases in which an assumption of responsibility may be found are ones in which the authority is obliged by statute to perform some action vis-à-vis the claimant.83 the conventional picture i presented above of the role that assumption of responsibility might play in legal determination cases is thus false. it is not true that there is never a duty of care in such cases, nor that the concept of assumption of responsibility is not or cannot be used. the concept has been used in some cases. the courts have tried to make it appear that these cases did not truly involve the exercise of powers to determine citizens’ rights or entitlements but typically they did involve such exercise. if the concept were used consistently, moreover, it would justify imposing a duty of care in many and perhaps the great majority of legal determination cases. its use cannot, therefore, be said to justify by itself the current pattern of liability and no liability in such cases. this prompts the question whether assumption of responsibility, in combination with one or more of the exclusionary principles discussed above might produce a pattern like that to be found in the actual case law. in particular, one might ask whether the use of assumption of responsibility together with what i called above the fourth proposition – namely that a putative duty should be excluded if it would be in conflict with the other duties to which the defendant public duty was subject – might produce a pattern of liability like that in the case law. the answer is that it would not. the legal determination cases in which a duty has been found are ones in which the courts have been able to delude themselves that determination of rights or entitlements was not involved, either by pretending that the relevant acts could be attributed to an employee rather than to the authority itself or that the authority was simply dispensing information. these cases are not ones in which the possibility that a duty of care would conflict with the authority’s other public law duties was less present than in cases in which no duty was found. in neil martin, for example, a duty on the part of the tax time being under statutory obligations to act. in a non-public authority context, see henderson v merrett syndicates ltd (no 1) (n 45), in which an assumption of authority arose on the basis of conduct undertaken in fulfilment of a contractual obligation to a third party and spring v guardian assurance plc [1995] 2 ac 296 (hl), where an assumption of authority was held to arise in relation to an act required by the defendant’s membership of a self-regulatory body. cf nolan ‘the liability of public authorities for failing to confer benefits’ (n 5) 283. 83 as in barrett and phelps (n 25). assumption of responsibility by public authorities 80 authorities to correctly determine the claimant’s tax status could presumably be said to have conflicted with its duties to do the same for other tax payers and to obtain the maximum tax take for the treasury while in the welton case, a duty on the part of the health inspector to take care in determining the guest house owners’ obligation under the relevant legislation could be said to have conflicted with his duty to protect the interests of potential customers of the guest house in health and safety. the idea of a duty of care based on assumption of responsibility and limited where necessary to avoid conflicting duties also has a serious deficiency from a normative or justificatory point of view. if the typical legal determination case involves an assumption of responsibility and is therefore on all fours with the typical professional case, why should the need to avoid conflicts between duties exclude liability in relation to the former and not in relation to the latter? it might be thought that what distinguishes the two types of cases is that legal determination cases usually involve difficult decisions as to the allocation of resources whereas, in professional cases, once a professional person (whether public or private) has assumed responsibility towards an individual the only issues that arise relate to practical competence in the provision of the service offered. this distinction will not withstand examination, however. even once a public sector professional has chosen to serve a given individual, the choices she makes in providing the service will have resource implications and involve choices that affect other persons to whom she might owe a duty. an nhs doctor must balance the time spent in administering a treatment to a particular patient against the time to be spent in treating other patients and to attach a duty of care to one patient might be thought to produce a conflict with the duties owed to others; in preparing a statement for a pupil with special educational needs, an education officer will make recommendations having implications vis-àvis the resources that can be spent on other pupils;84 and a social worker deciding whether to place a child in care with a foster family and which foster family to choose owes conflicting duties to both the child and the foster families concerned.85 the choices to be made in these cases do not involve matters of high policy and in the first and second of these examples, the exclusionary principle involved – i.e. that there should not be a duty of care towards a particular individual where the authority concerned owes a duty to all members of the public who share the 84 cf phelps (n 25); carty v croydon lbc [2005] ewca civ 19, [2005] 1wlr 2312. 85 barrett v enfield lbc (n 25); w v essex cc [2001] 2 ac 592. the denning law journal 81 situation of the individual in question is one i represented above as a tendency rather than an absolute rule. nonetheless, if we compare the potential conflicts of duties involved in such cases with those in the case in which lord scott’s strict exclusionary principle was enunciated, there seems no reason to allow a duty of care in the former while excluding it in the latter. the failure in jain was to take reasonable care in ascertaining the facts when deciding whether to apply for the cancellation of a care home’s licence. no hard question of policy was involved here either and if a health authority cannot be put under a duty of care for fear that it might not cancel a care home’s licence when the protection of the occupants’ well-being made it necessary to do so, it is hard to see how we can be confident that imposition of a duty of care might not have an equally distorting effect on a doctor deciding which treatment to administer, an education officer recommending special educational provision or a social worker deciding to recommend that a child be placed with a foster family. thus the recognition that many legal determination cases might involve an assumption of responsibility on the part of the public authority concerned tends to point up the arbitrariness of the principles of blanket exclusion adopted in recent case law. a more defensible method of determining the incidence of the duty of care in legal determination cases would be to assume its prima facie existence and limit it by reference to any deleterious consequences that its imposition seemed likely to have. but it is precisely to avoid such an approach – essentially the one set out in anns v merton borough council86 – that the current dispensation has been adopted. a final question is whether an approach to legal determination cases based on the consistent application of assumption of responsibility might produce satisfactory outcomes even if those were not the outcomes to be found in current case law. having surveyed all categories of public authority cases, however, we are now in a position to see that the consistent application of the concept of assumption of responsibility would produce across the whole range of public authority cases an incidence of the duty of care far more extensive than usually contemplated by the concept’s proponents. the question whether use of the concept in relation to legal determination cases is better addressed as part of the larger issue of whether its use can produce a pattern of satisfactory outcomes for public authority cases as a whole and accordingly i postpone it to this article’s conclusion. 86 n 2. assumption of responsibility by public authorities 82 5 conclusion the concept of assumption of responsibility cannot be used to explain or justify those parts of the law on the negligence liability of public authorities to which it appears to have application. as we have seen, there are various anomalies for which it cannot account. but if it cannot explain or justify the current law could its consistent application result in something better? one might, speculate on this basis that assumption of responsibility could form the foundation for a more extensive law of public authority negligence and that in doing so it might cure what many have for long felt to be a defect in english law, the lack of a developed form of administrative liability. such a development would be supported by the principle enunciated by lord bingham. it should not surprise us if the consistent application of assumption of responsibility produces the kinds of outcomes required by that principle. as noted above, the paradigm example of assumption of responsibility is the offer of help to a member of the public by a qualified professional. what distinguishes a professional person from any other provider of services is professed expertise and a commitment to serving the public interest. a professional is thus very like a public authority and in some systems is treated as one. what the discussion above has demonstrated, however, is that while a law of public authority negligence liability based on assumption of responsibility might be far more extensive than the concept’s proponents envisage, it would still suffer from unjustifiable lacunae as a result of the requirement that a person act positively in order to assume responsibility. hence, as we saw, the fire brigade that attends a fire and incompetently fails to put it out would be liable while the fire brigade that unreasonably omits to attend would not; the social services department that apprised itself of the facts relating to an abused child and negligently failed to remove the child from her abusive parents would be liable while the social services department that negligently failed to take notice of the child’s situation in the first place would not; and so on. if one were minded to use negligence as the vehicle for a developed form of administrative liability, one would therefore be better off relying on the bingham principle directly than using assumption of responsibility as a kind of proxy. faced with the inadequacy of the concept of assumption of responsibility, there are a number of possible responses. one is to continue the so far fruitless search for some concept that is, on the one hand, consistent with the basic principle that public authorities are to be treated as if they were private persons but that, on the other hand, avoids the harsh or seemingly unjust results to which the principle otherwise the denning law journal 83 gives rise.87 another is to adhere to the principle that public authorities must be treated in the same way as private persons while simply accepting that this produces harsh and unjust results. a third response would to be to abandon the dogmatic adherence to dicey’s equality principle and to accept at last that english law requires a form of specialized administrative liability, one based overtly on the principle that there should be compensation for the misdeeds of public authorities. with respect to this last possibility, one final observation is in order. in my description at the beginning of this article of the current state of the law in this area, i outlined what i called “the background premise” namely the view that a public authority acting in the exercise of a public law power or in pursuit of public law duty can never owe a duty of care except when it attracts such a duty by performing an activity that might equally well be performed by a private person. in other words, even if it might appear desirable to extend a principle that applies to private defendants in such a way as to impose a duty of care upon a public authority in relation to some activity that lacks an obvious private counterpart, it is somehow never appropriate to do so. the approach of the courts to what i called above legal determination cases tends to confirm the existence of the background premise. in a number of such cases, the courts have justified the imposition of a duty of care by assimilating the acts of the defendant public authority to ones that might be carried out by a private person.88 where such assimilation is not possible, however, or where the courts are clear sighted enough to recognize that the case involves the making of a legal determination, despite the superficial resemblance to an activity that might be carried out by a private person, then a duty of care is denied.89 what justification is there for this state of affairs? none is to be found in the case law. instead, the courts present us with a series of ad hoc excuses for restricting liability without ever providing or even 87 the notion of “general reliance” propounded by mason j in sutherland shire council v heyman (1987) 157 clr 424 and discussed by lord hoffmann in stovin v wise (n 24) 953-55 has been considered for this purpose but with little success. more commonly, adherents of dicey’s equality principle tend to deny that there is any special problem of public authority liability and look instead for principles that will explain why there should be liability in cases (whether with public or private defendants) involving omissions. for a useful exposition of such principles see h wilberg, ‘in defence of the omissions rule in public authority negligence claims’ (2011) 19 tlj 159. 88 as in barrett (n 25); phelps (n 25); sharp (n 37); neil martin (n 81); welton (n 79). 89 n 74. assumption of responsibility by public authorities 84 acknowledging the need for a global explanation for the refusal to provide compensation in relation to loss caused by distinctively public law functions. one is left with the sense that the english legal system’s lack of a developed form of administrative liability is the product of nothing more than a blind fearfulness and conservatism. the denning law journal 77 denning law journal 2019 vol 31 pp 77-91 does the failure to provide equitable access to treatment lead to action by nhs organisations? the case of biologics for south asians with inflammatory bowel disease affifa farrukh* john francis mayberry** abstract aims: the purpose of this study was to identify whether nhs trusts where discrimination in the delivery of care to patients from the south asian community had been demonstrated had taken any actions to address the issue over the subsequent year. methods: freedom of information requests were sent to three trusts which had provided evidence of disparate provision of biologic therapy to patients with crohn’s disease, their associated clinical commissioning groups and healthwatch organisations to seek evidence they had remedied the situation. requests were also sent to the care quality commission, nhs improvement and the equality and human rights commission seeking examples where they had responded to inequitable delivery of care related to ethnicity. results: no organisation had any evidence of responses to the situation, many unable to accept its existence. conclusion: legal duties are discussed and the only remedy appears to be through the tort of negligence. key words: discrimination, ethnicity, biologics, inflammatory bowel disease introduction crohn’s disease and ulcerative colitis are both chronic incurable inflammatory bowel diseases characterised by diarrhoea and abdominal pain. during the last two decades, these diseases have increased significantly in frequency and spread * consultant physician & gastroenterologist, nuffield hospital, scraptoft lane, leicester, uk. ** professor of gastroenterology, nuffield hospital, scraptoft lane, leicester, uk. 78 does the failure to provide equitable access to treatment lead to action by nhs organisations? throughout the world.1 studies on migrant communities have shown them to be particularly susceptible to aggressive forms of chronic incurable inflammatory bowel disease, especially in the second generation.2,3 their cause is unknown and so treatment is directed at control of symptoms rather than cure. up until the end of the twentieth century, this treatment was limited to a small range of drugs or surgery. the drugs were low cost and surgery could involve significant resections of the bowel and also the formation of a permanent stoma. both conditions also significantly increase the risk of developing colonic cancer.4,5 however, during the last decade there have been significant changes in the management of both crohn’s disease and ulcerative colitis with the introduction of monoclonal antibodies. these treatments are expensive, costing between £12,000 and £15,000 per year for the medications alone. their use is approved by the national institute for health and care excellence (nice)6,7 and this has had significant economic consequences for hospital trusts and clinical commissioning groups (ccgs). the provision of these agents is regulated by a technology appraisal guidance, which means that if they are indicated they must be provided to patients. the purpose of technology appraisal guidance is ‘to ensure that all nhs patients have equitable access to the most clinicallyand cost-effective treatments that are available’.8 1 sc ng, hy shi, n hamidi, fe underwood, et al., ‘worldwide incidence and prevalence of inflammatory bowel disease in the 21st century: a systematic review of populationbased studies’ (2018) 390 lancet 2769. 2 i carr and jf mayberry, ‘the effects of migration on ulcerative colitis: a three-year prospective study among europeans and firstand second-generation south asians in leicester (1991–1994)’ (1999) 94 american journal of gastroenterology 2918. 3 a farrukh and jf mayberry, ‘inflammatory bowel disease and the south asian diaspora’ (2019) jgh open accessed 6 august 2019. 4 ja eaden, kr abrams and jf mayberry, ‘the risk of colorectal cancer in ulcerative colitis: a meta-analysis’ (2001) 48 gut 526. 5 c canavan, kr abrams and j mayberry, ‘meta-analysis: colorectal and small bowel cancer risk in patients with crohn’s disease’ (2006) 23 alimentary pharmacology and therapeutics 1097. 6 nice, ‘infliximab and aalumimab for the treatment of crohn’s disease’ (nice, 2010) accessed 14 may 2019. 7 nice, ‘infliximab, adalumimab and golumimab for treating moderately to severely active ulcerative colitis after the failure of conventional therapy’ (nice, 2015) accessed 22 november 2016. 8 nice, ‘summary of technology appraisal decisions’ (nice, 2016) accessed 22 november 2016. https://www.nice.org.uk/guidance/ta187 https://www.nice.org.uk/guidance/ta329 https://www.nice.org.uk/guidance/ta329 https://doi.org/10.1002/jgh3.12149 the denning law journal 79 discrimination in the delivery of care has long been recognised in the united states, but during the last 20 years it has become apparent that this is also true in the united kingdom.9 recent studies have highlighted evidence that south asian patients have less access to these medications.10 a study in leicester demonstrated that south asian patients with crohn’s disease were four times less likely to receive biologic therapy than their english counterparts.11 this difference was independent of gender and accounted for age differences between the two communities. a subsequent study looked at the provision of biologic therapy for crohn’s disease in 10 english nhs trusts, which served areas with the largest ethnic variation.12 the freedom of information (foi) request revealed that in three trusts, pennine acute hospitals nhs trust covering oldham and north manchester, barking, havering & redbridge university hospitals nhs trust and university hospitals of leicester nhs trust, south asian patients with crohn’s disease were significantly less likely to receive biologic therapy than english patients. one trust, bradford teaching hospitals nhs foundation trust, declined to provide information on the basis that it did not collect data on ethnicity. in the remaining trusts there was no evidence of minority populations being underserved. in ulcerative colitis a review of the management of patients over the decade following their initial diagnosis showed that south asian patients were less likely to be seen by a consultant, less likely to be investigated and more likely to be discharged from hospital based care.13 there is supportive evidence for such findings from the united states, where discrimination in the delivery of care to ethnic minorities has been long recognised.14 in the 1990s the american medical 9 nice (n 8). 10 a farrukh and j mayberry, ‘ethnic variations in the provision of biologic therapy for crohn’s disease: a freedom of information study’ (2015) 83 medico-legal journal 104; a farrukh and jf mayberry, ‘apparent discrimination in the provision of biologic therapy to patients with crohn’s disease according to ethnicity’ (2015) 129 public health 460; a farrukh and jf mayberry, ‘patients with ulcerative colitis from diverse populations: the leicester experience’ (2016) 84 medico legal journal 31; a farrukh and jf mayberry, ‘evidences of differences and discrimination in the delivery of care: colorectal screening in healthy people and in the care and surveillance of patients with inflammatory bowel disease’ (2019) 1 gastrointestinal disorders 253. 11 farrukh and mayberry (n 12). 12 ibid. 13 farrukh and mayberry (n 12). 14 jf jackson iii, t dhere, a repaka, a shaukat and s sitaraman, ‘crohn’s disease in an african-american population’ (2008) 336 american journal of medical sciences 389; mh flasar, t johnson, mc roghmann and rk cross, ‘disparities in the use of immunomodulators and biologics for the treatment of inflammatory bowel disease: a 80 association recognised that ‘subconscious bias’ may be a factor for such clinical practice.15 in the united states, geiger has attributed such differences in care to either ‘conscious bias or, more often, unconscious negative stereotyping’16. there are no other ready explanations for such differences in the care of patients with inflammatory bowel disease in the united kingdom. the diseases occur with equal severity in patients of south asian and english origin, and the studies discussed above compensated for differences in age structure between communities, indicating that the differences in standards of care are real. the three trusts where patients received disparate care were informed of the results through a range of methods including presentations and publications. the purpose of this study was to investigate the practical responses of pennine acute hospitals nhs trust, barking, havering & redbridge university hospitals nhs trust and university hospitals of leicester nhs trust, to these findings one year later. related organisations concerned with the delivery of care by these trusts were also contacted to assess what action they had taken. these organisations fell into two groups, namely local and national. local groups included the clinical commissioning groups (ccgs) and the health and well-being boards, while national organisations contacted were the care quality commission, nhs improvement and the equality and human rights commission. ccgs are clinically led statutory nhs bodies responsible for the planning and commissioning of health care services for their local area. health and well-being boards commission local healthwatch organisations. they are a statutory service set up by local councils as part of the health and social care act 2012. healthwatch describes its role as: … the independent national champion for people who use health and social care services. we’re here to make sure that those running services, and the government, put people at the heart of care.17 retrospective cohort study’ (2008) 14 inflammatory bowel disease 13; om damas, da jahann, r reznik, jl mccauley, l tamariz, ar deshpande, mt abreu and da sussman, ‘phenotypic manifestations of inflammatory bowel disease differ between hispanics and non-hispanic whites: results of a large cohort study’ (2013) 108 american journal of gastroenterology 231. 15 council on ethical and judicial affairs american medical association, ‘black-white disparities in health care’ (1990) 263 journal of the american medical association 2344. 16 hj geiger, ‘racial and ethnic disparities in diagnosis and treatment: a review of the evidence and consideration of causes’ (2003) in bd smedley, ay stith and ar nelson (eds), unequal treatment confronting racial and ethnic disparities in healthcare (the national academies press washington 2003). 17 healthwatch (2019) accessed 13 may/2019. does the failure to provide equitable access to treatment lead to action by nhs organisations? https://www.healthwatch.co.uk/what-we-do the denning law journal 81 each trust is linked with several ccgs and healthwatch groups, representing different areas which they serve. the method adopted in this study was to approach each of the three trusts where there was evidence of underserving members of the ethnic minority community who had inflammatory bowel disease. in addition those bodies who have a statutory duty to monitor their delivery of service were also approached. on a local basis this was the ccgs and healthwatch organisations and nationally cqc, nhs improvement and ehrc. the technique chosen was to submit a freedom of information (foi) request, as this allowed follow-up questions, when answers lacked clarity. some authors have expressed the hope that greater transparency in health care will lead to improved services and that fois could be one engine for such a change.18 however, the effectiveness of foi ultimately depends upon the attitude and commitment with which it is approached by government agencies and their staff as well as public insistence that the statute is implemented in a way which fulfils its purpose.19 study in this study foi requests were sent to: 1. the three nhs trusts which had treated fewer south asian patients than expected, namely pennine acute hospitals nhs trust, barking, havering & redbridge university hospitals nhs trust and university hospitals of leicester nhs trust 2. the clinical commissioning groups (ccgs) and healthwatch groups commissioned by health and wellbeing boards associated with these three trusts 3. care quality commission (cqc) 4. nhs improvement (formerly monitor) 5. equality and human rights commission (ehrcc) 18 aj fowler, ra agha ra, cf camm and p littlejohns, ‘the uk freedom of information act (2000) in healthcare research: a systematic review’ (2013) bmj open <10.1136/bmjopen-2013-002967> accessed 6 august 2019. 19 m berger, ‘the freedom of information act: implications for public health policy and practice’ (2011) 126 public health reports 428. https://dx.doi.org/10.1136%2fbmjopen-2013-002967 82 nhs trusts, ccgs and healthwatch groups were asked to respond to two questions related to the information and published work on disparate care. they were: 1. what actions have the trust/ccg//healthwatch taken to ensure equitable access by the south asian community and other minority groups to treatment with biologics for inflammatory bowel disease? 2. what monitoring systems does the trust/ccg/healthwatch have in place to ensure equitable access to treatment with biologics by patients from the south asian community and other minority groups? groups which failed to reply were sent a further request. where answers were unclear or ambiguous explanations were sought. the cqc, nhs improvement and the ehrc were asked: ‘can you provide a list of the interventions that the cqc/monitor or nhs improvement/ehrc have made when there has been evidence of discrimination in the delivery of care to patients in the nhs based on ethnicity?’ again where answers were unclear or appeared evasive respondents were asked to expand or clarify their response. responses were reviewed for common themes using content analysis.20 this technique has previously been used in data drawn from multiple sources, including relatively short extracts.21 responses were received from the three nhs trusts, six ccgs but only one healthwatch. those 10 organisations which replied provided answers to all of the questions posed to them. many of the responses from different organisations across the country were carbon copies of each other, raising the possibility that freedom of information requests are responded to with standard answers and hence the need to seek clarification in some cases. the common themes identified from responses were: 1. there is no discrimination in the delivery of care and we deliver clinically appropriate treatment to all patients. this theme was present in responses from all 10 organisations. 20 gw ryan and hr bernard, ‘techniques to identify themes’ (2003) 15 field methods 85; k krippendorff, content analysis: an introduction to its methodology (2nd edn, 2004 sage). 21 jf mayberry, ‘an analysis of blogs from medical students on “english parallel” courses in central and eastern europe’ (2013) 81 medico legal journal 171. does the failure to provide equitable access to treatment lead to action by nhs organisations? the denning law journal 83 2. there is no mechanism for routine monitoring whether there is any discrimination in the delivery of care. the data we collect on treatment and ethnicity is too large to allow any analysis. this theme was seen in responses from all nhs trusts and ccgs 3. the organisation depends upon complaints about discrimination to initiate action and it has not received any. this theme was identified in the response from the healthwatch organisation. examples of responses to question 1 included: ‘we can confirm that all our patients are treated without discrimination’. ‘it would be both difficult and unlikely for there not to be equitable access to biologic therapy’. ‘the trust only starts patients on biologics according to strict clinical criteria’. no trust had responded to the published findings based on evidence they had supplied through earlier freedom of information requests. answers to question 2 included: ‘it is not considered that there is an access issue within name of organisation’. ccgs stated they were unable to access relevant data. however, if they became aware that: access is especially focussed on or restricted amongst particular ethnic groups, then the ccgs would take this issue very seriously and issue a contract performance notice. the need to monitor equality of access to care is a specific requirement of contracts between ccgs and trusts and is an obligation on both organisations. the second question addressed this requirement. none of the respondents had any monitoring system in place. indeed, most organisations tacitly recognised that monitoring equality in delivery of care did not occur. healthwatch oldham replied that it had: a number of systems in place for monitoring oldham residents’ access to and experience of health and social care services. these include a broad survey of patient experiences as well as using information from nhs choices, patient opinion and the care quality commission. 84 the common themes reported by cqc and nhs improvement included: 1. the information cannot be readily accessed from our data collection. 2. it is not within our terms of reference; some other body is responsible. the cqc reported that it would not issue a warning notice for the scenario described in the question as such notices are only used for systemic failures. it went on to state that enforcement actions were on the basis of contravention of regulations 9, 10 and 17 of the health and social care act 2008 (regulated activities) regulations 2014. to determine whether breaches of these regulations related to disparity in delivery of care based on ethnicity each action would need to be manually reviewed and the cqc was unwilling to conduct such an exercise. regulation 9 states: 1. the care and treatment of service users must— a. be appropriate, b. meet their needs; and c. reflect their preferences. 2. without limiting paragraph (1), the things which a registered person must do to comply with that paragraph include— a. carrying out, collaboratively with the relevant person, an assessment of the needs and preferences for care and treatment of the service user; b. designing care or treatment with a view to achieving service users’ preferences and ensuring their needs are met. and regulation 17: 2(e) seek and act on feedback from relevant persons and other persons on the services provided in the carrying on of the regulated activity, for the purposes of continually evaluating and improving such services. clearly the underserving of ethnic minorities by trusts falls within these categories and it is of concern that the cqc did not consider that this represented a systems failure and falls clearly within the grounds for issuing a warning notice. the failure of the cqc to deal with underperformance in a trust has previously been identified in a report by grant thornton on university hospital of morecombe bay where it concluded that there had, on the balance of probabilities, been ‘an attempt to cover-up matters concerning cqc’s regulation of uhmb’.22 22 grant thornton, ‘the care quality commission re: project ambrose dated 14 june does the failure to provide equitable access to treatment lead to action by nhs organisations? the denning law journal 85 nhs improvement’s response was that it held some logs of its work but they: do not go into sufficient granularity to specify whether any of those actions were based on any concerns relating to discrimination based on ethnicity. please note that nhs improvement does not have a role in monitoring trusts’ compliance with equalities legislation. this is despite the fact that from 2014 it was tasked with issuing nhs provider licences to trusts providing clinical care. among the conditions for licenses were: 4 (a) improving the quality of health care services provided for the purposes of the nhs (…) or the efficiency of their provision, (b) reducing inequalities between persons with respect to their ability to access those services, and (c) reducing inequalities between persons with respect to the outcomes achieved for them by the provision of those services.23 the ehrc considered such issues did fall within its terms of reference but reported that: following a search of the commission’s section 30 intervention records, we have determined that we hold no information relevant to your request. discussion trusts and their associated bodies are unwilling to accept that there is discrimination in the delivery of care, despite the fact that this has been shown through independent analysis of their own data. although they have collected these data they consider them too large to allow any analysis and have no structures in place to monitor whether they are delivering an equitable service. rather they depend upon external complaints by patients about discrimination being made to them, and they deny having received any. in addition, there is no evidence that any nhs trust or ccg where there was disparate care in delivery of biologics has taken any action to remedy the situation. 2013’ accessed 13 may 2019. 23 monitor, ‘the new nhs provider licence’ (2013) accessed 1 december 2016. http://www.cqc.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/documents/grant_thornton_uk_llp_morecambe_bay.pdf http://www.cqc.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/documents/grant_thornton_uk_llp_morecambe_bay.pdf 86 there is no discrimination in the delivery of care despite the responses from the three nhs trusts and their associated ccgs problems with the equitable delivery of care in the secondary sector are widespread. the situation demonstrated for south asian patients with inflammatory bowel disease is not unusual. other examples include black african women with breast cancer being less likely to have surgery and more likely to be simply offered chemotherapy, while pakistani women were less likely to be offered radiotherapy or hormone treatment than white women.24 in the twenty-first century ethnic minority patients on the renal transplant register are still less likely to receive a donor organ than white patients.25 in the field of mental health black service users tend to be given injectable depot treatments rather than offered tablets or cognitive behavioural therapy.26 further examples include a qualitative study of registered nurses working in hospitals in leeds which identified racism affecting their care of pakistani patients.27 earlier a group of south asian inpatients had described how they felt that they needed to fit into what they described as an ‘english place’.28 in another study from middlesborough, only 5% of pakistani patients were told of the availability of professional translators to help with consultations.29 24 rh jack, ea davies and h møller, ‘breast cancer incidence, stage, treatment and survival in ethnic groups in south east england’ (2009) 100 british journal of cancer 545. 25 u udavaraj, r pruthi, a casula and p roderick, ‘uk renal registry 16th annual report: chapter 6 demographics and outcomes of patients from different ethnic groups on renal replacement therapy in the uk’ (2013) 125 nephron clinical practice 111. 26 j das-munshi, d bhugra and mj crawford, ‘ethnic minority inequalities in access to treatments for schizophrenia and schizoaffective disorders: findings from a nationally representative cross-sectional study’ (2018) 16 bmc medicine 55. 27 jd cortis, ‘meeting the needs of minority ethnic patients’ (2004) 48 journal of advanced nursing 51. 28 v vydelingum, ‘south asian patients’ lived experience of acute care in an english hospital: a phenomenological study’ (2000) 32 journal of advanced nursing 100. 29 r madhok, a hameed and r bhopal, ‘satisfaction with health services among the pakistani population in middlesborough, england’ (1998) 20 journal of public health medicine 295. does the failure to provide equitable access to treatment lead to action by nhs organisations? the denning law journal 87 there is no mechanism for routine monitoring for discrimination in the delivery of care the equality impact analysis for the nhs for 2016 and for 2017–2018 states that: the main types of data and information that evidence inequalities relate to: • patient access to services, experience and health outcomes.30,31,32 although trusts are contracted to collect these data they have wide latitude in how this is done but are expected to seek out additional sources of information related to equality of care. such sources should include published work as well as direct presentations. the guidance that is available on commissioning to reduce inequalities notes that local need is an essential factor to be aware of.33 however, failure to collect and monitor information on patient ethnicity is widespread. in the race equality service review only 9 of 24 trusts collected such data. however, only 3 of the 15 who failed to collect the data admitted to doing so.34 denial, as in this study on the underserving of south asian patients, is the standard response to many requests to nhs organisations for information about ethnicity. indeed a recent study of three primary care trusts in the north of england found that: rather than being embedded within processes of understanding and responding to the health care needs of the local population, ethnic (and other) equalities work was generally constructed as a matter of legal compliance or, as one respondent explained, a nicety, not a necessity.35 30 nhs, ‘a refreshed equality delivery system for the nhs eds2 making sure that everyone counts’ (2013) accessed 14 may 2019. 31 nhs england, ‘nhs standard contracts 2016/17 equality impact analysis’ (2016) accessed 14 may 2019. 32 nhs england, ‘nhs standard contracts 2017/18 and 2018/19 equality impact analysis’ (2016) accessed 29 january 2017. 33 dr foster intelligence, the intelligent board 2009: commissioning to reduce inequalities (dr foster intelligence 2009). 34 v lyfar-cisse, race equality service review (south east coast bme network 2008). 35 s salway, g mir d turner, gt ellison, l carter and k gerrish, ‘obstacles to “race https://www.england.nhs.uk/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/eds-nov131.pdf https://www.england.nhs.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/nhs-std-con-eia.pdf https://www.england.nhs.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/nhs-std-contract-eia-1718.pdf https://www.england.nhs.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/nhs-std-contract-eia-1718.pdf 88 the organisation depends upon complaints about discrimination to initiate action in 2015 the health select committee has described the nhs complaints system in the following terms: ….too many complaints are mishandled with people encountering poor communication or, at worst, a defensive and complicated system which results in a complete breakdown in trust and a failure to improve patient safety.36 the problem which this study has identified is that apparently none of the trusts have received any complaints indicating that their treatment policies were discriminatory. the complicated nature of the complaints system makes this not surprising. indeed even the ehrc has had limited involvement with health care and unequal treatment related to protected characteristics. one of the few examples that has been reported was the formal agreement it made with nhs tayside.37 its purpose was to ensure that all deaf patients would have their communication needs met. general comments one of the roles of nice is to ensure that effective medications are available to patients and the specific purpose of its technology appraisal guidance is: …….to reduce variations in practice across the country….38 these powers are set out in regulation 7 of statutory instrument 2013 no. 259 which states: 7 ((6) a relevant health body must comply with a technology appraisal recommendation. equality” in the english national health service: insights from the healthcare commissioning arena’ (2016) 152 social science & medicine 102. 36 health select committee, complaints and raising concerns (hc 2014–2015, 350) para 3. 37 equality and human rights commission, ‘section 23 agreement between the equality and human rights commission and tayside health board this agreement dated 7 october 2014’ accessed 11 april 2017. 38 nice, ‘charter’ (2013) accessed 22 november 2016. does the failure to provide equitable access to treatment lead to action by nhs organisations? https://www.nice.org.uk/media/default/about/who-we-are/nice_charter.pdf%20accessed%2022/11/2016 https://www.nice.org.uk/media/default/about/who-we-are/nice_charter.pdf%20accessed%2022/11/2016 the denning law journal 89 within its quality standard for inflammatory bowel disease nice also recognised: commissioners and providers should aim to achieve the quality standard in their local context, in light of their duties to have due regard to the need to eliminate unlawful discrimination.39 monitor and cqc are charged with supervising the overall functioning of hospitals, but their inspections do not drill down into adherence to individual guidance. however, in an obiter dicta in rose v thanet clinical commissioning group, mr justice jay said: ……the extent of the public law obligation is to have regard to the relevant nice guideline and to provide clear reasons for any general policy that does not follow it…40 the nhs litigation authority has recognised the need for organisations to have mechanisms for monitoring implementation of nice guidelines.41 where a trust fails to do so, it is conceivable that a judicial review could require that organisation to reformulate its policies. medical directors were given responsibility for implementation and so failures might raise questions concerning their fitness to practice and lead to referral to the gmc. however, the question remains as to who would seek such a review or make such a referral. the public sector equality duty identified in the equality act is the basis for the statement in the nhs constitution that: legal duties require nhs england and each clinical commissioning group to have regard to the need to reduce inequalities in access to health services and the outcomes achieved for patients.42 39 nice, ‘inflammatory bowel disease’ (2015) accessed 14 may 2019. 40 [2014] ewhc 1182 (admin). 41 nhs litigation authority, ‘an organisation-wide document for the dissemination, implementation and monitoring of nice guidance’ (2012) accessed 1 december 2016. 42 department of health, ‘guidance: the nhs constitution for england’ (2015) accessed 14 may 2019. 90 sections 212 and 213 of the act make it clear that omission carries the same legal consequences as a requirement to perform a service. in 2013 monitor was tasked with issuing provider licences to trusts and among the conditions is: ... 4 (b) reducing inequalities between persons with respect to their ability to access those services….43 monitor has been subsumed within nhs improvement, but the organisation’s response was: … please note that nhs improvement does not have a role in monitoring trusts’ compliance with equalities legislation. which comment suggests it is unaware of its responsibilities under 4(b). unfortunately, section 71 of the health and social care act (2012) provides no remedy to the ordinary citizen if monitor fails in performance of its functions. cqc considers its objectives are to: … help to focus providers and commissioners on the importance of their responsibilities towards equality, diversity and human rights, and to improvement44 and ensure: … an organisation provides services proportionately to different groups and their needs45 so it is disappointing that cqc is unable to readily identify any occasion when it has issued enforcement actions concerned with inequality in delivery of care related to ethnic diversity. the health and social care act 2012 created health and social welfare boards to ensure local needs were met. however, such boards lack formal powers 43 monitor, ‘the new nhs provider licence’ (2013) accessed 14 may 2019. 44 care quality commission, ‘equality and human rights impact assessment’ (ehria, 2010) accessed 14 may 2019. 45 ibid. does the failure to provide equitable access to treatment lead to action by nhs organisations? https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/285008/topublishlicencedoc14february.pdf https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/285008/topublishlicencedoc14february.pdf http://www.cqc.org.uk/sites/default/files/documents/20100630_31_assessments_of_quality_eia_pub_version.pdf http://www.cqc.org.uk/sites/default/files/documents/20100630_31_assessments_of_quality_eia_pub_version.pdf the denning law journal 91 to instruct ccgs or nhs trusts and by building good relationships hope to influence decisions by these bodies. their present role appears little more than that of a talking shop. the question as to why trusts and related organisations have failed to respond to the evidence of discrimination in the delivery of care is critical to any future actions to improve the situation. interestingly in an earlier study of english primary care trusts salway et al. found that ……consideration of ethnicity was often treated as a matter of legal compliance rather than ntegral to understanding and meeting healthcare needs. many managers and teams did not consider tackling ethnic healthcare inequities to be part-and-parcel of their job, lacked confidence and skills to do so, and questioned the legitimacy of such work…..46 the questioning of the legitimacy of such findings is common to this report. none of the respondent organisations identified any attempt by management to address these issues, often on the basis that they simply could not be true. dilworthanderson et al.47 (48) have suggested that in the us cultural interpretation of disease plays a central role with disparities in care being attributed to perceived rather than real differences and so legitimising a ‘do nothing’ approach, because nothing needed to be done. conclusion so where lies hope for a disadvantaged group of patients? sadly the most likely route for individuals is through the tort of negligence. clearly there will have been a breach of duty and but for that breach patients would have experienced a better quality of life through use of biologics and there is emerging data that their disease may have followed a different course. any current hope that there will be management-driven changes or interventions by regulatory bodies seems forlorn. 46 salway et al (n 37). 47 p dilworth-anderson, g pierre and ts hilliard, ‘social justice, health disparities, and culture in the care of the elderly’ (2012) 152 journal of law & medical ethics 26. co-ownership trusts in the united kingdomthe denning legacy m.j. dixon* the recent house of lords decision in city of london building society v. flegg1 and the enactment of the insolvency act 1986,2 have done much to relieve the agony of the law student faced with the complicated dossier of the law relating to co-ownership of property. however, even though a measure of clarity now exists in relation to the effects of co-ownership on the post-ownership rights of the parties, when it comes to analysing the situations in which co-ownership may arise in the first place, the student finds himself surrounded by a mass of conflicting diaa and confusing terminology. questions concerning the ownership of shared property occur most frequently in proceedings brought by one ex-cohabitee against the other,3 especially if, as is usually the case, the house represents the parties' only capital asset. as will be seen below, when the equitable interests in the property are expressly declared in writing, there is little room for debate. unfortunately, however, in many cases of shared occupation, the property deeds are concerned only with legal title. legal title may reside jointly with the parties, in one partner only, or with one partner and a third person,4 yet the location of legal ownership may not be decisive of beneficial ownership. it is now axiomatic that a person in whom the legal title is not vested may be entitled to an equitable interest in the property by virtue of a resulting or a constructive trust. 5 however, whilst this may fairly represent the principle, the practicalities are altogether more complicated. when examining the acquisition of beneficial interests in a co-ownership situation, the student has to find answers to two "uu po shan lecturer in law, trinity college, oxford. 1. [1987] 3 all e.r. 435. 2. sections 336-338, re-enacting 55.171-173 insolvency act 1985. 3 the wide powers of 5.24 of the matrimonial causes act 1973 are always available to secure relief for parting spouses. while the greater part of the business of the courts will be to unravel the domestic arrangements of unmarried cohabiting couples, in those cases where the divorce jurisdiction is not available, identical considerations will apply to husband and wife: see, e.g., remarriage of claimant, s.28(3), m.c.a. 1973; moral objection to divorce, shillh v. shillh [1977] 1 all e.r. 97. 4. bemard v. josephs [1982] 3 all e.r. 162; bums v. bums [1984] 1 all e.r. 244; cralll v. edlvards [1986] 2 all e.r. 426. although it would be rare in cases concerning co-habitees, there is no reason why a claimant may not contend that beneficial ownership resides in only one of the joint legal owners. 5. bl!ms v. bums; crallt v. edwards supra, and cases cited therein. 27 the denning law journal fundamental questions. first, how are such interests acquired? secondly, what type of legal mechanisms exist, or are employed, to give effect to these property rights? the first is a "real world" problem when will mrs a or miss x have a proprietary interest, and therefore a right to a cash sum on sale, in the property she once shared with mr a or mr y. it is, crudely, what does the party claiming the interest have to prove in order to establish that interest? the second is primarily a theoretical problem which, as yet, has not had any "real world" implications.6 given that the claimant has established the "correct" criteria, what kind of trust arises in his or her favour? is the claimant to be regarded as a beneficiary under an express, resulting or constructive trust? does it matter? unfortunately, it is not easy to extract an answer to either of these questions from the many reported cases concerning the existence of co-ownership interests. the decisions of the court of appeal in goodman v. gallant7 and burns v. burns8 were thought to have settled the first issue, or at least to have returned the law to its pre-denning orthodoxy.9 however, the traditional trust law approach favoured in burns must now be questioned in the light of the decisions in midland bank v. dobsonlo and grant v. edwards. ii furthermore, when there is no express trust on view, the courts have been content to acknowledge that the claimant has established an interest under "a resulting or constructive trust", or "a resulting implied or constructive trust". the two recent cases of passee v. passeel2 and turton v. turton13 are just the latest examples of a general failure to differentiate between these two concepts when discussing the basis of the applicants alleged proprietary rights in the disputed property. moreover, even if this failure is indicative of the fact that the rights and duties of the parties are identical irrespective of the label attached to the trust, this does not mean that the requirements for the establishment of the co-ownership trust are identical for the "resulting" and "constructive" varieties. in other words, the type of trust found by the court may be a reflection of different enabling criteria, and the failure to differentiate between the type of trust, may be a reflection of the failure to distinguish between the various situations in which such trusts may arise. this connection between the practical and conceptual issues is the reason why the student needs answers to both of these fundamental questions. 6. see in a similar vein, peuiu v. peuill [1970j a.c~ 777, at pp.794-95 per lord reid. 7. [1986j i all e.r. 311. 8. [198411 all e.r. 244. 9. sec, e.g., hflzell v. hazell [1972] i w.l.r. 301; eves v. eves [1975] 1 w.l.r. 1338; hargrave v. newlon (1971] 3 all e.r. 866. 10. [1985] f.l.r. 314. ii. [1986] 2 all e.r. 426. 12. theindependenl, 10th july 1987. 13. [1987] 2 all e.r. 641. 28 co-ownership trusts in the united kingdom situation 1: expressly declared trusts it is now settled beyond doubt that where a conveyance contains an express declaration as to the beneficial interests of the parties, there is no room for the doctrine of resulting or constructive trusts.14 the expressly declared trust and beneficial interests prevail, irrespective of each party's financial contributions to the acquisition of the property and their conduct in relation to it. the only exception to this principle is where the declaration in the conveyance has been procured by fraud or mistake, and, even then, in order to obtain rectification of the original instrument, the applicant would have to discharge a heavy burden of proof.is it should be noted, however, that in order to exclude the possibility of resulting or constructive trusts, the conveyance must contain a declaration of the beneficial interests subsisting in the property. it is not enough that the conveyance is, without more, "to x and y as joint tenants" or even "to x and y as tenants in common", for this operates mer~ly to bring the statutory trusts for sale into playl6 and says nothing of the beneficial interests existing behind those trusts. indeed, the imposition of statutory trusts has no effect on the court's power to determine the property rights of co-owners. the equitable jurisdiction operates in all situations where no beneficial interests are declared in writing, both when the legal estate is vested in one person only and when vested in two or more persons jointly. only an express declaration of the beneficial interests will oust the possibility of a resulting or a constructive trust. obviously, the exclusion of the resulting and constructive trust doctrine only in those cases where there is an express declaration of the beneficial interests, gives the court freedom to vary the property rights of couples in a large number of cases. to what extent the courts have utilised this freedom, often in the pursuit of social justice, is considered below. situation 2: immediate resulting trust where at the time of acquisition of the property each party makes a direct financial contribution to the purchase price, the property will be held on a resulting trust in beneficial interests proportional to the scale of the respective contributions, irrespective of who holds the legal title.17 there is nothing new or remarkable in this result, it being an application of well settled equitable principles. the resulting trust arises because it is presumed that it is the intention of the parties that they should have an interest in the property commensurate with their investment, even though the property may be transferred to one person only. 14. goodmall v. gallant [1986] 1 all e.r. 311; turton v. tur/on [1987] 2 all e.r. 641. 15. goodman v. gallalll [1986] 1 all e.r. 311, at p.319. 16. sections 34. 36. l.p.a. 1925. 17. bullv.bull[1955] 1 all e.r. 253; corvcherv. corvcher[1972] 1 all e.r. 943. see also, [1986] 2 all e.r. 244, at p.431h-j per nourse lj. 29 the denning law journal it is an example of the "presumed resulting trust" identified by megarry j in re vanderoell no.2, 18 and can be rebutted by evidence that the money was paid by way of gift or loan.19 in order to distinguish this from situation 3 below, it can also be known as the immediate resulting trust because it operates immediately on acquisition of the property, for that is when the claimant makes the financial contribution, and that is when the beneficial interest results to him or her. it must be remembered that this is one of the less complicated situations with which the court has to deal, and would not normally present much difficulty. in most cases coming before the court, however, the claimant will not have made any contribution to the initial purchase price, but will be claiming an interest by virtue of subsequent events. indeed, the latter is all the more likely, now that the great majority of domestic properties are purchased by way of instalment mortgages. situation 3: common intention a cumulative resulting trust when the legal title to property is vested solely in one person, the presumption is that the proprietor is also the sole beneficial owner. we have seen above how this can be displaced in favour of a person contributing directly to the cost of the property at the time of purchase. however, sole beneficial ownership of property can also be displaced if the claimant can establish that it was the common intention of the parties that he, or more usually she, was to have an interest. 20 an express oral declaration of this common intention is dealt with in situation 4 (ii) below. the more frequent plea is that the claimant is to have a beneficial interest in the property by virtue of a common intention which can be inferred from the conduct of the parties over a number of years. what type of conduct may give rise to this common intention, and what type of trust arises if it is successfully established, is a matter of some debate. the leading authorities of pettitt v. pettitt2! and gissing v. gissini2 are well known and would seem to suggest that the answer is to be found by an application of traditional property law principles. however, this merely begs the question. the core of the dispute is whether "traditional property law principles" authorise the court to alter the property rights of couples in order to achieve a solution that is fair and just in all the circumstances, or whether they restrict the court to well worn equitable paths.23 in burns v. burns,24 the unmarried ms burns claimed a beneficial interest in the family home she had shared with the defendant for seventeen years, but which had been acquired by the defendant in his name only. there was no express oral 18. [1974] ch.269. 19. tinker v. tinker [1970] p.136; hussey v. palmer [1972] 3 all e.r. 744. but see also, barclays balik ltd. v. quistclose investments ltd. [1970] a.c. 567. 20. pel/itt v. pettil/ [1970] a.c. 777; gissillg v. gissillg [1971] a.c. 886. 21. [1970] a.c. 777. 22. [1971] a.c. 886. 23. the court of appeal under the leadership of lord denning mr were certainly of the former opinion: see, supra n.9. 24. [1984] i all e.r. 244. 30 co-ownership trusts in the united kingdom declaration that the plaintiff was to have an interest in the property, and she had made no contribution to the initial purchase price or to subsequent mortgage repayments. she did perform routine domestic duties and did contribute to household expenses, though the defendant did not require her to do so. the court of appeal refused her application. in their judgments, fox and may ljj concluded as follows:25 (i) a common intention that the claimant is to have a beneficial interest can be inferred when the claimant has made substantial financial contributions which are referable to the acquisition of the property. these financial contributions may be "direct" payment of mortgage instalments or "indirect" payment of other household expenses so that the partner's income is free to pay mortgage instalments. however, the contributions must be referable to the acquisition, so that routine domestic expenditure is not sufficient to found an interest. 26 it may be enough to pay the water rates, but not to pay the milkman. (ii) the court cannot infer a common intention simply on the basis of normal household and family duties performed by either party. conduct of this nature is not sufficient. in this respect hall v. hall27 must be regarded as wrongly decided. the court has no power to alter the property rights of unmarried couples outside the scope of the law of trusts. however harsh this may be, the remedy lies with parliament. 28 the court in burns v. burns29 expressed a desire to return to the spirit of pettitt and gissing and to what they perceived to be traditional trust law principles. in so far as the judgments place great emphasis on financial contributions referable to the acquisition of the property, the interest of the claimant would appear to exist behind a cumulative resulting trust the claimant gains an interest proportional to the financial contributions over those years during which the property was purchased. the situation is very similar to situation 2 above. in this case, however, acquisitive payments are deferred and accumulate over a period of time. situation 4: common intention constructive trusts in grant v. edwards,30 the court was of the opinion that all beneficial interests established by virtue of a common intention existed behind a constructive trust, 25. waller lj was less enthusiastic about both the reasoning and the result. he preferred the approach of lords reid and diplock in pellill, whereby the court is able to impute or deem a common intention to the parties, even if there was none, if fair and reasonable people would have formed such had they directed their minds to it. although this would enable the court to adjust property rights more freely, this method was rejected by the majority in pellill, and retracted by lord diplock in gissing.waller lj reluctantly accepted that the claim of mrs burns must fail. 26. [1984] 1 all e.r. 244, at pp.252-253, 256-258. 27. [1981] 3 f.l.r. 379. 28. [1984] all e.r. 244, at pp.255, 265. 29. ibid.. 30. [1986] 2 all e.r. 426. 31 the denning law journal because, "equity will not allow the defendant to deny that interest and will construct a trust to give effect to it.,,31 in order to establish the constructive trust, the claimant must prove a common intention that she was to have an interest and must have relied to her detriment upon it. the requirement of detriment is vital, given that the court cannot act upon an unsupported common intention. equity will not assist a volunteer. the nature of the detriment may be, and often is, financial contributions, but once the common intention is established it can be satisfied by any conduct "on which [the claimant] could not reasonably be expected to embark unless she was to have an interest in the house.,,32 in all cases, the detriment must be referable to the common intention; but, once the latter has been established, any act done by the claimant to her detriment relating to the joint lives of the parties, will be taken by the court to be so referable.33 the requirements that the claimant must act to her detriment in order to establish an interest seems first to have arisen in midland bank v. dobson.34 in that case, fox lj reluctantly accepted the trial judge's conclusion that there was a common intention that mrs dobson should have an interest, but refused to give effect to it by way of resulting or constructive trust because there had been no detrimental reliance.35 however, two further points are worthy of consideration. first, dobson is not a case involving financial contributions and should not be regarded as authority for the view that a constructive trust arises in such circumstances. secondly, dobson is far from being a typical case. mrs dobson was not attempting to enforce an interest against her husband, but rather, with his support, to deny possession of the property to the bank to whom it had been mortgaged by mr dobson. once the court of appeal had been hamstrung by the trial judge's finding of common intention, albeit on uncorroborated evidence,36 a literal reading of pettitt and gissing would have ensured that mrs dobson had gained an interest. however, this would have been an entirely unwarranted application of co-ownership principles, and it would have enabled the parties to defeat37 the bank's claim merely by asserting that they had had a common intention that the property be co-owned beneficially. however, fox lj found a way to avoid the wife's claim by accepting the bank's submission that detriment was required in order to establish an equitable interest. once this had been 3!. ibid., at p.43!. 32. ibid., at p.433. 33. ibid., at p.439. the preceding analysis is very similar to the "interest consensus" identified by goff j in re densham as giving rise to a constructive trust: [1975] 3 all e.r. 726. 34. [1985] f.l.r. 314. 35. ibid., at pp.320-32!. 36. "1 think that assertions made by a husband and wife as to a common intention formed 30 years ago regarding joint ownership, of which there is no contemporary evidence and which happens to accommodate their current need to defeat the claims of a creditor, must be received by the courts with caution": per fox lj, ibid., pp.317-318. 37. the wife had signed a letter of consent postponing any interest she may have had in the house, but alleged that this had been procured by undue influence. the court of appeal did not go on to consider this point. 32 co-ownership trusts in the united kingdom acknowledged, the case could be disposed of with ease. mrs dobson had never relied, to her detriment, on the common intention. the danger of using midland bank v. dobson38 as authority for a general restructuring of the principles behind the existence of co-ownership rights should be apparent. however, "detriment" was seized upon in grant v. edwards,39 with the result that the law relating to the acquisition of co-ownership rights was reassigned to the liquid world of the constructive trust in the following manner: (i) a common intention that a person who is not the legal owner is to have a beneficial interest may be inferred from direct or indirect financial contributions to the purchase price (burns v. burns). moreover, the payment of these financial contributions by the claimant is also to be regarded as the detriment which is necessary to establish the constructive trust in his or her favour. the requirement of detriment has not been a live issue in earlier cases because no distinction had been drawn between conduct necessary to raise the common intention, and conduct in reliance on it. in financial contribution cases, payment satisfies both criteria; it both indicates the common intention and constitutes the required detriment. the emphasis on the search for a common intention should not obscure this fact.4o (ii) a common intention that a person who is not the legal owner is to have a beneficial interest may take the form of an express oral assurance given by the legal owner to that effect. if this is established to the satisfaction of the court, the claimant must go on to establish detriment. that detriment may be, but need not be, financial contributions.41 eves v. eves42 is of this class. in grant itself, there was such an oral undertaking and the detriment was financial. in eves the detriment consisted of the physical labour exerted by the claimant in relation to the construction of the property, after the defendant had assured her that she was joint owner. (iii) it is open to debate whether a common intention may be inferred from conduct other than the payment of financial contributions. the analyses of nourse and mustill ljj would certainly accommodate such an approach,43 and brown-wilkinson vc seems to regard this as a distinct possibility.44 the claimant would, of course, still be required to establish that she had suffered a referable detriment. burns v. burns45 would appear to weigh against this possibility.46 38. [1985] f.l.r. 314. 39. [1986] 2 all e.r. 426. 40. [1986] 2 all e.r. 426, at p.437. 41. ibid., at p.439 42. [1975] 3 all e.r. 768. 43. [1986] 2 all e.r. 426, at pp.434, 435. 44. ibid., at p.437. 45. [1984] 1 all e.r. 244. 46. ibid., at p.254. 33 the denning i.aw journal this then, is the framework provided by grant v. edwards.47 all cases of common intention give rise to a constructive trust in favour of the person acting to his or her detriment on it. the matter is, indeed, very much tied to the recent explosion in the use of proprietary estoppe1.48 however, this result is not surprising when we consider that grant involved an express promise of a beneficial interest. it is well settled that equity will intervene in analogous cases,49and where co-ownership is concerned, the appropriate mechanism is the conscience-binding constructive trust. on the other hand, it is equally clear that the court in burns regarded the financial contribution scenario as a matter of resulting trust. the emphasis on financial contributions in that case would seem to have guaranteed this. this perhaps is the key. the court in burns was of the opinion that a common intention inferred from conduct could only be raised on the back of referable financial contributions. in other words, where there were no express assurances financial contributions were the only way for a party to gain an interest in property traditional trust law. that being so, there is no need and no desirability to bring the constructive trust into play. financial contributions give rise to a resulting trust. however, it would be wrong to ignore an express oral assurance given by the legal owner to his or her co-habitee that the latter was to have an interest in the property. indeed, courts of equity have not been slow to protect the promisee in related cases. therefore, express assurances, when relied upon, give rise to a constructive trust in favour of the claimant (grant v. edwards, eves v. eves). it is only when we presume that all co-ownership cases are of the same genus, that the authorities conflict and the student becomes confused. this neat division is upset, however, as soon as the possibility exists that other kinds of conduct such as building the house may be evidence of the common intention necessary to support a beneficial interest. by analysing co-ownership as common intention plus detriment giving rise to a constructive trust, we are accepting and accommodating this possibility. the court in grant was prepared to allow for this, whereas the court in burns was not. there is no necessary contradiction between the reasoning in burns v. burns and grant v. edwards. in essence, they desire the same goal the protection of a potential co-owner of property against inequitable conduct on the part of the legal owner.50 they utilise different concepts because they concern essentially different situations. an express oral assurance that x is to have a beneficial interest in property can never give rise to a resulting trust, and equity will be satisfied by the imposition of a constructive 47. 11986] 2 all e.r. 426. 48. [1986] 2 all e.r. 426, at p.439 per brown-wilkinson vc. see also the combination of constructive trust and proprietary estoppel in the startling decision re basham [1987] 1 all e.r. 405. 49. see, e.g., the principle of promissory estoppel where the promisor agrees to forgo existing rights: central london property trust ltd. v. high trees house ltd. [1947] kb 130; crabb v.anlll disln'l1 council [1975] 3 all e.r. 865. 50. such was not the case in midland bank v. dobson, and is a powerful argument against a wholesale adoption of its reasoning. 34 co-ownership trusts in the united kingdom trust. likewise, when the parties have made a financial contribution to the cost of the property, the claimant's interest arises under a resulting trust, and even though it is possible to analyse this situation as one of constructive trust, to do so obscures the true factual basis of the claimant's rights, viz. that he or she has helped to purchase the property. it is only if we wish to expand the courts ability to award beneficial interests that we need adopt the constructive trust approach. for once we reach the stage that any conduct may be evidence of a common intention, we have the power to make any award which seems just in all the circumstances, and the flexible constructive trust is the best weapon available.51 on the facts of the case, grant v. edwards52 was rightly decided, yet the expansion of the equitable jurisdiction which the reasoning would encourage was rejected in pettitt, gissing and burns. to allow interference with the paper title to any greater extent than is at present permissible, would be to reduce the security of a legal owner to a mere sham. if there is a serious injustice being perpetrated against non-married co-habitees, surely that is a matter for parliament to remedy. as lord reid himself said in pettitt v. pettitt, "where we are dealing with matters which directly affect the lives and interests of large sections of the community and on which laymen are as well able to decide as lawyers ... it is not for the courts to proceed on their view of public policy for that would be to encroach on the province ofparliament."s3 it is not that an unmarried co-habitee should be denied property adjustment on the break up of a stable relationship. it is rather that the law of trusts should not be manipulated to achieve it. 51. "although the plaintiff alleged that there was a resulting trust, i should have thought that the trust ... was more in the nature of a constructive trust; but that is more a matter of words than anything else ... it is a trust imposed by law whenever justice and good conscience require it. it is a liberal process founded on large principles of equity": hussey v. palmer [1972j 3 all e.r. 744 per lord denning mr. 52. [1986j 2 all e.r. 426. 53. [1970] a.c. 777, at p.795. 35 values the rt. hon. lord hailsham ofmarylebone this lecture is basically philosophical in content, and, as such, is almost certainly outside the curriculum of any of the studies which brought you here. i am sure that at least is an advantage. i do not wish anything i say today to compete with anything you may have learned of the sciences or arts from the staff of the university. equally, however, when i say that this lecture is basically philosophical, i cannot pretend to set myself forward as a professional in that field. sixty years ago i got a first degree in the subject, but first degrees do not entitle one to give lectures. nor, in the main, do professional philosophers commit themselves, as i am about to do, to a theme. this lecture is entitled "values", and the theme is about these. it is a commonplace to say that we live in the age of technology and science. but the world of technology and science is specifically a world inhabited by matters which can be measured, observed and calculated, and whose effects can be reproduced if the conditions in which they are first observed can be duplicated in the laboratory or elsewhere. the sciences are the result of centuries of growth, steady development and shared and public knowledge and it is certain that the present age is one in which development and growth in the sciences are more rapid and more extensive than ever before in human history. what is also certain is that, in the nature of things, though the application of science and technology can improve out of all recognition the quality of life (as an example, one only has to cite the discovery of antibiotics), and at their best form an indispensable part of contemporary culture, there remains a world which is just as real but it is not susceptible of measurement, calculation, nor in the ordinary sense one which can be created or recreated by duplicating a set of ascertainable laboratory conditions. i call this second world the world of values or, perhaps more precisely of value judgements. like everything else which is susceptible of discussion, value judgements are capable of being contained in sentences framed in words. but the things described are not themselves words, nor do they simply describe something which can give rise to purejy subjective sensations of pleasure or pain, like the feeling one gets at the hairdressers when undergoing a good shampoo, or the ·kg, chancellor of the university of buckingham. the buckingham lecture delivered 25 may 1988. ' 85 the denning law journal grunts of satisfaction which an animal gives when you scratch his back. at least that is my contention. value judgements are essentially about qualities, beautiful and ugly, good and bad, right and wrong, just and unjust, kind or brutal, in which praise and blame are bestowed, it would seem objectively, despite the fact that none of this group of qualities can be measured or observed, that none of them are capable of definition in terms of the others, or in terms of some neutral qualities per genus aut speciem, despite the frequent and virtually age long attempts, at least by western philosophers to achieve precisely this result. there is a language of poetry. there is a language of music. there is a language of beauty which cannot simply be expressed in words used in their literal sense. i call the attempts age long. i believe that this is no exaggeration. they go back at least as far as socrates, and perhaps earlier. those who enjoyed the period of intellectual euphoria which followed the sequence of victories over the persians at marathon, salamis and plataea in greece and at the cape mykale in iona and against the carthaginians in magna graecia may have entertained no such difficulties and sought no such solutions. the self-confident character of their statuary and architecture between salamis and aegospotami points to a period of triumphalism, accompanied, no doubt by intense intellectual curiosity, but without the doubts about the value of meaning of life to which intellectual curiosity in the modem world seems invariably to lead. but after the athenian defeat at aegospotami it was all different. the bottom seems to have fallen out of the greek world, the twelve gods cast down from their seats on olympus. there was no more triumphalism and something like despair took its place. in the arts and literature all the technical skill was there, possibly even enhanced. it may be seen in the statue of the boy jockey in the national museum at athens, or in the newly discovered and beautiful series of child portraits dug up at brauron after the end of the second world war. but it was never to be self-confident morning again. none of the young men, adeimantus and glaucon and their brother plato and their friend polemarchus or the poet agamon, who spoke with socrates and whom he was subsequently executed for corrupting, could go about life like caphalus, the father of polemarch us, living or trying to live what he chose to call a righteous and holy life without questioning what was meant by holiness and righteousness or why an intelligent yo!mg man or woman would do well to pursue it, when all the advantages seemed to lie in pursuing a life devoted to self-interest, pleasure or the pursuit of power. and socrates himself, described by the oracle at delphi as the wisest man in all hellas, adept at exploding the pretentiousness and self-importance of others accounted to be wiser, and himself the model of the virtues as virtue was then understood to be, wandered about the city asking whomsoever he might encounter the meaning of justice and righteousness and at the end confessing that apollo was only right in attributing wisdom to himself because he at least was aware of his own and total ignorance whilst they with their greater reputations and pretensions were wholly unaware of theirs. the quest for understanding the meaning of life has continued ever since, 86 values through aristode, the epicureans and stoics, the medieval theologians, st. thomas aquinas, the english empiricists and sceptics, through kant and marx (who claimed to have stood hegel on his head) right into our own time, to bradley and bosanquet and green in the oxford of my youth. after that it seems rather to have petered out. it was left to a then almost unknown philosopher, later professor h. a. prichard, in an article in mind in 1905 or 1906 entided "is moral philosophy founded on a mistake?" and answering the question in the affirmative to turn over the tables of the game and scatter the cards upon the floor. but though he altered the rules of this intellectual game of cards, i do not think professor prichard finished the debate or that he would have wished to do so. it remains for our own generation after two world wars, and a disillusionment equal to any of ancient times to reconstruct moral philosophy upon a different basis and establish the intellectual foundations for the objectivity of the value judgements on a different and, i believe, sounder foundation. i do not speak now of the religious dimension, though it would be wrong for any of you to believe that it is ever very far away from my mind when i speak of such things. but, since most of the propositions of the theologian, though they may be legitimately held, are not direcdy verifiable, it is legitimate to enquire (if they are not entirely self standing), the kind of intellectual foundations on which they may be deemed to be reasonable. the great mistake, as it seems to me, of the traditional western philosophers was to seek an intellectual justification for the traditional value judgements of mankind by looking for some kind of definition of them in terms of something other than themselves, and to believe that, unless some definition of this kind or some purpose like pleasure, happiness, wealth, the will of god other than the pursuit of these values for their own sake, a sort of summum bonum as it was called, could be discovered, the values themselves became worthless, or purely subjective to the individual and therefore lacking in objectivity, rationality or intrinsic worth. strange as it may seem at first sight, i believe the truth to be that value judgements do not require justification or definition, or evaluation in terms of some ultimate purpose or good. they are intrinsically self-standing. it is true, of course, that they are themselves objects for study, pursuit, enjoyment, and are not in themselves capable of verification by external criteria. persons of different types of experience, different degrees of percipience or excellence in their pursuit perceive them differently and may thus legitimately enter into controversy about their nature and about individual examples of their application. but what is really remarkable about them does not consist in these differences of perception. it consists in the convergence, the congruity, almost the consensus, of wise men of different countries, continents, civilisations and religious beliefs as to their content. when, in january 1903, my grandfather was found dead in the bath at his flat in the polytechnic, there was found on his desk an unfinished letter addressed to a young member of the institute afflicted by religious doubt. "there are some 87 the denning law journal facts", he had written, "established beyond the warrings of all the theologians. forever, virtue is better than vice, truth than falsehood, kindness than brutality." he could have added "beauty than ugliness". what he meant of course was not that values were facts, like the existence of protons or neutrons, or happenings like the battle of waterloo or the reality of the loch ness monster or the yeti, nor that these truths were capable of being proved by evidence. what he meant was that value judgements did not require evidence to make them objectively acceptable. i am not, for a moment, seeking to argue that it does not matter what you believe, or that arguments among theologians, or different schools of philosophy, have no importance, or are arguments about nothing. what i am suggesting is that my grandfather's last words point to a congruity about value judgements amongst earnest seekers rather than divergence, and even more significantly that this congruity points to an objective validity and not to a more subjective feeling of approval or disapproval. i doubt whether plato or aristotle, amos or isaiah, gautama buddha or the founder of the christian religion, the author of the tao, confucius, 5t. thomas or maimonides, would have failed to subscribe, with intention, to what my grandfather then wrote. could anyone, viewing for the first time, the vision of chillon castle in the lac leman, or anyone of half a hundred views of mountains i could name, or could anyone hearing for the first time some of the most beautiful pieces of music, fail to exclaim in ecstacy on the wonderful beauty of what they had seen or heard. to my mind the appreciation of this value of beauty is something altogether outside the world of darwin or of einstein. but does this not indicate a philosophical point of great importance in our perception of things? the so-called problem of evil, why evil exists, or what it consists in, is a true problem. it raises a question one asks and never answers. that i do not seek to deny, and i do not imagine that i will ever manage to solve it. but is not the congruence amongst the wise as to what is good and what is not good an even greater problem? does it not touch the nerve of an even more important philosophical truth? the problem of good must be to the nihilist a problem more insoluble than the problem of evil to the believer. i come, to my mind, to the supreme value, but it is a value which transcends the value of truth or the objective reality of beauty or justice or injustice or right and wrong for which i have been arguing in all the others. i choose to call it the 'l' factor. it transcends the values of ethics and aesthetics and permeates the whole without altering its own nature. it transcends the careful jurisprudence and case learning of the lawyers. it exists apart from truth or falsehood. it has no survival value from the point of view of the individual or the species. i believe it enters into the composition of the universe itself, and particularly ofliving creatures within it. the difference between value judgements and other judgements of a purely objective kind is that, whereas in matters affecting fact, emotional judgements are both undesirable and basically immoral, in matters involving values, though intellectual honesty is essential, it is neither desirable nor possible to remain totally emotionally neutral. it is obvious, therefore, that, where value judgements have to 88 values be made and the values involved are perceived to conflict, it is impossible to remain emotionally uninvolved. one cannot be impartial between what is perceived to be ugly and what is perceived to be beautiful, or what is perceived to be just and what is perceived to be injustice. moreover, if what i have said about these values being self-standing is, as i believe, correct, there must from time to time arise a conflict in the application to one set of facts of more than one yardstick, since neither can be defined in terms of the other, or in terms of a common denominator. there can be no common ground between, for instance, the aesthetic yardstick and the yardstick of morality where these are seen to conflict. in the sense that there is no room for self-deception in such matters, intellectual honesty may frequently provide a means of escape. but there can, in principle, be no accommodation between the two sets of principles where the two yardsticks yield opposite answers to the same set of facts. it is for this reason that, without the smallest claim to originality, i say that there must be a transcendent value, not in the sense of a summum bonum which i have already rejected, or the utilitarian concept of the greatest happiness of the greatest number, which, for different but not dissimilar reasons, is intellectually unacceptable but one which pervades the whole field and infects the different scales of value by a sort of pervasive osmosis. i think that plato must have had something of this kind in mind in the charmides where he makes his character say, "it is not the life of knowledge, not even if it included all the sciences, that creates happiness and well being, but a single branch of knowledge the science of good and evi1.,,1the trouble is that the difference between good and evil is itself a value judgement and involves weighing in the balance a variety of different and often conflicting facts and factors, and applying these to a single concrete set of facts. the 'l' factor alone pervades the whole mass of conflicting argument and interest. is this original or am i being unctiously religious? i think not. in the summer of 1978 i was staying in scotland at the house of a friend. at the time i was deeply distressed in heart, mind and spirit. to give me something to do, my host recommended me to read a biography of the emperor augustus by the late john buchan, later the first lord tweedsmuir, himself a serious scholar as well as the author of enjoyable adventure stories. as i read the book i came across a quotation in latin from the philosophical works of cicero (in point of fact his treatise on the laws), which contained the remarkable sentence "we have a natural propensity to love our fellow man, and that is the foundation of all law." the more i reflected about this sentence, the more remarkable it seemed to me to be. it was pre-christian and therefore owed nothing to christian or jewish scripture. to cicero's world, buddhism and the vedas were unknown. although cicero had more qualification than i to call himself a philsopher, he was not all that original and must have drawn this idea from the intellectual atmosphere of his day. but the more i thought about it the more sure i became, that, whether the thought was original or not, he had hit 1. charm ides gowen's trans.), p.174. 89 the denning law journal upon a profound truth. he made his judgement in the course of a defence of the doctrine of natural law, an expression which has become almost a dirty word among lawyers and philosophers alike. this is perhaps not the place for me to discuss whether the doctrine quite deserves the obloquy which it now generally receives, though it is not at all far removed from the subject matter of this lecture. i will instead pursue the thought behind the ciceronian quotation. "we have a natural propensity to love our fellow men and that is the foundation of all law." this is not the first time i have used the .quotation, and every time i have used it i have come in for a good deal of thoughtful criticism. for this purpose i disregard those who argued that i have mistranslated the sentence. i am sure that i have not. but relevant to my present argument is the criticism which i received from an intelligent lady, who, having read it said, somewhat tartly, "what cicero should have written was that we have a natural propensity to hate our fellow men." i took this criticism seriously, because it was a re-assertion of another doctrine in which i profoundly believe, namely the· doctrine of original sin. whatever else may be said about christian theology i would have thought that, properly understood, and not overstated as some theqlogians are apt to do, original sin is the one doctrine of the church which could be verified empirically by experience. unlike the animals, which in other respects he so closely resembles, man has a flawed nature. he is the only creature who systematically muddies his own face, breaks his own toys and degrades and humiliates, murders and rapes his fellow human beings. when people call football hooligans or the belfast murderers animals they do ~n injustice to the animal kingdom. but this seems to me to support rather than undermine my thesis about the relationship between the 'l' factor and value judgements. in the myth of eden it was the ability to distinguish between good and evil, and therefore to choose the latter, which constituted the fall of man. in common with other values, love is at the top of a scale to which there is an opposite and negative bottom. this is characteristic of them all; ugly as opposed to beautiful, unjust as opposed to just, cruel as opposed to kind, and so on. this is an odd feature of the value judgements because although, in one sense evil seems to have a positive nature (it is difficult to think of hider, stalin, gadafi or khomeini except in terms of positively demoniacal), in another context it is impossible not to accept the doctrine of the medieval school men (malum est privatio boni evil is the absence of good), just as one can say that dirt is definable as matter in the wrong place, or a weed a plant in the wrong place, or a bad taste joke as a funny remark made at an unsuitable time or in an unsuitable context. nevertheless, each of these examples illustrates an odd point about these values and value judgements generally. the negative end of the scale (if this is not a question begging description), can be thought of only in terms of the absence of the factor constituting the positive end. the opposite of justice can variously be described as arbitrariness, anarchy or tyranny. but none of these words make sense unless we have a clear sense of what constitutes the positive end of the scale in what is just or unjust. there are various sorts of cacophony, but only 90 values one music. there are various sorts of unkindness, but only one positive kindness, various ways of missing a due proportion in a picture or a landscape, but only one balance, various ways of missing a target (odd man out this time), but only one way of hitting it. it is in the nature of the value judgements to put approval at one end of the scale and disapproval at the other. thus, with the 'l' factor, love only is positive and hate multifarious. there is, however, something about the 'l' factor which differs from other value judgements. it is not a judgement at all. it is a motivation. it can only be described as a state of mind or rather soul or spirit, and not as part of the world of concrete and particular things and events. it is not a summum bonum, a highest good, not an end to be achieved by means, but a primum mobile, a first cause, perhaps indeed the cause of creation itself. it is the leaven in the lump, the salt in the stew, permeating the whole, but not constituting a separate part of it. of all the value judgements and all values, one end of the scale is positive, the other negative, and, without agreeing in the least to the philistine proposition that such judgements are simply subjective states of mind, one is driven, despite all one's prejudices to the contrary, to assert that the positive values within the human experience are the marks of wisdom, experience, judgement, knowledge, intuitive percipience, proper analysis, intellectual integrity, and scholarly discipline. the 'l' factor is not the same thing as good, justice, beauty, kindness, neighbourliness. nor is it capable of definition in terms of anything other than itself. it is common to all the values and, in the socratic world of ,apetll, or virtue, it is the mark of the congruence of the wise in opinion, the only republic in which there is no such thing as privilege and no damn nonsense about equality. 91 unincorporated associations: property holding, charitable purposes and dissolution 281 denning law journal 2014 vol 27 pp 281-290 case commentary ssh...don’t tell the children! (no duty to warn descendants that they may have inherited a serious medical condition) abc (claimant) v (1) st george’s healthcare nhs trust (2) south west london and st george’s mental health nhs trust (3) sussex partnership nhs foundation trust (defendants) [2015] ewhc 1394 (qb) karen dyer* 1. introduction in this edition of the denning law journal we are celebrating the 800 years of the magna carta, but compared to some declarations the magna carta is a mere fledgling. those with knowledge of the medical profession will be well versed in the hippocratic oath, 1 which garnered a fundamental role in medical training during the hellenic period. 2 in more recent years, the hippocratic oath has been revitalised in the form of the declaration of geneva, 3 and is still used as part of medical training today. over time the oath has been modified to adopt a more progressive stance, 4 nevertheless in one key ethical principle remains untouched, that of confidentiality. * senior lecturer in law, university of buckingham 1 named after hippocrates who was born on the greek island of cos. he lived between 460-380 bc approximately. he was a renowned physician and teacher of medicine and belonged to a guild of doctors known as the ascelepiadae. although attributed to him, some believe the oath „predates his own school‟: see jk mason and gt laurie, mason & mccall smith’s law and medical ethics (9 th edition, oxford university press 2013) 3. 2 from 510-323 bc classical greece. 3 first adopted by the general assembly of the world medical association at geneva 1948, the most recent version was modified and agreed in 2006 at divonne-les-bains, france. 4 the introduction of the abortion act 1967 could be considered a flagrant breach of the hippocratic oath. case commentary 282 english law pays great respect to the principle of confidentiality; as noted by the supreme court in 2013 it is “an overriding principle and is central to trust between patients and doctors”. 5 english law also ensures that the “obligation of confidence is capable of surviving the death of the patient”. 6 this does not mean that a patient‟s confidentiality is always maintained, and there are a number of situations where information is shared with third parties, 7 for example where the law demands disclosure, 8 if a doctor suspects his or her patient is the victim of abuse, 9 or where significant public interests exists. 10 however, in the recent high court decision in abc (claimant) v st george’s healthcare nhs trust and others 11 the court was emphatic that a duty of care in regards to disclosure of confidential information was not owed to the direct descendants of those with severe hereditary conditions. 2. background to the case in 2007, the claimant‟s (abc‟s) father (f) shot and killed abc‟s mother (f‟s wife). he was convicted of voluntary manslaughter on the grounds of diminished responsibility. however it was not until 2009 that the underlying cause of the “diminished responsibility”was identified 5 west london mental health nhs trust (respondent) v chhabra (appellant) [2013] uksc 80, [33] (lord hodge). 6 lewis v secretary of state for health [2008] ewhc 2196 [24] echoing the declaration of geneva which states „i will respect the secrets which are confided in me, even after the patient has died‟. 7 the least controversial situation will occur where the patient themselves, authorises medical information to be shared to a third party. 8 for example if there is a statutory requirement that a patient has a notifiable disease e.g. cholera or smallpox. 9 r v alan wilson [1996] crim lr 573; r v emmett [1999] ewca crim 1710. 10 w v egdell [1990] 1 all er 835. 11 abc (claimant) v (1) st george’s healthcare nhs trust (2) south west london and st george’s mental health nhs trust (3) sussex partnership nhs foundation trust (defendants) [2015] ewhc 1394 (qb) (abc v others). this was an application by the defendants to strike out the claim. (if the courts find that a case does not specify a cause of action, or that there is no reasonable grounds for either bringing or defending the claim they have the power to strike out part or all of it and bring an end to proceedings quickly). the denning law journal 283 when a full medical diagnosis of huntingdon‟s disease (hd) made. 12 as part of his rehabilitation, family counselling was engaged between f and his daughters, (one of whom was the claimant, abc). when his hd was first diagnosed, f demanded that doctors obey their duty of confidentiality and withhold knowledge of the condition from abc. four meetings occurred in 2009 between f and abc with a representative of the family therapy team. additionally, abc submitted that she had attended various multi-disciplinary meetings relating to her father‟s care. during these conferences, healthcare workers honoured f‟s desire to keep his diagnosis a secret from abc, albeit that there had been discussions among staff as to whether the claimant should be informed about the diagnosis, 13 particularly as she was pregnant at the time. abc gave birth to her daughter in april 2010, oblivious to her father‟s diagnosis of hd. she may have remained ignorant of this indefinitely had she not been accidently informed of it in august of that year by one of her father‟s doctors. 14 the discovery of this, at the time and in the manner that it occurred, was said to have caused psychiatric injury to abc. at this point it is apposite to discuss hd to understand the rationale behind the claim and its defence. 3. huntingdon’s disease (hd) hd is the result of a genetic error. there are some 20,000 to 25,000 genes in the human body, (usually) arranged in 46 chromosomes: 22 pairs of autosomes, and one “pair” of sex chromosomes. hd is caused by a mutation to one specific gene, known as the htt gene, located on autosome 4. this htt gene is responsible for producing a protein, known as huntingtin. 15 a mutation to the htt gene causes the body to produce a rogue version of this protein. 16 for reasons as yet unknown by scientists, 12 this is also known as huntington‟s chorea. chorea was extrapolated from the greek word „khoreia‟ which means „dancing‟ as those with this condition often develop random limb movements which can appear to be dance-like. 13 abc v others [5]. 14 ibid [2]. 15 this gene was discovered in 1993. those with hd produce a mutated version of huntingtin. 16 the mutation involves segment known as a cag trinucleotide repeat. this segment is composed of 3 out of 4 nucleo-base, namely cytosine, adenine, and guanine (the other being thymine). to operate fully, this cag segment needs to repeat 10 to 35 times within the gene, but for those with hd the cag segment is repeated 36 to „more than 120 times‟. the more repeats that occur, the more case commentary 284 the mutant form of protein ultimately inflicts damage to nerve cells in various regions of the brain including the basal ganglia and the sub-cortex. amongst other physical symptoms, 17 the damage leads to “behavioural problems”. 18 unlike autosomal recessive hereditary conditions which require both parents to be sufferers of the condition or carriers of the faulty gene in order to inherit the full condition, 19 hd is an autosomal dominant condition. 20 therefore if one parent has the faulty gene, there is a 50 per cent chance that each of their progeny will inherit the gene, and ultimately develop hd. 21 as with many conditions, symptoms vary enormously from person to person. some will face only mild alternations to their daily routines whereas for others symptoms will be “profound”, affecting everyone around them. 22 f‟s condition was “thought to have had some bearing” on the murder of his wife. 23 having discovered her father‟s condition, abc grew concerned for not just her well-being but additionally that of her daughter. in 2013 her fears were confirmed that she had inherited hd. she was additionally concerned for the welfare of her child. as of date it is unknown whether her daughter has inherited that disease as well, as testing for hd does not take place before the age of majority. 24 however, abc contended that had she known that she had a heredity condition, she would have undergone a termination of her pregnancy. severe the condition is likely to be. genetics home reference (us national library of medicine), „what is huntington disease?‟ http://ghr.nlm.nih.gov/condition/huntington-disease accessed 2 july 2015. 17 such as the „dance-like‟ physical movements, (see further n 12). 18 huntingdon‟s disease association, „behaviour problems‟ (may 2012) http://hda.org.uk/hda/factsheets/ accessed 2 july 2015. 19 such is case, for example with those born with congenital adrenal hyperplasia (cah). 20 occasionally a sufferer will have a spontaneous mutation without his or her parents passing on the condition, but it may be the case the in the parent the condition is extremely mild and it has not been diagnosed. 21 as there will always be at least a 50:50 chance that they inherit the autosome 4 which is carrying the faulty gene. (if both parents have the condition the chance of inheritance will be greater.) 22 huntingdon‟s disease association, „behaviour problems‟ (may 2012) http://hda.org.uk/hda/factsheets/ accessed 2 july 2015. 23 abc v others [17]. 24 in england this is 18 years of age: section 1 family law reform act 1969. the denning law journal 285 abc therefore argued that the defendants, (doctors and other professionals) owed her a duty of care to disclose her father‟s hd, and in not informing her, doctors had breached their duty of care towards her. she contended that she had suffered psychiatric harm as a result of the lack of disclosure. not only that, abc submitted that if her daughter has also inherited the disease, this would cause additional financial expense. she further argued that the defendants had violated her rights under article 8 of the european convention of human rights (echr). by contrast, the defendants sought a motion to strike out the claim at an early stage on the basis of no reasonable cause of action, i.e. that firstly, although the duty of confidentiality might not always be absolute, this did not create a duty of care; and secondly, that no breach of article 8 echr could be proved in this particular claim. in regard to the claim in negligence, the defendants relied on the leading judgment of caparo v dickman, 25 which specifies the three-part test to be used when assessing if a duty of care is owed in novel situations. interestingly the defendants were prepared to accept that there was “sufficient proximity” between themselves and abc and that any injury abc suffered as a result of non-disclosure would have been “reasonably foreseeable.” 26 however, they argued, there was no reasonable prospect of the claimant establishing that it would be fair, just or reasonable to impose on the defendants a duty of care towards the claimant in this regard, 27 and put forward nine reasons why a duty of care should not be found. 28 i. what was put against the public interest in preserving confidence in the present context was not a public interest in disclosure, but the private interest of the claimant. ii. the law of confidence allowed a doctor to disclose confidential information in certain circumstances (...) the claimant was contending for a duty to do so. consciously or unconsciously, this might encourage doctors to breach confidence where it might not otherwise have been justified. 25 caparo v dickman [1990] 2 ac 605. 26 abc v others [11]. 27 ibid. 28 ibid [13]. these submissions are discussed later. case commentary 286 iii. doctors would be subject to conflicting duties, liable to be sued by their patient if they disclose information which should have remained confidential, liable to be sued by a third party, such as the claimant, if they fail to disclose information which they should have revealed. iv. if a doctor is subject to a duty of care in some situations to disclose information to third parties, it will undermine the trust and confidence which is so important to the doctor/patient relationship. it may lead to patients being less candid with their doctors. (...) v. if doctors owed a duty of care to third parties, it may result in doctors putting pressure on their patients to agree to disclosure to avoid the risk of being sued by third parties. vi. some third parties may not wish to receive information. yet a doctor may not be able to explore whether this is the case without effectively imparting the information itself. vii. it is possible that the third party may suffer psychiatric harm if he or she is told the information in question. the doctor will be in a dilemma as to how to explore whether this is the case when the third party is not or may not be his or her patient. viii. doctors receive a very great deal of confidential information. it would be burdensome to place on them a duty to consider whether any of it needs to be disclosed to third parties. the time and resources committed to this will be a distraction from treating patients. ix. this significant extension of a doctor‟s duty of care would be contrary to the incremental way in which the law of negligence ought to progress. in summary, whilst it was noted that on occasions there are times when doctors are owed a positive duty to breach confidentiality, it was the denning law journal 287 argued that it would “not make it fair, just or reasonable”, to impose a duty of care on the defendants to the claimant, “in the current case.” 29 conversely the counsel for abc argued, inter alia, that the claimant was “not just any third party,” 30 but f‟s daughter; that f‟s ability to make an informed decision to withhold his diagnosis had not been properly addressed by his healthcare workers, 31 moreover that, the general medical council guidance indicated that doctors “might be under a positive duty to do disclose information” on occasions. in conclusion counsel argued that finding a duty of care in this situation would not be “so novel a development as the defendants submitted”. 32 nicol j found that the claimants had relied on cases which were conventional doctor-patient relationships, 33 consequently to find a duty of care in this case would be a novel departure. by comparison, the defendants relied on the house of lords decision of x v bedfordshire county council 34 and the subsequent court of appeal decision in powell v boladz. 35 these stipulated categorically that no duty of care was owed to those with close family connections, but merely to the person themselves. further the case of x warned of the danger of 29 ibid. 30 ibid [15]. 31 ibid. 32 ibid [16]. 33 a v east kent hospitals university nhs foundation trust [2015] ewhc 1038 (qb) where a mother to be complained that she had not been told during antenatal visits that her baby might be suffering from a chromosomal abnormality. she would have terminated the pregnancy had she known. nor was the case of angela p v st james and seacroft university hospital nhs trust [2001] ewca civ 560 of any help to the claimant. in this case a woman had given birth to a child with a disability after undergoing sterilisation. it was held that the hospital was liable for the costs of bringing up a disabled child, but not the costs which would have been incurred in bringing up a healthy child. 34 x v bedfordshire county council [1995] 2 ac 633, where parents, having had their children removed from them for fear of abuse, brought claims in negligence against those authorities responsible on the ground that the abuse assessments were carelessly made. the claims were said to offer no reasonable cause of action and were struck out. 35 powell v boladz [1998] lloyds rep med 116. in this case, parents brought a claim in negligence, alleging, that the father suffered psychiatric damaged on discovering that various records connected with his young son‟s treatment had been altered after his death. the court was emphatic that the doctor owed no duty of care to the parents, only to the son. http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/ewca/civ/2001/560.html case commentary 288 imposing additional levels of duty of care on public bodies lest they adopted a defensive mode of performance. 36 very little argument was put forward as regards the article 8 issue. it was specified that the claimant had to prove “that the positive duty implicit in article 8 required the defendants to disclose her father‟s condition to her”. 37 the judge did not find this was the case. overall nichol j held that to found a duty of care would be a “radical departure” 38 from current law and that overall “the balance (came) down decisively against the claimant” and acceded to the defendants‟ request to strike out the claim. 39 4. discussion this is an unpopular decision. 40 it is certainly unsatisfactory in a number of respects. gilbar and foster point out that abc‟s autonomy and her reproductive rights, at least equalled that of f‟s right to confidentiality, 41 and that the decision in this action “is embarrassingly at odds” with the leading judgments of montgomery v lanarkshire health board 42 and chester v afshar. 43 they further emphasis the importance of the specific epidemiology of hd itself as hd “carries an immutable death sentence”. 44 when looking at the nine points point forward by counsel for the defence, it seems relatively easy to rebut a number of them. 45 at point (i) it was noted that this was not a matter of “public interest in disclosure, but the private interest of the claimant” and further (iv) that would undermine the trust and confidence in the doctor/patient relationship. it is 36 x v bedfordshire county council [1995] 2 ac 633 [750]. 37 abc v others [37]. 38 ibid [27]. 39 ibid [38]. 40 roy gilbar charles foster, „do i have a right to access my father‟s genetic account?‟ practical ethics (oxford, 29 may 2015) http://blog.practicalethics.ox.ac.uk/2015/05/do-i-have-a-right-to-access-myfathers-genetic-account/ accessed 5 july 2015. 41 ibid. 42 montgomery v lanarkshire health board [2015] uksc 11. 43 chester v afshar [2004] ukhl 41. 44 gilbar and foster (n 40). 45 abc v others [13]. it is submitted that point ix) the „significant extension of a doctor‟s duty of care would be contrary to the incremental way in which the law of negligence ought to progress‟ is a matter of opinion rather than law. the denning law journal 289 acknowledged that there was a private interest of the client, but it can also be argued that it is in the general interest to understand the morphology behind a murder charge. it is submitted when a serious crime is committed it is in everyone‟s interest to understand a contributory factor to this. point (ii) suggested that this “might encourage doctors to breach confidence where it might not otherwise have been justified”. it is submitted that this would not be the case in general. point (ii) puts the opposing view that if a duty was found in this case, in the future a doctor may be sued for nondisclosure in similar circumstances, or put pressure on patients to disclose (v). it is possible that this is the case, but narrowing down the duty to direct descendants would limit the scope of the duty. this would also mitigate the argument put forward in point (viii) in terms of relieving the burden and (perhaps more pertinently) the cost of the extent of the disclosure. the most interesting tensions occur at points (vi) and (vii). these arguments suggest that “third parties may not wish to receive information” and “may suffer psychiatric harm if…told the information in question.” whilst the first of these propositions is a valid concern, current english law already addresses this latter issue succinctly. by virtue of the data protection act 1998 46 (dpa) and its supporting secondary legislation, the data protection (subject access modification) (health) order 2000 (si 2000/413), 47 article 5(1) specifies that exceptions from disclosure under section 7 dpa apply if such disclosure “may cause serious harm to the physical or mental health” of the person concerned, “or any other person”. 48 furthermore, the courts have confirmed that access to information is not an unqualified right, provided the non-disclosure can be justified. 49 it is submitted that if abc was considered competent, and capable of receiving vitally important information about her health, that this should have been recognised, and her father‟s diagnosis disclosed, particularly in light of all the surrounding facts. f had murdered his wife. in order to reconcile f and his daughters family therapy was employed. it is submitted that it would have been 46 section 7 of the dpa specifies that individuals may make a written request to an organisation to see any personal information held about them by that organisation. 47 this replaced the data protection (subject access modification) (health) order 1987 (si no 1903). 48 article 5(1) provides that „personal data to which this order applies are exempt from section 7 in any case to the extent to which the application of that section would be likely to cause serious harm to the physical or mental health or condition of the data subject or any other person‟. 49 roberts v nottinghamshire healthcare nhs trust [2008] ewhc 1934 (qb). case commentary 290 conducive to all if f‟s condition were discussed in an open forum. it is difficult for children to come to terms with the murder of one parent by another and to discover that, in part, this was caused by a circumstance beyond f‟s control would have assisted in this matter. further, having discovered that f had such a condition, and knowing that his daughters consequently had a 50 per cent of inheriting this, it seems unreasonable that silence should prevail. 50 to encourage situations where the law upholds non-disclosure is perilously close to creating legal obligations to withhold essential health information from the persons concerned. a move in this direction would be unduly harsh. whilst not wishing to add to their burdens, it does not seem unreasonable that a doctor‟s duty is extended to disclosing genetic information to direct descendants. 51 this decision potentially creates a further barrier to those who wish to understand their medical conditions. it has long been the situation that testing for hd cannot be undertaken until a young person reaches the age of 18. this means that direct descendants of those with hd, who often witness the demise of their parents or grandparents, are left in limbo until they are old enough to be tested themselves. this is not a satisfactory position. a considerable length of time has passed since professor dickenson‟s article promoting the right to earlier testing was published, 52 but although many are in argument with the stance taken by dickenson, the situation remains the same. let us hope that common sense will prevail, and this case does not act to prevent any further disclosure of truth. 50 albeit that hd cannot be prevented, the symptoms can at least be ameliorated with medicine, knowledge and care. 51 even if such information was not to be disclosed until children reached the age of 18. 52 donna l dickenson, „can children and young people consent to be tested for adult onset genetic disorders?‟ (1999) 318 bmj 1063. 143 the denning law journal 2017 vol 29 pp 143-148 book review current issues in succession law edited by birke hacker and charles mitchell (bloomsbury, london 2016) isbn 978-1-78225-627-4 judith bray* as the editors observe at the start of this book, the law on succession is a “neglected field” in england whilst continental and comparative lawyers have rediscovered it to be of immense practical importance which deserves greater academic attention. the rules of succession are of great significance to all; as pointed out by penelope reed in chapter seven there is no shortage of probate disputes that end up in the chancery division as a result of “… an ageing population, the increase in the incidence of dementia and the rise of house prices making estates worth fighting over…” since death is inevitable and everyone will die either testate, having made a valid will or intestate, without a valid will the law of succession affects us all. in order to address this gap in the law a conference took place in july 2015 at all souls college oxford attended by chancery judges, a member of the court of appeal as well as a number of leading academics and practitioners. this book comprises eleven of the conference papers. the result is an excellent book both as a reference work for students and practitioners and also of interest to the wider public who may be drawn in by the subject matter and possibly the picture on the loose leaf cover showing david wilkie’s wellknown painting reading of the will. in many ways the most engaging feature of this collection is the breadth of subjects covered. they range from the more traditional succession issues such as the reform of the rules of intestacy in chapter one and mutual wills in chapter five to the more challenging issues of testamentary dispositions in favour of informal carers in chapter eight and proprietary estoppel in chapter four. much credit should be given to the conference organisers and book editors for ensuring that the conference and later the book had sufficient breadth and did not dwell overly on the minutiae of the rules of drawing up a valid will although that said chapter four shows how this in itself embraces many wider legal issues. curiously, the book starts with a chapter not about the rules that apply in drawing up a will but about the rules of intestacy when someone dies * barrister, professor of law, university of buckingham; director of streetlegal. book review 144 without making a valid will. this has traditionally been a difficult issue. when a person dies intestate the law must step in and apply rules which reflect what the law deems to be the wishes of the deceased had he or she made a valid will or thought about it. the chapter is a comprehensive review of the development of the rules of intestacy. it manages to interweave some pertinent observations on the current state of the law with some proposals for how reform should proceed if recommendations from the law commission are adopted. it highlights the difficult position of cohabitants whose rights are so often forgotten in english law. this chapter links well to chapter six where birke hacker one of the editors of the book reflects on how the law approaches the rectification and interpretation of a will. the quotation from sir horace walpole made in the first paragraph1 sums up a view taken by many in relation to the court’s ability to rectify a will. walpole writes having heard that a recently deceased royal naval officer sir william rowley had disinherited his son and grandson: … it is rather leaving an opportunity to the chancery, to do the right thing, and set such an absurd will aside. do not doubt it. the law makes no bones of wills. i have heard of a man who began his will thus: ‘this is my will, and i desire the chancery will not make another for me’ oh but it did … this is an excellent introduction highlighting the difficulty that the court has in attempting to rewrite what the testator had in mind when his intentions are not clear. to what extent should the law and the court play a role in deciding how one’s estate should be distributed? there is a link here with cases of intestacy where the law has to second guess who the deceased would have wanted to benefit when there is no valid will to indicate such wishes. as birke hacker states “the problem is that we do not know what a testator in his innermost mind really wanted, and we have to establish his intentions as best we can from ‘his last will and testament’ he has left behind”. superficially in this case unlike intestacy the issue is one of interpretation of the will but the writer develops the wider issues such as whether the courts should interpret the will from accepted rules of interpretation of any document or from the point of view of the testator. using examples from german law she shows how the courts might come to a quite different conclusion according to the particular approach taken by a court.2 the german courts will always interpret the will from the point of view of the testator. so she explains where a testator leaves his ‘library’ 1 ch 6 what’s in a will? 132. 2 ibid 137. the denning law journal 145 to a legatee3 and it can be shown that the testator often referred to his wine cellar as his ‘library’ then the bequest is of the wine not of the books. at the heart of this chapter is the recently decided united kingdom case of marley v rawlings4 where a testator had made it clear that he wished his estate to pass to his wife and if she predeceased him then to the man that the couple called their son, but owing to an error in each of the wills of the parties this intention was no longer clear. everyone concerned was fully aware of what the testator had intended but it took the eminently pragmatic approach of the supreme court to resolve the issue. the writer highlights the importance of this fairly simple case because it is one of the few cases to reach the highest judicial level. it also seeks to address the problem of whether extrinsic evidence is admissible when interpreting a will. unlike other formal documents the courts have interpreted the wills act 1837 very strictly. the courts have always been reluctant to admit extrinsic evidence even when it may assist in the interpretation of the testator’s intentions. linking well to the question of interpretation and rectification is the discussion on the mutual wills doctrine in chapter five. as highlighted by the author ying khai liew the english courts have applied the doctrine of mutual wills since the eighteenth century5 but the precise definition of its operation, the legal principles involved and its underlying rationale remain difficult to define. the author suggested that he would propose a new way of understanding the mutual wills doctrine consistent with its orthodox principles in which to a large extent he succeeds. this doctrine has always appeared to undermine the principle of testamentary freedom. as explained by the author in a typical mutual wills case two individuals come to an agreement that the first to die (a) will leave his property to the survivor (b) with b promising to leave whatever is left at her death to one or more ultimate beneficiaries c.6 this is dependent on the survivor b promising not to revoke her will after a’s death. the author challenges all existing explanations for upholding the mutual wills doctrine in particular the view that b’s obligation is ‘floating’ or suspended during b’s lifetime and offers a range of alternative explanations. to some extent his conclusion is a new understanding but it is a compromise relying on two distinct analyses arising from different facts and he concludes that perhaps many of the problems arise from an attempt to apply the same explanation to both sets of facts. the cases fall into those where b receives property from a to be held for c and those cases where b promises that property owned by b absolutely will be held for c. his analysis shows that in the first case a 3 ibid. 4 [2014] uksc 2, [2015] ac 129. 5 ch 5 current issues in succession 99. 6 ibid 100. book review 146 constructive trusts arises making b trustee for a but in the second case a constructive trust arises compensating a who has relied on b’s promise. the modern challenges to testamentary freedom are also examined by rebecca probert in chapter two “disquieting thoughts: who will benefit when we are gone?” this chapter explores the ability of individuals to challenge the disposition of an estate. in a wide ranging and fascinating review of the ability of challenges made to the disposition of an estate over the past eighty years, she maps the introduction of legislation giving such rights of challenge. setting this in the context of victorian and early twentieth century wills when almost complete freedom of disposition existed she illustrates the difficulties that such freedom created often using examples from literature. she reviews the changes in the law from the 1938 act7 to the most recent amendments made by the inheritance and trustees’ powers act 2014 and concludes with an analysis of the most recent changes. however this analysis goes much further than merely commenting on the changes she manages in this short section to evaluate the whole basis of the right to make a claim for financial provision with a wealth of views from a range of academics. her conclusion highlights the incongruity of allowing a claim for financial provision on the death of a relative which in life could not have been sustained. using a number of very recent cases she shows how finely divided the courts have been in the past as to how such legislation has been applied and she rightly questions why one type of choice is seen as trumping the other in particular why should the express words in the will not have priority? in a collection as wide ranging as this it is impossible to consider in full all the different aspects of the law on succession but the review of proprietary estoppel in chapter four by ben macfarlane is particularly noteworthy. this chapter examines the claim that in upholding the doctrine of proprietary estoppel the settled aspects of the law of succession are undermined. he quickly challenges such a view stating the well-known view that proprietary estoppel prevents parties from unconscionability by exploiting strict legal rules. his short succinct chapter succeeds in explaining the justification for allowing proprietary estoppel to take precedence over provisions in a will. starting with one of the more problematic cases suggitt v suggitt8 he shows the difficulties in applying the doctrine. here a father had specifically excluded his son from his will but the son brought to the court evidence of promises made during the father’s lifetime that he would inherit the farm and he had positioned his entire life on this promise. the difficulty here was that the court was upholding and giving legal effect to an informal non-contractual promise 7 the inheritance (family provision) act 1938. 8 [2012] ewca civ 1140, [2012] all er (d) 100 (oct). the denning law journal 147 above a validly executed will. he poses the important conceptual question as to whether proprietary estoppel is sufficiently distinct in its requirements and operation from contract law. his analysis shows that such promises can be upheld in spite of their informality and rather than basing their validity in contract law such rules are based in equity and are upheld in order to prevent injustice. one issue that could have been developed further is the question of the extent of the property that the claimant can claim. where the estate has increased in size since the promise was made it is unclear as to whether and on what basis the claimant can claim the increased estate. the chapter ends with some final thoughts where he reflects on the role of proprietary estoppel concluding that it cannot be invoked simply because there is a failing in the strict rules of contract law or succession but rather it should be limited to mitigating the severity of the strict rules of contract, succession and property law. the overlap between the law of succession and proprietary estoppel has long troubled lawyers and this chapter makes a strong case that proprietary estoppel does not undermine the law of succession. perhaps the most controversial chapter in the book is chapter eight which considers grounds for the reversal of gifts to informal carers. set in the context of the enormous increase in the need for social care and the inability of formal provision to meet this need, brian sloan shows how important informal social care has become in society; figures from the office for national statistics show that there are 5.8 million informal carers in england and wales. he points out that many suffer financial and health disadvantages as a result of their responsibilities and it is quite likely that recipients of such care may recognise the carer in their will either from gratitude or moral obligation. the focus of his discussion is on challenges made to a will based on undue influence. this is a difficult area of law because the dependency that may arise where a person is in poor health and reliant on others for day to day living sets the scene for opportunities for undue influence to take place. he summarises the difficulties in distinguishing between persuasion and genuine undue influence. although there have been many recent cases involving carers where claimants cite undue influence the modern judiciary frequently revert to nineteenth century guidance from sir jp wilde in hall v hall.9 wilde had concluded in that case that: …importunity or threats, such as the testator has not had the courage to resist, moral command asserted and yielded to for the sake of peace and quiet, or of escaping from distress of mind or social discomfort … if carried to a degree in which the free play of 9 (1866) 1 p & d 481. book review 148 the testator’s mind, discretion or wishes, is overborne, will constitute undue influence. by comparison, wilde held that “…other behaviour such as persuasion, appeals to the affection or ties of kindred, to a sentiment of gratitude for past services, or pity for future destitution, or the like … are all legitimate…” sloan describes the difficulties that the courts have faced in recent cases in distinguishing what constitutes a “sentiment of gratitude for past services or pity for future destitution” and what “constitutes behaviour that interferes with the free play of the testator’s mind”. he shows that evidence brought to court of independence of mind will defeat a claim of undue influence as in parker v litchfield 10 where the will of an independently minded grandmother was upheld in spite of a claim of undue influence by her granddaughter. where a testator is shown to be in poor health or of weak disposition the court will consider the facts in a different light. so in schrader v schrader11 a judge set aside the will of a mother leaving her house entirely to one of her sons who had become her carer because there was evidence that the mother was a vulnerable lady in her mid-nineties and there was cumulative evidence that the son had exerted behaviour likely to influence his mother. the issue is often one of evidence and burden of proof. should the court presume undue influence in cases involving carers? he concludes that in the current social context the courts should not set aside testamentary gifts to informal carers lightly and it is important not to apply the same principles as those used in inter vivos dispositions where a presumption of undue influence may apply. this is a most interesting collection of essays. it highlights an area of law which has suffered neglect in recent years and yet as many of these essays show these are very topical and complex issues which need to be addressed today both from an individual’s point of view and also as a matter of policy. 10 [2014] ewhc 1799 (ch). 11 [2013] ewhc 466, [2013] all er (d) 89 (mar). the denning law journal 5 denning law journal 2019 vol 31 pp 5-40 ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law jessica horton* jonathan merritt** introduction this article is written to explore the current position of the concept of animal sentience in uk animal welfare law. this is based on research carried out since 2017 but there have been political and legal developments which bring the issue to the fore now, chiefly these are concerned with brexit and the eu definition of animal sentience contained in the lisbon treaty. at time of writing, there could scarcely be less certainty about the likely final outcome of the united kingdom’s endeavours to exit the european union. the united kingdom became a member state in 1973 by virtue of the european communities act 1972 and it is essentially this legislation that is being repealed as part of the process of leaving. the primary legislation of the european union has evolved since the treaty of rome 1957 which the united kingdom became a signatory to. that legislation is now in the form of the treaty on the functioning of the european union (tfeu) and it is article 50 of this treaty that was triggered by theresa may’s conservative administration as a result of the second referendum held in 2016, the first, in which ‘remain’ won, was held in 1975. prime minister may’s government set the date of leaving as 29th march 2019. however, the house of commons could not reach agreement on multiple occasions over the withdrawal agreement struck by may with the eu. more energetic debate took place in the days leading up to thursday 14th march 2019 when the commons voted to ask for a delay to the leaving date. may then secured a delay until 31st october 2019, ultimately resigning on 7th june as she could make no further progress persuading parliament to accept her deal. a leadership contest is underway at the time of writing with boris johnson mp the favourite * phd candidate at northumbria university, first class honours graduate and 2017 evenden prize winner at de montfort university, department of law. ** research co-ordinator, centre of research and innovation for sport, technology and law (cristal) and senior lecturer in sports law, specialising in equine sports law, de montfort university, department of law. 6 ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law to win. johnson has made it clear he intends to leave the eu at the end of october with or without a deal in place. if parliament will not agree to allow a new prime minister johnson to take the united kingdom out of the eu without a deal, a general election is a possibility as is not leaving at all if a much-discussed third referendum does take place thereafter. consequent on all this, it is difficult at present to find many people, either on the ‘leave’ or ‘remain’ side of the argument, with positive views about how brexit has been managed thus far, or the politicians involved in its progress. this paper does however discuss a glimmer of hope from this apparent chaos, not for the human population necessarily but for the fauna of these isles, not least among those, and given the focus of this article, the equine population. that is to say whatever view is taken of brexit, it has at least brought to the fore the definition of animal sentience as enshrined in english law for reconsideration. the repeal of the sentience definition in order to explore fully the place of animal sentience in uk animal welfare law, it will be necessary to consider the fate of the eu definition of sentience. as a precursor to the current parliamentary process, the ‘great repeal bill’ made its way through the house of commons, designed to bring many existing eu provisions into uk law at the point of the country’s departure from the eu. there were a great many amendments debated, including 15 where the government lost on their wording in the house of lords and 170 further changes that were proposed by that upper house during the so-called ‘ping-pong’ stage, where the text passes between the houses repeatedly.1 in total, parliament spent an estimated 272 hours debating the bill.2 this is unprecedented and reflective of the deep divisions within the political parties and indeed the country, as to what the future relationship with the eu should be. at the time of those debates, a ‘hard brexit’, with no agreement, a reversion to world trade organisation (wto) trade tariffs and an abrupt departure from all eu institutions and treaties looked more likely than it does now; but as this article is being finalised, the situation is changing almost hourly. one of the votes mentioned above produced an extreme media and social media reaction on its own; however, this was the vote effectively to repeal the concept of ‘animal sentience’ as it currently exists in eu law. the great repeal 1 ‘eu withdrawal bill: amendments and debates’ (institute for government, 2018) accessed 18 march 2019 2 ibid. http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainers/eu-withdrawal-bill-amendments-and-debates http://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainers/eu-withdrawal-bill-amendments-and-debates the denning law journal 7 bill did not have a provision to include the following provision in uk law at all. it is currently found in the tfeu or ‘lisbon treaty’: in formulating and implementing the union’s agriculture, fisheries, transport, internal market, research and technological development and space policies, the union and the member states shall, since animals are sentient beings, pay full regard to the welfare requirements of animals, while respecting the legislative or administrative provisions and customs of the eu countries relating in particular to religious rites, cultural traditions and regional heritage.3 during the committee stage of the bill there had been unsuccessful attempts to include the principle in uk law as it stood, but without government support these failed. the administration’s response was that it wanted to ‘consider how it might explicitly reflect the sentience principle in wider uk legislation’.4 this raised the concern, voiced in the press and social media predominantly, that the vote against was a signal that parliament was not prepared to recognise the concept of animal sentience at all, or at least sufficiently, after march 2019. ministerial guidance was issued within days which attempted to refute his position. specifically, it stated that ‘[t]he vote … was the rejection of a faulty amendment, which would not have achieved its stated aims of providing appropriate protection for animals [and that the]…. prime minister has made clear that we will strengthen our animal welfare rules’.5 the alacrity with which this document appeared was perhaps a sign that the government was very much alive to the likely public backlash from a population that thinks of itself as a ‘nation of animal lovers’. this would not be welcome on top of internal and international widespread concern that the brexit process, whatever the merits of the vote in june 2016, has since then been characterised by seeming ineptitude and confusion on the uk side.6 this 3 article 13 of title ii, lisbon treaty, which came into force in 2009. 4 house of commons briefing paper number 8155, ‘animal sentience and brexit’ (parliament, 8 august 2018) accessed 18 march 2019. 5 michael gove, mp, ‘animal welfare: written statement – hcws267’ (defra, 23 november 2017) accessed 18 march 2019. 6 frances perraudin, ‘brexit vote is making uk a laughing stock abroad, says tim farron’ (the guardian online, 31 august 2016) accessed 18 march 2019; ‘ftse 100 down as investors shun “laughing stock” https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/cbp-8155/cbp-8155.pdf https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/cbp-8155/cbp-8155.pdf https://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/written-questionsanswers-statements/written-statement/commons/2017-11-23/hcws267 https://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/written-questionsanswers-statements/written-statement/commons/2017-11-23/hcws267 https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/aug/31/brexit-vote-nigel-farage-making-uk-laughing-stock-abroad-timfarron https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/aug/31/brexit-vote-nigel-farage-making-uk-laughing-stock-abroad-timfarron https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/aug/31/brexit-vote-nigel-farage-making-uk-laughing-stock-abroad-timfarron 8 prompted michael gove, environment secretary and prominent euro-sceptic, to appear on national radio to further emphasise the government’s commitment to animal welfare and also to make the wider point that there is, in the government’s view, an erroneous widespread assumption that parliament cannot do better than the eu on a host of issues, from worker’s rights to environmental protection and in this case the maintenance of animal welfare.7 he urged the people to ‘trust’ the domestic democratic process to surpass the standards that the eu has mandated in this sector. as a first step a draft animal welfare (sentencing and recognition of sentience) bill 2017 was produced and consulted on between december 2017 and january 2018. a short period given the intervening christmas period when minds are not necessarily wholly focussed on draft legislation. nevertheless, the department for environment, food and rural affairs (defra) has responded to the consultation and made some changes to the bill consequent on that.8 chiefly those are around sentience being fully recognised in the new law and longer potential sentences. these proposals will be discussed further below. ‘the best way to find out if you can trust somebody is to trust them’ if the environment secretary wishes voters to believe that animal sentience will be fully enshrined in post brexit uk statutes, then a full analysis of uk law to date will be needed. ernest hemingway’s quote has much to commend it but an alternative, if less poetic, approach, at least where politics and law making are concerned, is to research past performance to establish whether the trust mr gove wishes to rely on in this specific context, is warranted. a study was already underway at de montfort university (dmu) into the very point gove touched on, the uk after theresa may’s brexit deal defeat’ (skynews online, 16 january 2019) accessed 18 march 2019; ‘“a complete humiliation”, a “crushing defeat” and brextinction: global media reacts to brexit vote’ (cnbc news online, 16 january 2019) accessed 18 march 2019. 7 michael gove mp, speaking to john humphries on ‘the today programme’ of 24 november (bbc radio 4, 2017). 8 defra, ‘response to consultation of the draft animal welfare (sentencing and recognition of sentience) bill 2017’ (defra, 2018) accessed 22 march 2019. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law https://news.sky.com/story/ftse-100-down-as-investors-avoid-the-uk-after-theresa-mays-brexit-deal-defeat-11608654 https://news.sky.com/story/ftse-100-down-as-investors-avoid-the-uk-after-theresa-mays-brexit-deal-defeat-11608654 https://news.sky.com/story/ftse-100-down-as-investors-avoid-the-uk-after-theresa-mays-brexit-deal-defeat-11608654 https://www.cnbc.com/2019/01/16/global-media-reaction-to-theresa-may-brexit-vote.html https://www.cnbc.com/2019/01/16/global-media-reaction-to-theresa-may-brexit-vote.html https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/draft-animal-welfare-sentencing-and-recognition-of-sentience-bill-2017 https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/draft-animal-welfare-sentencing-and-recognition-of-sentience-bill-2017 the denning law journal 9 extent to which, if at all, the uk legal landscape recognises the emerging and accelerating understanding of animals as sentient beings. events in parliament currently unfolding throw into sharp relief what has always been true in a democracy, the draft of a bill may bear almost no relation to the act which is eventually presented for royal assent, so the production of such draft legislation specifically on animal sentience does not negate the need for this paper. it merely provides a further line of enquiry. all of this does mean however that this is an auspicious time to be writing about the findings of the socio-legal and doctrinal research in the dmu study. this paper sifts that research and analyses the extent to which uk law to date has kept up with animal welfare concerns to date, in an effort to weigh the current government’s assertion in the balance. can the parliament really lead the way in protecting animals as sentient beings, based on past performance? further, if there is a problem, is it limited to the legislature? narrowing the scope of the study the dmu study began from the premise that from an eco-centric or bio-centric point of view,9 society owes a moral, indeed, a practical obligation to uphold the principle of animal welfare and this is especially apparent when considering the position of domestic animals. this does not dismiss that there are those who espouse the anthropocentric, mainly biblically derived, view that animals are here to serve us, and their needs are wholly secondary to those of god and humankind.10 however, to consider that viewpoint as equal would require a discourse as to whether animal welfare needs to be considered at all and that is outside the scope of this paper. while many people have the humanity to be kind, considerate and sensible towards animals, there are others who do not, and even among animal lovers there is inconsistency as to what constitutes appropriate behaviour towards other creatures. a vegetarian, a vegan and a meat lover might each claim to be in favour of high standards of animal welfare for instance, yet vehemently disagree on the degree to which animal produce might rightly be consumed by humans. this is why animal welfare law needs to be clear, consistent and enforceable to maintain a humane yet pragmatic level of protection to animals. this legislation will always have to steer a middle course and will be unlikely to be acceptable to all. however, this paper argues that there is currently no such consistency and clarity in the law, 9 for an explanation of how these concepts impact on law making and law breaking, see tim newburn, criminology (2nd edn, routledge 2007) 903–904. 10 see, for instance, psalm 8:6-8 niv. 10 as written, or perhaps more crucially, as applied. the proposed legislation is now put under a similar scrutiny as well. a wider study could have taken into account wild animal welfare issues like hunting controversies, the farming industry, conservation, zoos, scientific experimentation and so on, but this research was limited to domesticated animals for reasons of manageable scope. these animals have a largely predetermined destiny before they are born, especially those that are in the food chain like hens, cattle and pigs. in the twenty-first-century uk the population is overwhelmingly two or more ‘generations away from the land’ and thus views nature and the animal kingdom in an increasingly abstract way having had little contact with real flora and fauna.11 this is compared to a much greater proportion of the population who in our agrarian past would have had to directly work the land. this can lead to a disconnect between the animal seen in image form or described in words and the reality of the constituent parts of that animal found in a packet of frozen sausages or in a bucket of fried chicken. the term ‘nature deficit disorder’12 has been coined to describe the negative effects of an increasingly urbanised, mechanised and cyber-based life. the animals we have the most contact with are domesticated, tame and mostly kept as pets. for stibbe, society distances itself from what is reality through its choice of language. humans are murdered; animals on the other hand are slaughtered. when, therefore, the term slaughtered is used referring to humans, it is intended to underpin the abhorrent and immoral nature of the action when applied to humans. a further example is the terms used to describe meat in terms other than those directly identifying the animal, poultry rather than chicken, beef rather than cow for example. this distances the individual from what is reality.13 ‘how animals are socially constructed influences how they are treated by human society … [c]ultural constructs determine the fate of animals’.14 these cultural constructs are in turn ‘intimately bound up with language and discourse’.15 it is true therefore to say that this places the law in a difficult position, to enact new laws or amend existing ones there needs to at least an indication that a clear majority agreement that change is 11 richard louv, last child in the woods: saving our children from nature-deficit disorder (algonquin books 2005) 34. see also stephen moss, natural childhood report (national trust 2011). 12 ibid. 13 arran stibbe, ‘language, power and the social construction of animals’ (2001) 9(2) society & animals accessed 27 march 2017. 14 ibid. 15 ibid. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law https://www.animalsandsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/stibbe.pdf https://www.animalsandsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/stibbe.pdf the denning law journal 11 necessary. this sometimes occurs through the development of societal values in a much wider way, such as the now more common broader acceptance of same-sex relationships. sometimes a degree of subtle ‘engineering’, backed up by incremental changes in the law is necessary, the increasing social stigma attached to speeding and drink-driving and also smoking are examples of this. such a careful yet effective media and legislative programme as that which now restricts nicotine consumption has been far more productive than an outright ban would have been. it is therefore possible to similarly raise the perception of animals as sentient among a broader cross-section of the public and thus give further momentum to the changing social construction described above. there is no longer the need for each of us to capture and slaughter our own animals as they are already there in excess on supermarket shelves. paradoxically, our consumerism has had a huge detrimental impact on animals; our demand for cosmetics, furs, and entertainment has led to their abuse and to extinctions at an alarming rate; this is aided and abetted by the increasing tendency to view meat and animal products in abstract terms as discussed earlier. there is a growing reaction to this trajectory however and animals, particularly those domesticated, such as the horse, are no longer viewed as simply property owing to these changing social constructions. it may be fanciful to say there will be a day when society will look back and be dismayed at how we treated our animals now. still further that society may be unable to fathom that animals were viewed and kept as property. having said that, slavery and child labour were once social norms and are no longer considered acceptable and so there is a precedent for such a renewal. social constructionism justifying equines as a research focus considering that dogs are a so-called ‘(wo)man’s best friend’, this might justify concentrating on domesticated canines for this study and ‘archaeological evidence indicates that the dog was the first species of animal to be domesticated towards the end of the last ice age’.16 this paper does draw analogies from time to time with other domesticated species, such as with dogs, as appropriate too but the richer vein to be mined however was the wealth of social scientific evidence illuminating the unparalleled relationship between homo sapiens and equus ferus caballus. this is characterised by its longevity, cultural and social importance and enduring nature. at the heart of humankind’s unique relationship with many animals is centuries of domestication. in relation to equines, ‘research indicates 16 james serpell, the domestic dog, its evolution, behavior and interactions with people (cup 2002) 10. 12 that horses were first domesticated by the botai culture of kazakhstan around 6000–5500 bc’.17 the earliest horse remains were discovered in suffolk and sussex dating 700,000 bc and 500,000 bc, respectively.18 during these millennia, the horse as a social construct evolved and is still an evolving phenomenon. horses are no longer a source of industrial or agricultural power although even here their influence lingers on. james watt based his now commonplace measurement of power on the workhorse of the day as one ‘horsepower’ (hp) is the power required to lift 33,000 pounds by one foot in one minute’.19 equines do however occupy a special place in our collective psyche still. for social scientists, the horse, especially the elite competition animal, can even be categorised now as an ‘athlete’. gilbert,20 among others, has explored the social processes that have reclassified horses as athletes in equestrian sport.21 in this case exploring the sport pony as an athlete, based on work by latimer and birke22 it is not just changing the uses of the horse but also specific breeding practices that generate meanings around the identity of a specific type of horse. these changing uses are key though in that humans are now presented with the horse in art, culture and sport rather more than on the roads or in the fields working the land. these changing uses are in turn shaped by ‘evolving social structures’,23 much as other developing technology of all kinds tends to lead to change in human social interaction, take the internet and the smartphone as examples which have utterly transformed the ways that humans communicate and socialise. the language of horses qua athletes is now even prevalent in sporting regulations such as those of the fédération equestre internationale (fei) and in court of arbitration for sport (cas) arbitral awards in disputes over those regulatory provisions. a large swathe of these are animal welfare stipulations rather than ‘rules of the game’ and as an example, in one such case the court stated 17 ‘domestication history of horses’ (equine world uk, n.d.) accessed 20 july 2017. 18 david smith, only horses from wild (lulu press 2016) 7. 19 ben johnson, ‘the history of horses in britain’ (historic uk, n.d.) accessed 13 july 2017. 20 michelle gilbert and james gillett, ‘equine athletes and interspecies sport’ (2012) 47(5) international review for the sociology of sport, 634–635. 21 jonathan merritt, ‘“don’t look a gift horse in the mouth” – regulating for integrity, what equestrianism can learn from thoroughbred racing’ (2017) 16(3) international sports law journal, 202. 22 joanna latimer and linda birke, ‘natural relations: horses, knowledge, technology’ (2009) 57(1) the sociological review, 1–27. 23 ibid., 8. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law http://www.equineworld.co.uk/about-horses/domestication-history-of-horses http://www.equineworld.co.uk/about-horses/domestication-history-of-horses http://www.historic-uk.com/cultureuk/the-history-of-horses-in-britain http://www.historic-uk.com/cultureuk/the-history-of-horses-in-britain the denning law journal 13 that … ‘[a] central and distinctive feature of equestrian sport is that it involves a partnership between two types of athlete, one human and one equine’.24 animal welfare law is quintessentially about the relationship between humans and animals and the regulation of that interaction by the state. using predominantly the horse as the basis of the study makes sense because of just how nuanced the relationship between the species of human and horse actually is. the importance of the changes in the social construction of the horse cannot therefore be overstated for the propositions in this paper. the process of assimilating the horse into modern popular culture has involved a degree of anthropomorphosis and this extends down from the competition horse to the leisure animal. for example, cartoonists like norman thelwell25 have given the pony human expressions, found in many children’s books and on numerous greeting cards. likewise, animated horse characters in film and television routinely speak and express feelings. in keeping with this process, the equine characters’ faces are often drawn with distinctly human features. for instance, those horse characters found in animated films such as ‘one hundred and one dalmatians’,26 ‘sleeping beauty’27 and ‘tangled’28 are drawn with human eyes to the front of the face to enable human expressions and mannerisms to be exhibited. this process is a fundamental yet very subtle, influence on the way children socially construct the horse, this will very likely continue into adulthood as learned behaviour, further cementing the horse’s almost quasi-human place in culture. we have enormous interaction with marketing campaigns as adults as well. the budweiser clydesdales are not unknown in the united kingdom, but their media presence is undoubtedly greater in the united states where they are considered an ‘american icon’.29 the lloyds bank black horse is a familiar uk 24 cas 2012/a/2807 khaled abdullaziz al eid v fédération equestre internationale/ cas 2012/a/2808 abdullah waleed sharbatly v fédération equestre internationale [6.24]. 25 norman thelwell, b. 1923, d. 2004, illustrated and/or wrote around 40 titles, many featuring an overweight and recalcitrant pony and its frustrated or despairing young female rider, both being effectively human caricatures. 26 one hundred and one dalmatians (1961) directed by clyde geronimi, hamilton luske and wolfgang reitherman [film] usa: disney pictures corporation. 27 sleeping beauty (1959) directed by clyde geronimi, les clarke, eric larson and wolfgang reitherman [film] usa: disney pictures corporation. 28 tangled (2010) directed by nathan greno and byron howard [film] usa: disney pictures corporation. 29 see budweiser.com accessed 25 july 2017. some of the 250 budweiser clydesdales have pulled drays in two presidential inauguration celebrations. http://www.budweiser.com/clydesdales/history.html 14 high street sight, however. the bank’s television advertisements from as early as 1988 featured a trakehner stallion called downlands cancara filmed galloping at full speed across grassland before rearing and morphing into the familiar graphic logo.30 by 2015, the 250-year anniversary television campaign was featuring a range of black horses with actors in historical costume fighting fires, waging wars, ploughing fields, delivering milk and ultimately delivering therapy to a disabled rider. the company sought to draw parallels between the loyalty and importance of the horse to society and the same qualities displayed by the bank since its incorporation.31 budweiser wishes to associate the qualities of the clydesdale with its corporate values too. equines are in a slightly different position than other domesticated animals admittedly, not truly occupying the position of domesticated ‘pet’ and not being in the food chain by and large either. like farm animals, dependence on humans has become almost total and having been domesticated, the horse is dependent on nutrition and care provided by man. the horse requires large quantities of poorquality forage which is quite different from the lush sugary pasture that many modern horses have access to in the united kingdom, northern europe and modern north america.32 to avoid conditions like laminitis and equine metabolic syndrome, careful husbandry is required to the extent that the notion that a horse can simply be left to graze almost anywhere is quite misplaced.33 to some extent then, the relationship between humankind and horse has, from the point the horse first became a beast of burden, through to the mid-twentieth century at least, begun to approach the symbiotic. this is quite different from the hunter–prey correlation of prehistory. the horse has therefore been for some centuries reliant on man for its survival as a species and in turn has been pivotal in the development of humankind’s warfare, agriculture, industry, commerce and culture.34 this somewhat unique position in the animal kingdom presents us with our best candidate for a single species to provide a focus to consider the legal concept of animal sentience. 30 trademark uk00002563746. 31 lucy elder, ‘black horse returns to lloyds bank advertising campaign’ (horse and hound online, 29 june 2015) accessed 7 july 2019. 32 see, for instance, ‘starch, sugar and fructans: what are they and how important are they in diets for horses?’ in ‘the latest findings in laminitis research’ (2007), (the 1st waltham – royal veterinary college laminitis conference). 33 ibid. 34 merritt (n 23) 201–202. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law http://www.horseandhound.co.uk/news/lloyds-bank-black-horse-250-anniversary-advertising-campaign-500348 http://www.horseandhound.co.uk/news/lloyds-bank-black-horse-250-anniversary-advertising-campaign-500348 the denning law journal 15 what do we mean by ‘animal sentience’? to consider whether animal sentience is, or could be, adequately acknowledged in uk legislation, some clarity will be needed about the term. sentience is now widely recognised35 as being applicable to animals but what is it? this acknowledgement illustrates a change in our understanding, perhaps animals possess more similarities to humans than was previously thought. research has provided strong evidence that animals have subjective experiences, and that they can feel and/or perceive. in 2012, a number of prominent scientists gathered at the university of cambridge to sign the ‘cambridge declaration on consciousness’.36 part of the declaration reads as follows: …consequently, the weight of evidence indicates that humans are not unique in possessing the neurological substrates that generate consciousness. non-human animals, including all mammals and birds, and many other creatures, including octopuses, also possess these neurological substrates.37 the signing of the declaration is a clear indication that our previous conception of an animal’s cognitive ability is changing. in terms of horses, there have been a number of studies by researchers in human psychology38 into equine cognition. for instance, such as proops and mccomb have established that ‘cross modal’ individual recognition (using two or more senses interacting with each other) is not just a human only trait as previously believed. the researchers chose horses instead of other animals because of the unique relationship they have with our species, also rather underscoring the conclusions reached in the last section of this paper. they stated that ‘… the domestic horse is an ideal animal model for this 35 marc bekoff, ‘after 2,500 studies it’s time to declare animal sentience proven’ (op-ed), (live science, 6 september 2013) accessed 10 april 2017. 36 philip low and others koch (eds), the cambridge declaration on consciousness (2012) accessed 10 april 2017. 37 ibid. 38 see, for example, jessica lampe and jeffrey andre, ‘cross-modal recognition of human individuals in domestic horses (equus caballus)’ (july 2012) 15(4) anim cogn, 623–630; konstanze krueger and others, ‘horses (equus caballus) use human local enhancement cues and adjust to human attention’(march 2011) 14(2) anim cogn, 187– 201; yuki henselek, julia fischer, christian schloegl, ‘does the stimulus type influence horses’ performance in a quantity discrimination task?’ (2012) front psychol 3, 504. http://www.livescience.com/39481-time-todeclare-animal-sentience.html http://www.livescience.com/39481-time-todeclare-animal-sentience.html http://fcmconference.org/img/cambridgedeclarationonconsciousness.pdf 16 research because it has a complex social organisation and close relationship to man, making individual recognition of humans a highly functional ability’.39 certain jurisdictions are now beginning to explicitly use the term ‘sentience’ in their legislation; australasia and canada are two examples. in england and wales, there is welfare legislation in place that covers domesticated animals, but it is the current absence of explicit and clear recognition of animal sentience which brings into question whether the law effectively reflects this new hegemony and provides appropriate safeguards. this in turn does not tend to support michael gove’s exhortation to trust lawmakers to protect animal welfare adequately post-brexit. it is true that a draft bill on this very issue has been quickly published and consulted on, but it is important to be cautious about whether this will result in anything meaningful changing in relation to animal sentience as enshrined in the law. there follows an analysis of the main antecedents and drivers for the enactment of the animal welfare act 2006 (awa), and whether, 11 years on from its original enactment, it is proving to be an effective piece of legislation given the foregoing points. historical development of uk animal welfare law the current appreciation of animal sentience in this area, such as it is, has been long in the making. in 1635, ireland gave rise to the first animal welfare legislation, the act against plowing by the tayle.40 all of ireland was under british rule at the time and this is the first piece of domestic legislative protection for animals documented. the next significant change occurred in 1822, when richard martin mp successfully proposed the first more general piece of animal welfare legislation, an act to prevent the cruel and improper treatment of cattle.41 subsequently in 1824, the first animal welfare charity, the society for the prevention of cruelty 39 leanne proops and karen mccomb, ‘cross-modal individual recognition in domestic horses (equus caballus) extends to familiar humans’ (2012) proceedings of the royal society b, vol. 279 (1741), 3131. 40 jennifer maher, harriet pierpoint and piers beirne (eds), the palgrave international handbook of animal abuse studies (springer 2017) 2. thanks are also due to dr clare leon department of sociology, university college cork, eire for her paper ‘horses and the law – a comparative perspective’ at the ‘horses, society and the law: past, present and future’ conference, 11th april 2017, de montfort university, leicester, uk, which provided the stimulus for this part of the research. 41 ‘animal welfare’ (politics.co.uk, n.d.) accessed 31 august 2016. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law http://www.politics.co.uk/reference/animal-welfare http://www.politics.co.uk/reference/animal-welfare the denning law journal 17 to animals, was established, later becoming the royal society for the prevention of cruelty to animals (rspca) in 1840.42 other legislative advances emerged during the nineteenth century such as the pease’s act 1835. the act not only consolidated the legislation passed in 1822 but, inter alia, ‘the prohibition of cruelty was extended to dogs and other domestic animals, bear-baiting and cock-fighting was forbidden, and it insisted on better standards for slaughter-houses’.43 since then there have been a number of statutes such as the cruelty to animals act 1849 and 1876 and the protection of animals act 1911 (paa). the latter was ‘an act to consolidate, amend, and extend certain enactments relating to animals and to knackers; and to make further provision with respect thereto’.44 commentators consider that ‘[t]he 1911 act marks the beginning of contemporary legal attitudes to animals’45 as it combined recent developments and specifically made certain acts against animals, offences of ‘cruelty’. this is important for this paper because synonyms for ‘cruel’ include ‘inhuman’, ‘wicked’, ‘evil’ and ‘spiteful’ among many other similar terms. it goes without saying that it is not possible to be these things towards something that cannot feel or perceive. one can be cruel to a hamster but even in our enlightened age, not to bacteria or tapeworm for example. under the act it was an offence to: …cruelly beat, kick, ill-treat, over-ride, over-drive, over-load, torture, infuriate, or terrify any animal, or…cause any unnecessary suffering, or, being the owner, permit any unnecessary suffering to be so caused to any animal.46 prison and fines were included as sanctions in this legislation as well.47 the paa was an advancement in that it combined existing legislative provisions from the previous century, updated them and formed a single piece of legislation that covered domesticated and captive animals. nevertheless, for radford, the ‘… 1911 act is something of a dichotomy. on the one hand, it represents continuity … on the other, it can be seen as a break with what had gone before …’48 this is because 42 ‘our history’ (rspca, n.d.) accessed 31 august 2016. 43 ibid. 44 protection of animals act 1911, long title. 45 simon brooman and deborah legge, law relating to animals (cavendish 1997) 50. 46 protection of animals act 1911, s 1. 47 ibid. 48 mike radford, animal welfare law in britain regulation and responsibility (oup 2001) 88. https://www.rspca.org.uk/utilities/aboutus/history 18 well-organised lobbying since 1822 had steadily increased the protection from the law afforded to animals. animal welfare law continued to be developed throughout the twentieth century, with the introduction of further legislation such as the pet animals act 1951, riding establishment acts 1964 and 1970 and the welfare of animals at slaughter act 1991. however, the most significant piece of legislation to date is the animal welfare act (awa) 2006. the animal welfare act 2006 – an overview the awa is the only statute to date where the concept of animal sentience is even mentioned. the act expressly repealed the paa and received royal assent on the 8th november 2006,49 coming fully into force by the 8th april 2007. the parameters of the legislation were ambitious, being ‘… the first review of pet law in 94 years … the [awa] combined more than 20 pieces of legislation into one’.50 this strengthened the position under the paa as it introduced new offences and placed new duties onto the owner. one significant difference is that the awa is designed to be proactive, allowing action to be taken before the animal has suffered, unlike the reactive approach of the paa. s.1(1) awa defines its scope, ‘… in this act, except subsections (4) and (5), “animal” means a vertebrate other than man’.51 importantly for this paper, the explanatory notes refer to animals as ‘sentient beings’; however, this does not legally recognise them as such, since these notes simply explain the reasoning behind the statute. nevertheless, the notes equate being a vertebrate with being ‘sentient’52 and therefore, capable of feeling or experiencing pain and/or suffering and it is possible to extend the definition to include invertebrates under s.1(3)(a) should the need arise. there are important exceptions to the awa’s application however, s.58(1) states, ‘… nothing in this act applies to anything lawfully done under the animals (scientific procedures) act 1986 (c.14)’53 unless it transpires that the licensing procedures under that act have not been complied with. furthermore, s.59 expressly excludes fishing from the awa.54 49 animal welfare act 2006, explanatory notes. 50 ‘animal welfare act ethics guide’ (bbc online, n.d.) accessed 1 august 2016. 51 animal welfare act 2006, s 1(1). 52 ibid., explanatory notes, s 1, note 11. 53 ibid., s 58(1). 54 ibid., s 59. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/animals/overview/latest.shtml http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/animals/overview/latest.shtml the denning law journal 19 the awa and horses the act places the onus of care onto the owner or keeper of a horse to ensure that the animal’s basic welfare needs are met.55 while this demonstrates the government’s recognition that there is a need for further law on this point, it is important to note that the awa does not impose a duty of care on an owner but instead simply a duty. this is key because a duty is simply a responsibility; a duty of care is a legal obligation, a point to which this paper will return. s.9 awa was incorporated to encourage the promotion of animal welfare, s.9(2) sets out an owner(s) or keeper(s) duties in relation to that animal. it is a criminal offence under s.9(1)56 if the welfare needs of an animal for which a person is responsible are not met. the provisions outlined under s.9(2) are the minimum standard an owner or keeper should aspire to. this includes the need for: (1) a suitable environment, and (2) diet, (3) to be able to exhibit normal behaviour patterns, (4) to be housed with, or apart from, other animals (as appropriate), and (5) to be protected from pain, suffering, injury and disease.57 in equine specific terms, this would normally mean one horse per stable of at least minimum measurements. it would require at least around one acre of grazing per animal in a herd environment but separated from overly aggressive horses as necessary and adequate veterinary and farrier care. these five needs, given a statutory footing by the awa have their origins in the report of the technical committee to enquire into the welfare of animals kept under intensive livestock husbandry systems 1965, otherwise known as the brambell report.58 this work identified that ‘… an animal should at least have sufficient freedom of movement to be able without difficulty, to turn around, groom itself, get up, lie down and stretch its limbs’.59 subsequently, what became the farm animal welfare council (fawc) incorporated the concepts of the brambell report, resulting in the ‘five freedoms’.60 although originally concepts 55 ‘animal welfare guidance’ (defra, 2013) accessed 1 august 2016. 56 animal welfare act 2006, s 9(1). 57 ibid., s 9(2)(a)–(e). 58 roger brambell, report of the technical committee to enquire into the welfare of animals kept under intensive livestock husbandry systems (her majesty’s stationary office 1965). 59 ibid., 84. 60 ‘five freedoms’ (farm animal welfare council, 1979) accessed 15 august 2016. https://www.gov.uk/guidance/animalwelfare https://www.gov.uk/guidance/animalwelfare http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20121007104210/http:/www.fawc.org.uk/freedoms.htm http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20121007104210/http:/www.fawc.org.uk/freedoms.htm 20 used in relation to intensive farming, these freedoms are now applied to all animals. issues of concern regarding the animal welfare act 2006 even though animal sentience is cited in the margins of the awa, the overall position of the concept is more complicated to analyse. the position in this paper is that there have been significant failures with animal welfare legislation which concern all three branches of government, not just the way that the awa was drafted when it passed through parliament. in november 2016, it was revealed by a coalition of veterinary organisations that two-thirds of pet owners are unaware of their pets’ legal welfare needs.61 this is a cause for concern given the number of all animals currently kept as pets, which in 2016 was estimated to be 57 million.62 turning to equines, the world horse welfare and eurogroup for animals released a report in 2015 into the estimated numbers of equines within europe. the number thought to be in the united kingdom was just under 800,000.63 that said it is notoriously difficult to accurately determine the number of equines in europe as these kinds of surveys have standard deviations of up to 60%.64 this in itself is a welfare concern as a major plank of any coherent welfare regime is an accurate census. animals not accounted for are obviously at risk of falling outside the reach of the law. under the awa, a person will be found to be in breach of their duty ‘if he does not take such steps as are reasonable in all the circumstances to ensure that the needs of an animal for which he is responsible are met to the extent required by good practice’.65 the case of r (on the application of the royal society for the prevention of cruelty to animals) v c from 2006 provides guidance in respect to ‘reasonableness’. the rspca brought forward a prosecution under the old paa. 61 ‘uk pets at risk as two-thirds of owners unaware of welfare needs’ (british veterinary association (bva), 2016) accessed 4 november 2016. 62 ‘pet population 2016’ (pet food manufactures association, n.d.) accessed 4 november 2016. 63 ‘removing the blinkers’ (world horse welfare, n.d.) accessed 13 july 2017. 64 rhys evans and celine vial (eds), the new equine economy in the 21st century (wageningen academic press 2016) 19. 65 animal welfare act 2006, s 9(1). ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law https://www.bva.co.uk/news-campaigns-and-policy/newsroom/news-releases/uk-pets-at-risk-as-two-thirds-of-owners-unaware-of-legal-welfare-needs https://www.bva.co.uk/news-campaigns-and-policy/newsroom/news-releases/uk-pets-at-risk-as-two-thirds-of-owners-unaware-of-legal-welfare-needs https://www.bva.co.uk/news-campaigns-and-policy/newsroom/news-releases/uk-pets-at-risk-as-two-thirds-of-owners-unaware-of-legal-welfare-needs http://www.pfma.org.uk/pet-population-2016 http://www.pfma.org.uk/pet-population-2016 http://www.worldhorsewelfare.org/removing-the-blinkers http://www.worldhorsewelfare.org/removing-the-blinkers the denning law journal 21 the rspca argued on appeal, ‘the test of reasonableness should be confined, so that it is applied objectively, and that any subjective element should be resisted as being outside the relevant test’.66 the judges nevertheless rejected this argument upholding the court’s original ruling that the defendant’s age and position within the home should be considered in respect to accountability. this does accord with a general move away from a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach to a more subjective view found in other areas of criminal law.67 the jurisprudence in this particular area is not however a model of clarity: in terms of s.9(1) awa, ‘all the circumstances’ of the case may then include taking account of factors such as age, level of responsibility that can be expected, animal welfare knowledge and so on, and these factors can be and should be taken into account by the court when presiding over a case. however, in the 2013 case of r (on the application of gray and another) v aylesbury crown court it was held on appeal that under the awa 2006 ‘s.9(1) set a purely objective standard of care which a person responsible for an animal was required to provide’.68 both judgements formally conclude that s.9(1) is an objective standard that is to be met but leave a question mark over how subjectively that can be applied. this is important for this paper because a court determining the level of care required for a horse, if it is to have subjective elements, would have to take into account the vast disagreements there are about what is and is not acceptable in the keeping and training of horses. traditional cowboy methods including those used for breaking, castrating and branding69 would be viewed with horror in the english riding sector. even within that latter discipline there has been much debate about the use of such as the rollkur method of training which involves excessive forced bending of the neck to achieve a classical shape.70 further, bare foot trimming has its advocates but is treated as cruelty by the rspca if carried out to a certain degree.71 66 [2006], 1069, (admin) ewhc (qb). 67 see, for instance, r v g and another [2003] ukhl 50, [2004] ac 1034, where caldwell objective recklessness was rejected as the standard in criminal damage cases, the defendants in this case were children. 68 [2013], 500 (admin) ewhc (qb). 69 william steinkraus, the horse in sport (macdonald orbis ltd 1987) 178–201. see also current proposals to eject the western riding discipline of reining from fei governance over welfare concerns across the entire sport; pippa cuckson ‘fei set to eject the discipline of reining at the end of 2019’ (horse canada website, 2019) accessed 15 july 2019. 70 ‘“blue tongue” rollkur dressage video row escalates’ (horse and hound online, 2009) accessed 15 july 2019. 71 see, for instance, the conviction of ben street on 2nd october 2014, in stafford https://horse-canada.com/horse-news/fei-set-eject-reining-end-2019 https://horse-canada.com/horse-news/fei-set-eject-reining-end-2019 http://www.horseandhound.co.uk/dressage/blue-tongue-rollkur-dressage-videorow-escalates-291211 http://www.horseandhound.co.uk/dressage/blue-tongue-rollkur-dressage-videorow-escalates-291211 22 however, if the standard were objective then reference would need to be had to what might be described as ‘industry standards’. this is relatively straightforward with dogs and cats as there is a raft of laws and regulations to be met when running a kennels or cattery. the animal boarding establishments act 1963 regulates animal accommodation. the act provides that an establishment must have the required license attained from the local authority72 and can be subject to inspection.73 in stark contrast, there is no legislation currently in place to regulate the creation and operation of a livery yard. this is as distinct from a riding establishment where instruction on riding, often on a commercial basis, is given, these are regulated by such as the animal welfare (licensing of activities involving animals) (england) regulations 2018. the lack of regulation of liveries has been a problem area for equine welfare commentators for some time, ‘[t]here is currently no requirement for livery yards to be licensed in any way, and the standard of care at diy yards has been a growing cause for concern’.74 some years on from this statement, the following is typical of the local authority approach. ‘[l]ivery yards … do not require licensing [but] … are currently being considered for local authority licensing and should this become a requirement in the future, [council policy] will be amended accordingly’.75 having an unregulated system allows scope for abuse as in practical terms, without licensing there is no system of recording the number of livery yards, the addresses, the proprietors or their backgrounds. among other things, this presents the potential of a biohazard concern. highly contagious outbreaks such as ‘strangles’76 and the equine influenza outbreak that briefly, and yet expensively, paralysed uk horse racing in 2019,77 are harder to contain if there is no system of inspection in place that liaises magistrates court. charges were brought under s 4(1) and 9(1) awa 2006 by the rspca with the support of the farriers’ registration council. the charges related to the trimming of horses’ hooves during mr street’s normal occupation as a ‘barefoot trimmer’, an alternative to a registered farrier for trimming hooves although not for affixing shoes, etc. 72 animal boarding establishments act 1963, s 1. 73 ibid., s 2. 74 ‘defra pressed to support yard licensing’ (horse & hound online, 2006) accessed 2 july 2017. 75 ‘north hertfordshire district council animal licensing policy’ (nhdc, 2013) accessed 2 july 2017. 76 streptococcus equi ssp equi. 77 frank keogh, ‘equine flu: british horse racing meetings cancelled because of equine flu outbreak’ (bbc sport online, 2019) accessed on 19 march 2019. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law http://www.horseandhound.co.uk/news/defra-pressed-to-support-yard-licensing-82430 http://www.horseandhound.co.uk/news/defra-pressed-to-support-yard-licensing-82430 https://www.north-herts.gov.uk/sites/northherts-cms/files/animal_licensing_policy.pdf https://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/horse-racing/47152882 https://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/horse-racing/47152882 the denning law journal 23 with local veterinary practices and identifies high-risk areas. the awa would apply to the individual owners of the horses who reside on the property and the proprietor regardless of the enforcement of a license. however, failing to have a system to license an establishment through an administrative body means that it cannot be clear whether the correct standards of the act are being complied with. in summary, if there are comparatively few controls other than town planning, applicable to opening and running a livery, no mandatory local authority inspections or licensing procedures and no oversight other than through entirely voluntary accreditation with the british horse society, then there are therefore no appreciable ‘industry standards’ to adhere to. thus, it is difficult to see how even an objective test for standard of care, such as that under the awa, never mind one that has nebulous subjective elements, is effective with respect to equines. what is a ‘duty’ in this context? whether animal sentience is or is not centrally placed in uk animal welfare legislation is only part of the story, however. as mentioned earlier in this paper, having sidestepped statutory enshrinement of the concept of animal sentience as its centrepiece, the awa relies on the concept of a ‘duty’ placed on the human concerned in relation to the order of life that is his or her responsibility. this is an interesting and telling choice of words. two to three percent of the population is vegetarian or vegan all the time78 and an undetermined number are ‘meat reductionists’ or self-styled ‘pescatarians’ who will only eat seafood in addition to vegetarian products. this produces an obvious paradox for parliament as animal welfare legislation must take account of the fact that the ultimate violence of death must be legal in a largely omnivorous society. the manner of that death is a sensitive subject, so bound up is it with cultural mores and religious belief. in point of fact the eu definition of animal sentience would not itself satisfy all sides in that debate as it implicitly makes allowance for ritual slaughter methods, mandating: …full regard to the welfare requirements of animals, while respecting the legislative or administrative provisions and customs of the eu countries relating in particular to religious rites, cultural traditions and regional heritage.79 78 ‘facts and figures’ (vegetarian society uk, n.d.) accessed 20 march 2019. 79 article 13 of title ii, lisbon treaty which came into force in 2009. https://www.vegsoc.org/info-hub/facts-and-figures https://www.vegsoc.org/info-hub/facts-and-figures 24 there is after all much greater variance in views in the debate on the nature of animal rights80 than there is about the nature of human rights. this may well be why the act was drafted with the vague notion of ‘duty’, imprecise even with its guideline principles in s.9(2) in place. in contrast, in queensland, australia however, the animal care and protection act 2001 clearly identifies who the legislation pertains to and uses specific wording. it explicitly states that a person in charge of an animal owes a duty to it and that they must not breach that duty,81 implying a full ‘duty of care’ much more familiar to common lawyers. elsewhere in english law the position is binary, either a duty of care exists, or it does not. there is famously a test for it in tort in donoghue v stevenson,82 developed in caparro v dickman83and if it is not found no liability ensues, no matter how poorly the defendant has treated the claimant. there are a severely limited number of situations in criminal law where a duty of care will be held to have been in existence when an accused has failed to act, in neglect cases predominantly. examples include where there is a parent or guardian relationship such as in gibbons v proctor84 and where a certain degree of responsibility has been assumed by taking steps, however ineffectual, to care for someone as in r v stone and dobinson.85 there is no ‘good samaritan’ law in the united kingdom so if no duty exists, in law, if not in moral terms, a person can stand by and not intervene, even to prevent death, without sanction. the position in the awa is much more indeterminate and therefore ineffectual. this is likely to reduce its deterrent effect as well. there are ways in which the rules of statutory interpretation give the courts the ability to develop an unclear or inadequate statutory position. in sweet v parsley86 mens rea was inserted into a statute where none had been drafted, r v allen87 is a good example of the ‘golden rule’ remedying a defective statutory provision, and in r v bentham88 the court interpreted firearms legislation purposively to overcome an anomaly in an act. furthermore, the courts have long 80 jonathan merritt, regulating sport for the non-human athlete: horses for courses (lexington books 2019) 96; and see tom regan, ‘the case for animal rights’ in susan armstrong and richard botzler (eds), the animal ethics reader (routledge 2003). 81 animal care and protection act 2001, s 17(1–2). 82 [1932] ukhl 100. 83 [1990] ukhl 2. 84 (1918) 13 cr app rep 134. 85 [1977] 1 qb 354. 86 [1970] ac 132. 87 (1872) lr 1 ccr 367. 88 [2005] ukhl 18. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law the denning law journal 25 been using ‘intrinsic aids’ to interpretation, which would include the explanatory note where the word ‘sentience’ is found in the act, to assist with interpreting the ethos behind the rest of the legislation. these methods could very well have been used to give effect to the concept of the animal as sentient in case outcomes since the tfeu came into force but have not as yet been employed. the problem discussed above is compounded by further ambiguities in the act. as an example, in s.4, regarding the prevention of harm, the term ‘unnecessary suffering’ is found. this must be a subjective term, as any objective measure of ‘unnecessary suffering’ is not easy to arrive at. there is some clarity on the scope of this term from the rspca annual prosecution report 2009, which records that an owner received a written caution under s.4 for failure to follow veterinary advice in respect to their obese canines. the report states that ‘[o]wners now have a legal responsibility to feed and exercise their pets properly’.89 this also makes clear that the scope of ‘unnecessary suffering’ is beyond simply intentional physical abuse, but also includes harm caused indirectly, or accidently through lack of knowledge. this document hardly has the status of a legal precedent though. in respect of horses however, there can be marked disagreement over what constitutes an underfed or overfed horse other than in very extreme cases. this is because of the nature of their diet, seasonal grazing patterns and a lack of consistency regarding acceptable condition across the 8090 or so horse sport disciplines in the world. to one person a horse may be in ‘show condition’ but to another, it is verging on the obese and risking laminitis.91 this subjectivity does not help the cause of promoting consistent standards of equine welfare. enforceability of the act the awa’s enforceability provides another difficult issue when determining whether animal sentience is adequately considered in law. currently there is no specific body or organisation that is under a statutory duty to enforce the awa. s.51 imposes a discretionary duty upon national and local authorities to appoint ‘inspectors’. ‘the rspca exercises its right to act as private prosecutor under s.6 (1) of the prosecution of offences act 1985. it is responsible for over 90% of 89 prosecutions department annual report (rspca, 2009). 90 a number which may seem surprising but see for instance william steinkraus, the horse in sport (macdonald orbis ltd 1987). 91 see also n 34, a foot condition often brought on by the horse being overweight through grazing on too much lush sugary pasture. 26 prosecution activity on animal welfare issues’.92 that leaves 10% of prosecutions being brought by local authorities, the crown prosecution service (cps), and other private individuals. prosecutions brought in respect to animal cruelty under s.4 (unnecessary suffering), s.8 (fighting etc.) and s.9 (duty of the person responsible) are triable only summarily.93 there is also the option under s.33(1) to deprive the owner of their animal,94 and finally under s.34(1) an owner can be disqualified from ownership for a specified period of time.95 given the potential severity of outcome, a criminal conviction albeit in the magistrates court, and the consequences for the animal, the rather hotchpotch arrangements for who is to prosecute, is unsatisfactory. this position is indeed criticised by the wooler report 2014, in which it is stated that: the only strategy, such as it is, seems to be an ongoing assumption by the state that it can opt out of responsibility for the implementation and enforcement of animal protection legislation…because both the obligation and the cost will be picked up by the rspca.96 this presents a further issue as not-for-profit organisations such as the rspca do not have the resources to consistently investigate, enforce, regulate and prosecute under the act. the report itself was after all in response to heavy criticism of the rspca for their private prosecution costs. this is another particular concern for those concerned with the health and welfare of horses because the rspca is barely coping with the number of complaints it has to process regarding companion animals and the space and expertise required to deal with equine cases is difficult and expensive to procure.97 it is the organs of the state that owe a responsibility to effectively enforce legislation which has been enacted. given the above points it is fair to say that the state has so far failed to uphold animal welfare principles and law as effectively as 92 ‘enforcement of the animal welfare act’ (parliamentary website, 2016) accessed 11 march 2017. 93 animal welfare act 2006, s 32(1). 94 ibid., s 33. 95 ibid., s 34(1). 96 stephen wooler, the independent review of the prosecution activity of the royal society for the prevention of cruelty to animals’ (rspca 2014) 42 accessed 26 may 2019. 97 merritt (n 82) 32 and n 58 therein. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmselect/cmenvfru/117/11709.htm https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmselect/cmenvfru/117/11709.htm https://www.rspca.org.uk/webcontent/staticimages/downloads/woolerreviewfinalsept2014.pdf https://www.rspca.org.uk/webcontent/staticimages/downloads/woolerreviewfinalsept2014.pdf the denning law journal 27 it could. this is true because firstly, as this paper has pointed out, the legislative process has failed to accommodate the changing social construction of animals, including in particular horses, as sentient in the drafting of that law. secondly, it is a contradiction to have legislation enacted by parliament when there is a real lack of consistency and clarity regarding enforcement. thirdly there are difficulties in bringing cases because of the ambiguities in the drafting of the act. it is not the first time these issues have been raised. the royal college of veterinary surgeons (rcvs) carried out a ‘post-legislative scrutiny 2010 consultation process’, within that work, significant issues were indicated surrounding the enforcement of the awa. for example: … local authority enforcement teams tend to be small and resources are increasingly stretched, meaning that carrying out in-depth investigations into breaches of the act can be difficult. furthermore, constraints on police time can result in investigations into animal welfare offences taking second place to investigations into other offences.98 nearly a decade on from this, the same issues still arise because the effects of the global financial crisis and successive uk administrations that have prioritised fiscal restraint in public finances have not helped. in fact, written evidence by mike radford, dr fiona cooke and professor sheila crispin to the environment, food and rural affairs parliamentary sub-committee, published in 2016 highlighted that, ‘a significant proportion (just under 40% in england (just under 35% in great britain)) of local authorities had failed to appoint any inspectors under the authority of s.51.99 in respect of those authorities which had made appointments, their effectiveness was also questioned in this evidence as only 17% in england (11% across the whole united kingdom) of these authorities had inspectors dealing with welfare cases on a daily basis. these figures are a clear indication that lack of a statutory duty to enforce automatically places the awa as a low priority issue for local authorities, who will be on tight budgets. in the chancellor of the exchequer’s spring 2019 statement there was some signalling of 98 response of the royal college of veterinary surgeons, (rcvs), letter dated 6th september 2010, animal welfare act 2006 post-legislative scrutiny, 2010 consultation process. 99 ‘evidence of dr fiona cooke, bsc (hons) ma law; professor shelia crispin, ma vetmb bsc phd dva dvophthal dipecvo frcvs; mike radford, obe llb’ (parliament website, 2016) accessed 11 march 2017. http://data.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/committeeevidence.svc/evidencedocument/environment-food-and-rural-affairs-subcommittee/animal-welfaredomestic-pets/written/30660.pdf http://data.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/committeeevidence.svc/evidencedocument/environment-food-and-rural-affairs-subcommittee/animal-welfaredomestic-pets/written/30660.pdf http://data.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/committeeevidence.svc/evidencedocument/environment-food-and-rural-affairs-subcommittee/animal-welfaredomestic-pets/written/30660.pdf 28 a loosening of the public purse strings enabled by lower borrowing forecasts and higher than expected tax receipts in january.100 any feeling that the worst of ‘austerity’ is over however must be tempered by the likely short-term effect of brexit on the economy, something the chancellor himself acknowledged. thus, the likelihood is that the tightening of resources centrally will continue for some time to come. this has the potential to be a circular issue as low prosecution levels could lead to higher offending and reoffending. we should turn next to whether the sentencing guidelines adequately reflect the emergent societal conception of the animal as sentient. sentience and sentencing… the maximum punishment that can be imposed for a s.4 or s.8 offence under the awa is a £20,000 fine and/or six months imprisonment101 and for a s.9 offence it is a level 5 fine and/or six months imprisonment.102 the starting point for – ‘attempt to kill/torture; animal baiting/conducting or permitting cock-fighting etc.; prolonged neglect’ – is 18 weeks imprisonment with a maximum of 26 weeks103 with the usual discount for a guilty plea. an offender may also be subject to a deprivation of ownership, or disqualification of ownership order104 at the discretion of the magistrates or judge. it is not intended to enter into a discussion about whether the severity of sentences is in fact a deterrent; the relationship between harsh punishment, deterrence and recidivism generally is a hotly disputed one among penologists.105 that said, on the assumption that severity of punishment should match the severity of the crime, these are not particularly harsh punishments. it does not appear that these sanctions take into account the evolving recognition of the animal’s sentience, and rather reflects their traditional status as property instead. in fact, england and wales have some of the most lenient sentencing guidelines globally in this area. as an example, in louisiana the maximum sentence for animal cruelty offences is 100 ‘spring statement 2019: what you need to know’ (gov.uk, 13 march 2019) accessed 20 march 2019. 101 ‘animal cruelty’ (sentencing council, 24 april 2017) accessed 31 march 2019. 102 ibid. 103 ibid. 104 ibid. 105 newburn (n 11) 677–701. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law https://www.gov.uk/government/news/spring-statement-2019-what-you-need-to-know https://www.gov.uk/government/news/spring-statement-2019-what-you-need-to-know https://www.sentencingcouncil.org.uk/offences/magistrates-court/item/animal-cruelty-revised-2017 https://www.sentencingcouncil.org.uk/offences/magistrates-court/item/animal-cruelty-revised-2017 the denning law journal 29 10 years imprisonment,106 in latvia and northern ireland it is five years, in italy it is three years’ incarceration.107 it is difficult to understand why the uk jurisdiction is at the more lenient end of the spectrum given that as a nation, we are quick to profess being animal lovers. the awa explanatory notes contain the term ‘sentient’, and although not legally binding it is a concept that the legislators have clearly recognised and this acknowledgement could have been reflected in the sentencing guidelines notwithstanding the word’s absence from any actual legislative provision. furthermore, irrespective of the repeal that is taking place and the discussion in this paper on that, eu law had and has primacy to date.108 although the act predates the lisbon treaty, the sentencing guidelines are another matter as they can be regularly updated. as such, they represent a missed opportunity to incorporate the tenets of article 13 tfeu from the point of it coming into force onwards. these sentencing guidelines represent a failure in terms of historic compliance with eu law as well in that case. additionally, given the current impossibility of predicting the post-brexit legal landscape, that failure may be a continuing one if eu law still has some role to play after the united kingdom leaves the bloc. in 1911, at the time of the paa, the concept of sentience was not yet recognised, there was no duty of care imposed upon the owners of animals, and the five needs of an animal were not paramount either. despite this, the sentencing under the paa is equivalent to, if not more severe than it is under the awa. this is so because of the possibility of ‘hard labour’.109 this type of punishment is no longer a possibility in the uk penal system,110 but the salient point is that over 100 years ago, the legislators considered it an appropriate sanction given the severity of the crime. this will have been intended to influence public attitude to animal welfare and raise its importance. it is not suggested here that hard labour should be reintroduced to the uk penal system but with the absence of this aspect of the sanction, and its intended deterrence effect, there should be something to replace it. either the term of incarceration or the possible fines should increase dramatically 106 chapter 1 s.102.1 b. (1)(4) louisiana cruelty to animals statutes. 107 ‘sentencing for animal cruelty: the arguments for an increase’ (rspca, 2017) accessed on 26 march 2019. 108 european communities act 1972, s 2(4); r (factortame ltd) v secretary of state for transport (no 2) [1991] 1 ac 603. 109 protection of animals act 1911, s 1. 110 however, many jurisdictions, including some in the united states, do still use a form of ‘chain gang’ in their penal systems. http://politicalanimal.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/sentencingbriefing-1.pdf 30 to send an equivalent or clearer signal. without this, the level of sentencing for cruelty to animals has not significantly changed between 1911 and 2006 and in some respects, may be viewed as less appropriate. given the lack of agreement about the deterrence effect of so-called ‘tough sentencing’, an alternative would be a presumption in favour of very lengthy bans on the keeping of any animal, not just equines and a presumption for the maximum amount of community service.111 this to be served irrespective of the inconvenience or financial hardship it might impose. this lack of progression flies in the face of our increased understanding of animals as sentient creatures. this new recognition should mean the enforcement of the ‘five needs’ warrants a more severe sanction than that which existed under the paa, albeit within modern sentencing constraints and the human rights act 1998. the draft bill does include a provision to increase the sentences available to the courts under the awa: (2) in subsection (1) (penalty for offence under section 4, 5, 6(1), 6(2), 7 or 8 of the animal welfare act 2006), for the words from ‘on summary conviction’ to the end substitute “— (a) on summary conviction, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 51 weeks, or to a fine, or to both; (b) on conviction on indictment, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 5 years, or to a fine, or to both. this is a welcome development of course, but it remains to be seen whether this provision survives parliamentary debate. there is also no guarantee that this bill will get parliamentary time at all, as one of the outcomes of the current impasse in the house of commons over brexit generally is a general election. even if enacted as drafted, the research this article is based on makes it clear that the problem may be as much in the application of the law as it is in how it is legislated. the awa disqualification of ownership order (doo) presents a problem as well. there is a question as to who ensures that it is not breached. anti-social behaviour orders (asbos) and their modern incarnation, the injunction to prevent nuisance and annoyance (ipna)112 incur prison sentences if they are not complied with. there is, however, a far greater chance that such breaches will be reported by human victims. the victim in the case of the doo would be the animal acquired in defiance of the prohibition, who would be quite voiceless. in addition, with an 111 this has undergone many changes in nomenclature, ‘community payback’, ‘community punishment order’ being just two. 112 anti-social behaviour, crime and policing act 2014, s 1. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law the denning law journal 31 ipna, the police will easily have access to a record that an order is in place and can act accordingly. a person walking down the street with a dog on a lead or even more so, having an equine on pasture they have rented will not in and of itself so readily attract a report from a concerned citizen. this is unless there is personal knowledge, held by the person reporting, about any such disqualification. animals require humans to enforce the order on their behalf; they are self-evidently quite unable to do so themselves. the irony is that humans engaged in a noisy party or having an excess of trash in a garden are more likely to face enforcement action than the breach of an awa doo. despite the fact that such a breach puts a sentient being at risk of actual harm rather than just alarm, harassment or distress. as an example of this very problem, in beverley magistrates court on 5 august 2016, a defendant ‘was already serving an 18-month ban on owning and keeping horses and dogs for similar offences and causing unnecessary suffering to two horses, [but] ignored the court order and continued to neglect animals with complete disregard for the law’.113 the defendant was sentenced to 20 weeks in prison, with an ownership ban of horses for a period of 10 years, and a doo for the horses previously in her care.114 justice was perhaps done in this case, but it also serves to highlight that there is likely to be a significant ‘dark figure’ in criminal statistics regarding those who flout awa orders and are not discovered. there is a clear and present need for a mechanism to regulate those who have been convicted of animal-related offences. one argument that has been put forward is for an animal abuser registry, similar to that for registered sex offenders. this would allow for identification of abusers and prevent them from obtaining animals in defiance of a ban. it would also put animal abuse on a par with abuse against other sentient beings, i.e. humans. for sweeney, ‘at present the perverse position is we rely on the criminal convicted of cruelty to animals to refrain from further abuse of animals. that is akin to trusting a drunk driver to voluntarily refrain from alcohol’.115 sweeney himself calls for a register to monitor proven offenders. this is of obvious benefit to animal welfare but also because there is every possibility that these offenders’ 113 sarah radford, ‘dealer who flouted horse keeping ban jailed for neglect’ (horse and hound online, 2016) accessed on 12 september 2016. 114 dan bean, ‘horse dealer jailed for neglect’ (york press online, 2016) accessed 26 march 2019. 115 noel sweeney, ‘why we need an animal abuser registry?’ (shensmith barristers, n.d.) accessed 26 march 2019. http://www.horseandhound.co.uk/news/dealer-flouted-horsekeeping-ban-jailed-neglect-588059 http://www.horseandhound.co.uk/news/dealer-flouted-horsekeeping-ban-jailed-neglect-588059 http://www.yorkpress.co.uk/news/14673521.horse_dealer_jailed_for_neglect__two_more_sentenced http://www.yorkpress.co.uk/news/14673521.horse_dealer_jailed_for_neglect__two_more_sentenced http://www.yorkpress.co.uk/news/14673521.horse_dealer_jailed_for_neglect__two_more_sentenced https://www.shensmithbarristers.co.uk/direct-access-barristers/noel-sweeney 32 mindset could lead to cruelty to humans.116 this is an area which is clearly of public concern as in 2016, over 500,000 people signed a petition for the introduction of an animal abusers register after a particular case of cruelty came to light117. such a registry was a recommendation put to the government during a review of the awa, specifically it was stated that, ‘it is very difficult to track those who have been banned from keeping animals. an accessible register could play an important role in protecting animals and prevent abusers from accessing animals’.118 the current position of simply expecting offenders to refrain from reoffending or relying on chance reports from concerned and informed citizens is surely untenable. animals and their status as property this study has already mooted the problem that hitherto the underlying legal principles in animal welfare legislation owe more to their historical perception as tangible property than they do to any concept of consciousness and sentience. as property, horses and other animals in england and wales do not possess legal personality, this in turn prevents animals from being capable of holding legal rights per se. this may be unsurprising in a capitalist society as particularly in terms of horses that property value can be considerable. champion racehorses fetch eye-watering sums and can even have their own media career119 which in turn provides further income for the owner on top of potential stud fees and the like. even in less popular equestrianism, the figures can be jaw-dropping and top-level competition horses can be so valuable they are often owned by a syndicate.120 none of this helps the welfare position though the high levels of care these horses get are a reflection of their monetary value, not their position as sentient 116 see clifton flynn, ‘examining the links between animal abuse and human violence’ (2013) 55(5) crime law and social change, 453–468. 117 elsa vulliamy, ‘half a million sign petition to introduce animal cruelty register after “worst ever” attack on dog chunky the chihuahua’ (independent online, 2016) accessed 11 march 2017. 118 ‘animal welfare in england: domestic pets’ (the environmental, food and rural affairs committee, 2016) accessed 11 march 2017. 119 for instance, australian champion racehorse black caviar featured on the front cover of vogue australia, december 2012 issue. 120 for example, london 2012 team gb’s gold medal winning dressage mount valegro was to be sold for at least a reported £3m but for a change of heart by the syndicate. see ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/half-a-million-sign-petition-to-introduce-animal-cruelty-register-after-attack-on-chihuahua-a6886186.html http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/half-a-million-sign-petition-to-introduce-animal-cruelty-register-after-attack-on-chihuahua-a6886186.html https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmselect/cmenvfru/117/11709.htm https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmselect/cmenvfru/117/11709.htm the denning law journal 33 beings. there is a significant problem in the united kingdom with racehorses that fall into neglect or are slaughtered121 once their winning potential, and thus their value, is gone. there are a number of pieces of legislation applied to animals as property, such as the consumer rights act 2015, theft act 1968 and theft act 1978. an animal may also be classed as property capable of being ‘damaged or destroyed’ under the terms of the criminal damage act 1971. in this respect, cps guidance states, ‘a charge of criminal damage may be appropriate in the event of the death or injury of an animal owned by someone other than the defendant’.122 indeed, brooman and legge go so far as to say, ‘…[t]he treatment of animals as property without rights is a common feature of the law relating to animals: an abuse of an animal is an abuse of the human interest in the animal concerned’.123 current legislation places animals within the same category as an inanimate object; this flies in the face of the recognition of animals as sentient beings. the seeds of this anthropocentric approach are found in the very earliest development of english and welsh law: in the beginning of the world, we are informed by holy writ, the all-bountiful creator gave to man ‘dominion over all of the earth; and over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth’. this is the only true and solid foundation of man’s dominion over external things, whatever airy metaphysical notions may have been started by fanciful writers upon this subject. the earth, therefore, and all things therein, are the general property of all mankind, exclusive of all other beings, from the immediate gift of the creator.124 it is worth quoting this passage in full as it also demonstrates a resistance to new ideas about the place of animals in the wider ecosystem, justified by a ‘carl hester hopes to keep dressage horse valegro in uk’ (bbc sport online, 2012) accessed 21 march 2019. 121 the british thoroughbred retraining centre (btrc) is perhaps the best known of many racehorse re-homing charities that exist because of this very problem, accessed 31 march 2019. 122 ‘charging standard in relation to dangerous dog offences and offences involving domestic and captive animals’ (the crown prosecution service (cps), n.d.) accessed 26 march 2019. 123 brooman and legge (n 47) 50. 124 ibid., 51. http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1971/48/contents http://www.britishtrc.co.uk http://www.britishtrc.co.uk https://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/equestrian/20780618 http://www.cps.gov.uk/legal/d_to_g/offences_involving_domestic_and_captive_animals http://www.cps.gov.uk/legal/d_to_g/offences_involving_domestic_and_captive_animals 34 somewhat fundamentalist interpretation of christian teachings still not unknown today. in a survey of pastors into why animal rights do not feature in church sermons very much, the responses, ‘animals do not have souls’, ‘humans have dominion’ and ‘mercy does not apply to animals’, are perhaps most striking.125 as the vociferous debate over such as trophy hunting, fox hunting and bull fighting shows, many humans still feel a sense of entitlement over animals. furthermore, historically the common law has regarded and given the greatest protection to: … those animals designated as useful, and the least protection to those ferae naturae. useful animals [e.g., horses, cattle and sheep] are regarded as having intrinsic value, and are given the same protection as is given to goods; but, at common law, animals of a base nature are not regarded as property to the extent of being subjects of larceny, nor could a criminal action be brought for maliciously killing an animal of a base nature [e.g., dogs and cats].126 for francione, ‘animals are regarded merely as a means to human ends, which means that the law embodies the instrumentalist view of animals’.127 more recently, however, societal attitudes have developed and evolved in respect to many controversial issues, away from the biblical position, particularly in relation to capital punishment, child labour, lgbtq rights and same-sex marriages. these changes reflect the increasingly secular nature of our society and an appetite for change. on a practical level, commentators are questioning the wisdom of an entirely anthropocentric approach to environmental regulation. this is why so much concern is expressed about the backward steps regarding climate change, environmentally damaging projects like oil pipelines and the protection afforded such as wild mustangs, taken by the current us administration.128 such 125 ‘evangelical spirituality and animal ethics’ (sarx.org.uk. n.d.) accessed on 21 march 2019. 126 frank childs, principles of the law of personal property, chattels and choses (forgotten books 1914) 35–36; see also david favre, ‘living property: a new status for animals within the legal system’ (2010) marquette law review 1026. 127 gary francione, rain without thunder: the ideology of the animal rights movement (temple university press 1996) 25. 128 oliver milman, ‘trump’s alarming environmental rollback: what’s been scrapped so far’ (the guardian online, 2017) accessed 1 september 2017. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law https://sarx.org.uk/articles/christianity-and-animals/evangelical-spirituality https://sarx.org.uk/articles/christianity-and-animals/evangelical-spirituality https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2017/jul/04/trump-emvironmental-rollback-epa-scrap-regulations https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2017/jul/04/trump-emvironmental-rollback-epa-scrap-regulations the denning law journal 35 activity is criticised as unsustainable and eco-centrism or even biocentrism being advocated as an alternative driver for law making.129 redgwell, however, does not quite go that far and seeks to simply water down anthropocentrism but for the same reasons, he advocates, ‘… a more diluted anthropocentrism which recognises the interrelatedness and interdependence of the natural world of which human beings form a part’.130 taylor goes further though, proposing to extend moral status from humans to nature as a whole, stating that each individual has inherent worth. for taylor, ‘from the perspective of a life-centred theory, we have prima facie moral obligations that are owed to wild plants and animals themselves as members of the earth’s biotic community. we are morally bound (other things being equal) to protect or promote their good for their sake’.131 anthropocentrism and biocentrism occupy extreme ends of the spectrum. as a result, each creates different problems if fully adopted. although society might not currently be in a position to adopt the ethics of biocentrism fully, our ability to start to recognise the need for a symbiotic relationship of mutualism to emerge, as opposed to our previous, almost parasitic, relationship demonstrates our willingness to develop. our historical approach is one of a patchwork of law relying in theme at least, on religious texts as a foundation. this means that it is necessary to consider our past failings to avoid having a similarly patchwork future in respect of animal, and for this paper, equine welfare. adopting a realist approach though, as around 97–98% of the uk population are meat eaters,132 adopting a strict biocentric stance could result in hostile opposition. for now, the acceptance of a diluted version of anthropocentrism may be the best way forward. one solution, which is realistic in this way, but takes account of the movement towards constructing animals as sentient more widely, would be to recognise a new category of property – ‘living property’. enhanced protection for animals is unlikely to occur until animals are no longer recognised simply as personal property. laws can eventually change to match evolving social constructs, the decriminalisation of homosexual acts in the united kingdom being one illustrative example. it is especially difficult at this time to tell whether the new draft bill on welfare and animal sentience will ever get to be the change that is needed. at time 129 newburn (n 11). 130 catherine redgwell, ‘life, the universe and everything: a critique of anthropocentric rights’ in allan boyle and micheal anderson (eds), human rights approaches to environmental protection (clarendon press 1996) 71. 131 paul taylor, ‘the ethics of respect for nature’ (1981) 3(3) environmental ethics 199. 132 see also (n 78) further, according to the nhs, only 2% of the uk population is vegetarian, see ‘vegetarian health’ (nhs, n.d.) accessed on 1 september 2017. http://www.nhs.uk/livewell/vegetarianhealth/pages/goingvegetarian.aspx http://www.nhs.uk/livewell/vegetarianhealth/pages/goingvegetarian.aspx 36 of writing, the government is still in open conflict with the house of commons over the direction of brexit133 and a general election is a very real possibility in the near future. the journey towards a new legal status for animals – a comparative view attitudes towards animals, their legal and social status and sentience are changing worldwide. this has had a tangible effect on animal welfare law in other countries. the explicit recognition of animals as sentient is evident in a number of jurisdictions. in 2015 the new zealand government, ‘formally recognised animals as “sentient” beings by amending animal welfare legislation’.134 a year later, canadian legislation in the province of quebec acknowledges that ‘animals are not things. they are sentient beings and have biological needs’.135 canada having previously enacted the justice for animals in service act (quanto’s law) 2015. ‘this enactment amends the [canadian] criminal code to better protect law enforcement animals, military animals and service animals and to ensure that offenders who harm those animals … are held fully accountable’.136 this act provides a maximum prison sentence of five years with a mandatory minimum term of six months if the animal is killed. the wording of the act is wide, covering enforcement, military and service animals, many of which are police and military parade horses. this enactment came after a police dog which, during the course of his duties, was stabbed to death in 2013. the first charge under quanto’s law was brought in august 2016 after the assault of a police dog. this demonstrates that although these animals’ status is not considered akin to that of their handlers, it is acknowledging that their status should be regarded as higher than that of personal property. in the united kingdom, 133 shebab khan, ‘brexit news – live: general election looms as theresa may calls cabinet talks after mps leave her eu exit plan in chaos’ (independent online, 25 march 2019) accessed 25 march 2019. 134 sophie mcintyre, ‘animals are now legally recognised as “sentient” beings in new zealand’ (independent online, 2015) accessed 4 october 2016. 135 ‘quebec bill calls animals ‘sentient beings’ and includes jail time for cruelty’ (cbs news online, 2015) accessed 4 october 2016. 136 justice for animals in service act (quanto’s law) 2015. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/c-46 https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/brexit-news-live-theresa-may-vote-result-deal-latest-updates-a8839781.html https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/brexit-news-live-theresa-may-vote-result-deal-latest-updates-a8839781.html http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/australasia/animals-are-now-legally-recognised-as-sentient-beings-in-new-zealand-10256006.html http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/australasia/animals-are-now-legally-recognised-as-sentient-beings-in-new-zealand-10256006.html http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/australasia/animals-are-now-legally-recognised-as-sentient-beings-in-new-zealand-10256006.html http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-bill-calls-animals-sentient-beings-and-includes-jail-time-for-cruelty-1.3102399 http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-bill-calls-animals-sentient-beings-and-includes-jail-time-for-cruelty-1.3102399 the denning law journal 37 members of parliament debated the initiation of similar legislation in the house of commons on the 14th november 2016. this was prompted by an e-petition which was signed by 126,877137 people. the petition text read, ‘i propose that uk police dogs and horses be given protection that reflects their status if assaulted in the line of duty…’138 the government response to the debate is interesting, part of it reads: … it is unpalatable to think of police animals as ‘equipment’ as is inferred by the charges of criminal damage. this does not seem to convey the respect and gratitude police and public feel for the animals involved and their contribution to law enforcement and public safety. the government has therefore agreed to explore whether there is more that the law should do to offer the most appropriate protections to police animals and all working animals.139 it is possible therefore that something resembling quanto’s law might be enacted for england and wales. the same route that sarah’s law took, regarding a paedophile register, having been initiated by public concern similar to that which lead to meghan’s law in the united states on the same issue.140 there are encouraging signs in the written ministerial statement that prefaces the draft animal welfare (sentencing and recognition of sentience) bill 2017. michael gove commits that ‘[m]y proposed increased maximum penalties will also apply to convictions relating to attacks on service animals, including guide dogs, police and military dogs’.141 137 ‘police dogs and horses’ hansard, volume 617 (hansard, 2016) accessed 15 november 2016. 138 ibid. 139 ‘petition to give same status to police dogs and horses as police officers’ (petition. parliament.uk, 10 april 2017) accessed on 15 november 2016. 140 ‘sarah’s law’ protects more than 200 children in first year’ (gov.uk, 4 april 2017) accessed 31 march 2019. 141 ‘written ministerial statement, the draft animal welfare (sentencing and recognition of sentience) bill 2017’ (gov.uk, 2017) accessed 25 march 2019. https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2016-11-14/debates/d856fcae-9ef4-49cf-99a0-af5f379bef94/policedogsandhorses https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2016-11-14/debates/d856fcae-9ef4-49cf-99a0-af5f379bef94/policedogsandhorses https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2016-11-14/debates/d856fcae-9ef4-49cf-99a0-af5f379bef94/policedogsandhorses https://petition.parliament.uk/petitions/168678?reveal_response=yes https://petition.parliament.uk/petitions/168678?reveal_response=yes https://www.gov.uk/government/news/sarahs-law-protects-more-than-200-children-infirst-year https://www.gov.uk/government/news/sarahs-law-protects-more-than-200-children-infirst-year https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/666576/draft-animal-welfarebill-171212.pdf https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/666576/draft-animal-welfarebill-171212.pdf https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/666576/draft-animal-welfarebill-171212.pdf 38 conclusion with a definite focus on the equine population of this country, this paper was written as a direct response to the environment secretary michael gove’s plea for us to ‘trust’ the uk parliament to legislate effectively to protect animal welfare, specifically with better recognition of the emerging concept of animal sentience. in november 2017, the definition of animal sentience in article 13 tfeu was deliberately left out of the legislation designed to repeal the eca 1973 and the brexit process has rumbled on during the intervening 18 months or so before this paper was written. trust in british politicians seems to be currently below even its usual low level as even the prime minister has castigated parliament for ‘indulging’ itself over brexit for far too long, criticising ordinary mps generally rather than the usual target, the opposition.142 nevertheless, the most methodologically sound approach to address gove’s words is to look at how the united kingdom has protected animal welfare historically, irrespective of eu law, as a guide for the future. there followed a historical and comparative analysis and a consideration of the extent to which the most current animal welfare legislation takes account of the changing social construction of animals as sentient beings, using equines as a specific and detailed example. the inclusion of sentience as an accepted concept in the explanatory notes to the awa is a welcome step. that appears to be the extent to which the new social construction is acknowledged in legislation and by the courts enforcing the act. there is the new draft animal welfare (sentencing and recognition of sentience) bill 2017 which could place the concept of sentience firmly in the statute books, but its fate is far from certain at a time of political turmoil over brexit more generally that is absolutely unprecedented in this country. further, this study has concluded below, what the law is enacted to say is only part of the problem. the sentencing guidelines in animal cruelty cases post-date the lisbon treaty and there is ample scope therefore for these to give effect to article 13. however, on the face of it they are unduly lenient if one is dealing with a sentient being as a victim. they do not even seem to accord with the severity found under the old paa 1911, much less chime with the approach of other jurisdictions. there is little cohesion or symmetry in the arrangements for prosecutions to be brought either, given that there is no statutory body to enforce the act. further, there are a number of serious ambiguities in the legislation as drafted that hinder the protection of animal welfare. chief among those is the absence of a clear duty of care and a test 142 ‘brexit: “tired” public needs a decision, says theresa may’ (bbc news online, 2019) accessed 21 march 2019. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-47647515 the denning law journal 39 for it together with a lack of certainty around how repeat offenders would be managed. instead the legislation owes more to a social construction of animals as property, placing usefulness at a premium at that. equines are at particular risk because of the paucity of regulation surrounding commercial boarding at livery when compared to the stringent controls on catteries and kennels. furthermore, the chances of a member of the public noticing a welfare transgression or a defiance of a doo in a rural area are much lower than in a densely populated urban area where companion animals are more likely to be found. finally, the lack of public funding which still continues as we emerge from ‘austerity’ is likely to be compounded by brexit itself so the voluntary sector will continue to bear the brunt of the cost. this is considerable when taking into consideration investigations, rescue, rehabilitation and prosecutions. unfortunately, while not doubting the commitment and effort in the third sector, the actors there, such as the rspca, are woefully under-resourced as well. to summarise the conclusions of this study then; there is now wide recognition of animal sentience both in the populations of england and wales and abroad. there is not only scientific evidence on this but also acknowledgement by united kingdom and other legislators of the importance of this term. in the awa, this acknowledgement stopped short of being enshrined in statute. the law so far has therefore not gone far enough to reflect the enormous changes in the social construct of the animal since the nineteenth century. commentators agree that language is vitally important for shaping public attitudes and a key chance was missed to have such an influence for the better in 2006. the draft bill is a welcome step but is at too early a stage, and the political landscape too uncertain, to herald this as some sort of new dawn yet. there are failings in all three branches of government regarding animal welfare and the awa; these may yet hinder the effectiveness of the new law if passed as well. in addition to the inadequate drafting of the act there is a failure in enforcement, with only 17% of authorities having inspectors to deal with animal welfare cases on a daily basis.143 courts have also failed to find an adequate interpretation of the duties imposed in the act on those people performing animal husbandry. there are various methods of statutory interpretation which have been used to address poor legislative drafting in other criminal provisions, but no such effort has been made to acknowledge the animal as a sentient being by doing so in relation to the awa. 143 cooke and others (n 101). ‘animal welfare in england: domestic pets’ (gov.uk, 2016) accessed 11 march 2017. https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmselect/cmenvfru/117/11709.htm https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmselect/cmenvfru/117/11709.htm 40 for most, individuals choose to take on a position of responsibility when caring for an animal; it is a position of trust and an obligation. for others, ‘… a good law, in the end, becomes an educational device, which, if it works properly, eventually vitiates the need for its own existence by creating a new culture in the regulated population’.144 the problem is the awa is not good law, it fails to recognise the animal as a sentient being, other than paying ‘lip service’ to the idea it fails to create or encourage a new type of property, ‘living property’, which would place animals in a new category, enhance their welfare protection and help to educate those in society that are not yet alive to the new social construction of animals. in short, based on the findings of this study and paper, mr gove may find the trust he seeks in short supply. as this paper has demonstrated, the problem does not lie just with parliamentary drafting. as yet there is still time for a start to be made with new legislation post-brexit. that, as things stand, may be a long way off though. there is a wider moral issue, however, consider the refugee crises, the widening of the gap between the rich and the poor and the ever-depleting resources given out for human health and welfare by government. western society needs to look hard at how it protects the ‘vulnerable and voiceless’ of all species. after all, ghandi was clear that the greatness of a nation and its moral progress could be judged by the way its animals are treated.145 144 bernard rollin and michael rollin, ‘dogmaticisms and catechisms: ethics and companion animals’ in susan armstrong and richard botzler (eds), the animal ethics reader (2nd edn, routledge 2008) 550. 145 widely attributed to mahatma gandhi. ‘show me your horse and i will tell you who you are’: brexit, a chance to acknowledge animal sentience in law human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 106 denning law journal 2015 vol 27 pp 106-129 lord denning, magna carta and magnanimity simon lee lord denning‘s assessment of magna carta at its 750th anniversary has stood the test of half a century: ―the greatest constitutional document of all times—the foundation of the freedom of the individual against the arbitrary authority of the despot‖. 1 his longer, but still succinct, article for the times for the same anniversary has not been bettered. 2 yet at the time of magna carta‘s 800 th anniversary we have lost sight of two other works of lord denning which could make a distinctive contribution to our current constitutional debates. whereas lord neuberger has linked the real magna carta to the fictitious holy grail in an entertaining lecture 3 on law and myth, for legal scholars the holy grail is a long lost text or case. an earlier essay 4 identified the links between the opening clause of magna carta 1215 and s 13 of the human rights act 1998 as worthy of rediscovery. this article presents two further candidates: a neglected lecture on borrowing from scotland 5 by lord denning in 1961 and a neglected court of appeal decision in 1975 applying magna carta, in which lord denning presided as master of the rolls, r v secretary of state for the home office, ex p phansopkar. 6 between them, they can fellow of st edmund‘s college, cambridge, emeritus professor of jurisprudence, queen‘s university belfast, and visiting professor of law, university of buckingham. with thanks to james lee, james slater, the editor and anonymous reviewers. 1 lord denning, quoted by successors as master of the rolls, lord bingham and lord dyson, the latter in robin griffith-jones & mark hill (eds) magna carta, religion and the rule of law (cambridge university press 2015). 2 lord denning, reprinted in the family story (hamlyn, london 1982) 229. 3 lord neuberger, magna carta and the holy grail, lincoln‘s inn, 12 may 2015, https://www.supremecourt.uk/docs/speech-150512.pdf 4 lee, ‗the cardinal rule of religion and the rule of law‘ in robin griffithjones and mark hill qc (eds), magna carta, religion and the rule of law (cambridge university press 2015) 314-333. 5 lord denning, borrowing from scotland, 26 th david murray foundation lecture, university of glasgow, 5 may 1961, printed by jackson, son & co, printers to the university, 1963. 6 r v home secretary, ex p phansopkar (1976) 1 qb 606. the denning law journal 107 offer refreshing insights into contemporary constitutional controversies. the main focus here, after drawing attention to the lecture on borrowing from scotland, is the phansopkar case‘s use of magna carta. it is instructive to see how magna carta has been used in practice, between its 750 th and 800 th anniversaries and well ahead of the human rights act 1998. it is also salutary to consider some of those involved in the case, their earlier lives and what happened next. finally, and briefly, i attempt to link these two seemingly disparate parts of lord denning‘s legacy. there is no mention of magna carta in the lecture and no mention of scotland in the magna carta case (or in magna carta itself because it was, of course, a foreign country at the time) but forging connections between them is a way of drawing lessons for our wider constitutional controversies. in 2015, the 800 th anniversary of magna carta coincides with a new conservative government in westminster pledging to ―control immigration‖ and proposing three significant constitutional changes which were in its manifesto: english votes for english laws, in the aftermath of the 2014 referendum rejecting independence for scotland; a second referendum on membership of the european union, the first having been in 1975; and a british bill of rights to replace the human rights act 1998. 7 the last of these is already proving problematic and has been delayed, with no commitment on timing in the queen‘s speech. 8 one common theme is the desirability, or undesirability, of external influences on the legal system of england and wales, whether from scotland or brussels or luxembourg or strasbourg. through various misunderstandings, the different concerns have been conflated into a distrust of ―european‖ judges or other law-makers from outside this legal system. supporters of the european convention and its incorporation have not helped. the 1997-2001 labour government promoted the human rights act under the slogan bringing rights home and then rights 7 https://www.conservatives.com/manifesto. 8 contrast the detail in the queen‘s speech of the first two with the third: my government will bring forward changes to the standing orders of the house of commons. these changes will create fairer procedures to ensure that decisions affecting england, or england and wales, can be taken only with the consent of the majority of members of parliament representing constituencies in those parts of our united kingdom. my government will renegotiate the united kingdom‘s relationship with the european union and pursue reform of the european union for the benefit of all member states. alongside this, early legislation will be introduced to provide for an in-out referendum on membership of the european union before the end of 2017 [eu referendum bill]… my government will bring forward proposals for a british bill of rights. lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 108 brought home) as if it were a good thing for rights to be ―at home‖, as if rights were not at home from 1215 and as if rights were now not to be resolved on the continent. now the conservative government is trying both to ―scrap‖ the human rights act and to rely on much the same argument (note the title of a think tank report, rights brought back home 9 ) that we should bring rights home into a british bill of rights. yet the erstwhile supporters of that very process have become so attached to the human rights act 1998 that they are now vehemently against whatever it is that the government thinks it will achieve for (or against) human rights. whether or not the past can be deemed a foreign country 10 for these purposes, it is similarly instructive to question whether there is and should be a place in the contemporary constitution for magna carta, not just as a part of what walter bagehot called the ―dignified‖ constitution but also as a working part of the ―efficient‖ constitution. bagehot did not dwell on magna carta in his own book on the english constitution. 11 neither did rfv heuston mention magna carta in his essays on constitutional law. 12 leo amery‘s thoughts on the constitution 13 did not involve many thoughts on magna carta, merely passing mentions. will magna carta be forgotten once the 800 th anniversary celebrations are over, only to languish until its 900 th and 1000 th anniversaries? or can its renewed application, whether in its own right or as part of a new british bill of rights, be a fitting legacy from the mass of lectures, exhibitions and other events this year? compared to bagehot‘s dignified language about the dignified constitution, lord sumption, an historian turned lawyer and now a supreme court justice, has been blunt about over-exuberant celebrations of magna carta by lawyers in the run-up to the 800 th anniversary. 14 he dismisses pious praise of magna carta as ―high-minded tosh‖ and is scathing about relying for the rule of law on rich barons: ―do we need to 9 see also the foreword by lord hoffmann to a report for the independent think tank policy exchange http://conservativehome.blogs.com/files/px-bringingrights-back-home.pdf 10 lp hartley, the go-between (penguin 1953): the opening sentence reads: ‗the past is a foreign country; they do things differently there.‘ 11 walter bagehot, the english constitution (oxford 2001). 12 rfv heuston, essays in constitutional law (london stevens and sons ltd 1961). 13 leo amery, thoughts on the constitution (oup 1947). 14 lord sumption, ‗magna carta then and now‘, address to the friends of the british library, 9 march 2015, https://www.supremecourt.uk/docs/speech150309.pdf the denning law journal 109 derive our belief in democracy and the rule of law from a group of muscular conservative millionaires from the north of england, who thought in french, knew no latin or english, and died more than three quarters of a millennium ago? i rather hope not.‖ this could be described as a bit rich from someone whose own robust approach could itself count as ―muscular‖ 15 and ―conservative‖ 16 and whose success at the bar has been widely reported to have made him a millionaire, 17 albeit not one from the north. lord sumption could not possibly have been criticising lord neuberger‘s lecture 18 on magna carta and the holy grail because that came later and indeed praises lord sumption‘s analysis. the president of the supreme court, lord neuberger, tells us he was ―somewhat taken aback‖ to be told, by his judicial assistant, 19 that the rapper jay z has an album with magna carta in its title (magna carta holy grail). he confessed to not understanding why the album title referred to magna carta: ―listening to the music, digesting the lyrics, and reading its wikipedia entry leave me little wiser as to why the album has the title that it does, but i suppose that when it comes to subtle allusions, rap-singers may have it over judges.‖ quite so. this could be a metaphor for our times, that whilst judges know who the beatles were, 20 they think they 15 on his muscular approach as a qc, see various accounts of his actions when representing the foreign office, writing to lord neuberger to press for a paragraph in a judgment to be redacted, eg http://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/feb/10/binyam-mohamed-tortureannotated-letter. 16 on his conservative approach to judging, see sir stephen sedley‘s scathing critique of lord sumption‘s critique of sir stephen sedley and other more radical, activist judges, ‗judicial politics‘, london review of books 23 february 2012, http://www.lrb.co.uk/v34/n04/stephen-sedley/judicial-politics. 17 the daily telegraph estimated his earnings at the bar as £2m pa http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/law-and-order/7207378/profile-of-qcat-centre-of-binyam-case.html, the daily mail at £3m pa http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1263225/binyam-mohamed-legaltorture-case-cost-taxpayers-750-000.html and the sunday times at £8m for one case. www.thesundaytimes.co.uk/sto/news/uk_news/society/article1121765.ece. 18 lord neuberger (n 3). 19 hugh comber (n 3). 20 the legal journalist marcel berlins doubts that any judge really asked this, or did not know, even if the same newspaper attributes it in its obituary columns to judge james pickles, without citing a particular occasion. see http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2007/may/21/uk.law http://www.theguardian.com/law/2010/dec/22/judge-james-pickles-dies http://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/feb/10/binyam-mohamed-torture-annotated-letter http://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/feb/10/binyam-mohamed-torture-annotated-letter http://www.lrb.co.uk/v34/n04/stephen-sedley/judicial-politics http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/law-and-order/7207378/profile-of-qc-at-centre-of-binyam-case.html http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/law-and-order/7207378/profile-of-qc-at-centre-of-binyam-case.html http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1263225/binyam-mohamed-legal-torture-case-cost-taxpayers-750-000.html http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1263225/binyam-mohamed-legal-torture-case-cost-taxpayers-750-000.html lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 110 can also understand modern music (or law) by listening and staring at accompanying texts without appreciating context, subtext and underlying culture. lord neuberger gives no hint of having grasped that jay z‘s real surname is carter and that the music millionaire formerly known as shawn carter was having fun in praise of himself (great carter, get it?). 21 more seriously, there is something lacking in lord neuberger‘s approach in his lecture to assessing the importance of magna carta in modern courts. despite having been one of lord denning‘s successors as master of the rolls, lord neuberger ignored the court of appeal in considering the impact of the 1215 charter by just searching the on-line database bailii for house of lords or supreme court decisions which mentioned magna carta in the last 120 years, finding only ten. 22 he thus missed the case which i have in mind as a way of commemorating magna carta and which merits consideration of how it might be applied in years to come, r v secretary of state for the home office, ex p phansopkar from 1975. so far bailii is comprehensive below our highest court only from 1996, only featuring earlier court of appeal judgments if attention is drawn to a landmark decision. phansopkar deserves that accolade. the supreme court justices lecturing on magna carta 23 have not mentioned this phansopkar case. more generally, they and others have been lecturing on the wider constitution 24 and even the union 25 without addressing the lecture by lord denning. the danger of anyone offering an alternative view on magna carta is, as lord sumption claimed, that ―it is impossible to say anything new about magna carta unless it is mad.‖ 26 even then, he suspects someone else will have said it. i have already offered a different perspective on magna carta. although dismissed as peripheral, s 13 of the human rights act 1998 is an extended version of magna carta‘s first clause on freedom of religion. 27 section 13 is now being mentioned as significant in the government‘s deliberations on its manifesto commitment to replace the human rights act with a british 21 lee (n 4) 320. 22 neuberger (n 3). 23 neuberger (n 3) and sumption (n 14). 24 neuberger, hale https://www.supremecourt.uk/docs/speech-150205.pdf reed http://www.innertemple.org.uk/downloads/members/lectures_2013/lecture_reed_ 2013.pdf 25 most egregiously, lord sumption, even when giving a lecture to the denning society on this disunited kingdom: england, ireland and scotland, 5 november 2013, https://www.supremecourt.uk/docs/speech-131105.pdf 26 sumption (n 14). 27 lee (n 4). https://www.supremecourt.uk/docs/speech-150205.pdf http://www.innertemple.org.uk/downloads/members/lectures_2013/lecture_reed_2013.pdf http://www.innertemple.org.uk/downloads/members/lectures_2013/lecture_reed_2013.pdf the denning law journal 111 bill of rights. it only takes the same will to rehabilitate both the idea of borrowing from scotland and the court of appeal‘s example of using magna carta. they come over here … (part one) fear, dislike and distrust of the other is not confined to contemporary debates on immigration or unions. a disrespectful phrase has become a sinister by-word for prejudice: ―they come over here, taking our …‖ (jobs, houses, and so on). so of whom was it said, and when was it said, that, ―they have pounced upon us, like swarms of locusts, into every quarter and every scene of life … and when there is anything to be got, you may be sure to find a number…conven‘d, like hounds over a carrion: or flies in the shambles‖? 28 lord denning had a more flowing way of talking about the influence of european law as an incoming tide 29 but those who think of him as a ―little englander‖ who might have made this remark in the last century are wide of the mark. the people being attacked by the english press in this instance were the scots in 1746. in particular, the rumour was that a scot called william murray was going to be made a judge in england. lord denning, in an outstanding but neglected lecture, does us a service by reporting this xenophobia and the lawyer‘s response to his critics, which was to point out anonymously that if they did not like the scots, then the easy remedy would be to repeal the act of union of 1707. this lawyer from scotland did indeed become a judge and then, ten years later, william murray became the lord chief justice of england, taking the title lord mansfield. for 32 years, he held that high office with the utmost distinction. he is especially praised on either side of the atlantic for the release of a slave in the somersett 30 case and for recognising the right to free speech in the john wilkes case. 31 despite not mentioning magna carta in either, lord mansfield has come to represent the spirit of magna carta as the archetypal english judge, fiercely independent, championing the cause of freedom under the law. yet he was born at scone and in many ways, even though he left scotland at the age of 14, he applied scottish thinking and law in his english setting. this is explained in the substance of lord denning‘s lecture. he records lord mansfield‘s admiration of scottish writers on law in stair, mackenzie and craig. then 28 denning (n 5) 7. 29 bulmer v bollinger [1974] ch 401. 30 somersett‘s case (1771) 20 state trials 1-82, quoted at 16. 31 r v wilkes (1768) 98 er 327, 347. lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 112 he pays tribute to lord mansfield‘s following of scottish law in commercial matters, focusing on principles. 32 next he singles out for praise lord mansfield‘s development of the action for unjust enrichment, aligning law and equity, following roman law and scots law. 33 finally, lord denning praises lord mansfield for doing ―his best to bring the english law into line with scots law‖ 34 in contract, whether or not there was consideration. it will not have escaped those familiar with lord denning‘s jurisprudence that lord mansfield is being lauded in all these respects for having anticipated how lord denning would have liked the law to have developed. where lord mansfield was thwarted, as with contract, lord denning would ―very much like to see the english take a leaf out of scotland‘s book‖. 35 and where lord mansfield was criticized, as by lord redesdale who thought ―lord mansfield had in his mind prejudices derived from his familiarity with the scots law‖, 36 lord denning believes that ―time has shown that these criticisms were not merited‖. 37 admittedly, there is a difference between judicial decision-making (including some development of the law) and elected law-making. nevertheless, at least a judicious judicial scottish vote for english laws can be wholly admirable. lord denning might not be the most obvious candidate as a cheerleader for scottish judges in the english legal system. if we continue to ignore the lecture, of course, that assumption will prevail. but why did lord denning choose this topic at that time? presumably, he was asked to give a prestigious lecture and chose a theme which would have appealed to his audience in scotland. it also played to his own interest in great judges and history. above all, however, lord denning saw himself as an outsider to the english legal establishment, a grammar school 38 boy with a distinctive hampshire burr of an accent, and was well disposed to others of similar talent who brought something different to our courts. lord mansfield came from a much more privileged background but he 32 denning (n 5) 10. 33 eg moses v macfarlen (1760) 2 burrow at 1012, cited by lord denning (n 5) 12. 34 denning (n 5) 13. 35 ibid 15. 36 ibid 12. 37 ibid 3. 38 see lee, ‗lord denning, margaret thatcher, law and society‘ (2013) 25 the denning law journal 159, 160: ‗both rose to high office from humble beginnings above family shops‘. the denning law journal 113 succeeded as an outsider to the extent that he was from scotland and had endured that unwelcoming press on rumours of his judicial appointment. the next great ―english‖ legal figure admired by lord denning in this lecture was thomas erskine, another scot, who was born in edinburgh in 1750. he is renowned for his emphasis on the independence of the bar and for his defence of freedom of speech. 39 a powerful advocate, he became lord chancellor. then came john campbell, born in 1781 in fifeshire, who became attorney-general, lord chief justice and lord chancellor. on his appointment as lord chancellor, he recommended colin blackburn to replace him on the queen‘s bench. blackburn was born in 1813 in dunbartonshire lord denning notes that the times was unimpressed: ―who is mr colin blackburn?‖ the only explanation entertained by the times for this ―freak‖ appointment was that he was another ―scotchman‖. 40 according to lord denning, however, ―colin blackburn was the greatest lawyer of the nineteenth century‖. 41 many a student even in the twenty-first century knows, or at least knows of, his judgment in rylands v fletcher. 42 lord denning continues in this vein when it comes to the twentieth century, full of praise for the influence on english law of one scottish judge after another. scottish lord chancellors of the twentieth century ran from lord loreburn through viscount kilmuir at the time of lord denning‘s lecture (and on to lord mackay and lord irvine later in the century). two of the judges in donoghue v stevenson were scottish, lords thankerton and macmillan, 43 both agreeing with lord atkin to form the majority for his famous judgment on the law of negligence. if lord denning himself has a rival for the title of our greatest judge in that century, it might be scotland‘s lord reid. 44 in sum, lord denning‘s sparkling lecture shows that we have had at least three hundred years of scottish judges developing and illuminating english law. it is therefore perplexing that there is such outrage at scottish 39 see lord neuberger, lord erskine and trial by jury, 2012, https://www.supremecourt.uk/docs/speech-121018.pdf 40 denning (n 5) 32. 41 denning (n 5) 32. 42 rylands v fletcher (1865) lr 1, ex 265, lr3 hl 330. 43 denning (n 5) 35, commenting on donoghue v stevenson 1932 ac 562. see alan rodger, ‗lord macmillan‘s speech in donoghue v stevenson‘ (1992) 108 lqr 236. 44 alan paterson, the law lords (macmillan 1982). see also louis blomcooper, ‗the european convention in an international legal setting‘ [1997] ehrlr 508. lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 114 law-makers in parliament continuing to exercise the practice of three centuries in voting on the outcome of laws confined to england or to england and wales. unless, that is, there is something wholly different about judicial and elected law-making. but if there is and it remains acceptable for scots to make judicial decisions in english law, then it is not so obvious why it would be so wrong for non-english judges elsewhere in europe to offer their insights into human rights in the legal system of england and wales. whatever the explanations might be, the fact remains that scottish judges have long since made invaluable contributions to the law south of the border. the quintessential english judge, lord denning, spotted this and used his famous story-telling powers to give a lecture that is in a class of its own. the lecture is not beyond criticism. its last two sentences 45 jump to a conclusion that is not justified by the argument. in expressing the hope that the two legal systems might eventually become one, lord denning undid some of his good work in recounting the history of scots lawyers rising to high judicial office south of the border. on the contrary, an attraction of the lecture and of the union is the value of diversity, of constitutional laboratories within one state. 46 overall, however, this is a first class lecture which still has the power to surprise lawyers who do not know the biographies of famous judges of earlier centuries. omitting the second part of the penultimate sentence and the whole of the final sentence, it would have reached this resounding conclusion, saying of lord kilmuir (who was then the lord chancellor and had previously been central to the drafting of the european convention) 47 that, ―he is the latest of the many men of high principle and great endeavour who have come from scotland to england and have enriched the law of these islands. this process is much to be encouraged – england borrowing men and principles from scotland for the benefit of both‖. 48 who knows whether this lecture in may 1961 had any effect on lord kilmuir‘s recommendation less than a year later that lord denning should become the master of the rolls? more importantly, does the thrust of this lecture have an application in our own time? to this we shall return after the main 45 denning (n 5) 39-40. 46 smith commission https://www.smith-commission.scot/. 47 neil duxbury, lord kilmuir: a vignette (hart 2015). 48 denning (n 5) 39. lord denning was speaking at a time when it was not customary to say men and women and when there had not been a woman appellate judge in either legal system. we still await the first woman supreme court justice from scotland. the denning law journal 115 body of this article looks at the ramifications of a rare court of appeal decision citing magna carta. they come over here … (part two) in r v home secretary, ex p phansopkar, 49 a strong court of appeal ordered the home secretary to consider immigration claims in accordance with magna carta. the three judges in the court of appeal were three of the most wellknown members of the judiciary. despite the ―kilmuir rules‖, named after the afore-mentioned scottish lord chancellor who feared that too frequent appearances in the media by judges posed difficulties for their independence, lord denning, sir frederick lawton and sir leslie scarman revelled in their extra-judicial engagements in the public square. six months before this case, in december 1974, sir leslie scarman had given his famous hamlyn lectures on english law – the new dimension. 50 in february 1975, one of sir frederick lawton‘s former pupils became leader of the conservative party. margaret thatcher went on to praise her pupil-master for his robust approach to the law, especially sentencing. 51 in fact, lord justice lawton‘s views on sentencing were nuanced. he did believe in long sentences for crimes of violence. but he is also credited for popularising the phrase ―short, sharp shock‖ for lesser offences. the phrase comes from gilbert & sullivan, the mikado, but it was given a boost by sir frederick lawton who liked to say that he had spent longer in prison than most hardened criminals, having grown up in prison as his father was a prison governor. 52 the court was not stacked for or against the government of the day. lord justice lawton had been a candidate for a controversial right-wing party in his youth, having earlier flirted with the extreme left, but lord justice scarman was widely regarded as one of the most liberal of our judges. although the left used lord justice lawton‘s past right-wing politics to suggest that the judiciary might be biased against those less privileged in society, 53 in this case all 49 phansopkar (n 6). 50 sir leslie scarman, english law – the new dimension (hamlyn lectures, 26th series 1975). 51 margaret thatcher commenting on sir frederick lawton http://www.margaretthatcher.org/document/107570. 52 lawton – see obituaries http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/1321260/sir-frederick-lawton.html. http://www.theguardian.com/news/2001/feb/05/guardianobituaries1. 53 paul foot https://www.marxists.org/archive/foot-paul/1978/04/judges.htm. lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 116 three judges ruled in favour of vulnerable individuals seeking a ruling from the home secretary. two appeals were heard together by the court of appeal on 30 june and 1 july against the home secretary, ex parte phansopkar and ex parte begum, usually reported as r v home secretary, ex p phansopkar. lord widgery, sitting with ashworth and may jj, dismissed the case at first instance on 24 april but phansopkar won on appeal. lord widgery, sitting this time with bridge & stocker jj had then decided on may 22 that begum was indistinguishable from phansopkar. although the appellate judges were not convinced there was a way of distinguishing the two cases, both were held by the court of appeal to be wrong on their merits. in the conjoined appeals, lord denning sitting as the master of the rolls, lord justice lawton and lord justice scarman all relied on magna carta. the timing of this case is also of interest in the light of the new westminster government‘s promise of a second referendum on membership of the european union before the end of 2017. the phansopkar case came as that first referendum on staying in the european community was being held in the summer of 1975. the labour government was at the same time steering a bill through parliament to strengthen protection against sex discrimination. it was soon to do the same against race discrimination, extending the power or its pioneering 1965 and 1968 acts.. its home secretary was roy jenkins. his special adviser was anthony lester qc. the home office‘s barrister in the court of appeal was harry woolf. it would be difficult to find three more celebrated characters in our modern history of protecting and promoting human rights. yet the home office at the time of what could be described as its greatest glory in terms of progressive legislation was arguing that it was entitled to send mrs phansopkar and mrs begum back to india and bangladesh respectively and it was the judges who ordered the labour government to resolve the matter here in the uk. this case is too often ignored or overlooked or under-played. it is not mentioned in any of the supreme court justices‘ magna carta lectures. in his leading judgment in m, 54 lord woolf only refers to phansopkar for a passing point (on which he gives the impression that it was a ruling requiring an immigration officer to consider the matter whereas the order of mandamus required the home secretary to make a decision). ten days before the 800 th anniversary however, it does receive a passing mention from mrs justice patterson in her ruling that the government had delayed 54 m v home office, [1994] 1 ac 377. http://www.bailii.org/uk/cases/ukhl/1993/5.html. the denning law journal 117 unduly in providing disability benefit for c and w 55 . she notes that the case was cited but seems to take it as settled law, conceded by the defendants, that unreasonable delay is unlawful and so does not need to consider the detail of the case law. this is a pity because she later goes on to reject the human rights act arguments that human rights have been breached. lord justice lawton in phansopkar, however, was clear that fundamental human rights were at stake with corresponding duties and that those duties not to delay the vindication of rights were imposed on the executive by magna carta. 56 where the case is mentioned in the academic literature, it is usually for lord scarman‘s reference to the european convention, bolstered by the magna carta argument, even though lord denning mr and lawton lj did not rely on the european convention whereas all three did invoke magna carta. adam tomkins thinks the magna carta references are merely obiter dicta. 57 a more expansive or inclusive understanding of the ratio is, i would submit, more in keeping with the tenor of the judgments. magna carta was an ―aid to determining the issues in the case‖. after all, five different judges at first instance (lord widgery cj sitting in both cases) had ruled against mrs phansopkar and mrs begum by looking at the statute and rules without contemplating magna carta. lord widgery cj, with whom the other judges agreed, did consider that the act and rules should be read subject to a common law duty but in his judgment that duty was to be fair between families queuing. it is because the three judges in the court of appeal recalled a prior duty under magna carta not to delay justice that they saw the matter differently. when in doubt about how general the level should be at which to cast the ratio of a case, we should let the judgments speak for themselves. 55 c w, disability case http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/ewhc/admin/2015/1607.html. 56 phansopkar (n 6) 23. 57 a tomkins, ‗magna carta, crown and colonies‘ [2001] pl 571: magna carta was cited by all three judges of the court of appeal not as an aid to determining the issues in the case, but as obiter. lord denning mr explained that the immigration act 1971, section 3(9) provided that wives of patrials could enter the united kingdom by right, rather than by leave, and as such enjoyed an entitlement, and not a mere privilege. ―such being her right,‖ lord denning continued, ―i do not think it can be taken away by arbitrarily refusing her a certificate, or by delaying to issue it to her without good cause‖. his lordship then added that in such an event, the woman concerned could ―invoke‖ magna carta. lawton lj agreed, stating that the secretary of state ―cannot refuse to consider the application, nor can he delay consideration unreasonably. these duties were imposed on the crown and its servants by magna carta‖. lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 118 it is especially important to reconsider phansopkar fully in magna carta‘s 800 th anniversary year in case the conservative government really does do anything approaching its manifesto pledge to ―scrap‖ the human rights act. the facts of phansopkar show that the strength of both magna carta and an ―external‖ perspective on human rights can act as an effective check on a well-intentioned government. the prime minister gives the impression of being furious with european court of human rights judges for deciding in favour of prisoners and those suspected of terrorism, against the wishes of what he regards as well-intentioned governments of different political complexions focusing on the common good in an era of dangerous threats to security. 58 why has the case been neglected? 59 it might be that those pressing for incorporation of the european convention on human rights were embarrassed by the facts of the case. or it could be that obscurity was caused by the headnote writers who did not include magna carta in their rendering of the holding. 60 or it might have slipped under the radar because it was difficult for judges sitting alongside lord denning to get much attention for what they said. lawton lj and scarman lj used the term ―magna carta‖ but lord denning, master of the rolls, who had something of a grudge against latin or at least against those who thought he had not mastered it or its pronunciation, called it the great charter. 61 or it might be that immigration laws, rules and practices changed so frequently that the significance of the broader issues was lost. or it could have been merely that there were so many cases to choose from in the mid-1970s that custom settled on such later gems from 1975 and 1976 as congreve 62 or laker 63 or tameside, 64 based on popular media coverage. 58 for david cameron‘s views, see eg http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics28339263. 59 for articles which do refer to the case, see eg tomkins n 58, anthony lester and jeffrey jowell, ‗beyond wednesbury: substantive principles of administrative law‘ [1987] pl 368, michael beloff and helen mountfield, ‗unconventional behaviour? judicial uses of the european convention in england and wales‘ [1996] ehrlr 467, blom-cooper (n 44), lord irvine, ‗the spirit of magna carta continues to resonate in modern law‘ (2003) 119 lqr 227. 60 phansopkar (n 6) 607. 61 ibid. although at 617 ‗civis angliae sum.‘ 62 congreve v home office [1976] 1 qb 629 follows phansopkar in the official law reports of 1976 but happened in november and december of 1975, after phansopkar in june and july 1975, in the court of appeal. the denning law journal 119 avoiding an increase in tv licence fees, liberalising trans-atlantic travel and facilitating or inhibiting (depending on one‘s view) school selection played better than vindicating rights of immigrants. another way of putting that, however, is that immigration, mental health and other spheres where magna carta has been applied are cinderella subjects. this is where fundamental 65 constitutional provisions are especially valuable and where innovative argument might be needed. no cases were cited in argument or judgment in phansopkar at first instance. counsel understood the issues of rights under threat and of the rule of law. these cinderella subjects are going to the ball much more in the supreme court era than in the time of the judicial committee of the house of lords, partly because of the human rights act 1998 and the surrounding culture. for whatever reason, when ronald dworkin had the whole of english or uk law from which to choose a case, he opted for a decision later in the same year by one of the same judges at first instance, lord widgery, in the crossman diaries case. 66 he seemed to think that was decided in the house of lords. imagine if he had instead chosen r v home secretary, ex p phansopkar, where there was a striking difference between the approach of lord widgery and the court of appeal. apart from anything else, other scholars might also have paid more attention to this case if it had become subject to dworkin‘s sweeping jurisprudential analysis. the substance of the disagreement between the court of appeal and the government on what is fair and reasonable could be put in terms of that ultimate british value of refraining from queue-jumping. in a learned article on queue-jumping, 67 the property lawyer and property law theorist, professor kevin gray, does not address phansopkar. those, like myself, who prefer the judgments of the court of appeal to the convenience of the home office might prefer a different term, and underlying british value, to queue-jumping, such as ―taking the initiative‖ or ―taking the matter into one‘s own hands‖ when faced with excessive bureaucratic delays. sibghatullah kadri appeared for mrs phansopkar, harry woolf for the respondents at first instance, sibghatullah kadri and anthony eton for mrs phansopkar, eugene cotran for mrs begum on appeal, harry woolf 63 laker v department of trade [1977] qb 643. 64 secretary of state for education v tameside [1977] ac 1077. 65 see eg laws lj thorburn v sunderland city council [2003] qb 151. 66 ronald dworkin, eg law’s empire (harvard university press 1988), criticised by s lee, ‗law‘s british empire?‘ (1988) 8(2) ojls 278. 67 kevin gray http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/law/projects/techniquesofownership/techgray.pdf. lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 120 for the respondents. no cases were cited at first instance and only two in the court of appeal, r v northumberland compensation tribunal 68 (where denning lj sat as only the second senior judge) and r v home secretary, ex p mughal, 69 where s kadri appeared before denning mr and scarman lj, that time sitting with megaw lj, and where gordon slynn was for the government. in that case, lord denning drew a sharp distinction between the circumstances of mr mughal and of a ―patrial‖. lord widgery cj, with whom ashworth & may jj agreed, explained that, “the home office came into this matter at quite an early stage because reference was made to them by a member of parliament who was interesting himself in the situation of mr phansopkar and his alleged wife‖ and rejected the applications because ―it must be remembered that being fair is not simply being fair to one family. it is a question of being fair to all those who suffer from this problem, and the home secretary is entitled in my judgment to take the view that in order to be fair to all he should not allow one family, or one individual, to obtain priority in the queue by such means as are put forward in this case.‖ 70 as always, lord denning mr set out the facts and legal background in a compelling fashion: the husband, allimiya bawa phansopkar, was born in india … he has produced a marriage certificate issued in india which shows that in 1962, when he was 27, he married his wife, maimuna, who was then 20. the marriage was solemnised at the bride‘s house by her father, in accordance with the moslem religion. their first child, a girl, was born in january 1964. two years later, in 1966, the husband came to england and found work here; but he went back to india from time to time to join his wife, and they had there three more children, all boys, born in may 1968, september 1971 and february 1974. then in march 1974 the husband took a most important step. he became a citizen of this country; or, more accurately, a citizen of the united kingdom and colonies…he himself thenceforward had ―the right of abode in the united kingdom‖. his right was equal to the right of abode of any of us. you and i and our families have been born here and lived here from time immemorial. yet mr phansopkar, from the moment he was registered, had just as much right here as we have. he became a citizen of no mean country. he could say proudly -if he spoke 68 [1952] 1 kb 338. 69 [1974] qb 313. 70 phansopkar (n 6) 610. the denning law journal 121 latin -civis angliae sum. he became a patrial. and not only he. his wife also obtained at that very moment the selfsame right… she was a commonwealth citizen. and, as such, as soon as her husband, by registration, gained the right of abode in the united kingdom, she acquired the selfsame right of abode … ―free to live in, and to come and go into and from, the united kingdom without let or hindrance.‖ 71 yet when the phansopkars tired of waiting in india, where the queue was long, and took action by flying to heathrow, mrs phansopkar and the children were refused entry. the immigration officer required them to go back to india to secure a certificate of patriality. this made sense to the three judges at first instance but not to the three judges in the court of appeal. lord denning continued from his account of her right: 72 such being her right, i do not think it can be taken away by arbitrarily refusing her a certificate, or by delaying to issue it to her without good cause. she can invoke the great charter: ―to none will we sell: to no one will we delay or deny right or justice.‖ it seems to me to be implicit in this legislation that a wife, who is truly a wife, is entitled to apply for a certificate of patriality and to have her application examined fairly and in a reasonable time. the home office gave no reason except that ―it is considered that [the] application can be most satisfactorily dealt with by the entry certificate officer at the british high commission in‖ bombay or dacca respectively. lord denning asked, ―was that a sufficient reason?‖ and answered no because 73 a wife who applies in bombay or dacca for a certificate of patriality has to join a long queue of those who require leave to enter. by the time she is granted an interview, 14 months or more will have passed. the delay was so long that these two ladies, at any rate, determined to test the matter by coming here and applying here. in the circumstances i think they were justified in so doing.‖ 71 ibid 616-7. 72 ibid 621. 73 ibid 621-2. lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 122 lord denning therefore ordered that, 74 the home secretary ought not to send these ladies back to india and bangladesh to face the long delays. he ought to examine the applications to see whether or not each lady is a patrial, and to give or refuse a certificate according to whether she satisfies him, or not. lawton lj began by declaring in forthright terms the point that a right was at stake and that the home secretary was under a duty dating back to magna carta: 75 these appeals concern rights, not privilege. the rights are fundamental human rights -of husbands and wives to live together.‖ the home secretary ―cannot refuse to consider the application; nor can he delay consideration unreasonably. these duties were imposed on the crown and its servants by magna carta ... administrative convenience, however well intentioned it may have been, cannot be made a justification for depriving people of their rights or for delaying consideration of their claims to rights… i would allow the appeal and order that the secretary of state for home affairs shall consider and determine the applications for certificates of patriality made by both these appellants. scarman lj also took the matter seriously as a breach of rights which could be traced back to a ―hallowed principle of our law‖ 76 in magna carta, now reinforced by the european convention: 77 the background to these two appeals is disturbing. we have been told by counsel for the secretary of state that in 1974, 12,864 entry certificates were granted by overseas offices in the indian sub-continent and 859 certificates of patriality. it is significant that during the year not one application for a certificate of patriality was refused, though the applicants had to endure the wait in the queue for 14 months or more… delay of this order appears to me to infringe at least two human rights recognised, and therefore 74 ibid 623. 75 ibid 623. 76 ibid 626. 77 ibid 625. the denning law journal 123 protected, by english law. justice delayed is justice denied: ―we will not deny or defer to any man either justice or right‖: magna carta. this hallowed principle of our law is now reinforced by the european convention for the protection of human rights 1950 to which it is now the duty of our public authorities in administering the law, including the immigration act 1971, and of our courts in interpreting and applying the law, including the act, to have regard: see r v secretary of state for home affairs, ex parte bhajan singh in this court… it may, of course, happen under our law that the basic rights to justice undeferred and to respect for family and private life have to yield to express requirements of a statute. but in my judgment it is the duty of the courts, so long as they do not defy or disregard clear unequivocal provision, to construe statutes in a manner which promotes, not endangers, those rights. problems of ambiguity or omission, if they arise under the language of an act, should be resolved so as to give effect to, or at the very least so as not to derogate from, the rights recognised by magna carta and the european convention. leave to appeal to the house of lords was granted but no appeal was pursued. the ratio of the case could be put at various levels of generality. all three judges, however, framed the case in terms of magna carta, both because of its longevity and because of its fundamental nature. all three interpreted the common law as reading into the immigration act and rules that the home secretary‘s actions are subject to magna carta, now for lord justice scarman reinforced by the european convention. scarman lj accepts that express provision in a statute could restrict the reach of magna carta and the convention. it might have been thought implausible, however, that a political party would want to push through parliament legislation which spelled out that its ministers were to have an exemption from magna carta. it is now just about possible that the current government has in mind the equivalent of ―notwithstanding any provision to the contrary in the human rights act‖ but restricting the ambit of a statute of 17 years is not comparable to acting contrary to magna carta‘s 800 years of imposing duties on those in government. but he is clear that without an express counter, the statute must be construed so as to conform to duties under magna carta. the facts of phansopkar are most relevant to that contentious issue in contemporary politics of immigration, even though the significance of the case goes way beyond this context in speaking to us today. commentators who might describe themselves as liberalor left-leaning criticise conservative ministers and media for seeking to demonise immigrants lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 124 and to deter or at least delay their entry into the uk. in its broadest application, the case has been cited in the very month of magna carta‘s 800 th anniversary by mrs justice patterson in a ruling on unreasonable delays in disability benefits. phansopkar itself, however, was a decision in favour of women from india and bangladesh against a labour government which prided itself on its attitudes to equality on grounds of race and gender. indeed, it is worth recalling that three legendary figures in our human rights history were, in a sense, on the losing side of this case. roy jenkins was the home secretary held to be in breach of magna carta, anthony lester qc was his special adviser (although i do not mean to suggest that he would have advised on individual cases) and harry woolf was the counsel for the home office, trying to defend the labour government‘s attempt to send mrs phansopkar and mrs begum back to queues in india and bangladesh respectively, rather than resolve their claims where they were. i say ―in a sense‖ because no doubt the special adviser was busy drafting the famous laws against race and sex discrimination and was unaware of the phansopkar case. likewise, harry woolf was briefed to argue for the home office, not to offer his own opinion on the merits of this particular immigration claim. it may even be that roy jenkins was too busy on policy questions to focus on the legal or political ramifications of his great department of state seeking to deport mrs phansopkar. in any event, the home office was roundly defeated on appeal. lord justice scarman had some sympathy for the home secretary: ―one final word. this is not a case of an unthinking, heartless exercise of administrative power. the secretary of state is clearly, and rightly, troubled by that queue.‖ 78 this aspect of phansopkar is worth belabouring (be-labouring) because it shows that with the best of intentions, a government which prides itself on human rights can be held to have erred. the current debate is as if the conservative government‘s self-proclaimed good intentions of, for example, protecting national security are enough to render otiose recourse elsewhere. but phansopkar shows that this is not so. turning this the other way round, when a government is defeated on such grounds, perhaps opponents should not crow so much as if the government was therefore acting in bad faith. perhaps this is the root of conservative dissatisfaction with being upbraided by european or domestic judges. so what became of some of the principal characters involved in this litigation? the home secretary soon became president of the european commission and later lord jenkins of hillhead. anthony lester became 78 ibid 628-9. the denning law journal 125 lord lester, much involved in the movement to incorporate the european convention into british law. harry woolf became lord woolf, master of the rolls and then lord chief justice. it is clear from the official law reports that counsel for mrs phansopkar raised the issue of the european convention and a claim of habeas corpus but the reports are silent on whether counsel themselves invoked magna carta. counsel for the home secretary responded to the convention point in raised by counsel for mrs begum so presumably would have replied on magna carta if that had been raised explicitly. whether counsel invoked magna carta or whether the formidable bench saw the point was implicit in initial arguments, sibghat (or sibgatullah or sib) kadri and eugene cotran deserve credit for winning their cases and for the way in which they were won, with a so far unfulfilled potential to safeguard fundamental rights. just as the stream of judges from scotland have brought refreshingly different perspectives to english law, counsel for mrs phansopkar had the distinctive experience of having himself been detained without trial, contrary to magna carta, in another part of the commonwealth. both counsel for mrs phansopkar and for mrs begum knew what it was to come to the uk from a troubled part of the world. even if they did not invoke magna carta explicitly, they might well have led the judges to think of it for themselves. sibghat kadri 79 was born in india in 1937, migrating to pakistan soon after partition in 1947. he was active in student politics at karachi university where he was arrested and imprisoned without trial for opposing the military regime in 1958. he drafted his own petition for habeas corpus and secured his own release but was deported to hyderabad in 1959. he came to england in 1960. he remained active in pakistan politics in england and worked for the bbc as a producer and broadcaster in urdu and in english. he was called to the bar in 1969. after pupillage, he formed his own set of chambers and then, with rudy narayan the afro-asian and caribbean law association which became the society of black lawyers. he became queen‘s counsel in 1989 and a bencher of the inner temple in 1997. over decades he has consistently challenged discriminatory practices and comments in the legal profession, saying that, ―even lord denning, as brilliant as he was then, was not colour blind‖, and later successfully calling for lord denning‘s resignation over the publication of his book criticising jurors in the bristol riot case. 79 http://www.onlinebld.com/lawyer_of_the_month/sibghatkadriqc.html. lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 126 eugene cotran, 80 the lawyer for the other appellant, mrs begum, had been born in jerusalem. he was a refugee who went to school in alexandria and then studied law at the universities of leeds and cambridge. he was stateless before becoming a british citizen. after working in academe and legal practice in london, he became a high court judge in kenya before returning to the uk to practise as a barrister and to resume academic work at soas. he became the first arab and palestinian circuit judge. he was a greek orthodox christian who had a lifelong interest in the law surrounding the palestinian cause, including a prominent role in drafting its basic law. he died in the summer of 2014. the law report‘s summary of his argument before the court of appeal suggests that he had convinced lord justice lawton who began his judgment in strikingly similar terms, that the cases concerned a right, not a privilege. one of the phansopkar children, nawaz, his wife and their children fled their flat above a grocer‘s shop when it was being destroyed by fire during the croydon riots of 2011. 81 indeed, it was press coverage of this tragedy, linking the name of phansopkar and the location of croydon (where mr & mrs phansopkar went through an english marriage ceremony, for the avoidance of doubt, before the hearing), which led to me recalling this case. 82 what say the reeds at runnymede? is there any link between the lecture on borrowing from scotland and this case applying magna carta? my contention is that there is a common element. it is a culture of magnanimity, of big-heartedness and openness towards different ways of looking at the law and society, sometimes from the past, sometimes from current circumstances, sometimes from afar, sometimes from nearby. 80 http://archive.thisweekinpalestine.com/details.php?id=2327&ed=148&edid=14 8 (accessed 9 june 2015) https://archive.is/mkum1 (accessed 10 june 2015). 81 croydon http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/crime/8699765/countingthe-cost-of-the-riots-the-street-where-looters-caused-14m-damage-in-12hours.html. 82 the connection can be traced by looking at a mapping exercise of india, which lists names associated with a property as in a private census: the eldest generation have the names of the litigants in phansopkar, nawaz is the second child, one of the daughters-in-law matches (with a slight variation in spelling in english) the name of his wife hayatbi, and four of the grandchildren have the names of those burned out of the flat in croydon http://wikimapia.org/1500679/al-bawa-house the denning law journal 127 louis blom-cooper 83 speculated on what might have been if the scottish law lord, lord reid, whom he described as ―the greatest judge of our times‖ had lived a little longer and if phansopkar and two other cases from the court of appeal had gone on appeal to the judicial committee of the house of lords: ―one can surmise that, had lord reid been given the opportunity to consider the jurisprudence developing in the court of appeal in and around 1975/1976, he would have affirmed the trilogy of 1975 cases 84 and applied international legal norms … (lord reid retired on january 10, 1975 and died on march 29, 1975.)‖ one of our current supreme court justices from scotland, lord reed, has given a most insightful lecture 85 on domestic legal systems and the european convention on human rights, pointing out that france and germany do not have the same exaggerated deference to strasbourg decisions as has been implied in the british constitutional debate. he has argued for the resilience and ingenuity of the common law in finding imaginative ways to develop itself rather than simply deferring to strasbourg, pointing out that this is necessary if we are to continue to offer a good example to the rest of the world in respecting the rule of law. this could be said to be a fall-back position in case the human rights act is scrapped and nothing much replaces it on the statute book. more positively, it can be taken at face value as endorsing the approach adopted in phansopkar (although again this case is not cited). many of the lawyers who have argued or decided human rights cases have come from different legal and political systems, such as sydney kentridge qc, lord hoffmann and lord steyn from south africa. 86 the hong kong final court has even built this into its practice by including a wide range of judges from outside its own legal system. the experiences and courage of sibghat kadri and eugene cotran deserve a place in this company. in the case of mr kadri, for example, he showed ingenuity before he even studied law in securing his own release under martial law through habeas corpus. in phansopkar, he called the home office to account, thanks to the master of the rolls and colleagues applying magna carta, and then later he called the master of the rolls himself to account. 83 blom-cooper (n 44). 84 phansopkar, birdi v home secretary [1975] sj 322, r v home secretary, ex p bhajan singh [1976] qb 198. 85 lord reed http://www.innertemple.org.uk/downloads/members/lectures_2013/lecture_reed_ 2013.pdf. 86 see eg sydney kentridge, free country (hart 2012) or ‗desert island discs‘ http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b01rl0z9. lord denning, magna carta & magnanimity 128 as for eugene cotran, he saw himself as a palestinian refugee and went on to be a judge in two legal systems in two continents, in kenya and in england. his father michel cotran, incidentally, had the same distinction, having been chief registrar of the judiciary in jerusalem under the british mandate, then becoming a refugee in egypt before becoming a judge in nigeria and then chief justice of west cameroon. 87 this is not to say there is no merit in english votes for english laws in the different law-making realm of elected politicians deciding on statutes. but neither is it especially conservative to ignore a long history of insights from across the border. borrowing from scotland points us in the direction of magnanimity and wisdom in continuing to draw on scottish judges, even if a more federal uk is the answer to the west lothian question or even if scotland were to become independent. the uk supreme court does not have jurisdiction in scottish criminal law, unless there are human rights arguments, in which case the scottish judges will be in a minority. lord denning ended his article in the times on magna carta‘s 750 th anniversary with a quotation from rudyard kipling‘s poem, what say the reeds at runnymede? 88 although prone to go beyond the bare facts to give some colour to a case, none of the judges in phansopkar mentioned how close the scene of the immigration officers‘ refusals was to runnymede, where magna carta was sealed in 1215. heathrow is only a few miles away. lord reed is yet to turn his attention to magna carta but for these purposes the reeds (to include the reids) are those judges with experience of another legal system in these islands 89 and of legal systems on the continent or those lawyers with a similar spirit of openness to diverse influences. borrowing from scotland and following phansopkar are two paths 90 towards the same holy grail of a legal system open to different ways of challenging conventional wisdom at the behest of 87 https://archive.is/mkum1. 88 rudyard kipling, the reeds of runnymede (magna charta, june 15, 1215). 89 for a different example, see j lee and s lee, ‗humility in the supreme court‘ (2015) 26 king‘s law journal 165, pointing out that lord kerr, the lone dissenter in r (on application by lord carlile qc and others) v home secretary [2014] uksc, has distinctive and invaluable experience of balancing rights in a legal system in conflict from his time as a barrister, judge and ultimately lord chief justice of northern ireland. 90 lord denning concludes his book the discipline of law (butterworths 1979) thus: ‗my plea is simply to keep the path to justice clear of obstructions which would impede it.‘ 314. the denning law journal 129 fearless advocates and pioneering litigants. if we are to be no mean country, we should not imagine that the past of magna carta is a foreign country, especially at a time when the government is contemplating fundamental constitutional reform. the spirit of runnymede, ―the lissom reeds that give and take, that bend so far, but never break‖, 91 can still speak to the rule of law. 92 as kipling‘s poem concludes: and still when mob or monarch lays too rude a hand on english ways, the whisper wakes, the shudder plays, across the reeds at runnymede. and thames, that knows the moods of kings, and crowds and priests and suchlike things, rolls deep and dreadful as he brings their warning down from runnymede 93 91 kipling (n 88), first stanza. 92 bingham, the rule of law (penguin 2011), especially 10-13. 93 i am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for suggesting the last stanza as arguably a better explanation of the spirit of magna carta because it can explain the trial of charles i, on the one hand, and the proper use of the public order act 1936 and 1986, on the other. this has the merit also of reminding us that kipling is a more subtle and less bourgeois or jingoist poet than, eg, george orwell credits. early jewish law and university education roger p. booth * wyclif argued in the 14th century that if law was to be taught in the english universities, it should be english and not roman.l his wish is not far from fulfilment. roman law is a declining academic stock; today some universities teach it not at all. but perhaps the pendulum has swung too far. we would agree with wyclif that english law should be the basic education at english law schools, but the burden of this essay is that university undergraduates, embarking upon law studies, should be offered a medium of comparison with english law for the encouragement of their critical faculties, and of their appreciation of an alternative legal treatment of social and commercial issues. roman law is an excellent medium in this regard, for in the thousand years between the twelve tables and justinian's corpus the student can plot the course and causes of development of a legal system from primitive state to high sophistication. it may be objected that the training of the critical and historical faculties in relation to law is not the purpose of a university law school. the prime purpose of the university, this argument runs, is to provide academically trained entrants to the professional law schools, and university teaching should be oriented towards that destination. the teaching of the 'core' legal subjects by the universities, so as to provide exemption from the academic part of the professional examinations for would-be practitioners, causes little diversion from this purpose, since those subjects would probably be in the curriculum on most criteria. but the curricular trend in the recent past in non-core subjects has been towards providing further vocationally slanted courses at the expense of the more academic courses, and historical ones in particular. thus conveyancing, social welfare, taxation and bankruptcy are well established in the undergraduate curriculum. it is understandable that in a society plagued by unemployment, students should have a greater desire to acquire practical knowledge which will enhance their usefulness to an employer, but the claims of practical subjects for a place in the curriculum raise the hoary conflict between utility and the cultivation of the intellect as the main purpose of university education. locke's contempt for the study of the classics would no doubt extend to roman and other ancient laws which have little • sometime senior lecturer in law, university of buckingham. 1. de officio regis (ed. pollard and sayle) (1887), p. 193. 29 the denning law journal practical application for the englishman to-day: "can there be anything more ridiculous", he writes, "than that a father should waste his own money, and his son's time, in setting him to learn the roman language, when at the same time he designs him for a trade, wherein he, having no use of latin, fails not to forget that little which he brought from school ... ?"z newman, in opposing locke, argued that general culture of mind is the best aid to professional study, and that the man who has learned "to compare and to discriminate and to analyse" will not at once be a lawyer or businessman or engineer, but "will be placed in that state of intellect" in which he can take up any such calling with a special versatility and success.3 in comparing the academic aproach to law with the practical newman writes that a professor of law in a non-university environment is "in danger of being absorbed and narrowed by his pursuit" and of giving lectures which are only those of a lawyer. the professor in a university, however, will "know where he and his science stand, he has come to it ... from a height ... he is kept from extravagance by the very rivalry of other studies, he has gained from them a special illumination and largeness of mind ... and he treats his own in consequence with a philosophy and a resource, which belongs not to the study itself, but to his liberal education.,,4 now, clearly, newman is arguing for a breadth of liberal education which few undergraduate law courses could hope to confer in the time available, but the thrust of his contention, namely that the aim of university education is to train the mind to sift, analyse and compare, rather than to instil the mass of detailed niceties necessary for the practice of a profession, is, the present writer believes, fundamentally correct. few would deny the stimulus to the powers of analysis which legal studies provide: the determination of whether the consensus of offer and acceptance has occurred, or whether an unexpected event has frustrated a transaction, are ready examples from the english law of contract. but since the student has to digest so much factual knowledge of what the law is, there is often too little time to train his critical faculties by consideration of what the law ought to be; and it is here that a tertium quid comparationis would be valuable. it can also be urged against legal education in general that it allows no room for the use of the imagination the student's almost exclusive concern is the grasp of what the law is, here and now. the study of law reform and the solutions of other systems to legal problems, which stimulate the imagination, are not only liberal aspects of legal studies. they do, as newman claimed of liberal education, foster the agility of mind which facilitates professional success. the lawyer's client, particularly his business client, does not want to be told merely what the law is. he wants to be shown a legal route to securing his business objective. he does not want to be informed simply that he cannot structure a transaction in the way he proposed because it infringes a 2. quoted in j_h. newman, on the scope and nature of university educ(ltion (everyman edn.) (1915), pp. 152-153. 3. ibid., p. 159. 4. ibid., p. 160. 30 early jewish law and universi1y education statute; he wants to be shown legal machinery whereby he can achieve the same object in a legal way. in other words, the lawyer needs to think constructively, and with imagination, for ifhe serves only as a 'coin-op' shop for legal information, the computer may render him redundant. english legal history contains many examples of legal development through lawyers' imaginative use of legal concepts. karl renner describes how legal elements, joined to form a complex relationship, can be dissociated and re-combined so as to perform a different social function. he cites the modern hire-purchase agreement. the law concerning the sale of goods whereby a purchaser in possession can make title to third parties, and the law concerning the registration of chattel mortgages (which requires expensive formalities and enables creditors to veto a transaction), created serious obstacles to instalment sales. creative lawyers solved the problem by putting the instalment sale into the form of a hire for periodic rent with an option to purchase on paying a specified total of instalments.5 it was the same imaginative cast of mind that enabled chancery lawyers to devise the floating charge rather than advise their lender-clients that they could not realistically have a charge on the undertakings of borrowing companies because, by fixing on the stock-in-trade, the normal charge would prevent the companies trading. an early example concerns the statute de donis conditionalibus. this was passed by the landowners in parliament in 1285 because the courts had treated a gift ofland to "a and the heirs of his body" as a gift of the fee simple conditional only upon an heir being born: when an heir was born, a could convey the fee simple. this practice of the courts deprived the great landowners of the potential revenues arising from escheat for lack of heir, forfeiture and wardship. de donis therefore laid down that the tenant should have no power to alienate his estate to the prejudice of his issue or the grantor. creative lawyers then advised their tenant clients to proceed with the sale of their land, notwithstanding, and they inserted in the indenture a warranty by the grantor and his heirs in favour of the purchaser, for title and quiet possession. by virtue of this warranty, an heir who claimed to set aside his ancestor's alienation as unauthorised would find himself bound by the warranty, and though his action for ejectment of the purchaser might be successful, the consequent obligation to provide lands of equal value in satisfaction of the warranty would render success a pyrrhic victory. thus, the present argument is that a university law course should, inter alia, attempt to cater for the student who wishes to include in his studies a subject which will minister to his critical faculties, his historical sense and his powers of imagination. for this reason, we urge that, as an alternative to roman law, early jewish6 law should receive consideration when law syllabi are compiled. within these criteria it has several merits. * * * * * 5. the 11i5titutions of private law and their social function (english edn.) (1949). 6. for simplicity, we use the terms 'jewish' and 'jews' to indicate the people to whom the terms 'hebraic' and 'hebrews' would be more correct in their early history. 31 the denning law journal by 'early jewish law' is intended the period from about 400 b.c. when the pentateuch took final form, to about 200 a.d. when the next document, specifically written to record the law, the mishnah,1 was finally revised. the stimulus to the student's imagination in being transported to an ancient religious legal system, still retaining links with taboo and the influence of demonic force, can hardly be exaggerated. a useful contrast with modern law whose sources lie at hand in statutes and law reports, is that jewish law's development within that 600 year span has to be charted with the aid only of occasional references in later old testament books, such as haggai and daniel, in books from between the old and new testaments, such as jubilees and enoch, the dead sea scrolls and philo, in josephus and in the new testament documents ranging from circa 50-150 a.d. this historical study has attracted, amongst legal historians, such eminent scholars as david daube,8 haim cohn,9 duncan derrettlo and bernard jackson.1 \ on the whole, though, pentateuchal and subsequent jewish law has received much greater attention from theological than law faculties. the apparent reluctance of english legal historians to investigate religious legal systems is disappointing, but not new; maine noted that the connection with scripture had militated against acceptance of the patriarchal theory of the primeval condition of society. "inquirers", he wrote, "were either influenced by the strongest prejudice against hebrew antiquities or by the strongest desire to construct their system without the assistance of religious records." \2 yet this law is a proper subject for study both by theologians and lawyers, since it is, on its own claims, both the word of god and a legal system. the combined insights of both disciplines would surely produce the most fruitful results. for even if the legal historian defines his territory cautiously and denies that religious and ceremonial ordinances are truly 'law', there is much law of a secular nature sanctioned by punishment from a court (the sanhedrin of later times). anthony phillips is a notable example of a scholar who is able to apply to early jewish law the disciplines both of the lawyer and of the theologian. although professionally a theologian, he is also a trained lawyer, and his studies of pentateuchal law seem to have benefited from his legal knowledge: important features of his best-known work, ancient israel's criminal law: a new approach to the decalogue,13 are his discernment that ancient israel distinguished between crimes and torts, and that the ten commandments in an original shortened 7. the date of the tosephla, another collection of halakholh, is much disputed by scholars. literally, tosephla means 'additions' (to the mishnah), but some of its sources are old. it is traditionally considered to have been compiled shortly after the mishnah. 8. see, e.g., his studies ill biblical law (1947). 9. see, e.g., his "prolegomena to the theory and history of jewish law", in essays illjurisprudellce ill hollor of roscoe poulld (1962). 10. see, e.g., his law illlhe new teslametll (1970). ii. see, e.g., his theji ill ear()' jewish law (1972). 12.allcit'1/t law 5th ed. (1894), pp. 122-123. his patriarchal theory has since been strongly doubted: see stein, legal evolutioll. pp. 101-103. 13. oxford, 1970. 32 early jewish law and university education version given at sinai, were israel's criminal law before the exile. in a recent article,14 phillips has maintained that in the earliest legal traditions in the old testament offences against the person, such as murder and assault on parents, are punishable by the community with the imposition of the death penalty, while offences against property are civil offences for which compensation is payable. here again his insights as a lawyer have surely assisted his research. admittedly, the lawyer, untrained in biblical criticism, meets the difficulty of determining what in a particular text is probably original, and what is later revision, but here he can build upon the literary-critical researches of his theological fellow-workers in the field. the jewish law covers every aspect of life: there is no distinction between the religious and the secular, since god's will, revealed in the law, extends to the whole of life. in that the law thus includes the personal areas of life within its control, for those who, like this writer, still identify a legal rule by its accompanying sanction, the sanctions within these areas challenge the very definition oflaw. for example, the sanction for breach of the laws of ceremonial purity was the disqualification of the impure person from entry to the temple, unless he or she had first undergone the appropriate lustration and period of waiting. is but how could these laws by policed? the male and female sexual discharges are a potent source of impurity, yet who was to know, except the sufferer, whether he or she had sustained impurity through such an occasion? jehoiada, a 9th century chief priest, is reported at 2 chronicles 23, 19 to have placed keepers at the gates of the temple so that nobody unclean should enter, but the aim seems incapable of realisation. probably the only sanction was the sufferer's conscience or fear of divine retribution. the fathers according to rabbi nathan, 16 a 3rd or 4th century a.d. collection of haggadah, 17 explains the sanction thus: " ... one has suffered a pollution. if he is so minded he bathes; if he is otherwise minded he does not bathe. does anyone see him, or does anyone know to tell him ought? he fears only him who commands ritual immersion.,,18 this sanction appears to be within austin's "eventual evil annexed to a command", if "evil" be rather interpreted as "penalty". 19 not only is the distinction between the secular and the religious absent in a religious system, but there is also identity between law and ethics. since jewish law is the revealed will of god who is perfect holiness,z° the law, in addition to command, must represent the highest moral good.21 to this statement one 14. "the decalogue ancient israel's criminal law", 34 jo. of jewish studies (1983), pp. 1-20. is. see, e.g., leviticus 15,28-31. cf the code of maimollides (tr. danby) (\ 954), bk. x, p. 393. 16. (tr. goldin) (1955), p. 18. 17. spiritual, homiletical and legendary material generally linked to a scriptural text. 18. pursuant to leviticus 15,16. 19. leclures 011 jurispntdellce 4th ed., vol. i, pp. 182-183. 20. see, e.g., isaiah 6,3-5. 21. see, e.g., micah 6,8; amos 5,14-i5. maine, supra n.12, writes at p. 16 concerning the ancient codes that the severance of law from morality, and of religion from law, belongs to the later stages of mental progress. however, in the case of a divinely revealed law, its unity with religion and morality cannot be severed. 33 http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0022-2097(1983)34l.1[aid=7379124] http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0022-2097(1983)34l.1[aid=7379124] http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0022-2097(1983)34l.1[aid=7379124] the denning law journal qualification must be made: in the jewish religion there was a tension between its two aspects, the temple and cult, and the prophets, between the service of god through the performance of correct ritual, and his service through righteous conduct.22 although the prophetic ideals clearly influenced the book of deuteronomy, on the whole, the emphasis in the pentateuchal law was on the ceremonial service of god. a social system in which law can possess such an elevated status surely merits study in its practical application, for even courts of equity in england do not usually claim that equitable duty is co-terminous with moral duty. thus in re cawley fs co.23 fry l. j. admitted, "if we were sitting in a court of honour, our decision might be different", and in buttle v. saunders,24 by requiring trustees to 'gazump' in the financial interest of the beneficiaries, the court prevented trustees from following the acknowledged practice of honourable businessmen. the reputation of equity as a modern arbiter of ethics was pithily encapsulated by the judge whose name we salute in this journal, when, commenting on the suggestion that a father was entitled to recover dividends which he had caused his company to declare, and pay for the benefit of his children, he exclaimed, "even a court of equity would not allow him to do anything so inequitable and unjust. ,,25 however, even in israel the law, and the moral values which it reflected, developed with its history; and the history of jewish law is a fascinating account of how codes were adapted by means of commentary26 and of fiction, to serve the changing needs of a primitive agrarian society gradually growing more civilised. the most primitive code is usually considered to lie in exodus 34, since it contains a list of ten, mainly short, commandments, most of which relate to religious festivals and sacrifices appropriate to a pastoral community. unlike the decalogue in exodus 20, there are no moral commands. it is thought to date from the 9th century. the later part of the covenant code, exodus 20-23, is dated in the 8th century, and examples of its ethical provisions are that widows and orphans shall not be afflicted,27 or usury taken from the poor. 28 the deuteronomic code (deuteronomy 12-26) is believed to be the book of the law discovered in the temple in 621 b.c.;29 it is more comprehensive, is suited to a more civilised society, and contains charitable and humanitarian provisions. for example, the man who has just built a house, or planted a vineyard, shall not be conscripted for war. the same applies to the faint-hearted and the recently 22. see, e.g., amos 5,21-24; isaiah 1,12-17; jeremiah 7,1-7, 21-23. 23. (1889) 42 ch.d. 209, 236. 24. [1950] 2 all e.r. 193. 25. re vandervell's trusls (no.2) [1974] 3 all e.r. 20. 26. both ancient and modern codes have thus received an extended life; see the commentaries on the roman praetor's edict and on the french code civile in allen, law i,1 ihe making 7th ed. (1964), pp. 165-187. 27. exodus 22,23-24. 28. exodus 22,25. 29. 2 kings 22,8. 34 early jewish law and university education married.30 a similar kindness is to be shown to animals; the ox is not to be muzzled while threshing.31 the remission of debts in the 7th year,32 the rules of primogeniture in inheritance33 and the law of levirate34 (a man's obligation to marry his deceased brother's widow) are examples of increasingly civilised 'lawyers' law. this code largely repeats and supplements the covenant code, but the additions and variations exhibit a more sophisticated society. thus, the compensations to be paid for various injuries35 are omitted from the later code, which presumes the sitting of permanent judges36 to decide such matters. the priestly code, probably written during the exile in the 6th century b.c. is, apart from its core, the holiness code of leviticus 17-26, law in the form of history; what happened in the past is recounted so that it may regulate what is done to-day.37 this creation of precedent by historical narrative is an intriguing variation of stare decisis. the priestly code fills leviticus and most of numbers, and is scattered through genesis and exodus. not surprisingly, it enhances the role of the priesthood, and elaborates the ceremonial law. 38 genesis 2,1-3 and 9,1-17, illustrates the way in which the priestly authors make law by their writing of supposed history. institution of the sabbath rest is attributed to yahweh in creation, and the basic laws considered to be binding even on gentiles (not to eat blood and not to shed it), are inserted in a covenant with noah. similarly, a decision by david concerning the distribution of spoil between combatants and non-combatants (1 sam. 30,24) reappears in the priestly code (numbers 31,27) as an alleged part of the mosaic laws. the achievement of the sopherim39 and scribes in adapting this ancient written law to the changing mores and circumstances of later times, by means of the interpretation of it, should commend itself to the student of legal history. following neglect of the law by generations of the exiled who had been allowed by 30. deuteronomy 20,5-8. 31. deuteronomy 25,4. 32. deuteronomy 15,1-3. 33. deuteronomy 21,15-17. 34. deuteronomy 25,5-10. 35. as at, e.g., exodus 21,18-24,32. 36. deuteronomy 17,8-11. 37. judaism is an 'historical' religion for the faith is founded on 'salvation' events; that yahweh delivered israel from slavery in egypt, and delivered the law to moses on sinai. the former historical root is reflected in the latter. the reason for the jew, his servants and his cattle not working on the sabbath, for releasing slaves and furnishing them liberally in the seventh year, and for not denying justice to the sojourner or fatherless, is that "you were a slave in egypt and the lord your god released you from there": deuteronomy 5,12-15; 15,12-15; 24,17-18. 38. the code is, in part, idealised law, representing what its authors would like to prevail. cf maine, supra n.12, p.17 speaking of the religious oligarchies of asia: "their complete monopoly of legal knowledge appears to have enabled them to put off on the world collections not so much of the rules actually observed as of the rules which the priestly order considered proper to bc observed." 39. traditionally the sopherim (literally 'writers') are identified with the men of the great synagogue (led by ezra) to whom the law is said at aboth 1,1 to have been committed by the prophets. however the sopherim and the scribes are often grouped together as 'the scribes', since ezra is himself described as 'the scribe' (nehemiah 8,1). 35 the denning law journal cyrus to return from babylon to jerusalem (circa 535 b.c.), ezra publicly read the law in 444 b.c.40 and scripture emphasises that the levites "helped the people to understand" the law, and "gave the sense so that the people understood the reading" (nehemiah 8,7-8).41 at first, the adaptation was effected by exegesis of particular verses of scripture, and examples of this method ('midrash') are preserved in the rabbinical commentaries, mekhilta, sifre and sifra.42 but with the advent of hellenistic ideas and customs, following alexander's eastern conquests, the sopherim were unable to relate them to the codes, and the influence of the sopherim consequently waned. at this point jewish jurisprudence by means of a remarkable fiction, at least to the secular mind, sowed the seeds of an unstoppable growth and development. since some of the new ideas were good and sensible, even though no support for them could be found in the written codes, some teachers argued that there must be divine authority for them, and that some laws must therefore have been delivered to moses at sinai by word of mouth. attempt was still made by these teachers ('scribes') to base a legal ruling ('halakhah') upon a scriptural text, even if only tenuously,43 but much freer interpretation of the text was permitted.44 where the meaning of the text could not be stretched far enough even by this method the favoured practice was deemed to be a law handed down by moses at sinai.45 however, a rule or custom was only accepted by the scribes as traditional law in this sense if its authenticity was guaranteed by the pronouncements of earlier scribes.46 the authority which this mythical origin at sinai gave to the unwritten law, enabled the scribes to interpret the written law in ways which sometimes 40. it is uncertain whether the whole pentateuch was read or simply the priestly code, but "it is clear that only alier ezra's activity did the priestly source come out into the daylight": m. haran, "behind the scenes of history: determining the date of the priestly source" ,)0. of biblical lileralure (1981), at p.324. 41. this probably signifies that the sopherim both translated the text into the vernacular aramaic, and explained it. 42. on exodus, numbers and leviticus respectively. in their original form they are dated in the 2nd century a.d. 43. thus, leviticus 11,40 provides that he who eats the carcass of a beast which has died naturally shall be unclean. this was interpreted to mean not that non-kosher meat defiled the eater, but that the minimum amount of unclean meat which a person has to bear or touch, to be defiled, is the minimum amount that could be termed 'eating', i.e. a piece the size of an olive (sifra; niddah 42b). 44. nevertheless, permissible methods for extracting further rules (halakholh) from the written text were laid down; the first such set of rules, the 7 middoth, were attributed to hillel (tosephta, sanhedrin 7,11). 45. r.joshua b. hananiah, prominent in the academy established at yavneh after the destruction of the temple in a.d.70, criticised halakllolh with little scriptural support: a nail maker by trade, he said, "tongs were made with tongs, but who made the first tongs?" (tosephta, haf,rigah 1,9). he was referring (inler alia) to the sabbath laws which "are like mountains hanging by a string, for they have little scripture for many laws" (ibid.). 46. £.f(., at mishnah, eduyoth 9,7 the said r. joshua declared: "i have received as a tradition from rabban johanan b. zakkai, who heard from his teacher, and his teacher from his teacher, as a halakhah given to moses from sinai that .. " 36 early jewish law and university education conflicted with its common-sense meaning.47 thus, exodus 22,1 provides that if a man steals an ox or a sheep and kills or sells it, he must restore five or four-fold respectively. the scribes ruled that if he stole according to the evidence of two witnesses, but killed or sold according to only one person's evidence, then the tariff of restoration was only two-fold (which applied to theft of entrusted money or goods: exodus 22,7).48 this scribal freedom was often exercised to alleviate the severity of the written law,49 and sometimes without attempt at biblical interpretation. the lex talionis (exodus 21,23) which was intended to restria unlimited private revenge, was repealed by the scribes' substitution of pecuniary damages (mishnah, baba kamma 8,1). jewish history accordingly offers a rich account of the development of law through commentary upon code and through fiction. to the student of legal history, the humanitarian trends of the pharisaic law afford a noteworthy comparison with the influence of equity on the english common law. as just discussed, the rigour of the written law was often avoided by the use of the rules of evidence. the evidence of at least two witnesses was required in a capital case. so if the evidence of the witnesses disagreed even on minor points, e.g. if one said the offence took place at the fifth hour and another the seventh hour (mishnah, sanhedrin 5,3), their entire evidence was rejected.s1 study of the unwritten law reveals many examples of that creative approach to law which the university should seek to inculcate. one effect of the release of debts every 7 years (deuteronomy 15,9) was the difficulty of borrowing money in, say, the 6th year. thus the famed pharisee, hillel (founder of one of the two competing schools of pharisaic thought), instituted the prosbul which, through a declaration by the creditor before the court, negatived the operation of that law.s2 again, deuteronomy 24,1 provides that a man may divorce his wife simply by delivering a bill of divorce, but the scribes, by requiring detailed formalities affecting this documents3 and by institution of the ketubah (whereby the husband had to charge his assets to secure payment of the dowry to the wife on widowhood or divorce), 54 sought to protect the wife's position. 47. the scribes varied in degrees of conservatism according to their willingness to accept new halakhoth. r. eliezer b. hyrcanus (a contemporary of the said r.joshua, and a frequent disputant with him) would not pass on an halakhah to his students, unless it had been handed down by teachers of two previous generations. r.joshua is thought to have disapproved of the multiplication of halakhoth, for he would say of a recent ruling cited to him, "the scribes have invented a new thing, and i cannot make answer (to them that would gainsay them)"; e.g., kelim 13,7. 48. 8aba kamma 7,4. 49. a guiding principle of the scribes was not to impose a rule which most people would be incapable of observing (8aba 8athra 60b). so. deuteronomy 17,6. 51. shebiith 9,3-4. in the history of susanna the capital conviction of susanna by the jewish elders for adultery was quashed when daniel, in separate examination of each of the two witnesses, elicited from one that the act was done under a mastick tree, and from the other under a holm tree. 52. shebiith 10,3-4. 53. gillin, passim. 54. shabo 14b and see the soncino talmud, moed i, p. 59, n. 6. 37 the denning law journal the role of intent in jewish law also repays study. indeed, one would expect internal state of mind to be important in a religious law. intention was an essential component in the legal effect of an act from an early stage, and the old common law rule that a man may be presumed to intend the natural consequences of his acts,55 does not usually operate. deuteronomy 19,4-13, provides that if a man kills his neighbour unintentionally, as where the head of the tree-cutter's axe slips from the handle and kills, he may flee to a city of asylum. but where a man lies in wait for, and attacks his neighbour fatally, and then flees to a city of asylum, the elders may recover him and hand him over to the avenger. pollock's claim that "even manifest intention is hardly treated as a possible or proper subject-matter of judicial proof in archaic systems oflaw,,56 accordingly appears open to question. in mishnaic times, state of mind has the same importance both in religious and civil matters. if a man recites the shema (daily prayer) without directing his heart to it, he has not fulfilled his obligation (berakoth 2,1). again if a man only intends to strike another on the loins, but the blow lands on his heart and kills him, the striker is not liable for killing (sanhedrin 9,2).57 liability for injury by even an ox is determined by what the ox intended (baba kamma 5,4)! jewish law offers the student interesting insights into the function of custom in the growth oflaw. although the jews believed the covenant code to be the word of god, it seems probable that, like the twelve tables of r0me, it comprised accumulated custom. although the deuteronomic code contains hortatory matter, and the priestly code idealism, later custom is surely embedded there too. and in the traditional law enunciated by the scribes, there is reason to believe that many rules were giving legal sanction to customs. thus, hillel was asked whether it was permissible for the worshippers on the passover to bring knives to the temple for the slaughter of their sacrificial lambs, even when the passover fell on a sabbath, since on the sabbath the carrying of articles may constitute a breach of the prohibition of work. 58 hillel told his questioners to observe what, in fact, the people were doing on such a sabbath, and they noticed that the worshippers had attached the knives to the animals they were leading. the rule was, therefore, that to this extent the passover over-rode the sabbath.59 a most significant feature of this different thought-world, for the imaginative student, is the jewish joy in fulfilling the commands of the law which contrasts with 55. r. v. haroey [1823] z b.&c.z57. winfield ina textbook of the law of tort, 5th ed. (1950) wtote at p. 20: "if i fire a gun at your dog, wishing merely to scare it, and in fact some of the pellets hit it, it does not lie in my mouth to say that i intended only to scare it and not to hit it. and it would be equally idle for me, at any rate in the law of tort, to say that i never wished to hit you, if in faci some of the shot glanced off the ground and wounded you who were standing near your dog." 56. a first book of jurisprudence 6th ed. (1929), p. 159. 57. admittedly, there is liability in some cases, particularly in matters of ritual, irrespective of knowledge of the act or intent: see, e.g. leviticus, 4,13; 5,1-6. 58. shabo 1,1-3. concerning the influence of custom and the folkways in the' formation of law in a theocratic society, see also the presenl writer's jesus and the laws of purit)' osot press, sheffield, 1986). 59. tosephta pisha 4,14. 38 early jewish law and university education the often reluctant and critical attitude towards the law's requirements in a secularly based system. expressions such as the psalmist's "oh, how i love thy law! it is my meditation all the day" and "blessed is the man ... his delight is in the law of the lord, and on his law he meditates day and night" 60 indicate the devotion of the orthodox to a religious legal sytem. * * * * * this writer is not aware of any text-book of early jewish law written specifically with the law-student in mind, but we have mentioned most of its literary sources above, and it would not be beyond the competence of the teacher to give in his lectures the necessary historical background and explanation of those sources. this trumpeting of the claims of early jewish law to a place as an optional course in academic legal syllabi is not intended to deprecate the claims of other systems of ancient religious law, such as the hindu or the moslem, which we understand already to be optional courses in the ll.b. curriculum at the school of oriental and african studies of london university. indeed, the greater current prevalence of those systems in britain's multi-racial society, will enhance their attraction for the proponents of utilitarianism. we are submitting only that the purpose of a university ought to be the conferment of a liberal education upon its students and that, within the context of an academic legal education, early jewish law's embrace of religion, jurisprudence, ancient history and literature, renders it a suitable medium to that end, stimulating, as it will, the student's imaginative and creative powers no less than his historical and critical faculties. 60. psalms 119,97; 1,1-2. the element of joy in judaism is sometimes overlooked. the early law stipulated, "you shall rejoice before the lord" at the feast of weeks, and "you will be altogether joyful" at the feast of booths (deuteronomy 16,11 and 15). this spirit extended into later times. the said r. joshua declared that on a festival day a man should devote half his time to god and half to merrymaking (bezah isb), and at shabo 118b we read, "he who delights in the sabbath is granted his heart's desires." 39 the denning law journal 123 denning law journal 2019 vol 31 pp 123-145 the nigerian supreme court and the political question doctrine ekokoi solomon* ekereobong essien** * ekokoi solomon is a phd candidate at the faculty of law, university of calabar, nigeria, and lecturer in law, department of public law, faculty of law, university of uyo, nigeria. e-mail: emmanuelsolomon@uniuyo.edu.ng; ekokoisolomon@yahoo.com ** llb (hons), bl & llm student at the faculty of law, rivers state university, port harcourt, nigeria. e-mail: ekyice1@gmail.com 1 l tremblay, ‘the legitimacy of judicial review: the limits of dialogue between courts and legislatures’ (2005) 3(4) international journal of constitutional law 617. abstract this paper examines the attitude of the supreme court of nigeria towards the political question doctrine. it examines the decisions of the court in some landmark cases involving political questions since the first republic up until the fourth republic, which commenced in may 1999. the paper identifies three core doctrines espoused by the court in cases involving political questions: deference, necessity or exigency and avoidance or passive doctrines. this paper demonstrates the inevitability of the court’s engagement in the adjudication of cases involving political questions. this is because by virtue of its role in the governance process, the apex court is both a political and legal institution. the paper, therefore, recommends that the court should openly assert the ‘politicality’ of its decisions, whether they are predicated on the court’s deference to the political branches of government, the necessity or exigency of the issues involved in the case at hand, and/or the need to avoid the political question involved in the case before it. introduction analyses of decisions of courts in cases which involve political questions are bound to raise the issue of institutional dialogue. the theory of institutional dialogue has been described as the engagement of the courts and legislature in a dialogue ‘regarding the determination of the proper balance between constitutional principles and public policies’.1 when dialogue occurs between courts and the legislature, both institutions place emphasis on different values. while courts emphasise the need to maintain fundamental procedural values, the legislature, on its part, concerns itself with promoting certain economic, social and political mailto:emmanuelsolomon@uniuyo.edu.ng mailto:ekokoisolomon@yahoo.com mailto:ekyice1@gmail.com 124 the nigerian supreme court and the political question doctrine ends.2 institutional dialogue sometimes produces conflict between legality and legitimacy. when the decision of a court appears to conflict or actually conflicts with legislative intent or outcome, the former ‘can be reversed, modified, or avoided by a new law, [and] any concern about the legitimacy of judicial review is greatly diminished’.3 this is because the core substance of any new law will have to effectively address the consequence of the court’s decision.4 in a constitutional democracy, political questions are generally within the realm of the political branches of government (the legislature and executive). in nigeria, the notion whether judicial self-restrain in cases involving political questions is a myth or reality, is arguably an issue for legal and scholarly debate. the divergent views on the issue may be attributed to two opposing conceptions. the first is the notion of the inherent powers of the courts to entertain any matter brought before them for judicial determination.5 the second is the conception that the inherent powers of courts are only meant to complement the powers which the constitution and statutes confer on the courts, rather than conferring a separate and distinct jurisdiction on them,6 as inherent powers do not extend the jurisdiction of courts but merely lubricate it.7 definition of concepts is a problematic academic enterprise, as there is practically no common ground to its conceptualisation. to this end, it is essential to adopt a pragmatic approach in defining any concept. thus, in onuoha v okafor,8 the supreme court of nigeria (the court) laid down two considerations for the determination of what constitutes political question. the first pertains to the lack of satisfactory criteria for judicial determination of the issues before a court, and the second is the appropriateness of attributing finality to the action of the political department under the prevailing constitutional order.9 therefore, the political question doctrine is the notion which assists courts to navigate within the 2 ibid., 633. 3 p hogg and a bushell, ‘the charter dialogue between courts and legislatures: or perhaps the charter of rights isn’t such a bad thing after all’ (1997) 35(1) osgoode hall law journal 75, 80. 4 ibid. 5 constitution of the federal republic of nigeria, cap c23 laws of the federation of nigeria (lfn) 2004 [hereinafter cfrn 1999 or the constitution] s 6(6)(a),(b); adigun v attorney general, oyo state [1987] all nlr 328, 344; 2 nwlr (pt 56) 197; see also km mowoe, constitutional law in nigeria (malthouse press 2008) 179–180. 6 the young shall grow motors ltd v okonkwo [2002] 38 wrn 98. 7 akilu v fawehinmi (no 2) [1989] 2 nwlr (pt 102) 122, 197. 8 [1983] nscc 494. 9 ibid., 507. the denning law journal 125 confines of judicial tradition and by so doing avoid constitutional controversies. this means that in certain situations it will be inappropriate or injudicious for the courts to interfere, overtly or directly, with what properly should be within the realm of the political branches of government.10 thus, a judicial matter contains a political question ‘when either the constitution has expressly vested jurisdiction over the issue [in a case] in the other two branches of the government or it is implicit in line with the concept of separation of powers that this should be so’.11 it should be noted, however, that not all political and constitutional cases constitute political questions, even though all constitutional cases have political relevance. according to ademola popoola, political questions are distinguishable from political cases. this is because the characterisation of what constitutes a political question ‘does not lie in any possible effect which the decision may have on the political framework of the country’.12 when judicial decisions, in cases involving political questions, produce outcomes which are incongruous with the economic, social or political aspirations of society, such decisions can be considered as having the force of legality but lacking in legitimacy. this means that judicial decisions of courts may be legal (in as much as such decisions are elucidated based on rules that are discernible and implicit or inferred from the legal instrument upon which judicial interpretations are predicated) but lack overt acceptability. this is generally applicable to judicial cases involving political questions. this paper does not seek to critique the decisions of the court for sake of it, even though it is trite that decisions of courts may be critiqued in appropriate forums such as this, albeit respectfully. in adigun v attorney-general, oyo state, the court noted that in view of the great powers which the court wields, it is necessary to exercise such powers with care. therefore, it is imperative for ‘pungent and constructive analytical criticism of every judgement of the court in the law journals and similar fora. [for] [t]he judgement of a court should not be treated with sacred sanctity, once it gets to the right critical forum’.13 this is because the court is not infallible but merely final.14 10 a casties, ‘justiciability: political question’ in la stein (ed), locus standi (law books co 1979) 202; see also, rc chandler, ra enslen and pg renstrom, the constitutional law dictionary: governmental powers (abc-clio inc 1987) 644. 11 a popoola, ‘politics of the nigerian judiciary’ in proceedings of the nigerian association of law teachers conference, 1994, 70; see also chandler, enslen, and renstrom, ibid. 12 ibid. 13 adigun (n 7) 328, 344; 2 nwlr 214–215 (eso jsc). 14 adegoke motors v adesanya [1989] 3 nwlr (pt 109) 250, 274–275. 126 accordingly, this paper examines the attitude of the court towards the political question doctrine and highlights the inconsistencies in the approach of the court in some landmark cases which involved political questions. these inconsistencies undoubtedly constitute a major source of the legitimacy question with regards to the activity of judicial review in nigeria.15 the paper asserts that the decisions of the court, in cases involving political questions, have been shaped by (i) its deference to the political branches; (ii) the necessity or exigency of the moment; and (iii) the doctrine of avoidance. these factors are suggestive of the court’s ‘awareness of the events around [it] and the prevailing social and even political situations’.16 certainly, the making of decisions based on the prevailing social and political situations set up the court as a participant in the policy-making process and by implication a political institution, just as it is also a legal institution.17 the court and constitutional adjudication the court is established in section 230 of the cfrn 1999. it is the highest court in the hierarchy of the judicature in nigeria. all adjudications, with the exception of certain electoral cases,18 terminate at the court.19 apart from the general powers of the court under section 6 of the cfrn 1999, the court possesses both original20 and appellate21 jurisdictions. cases go on appeal to the court either as of right22 or with leave of the court of appeal, which decision is to be appealed, or with leave of the court.23 15 e nwauche, ‘is the end near for the political question doctrine in nigeria?’ in c fombad and c murray (eds), fostering constitutionalism in africa (pretoria, university of pretoria press 2010) 33; m ikhariale, ‘impeachment proceedings and the political question doctrine: the nigerian experience’ (1990) lasu law journal 45, 54. 16 popoola (n 13) 68. 17 ibid., 62, 64–65. 18 cfrn 1999, s 246(3); abubakar v usman [2017] 15 nwlr (pt 1587) 36. 19 cfrn 1999, s 235. there is, however, a proposal which was sponsored by the judiciary, seeking to limit the jurisdiction of the supreme court of nigeria in terms of appeals from the court of appeal to entertain only cases involving the death penalty, enforcement of human rights and interpretation of the constitution. see, policy and legal advocacy centre, ‘factsheet on bills seeking to further amend the constitution to reflect proposals initiated by the judiciary’ (july 2017) issue 3 factsheet: review of relevant information on nigeria’s democracy 1. 20 cfrn 1999, s 232; see also, supreme court act cap s15 lfn 2004, s 17. 21 cfrn 1999, s 233(1); supreme court act cap s15 lfn 2004, s 16(1). 22 cfrn 1999, s 233(2). 23 ibid., s 235(3). the nigerian supreme court and the political question doctrine the denning law journal 127 in terms of the original jurisdiction of the court, section 232(1) of the cfrn 1999 empowers the court, to the exclusion of any other court, to entertain cases involving ‘any dispute between the federation and a state or between states if and in so far as that dispute involves any question (whether of law or fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends’. the court is sometimes invited to decide cases which involve political questions that may emanate by virtue of the horizontal relations between the other two branches of government, or from the vertical relations between the federal and state governments, or from electoral, political party and other political activities. drawing from the above, the issue whether the court can competently exercise its judicial powers in such a manner that limits or is capable of limiting the potency of positive law may be raised.24 generally, courts cannot exercise judicial powers to defeat the intention of the legislature or write into legislation what was not intended by the legislature or to rewrite a legislation through judicial decisions. by virtue of the foregoing, the court is not required to legislate from the bench – not even under the pretext of constitutional adjudication – as to do so would amount to exceeding its judicial powers and venturing into the realm of politics. what does constitutional adjudication entail? constitutional adjudication entails judicial interpretation of the constitution. this is because written constitutions are not self-actualising and are inherently indeterminate.25 for this reason, written constitutions require interpretation and adaptation to changing circumstances,26 which are themselves ‘both unavoidable and problematic’.27 even so, james madison hoped that in a constitutional democracy ‘[a]mbition must be made to counteract ambition’,28 so that the law of the constitution could be made self-enforcing by aligning the interests of the departments of government with constitutional rights.29 according to madison’s theory, self-enforcement of constitutional law is realisable through constitutional separation of powers between the legislative, executive and judicial branches of 24 dangana v usman [2012] 2 sc (pt iii) 103, 130. 25 c lafont, ‘philosophical foundations of judicial review’ in d dyzenhaus and m thorburn (eds), philosophical foundations of constitutional law (oup 2016) 265. 26 d kommers, ‘germany: balancing rights and duties’ in j goldsworthy (ed), interpreting constitutions (oup 2006) 196. 27 lafont (n 27). 28 j madison, ‘federalist 51’ in l goldman (ed), alexander hamilton, james madison, and john jay: the federalist papers (new york, oup 2008) 257. 29 ibid. 128 government.30 therefore, in interpreting the constitution, courts must ensure that the meaning accorded to constitutional texts is true to the spirit of the constitutional order. this is because, first, according to aharon barak, a former president of the supreme court of israel, ‘[e]very [constitutional] text has two meanings: an express meaning and an implied meaning’31 and second, wide power of construction, in john taylor’s view, may allow courts to stretch constitutional adjudication in manners that render the activity more amenable to the attainment of purposes in view or predetermined objectives just ‘as synods do scriptures, according to the temporal interest of the predominant sect’.32 the cfrn 1999, like other written constitutions, is open-textured and allows for competing, conservative and liberal readings33 of the constitutional texts, and also commits to certain basic constitutional principles.34 as already noted, the open-textured nature of nigerian constitutions, including the cfrn 1999, gives rise to divergence in constitutional interpretation. while constitutional adjudication may be considered an inevitable and overlapping judicial activity, it is however important to ensure that decisions which emanate from the process are objective and based on positive law, as well as capable of promoting the economic, social and political aspirations of the society. this ensures that judicial decisions produce the best interpretation possible.35 it would appear the court favours two main approaches in constitutional interpretation. the first is the minimalist approach. this approach in the interpretation of the constitution, to a large extent, has its origin in nigeria’s colonial heritage.36 the court applied the minimalist approach, for example, in attorney-general, ondo v attorney-general, federation (icpc case),37 wherein the court unequivocally pronounced its support for the anti-corruption policy of 30 j goldsmith and d levinson, ‘law for states: international law, constitutional law, public law’ (may 2009) 122(7) harvard law review 1792, 1832. 31 a barak, ‘on constitutional implications and constitutional structure’ in d dyzenhaus and m thorburn (eds), philosophical foundations of constitutional law (oup 2016) 53. 32 j taylor, construction construed and constitutions vindicated (reprint edn, the lawbook exchange ltd 1998) 23. 33 t roux, ‘transformative constitutionalism and the best interpretation of the south african constitution: distinction without a difference’ (2009) 2 stell lr 278. 34 e solomon, ‘the basic structure doctrine and implied limitations on the exercise of legislative powers under the nigerian constitution’ (2016) 9 university of uyo law journal 267. 35 ibid., 279–280. 36 h yusuf, ‘the judiciary and political change in africa: developing transitional jurisprudence in nigeria’ (october 2009) 7(4) icon 654, 664. 37 [2002] 6 sc (pt i) 1. the nigerian supreme court and the political question doctrine the denning law journal 129 the federal government in spite of the unitary disposition of the corrupt practices and other related offences act38 which negates the principle of federalism under the constitution, even as the court struck down sections 26(3) and 35 of the icpc act for its violation of the fundamental right to liberty.39 the minimalist approach, it would appear, accounts for the court’s reluctance to enforce, for example, certain provisions of the fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy provisions of the constitution,40 and holding that the objective to eliminate corruption can be realised through the enactment and enforcement of legislation.41 the second approach to constitutional adjudication favoured by the court is the structural or purposive approach. the purposive approach in the interpretation of the constitution involves the systematic analysis or inquiry into the structure and function or purpose of constitutional rules. it seeks to find guidance in constitutional history and the spirit of the constitution as a living document. this approach emphasises practicality over abstract analysis, structure over procedural considerations, efficiency over textuality and the end prevailing over the means.42 the structural or purposive approach, therefore, ensures the unity and coherence of constitutional order.43 this approach seeks to entrench the existing constitutional order by going beyond explicit constitutional provisions to apply norms that may be implied from the constitutional texts.44 the court has applied the structural or purposive approach in plethora of cases. for example, in bronik motors ltd v wema bank ltd,45 the court held that a constitution is a living document which requires a purposive interpretation of its provisions in order to promote the objects of its provisions and intention of the 38 no 5 of 2000, repealed by corrupt practices and other related offences act (no 6 of 2003) cap c31 lfn 2004 [icpc act] s 55. 39 this led to the repeal of the icpc act, no 5 of 2000 and the enactment of the icpc act, no 6 of 2003. 40 g okeke and c okeke, ‘the justiciability of the non-justiciable constitutional policy of governance in nigeria’ (january–february 2013) 7(6) journal of humanities and social science 9–14. 41 icpc case (n 39) 28–30. 42 j madison, ‘federalist 40’ in l goldman (ed), alexander hamilton, james madison, and john jay: the federalist papers (oup 2008) 194; see also solomon (n 36). 43 kommers (n 28) 199–200. 44 c chandrachud, ‘constitutional falsehoods: the fourth judges case and the basic structure doctrine in india’ in r albert and b oder (eds), an unamendable constitution? unamendability in constitutional democracies (springer international publishing ag 2018) 149; see also solomon (n 36). 45 [1983] anlr 272. 130 framers of the constitution.46 in dangana v usman, the court held that in constitutional adjudication, a judge should not only rely on the constitutional texts but also consider the historical evolution of constitutional practice and history prior to the enactment of the existing constitution.47 in the same vein, in rabiu v state,48 the court held that it is not the duty of the ‘court to construe any of the provisions of the constitution as to defeat the obvious ends of the constitution’,49 or indeed to give an interpretation that will defeat the principles upon which a constitutional rule was established.50 also, in attorney-general, abia state & 2 ors v attorney-general, federation (revenue monitoring case),51 a case in which the plaintiffs challenged the constitutionality of the local government revenue management act, a legislation which was enacted to promote the economic and social well-being of the citizens in local communities. in this case, the court was called upon ‘to respond to the dilemma presented by the need to secure a balance between a laudable policy objective with constitutional support and a fundamental black-letter constitutional principle’.52 in its decision, the court held that the revenue monitoring case was not about the need to curb corruption but about the violation of a major constitutional principle, namely, federalism.53 it should be noted however, that there appears to be an emerging approach by the court in constitutional adjudication. this approach is reflective of the passive disposition on the part of the court towards constitutional adjudication to the extent of avoiding major constitutional questions brought before it for judicial determination.54 the following sections of this paper examine the attitude of the court in the constitutional adjudication of cases with political questions. 46 ibid., 291–292. 47 dangana (n 26) 152. 48 [1980] 8–11 sc 130. 49 ibid., 149 (udoma jsc). 50 attorney-general, bendel state v attorney-general, federation & 22 ors [1981] anlr 85, 130–131. 51 [2006] 2 all nlr 24. 52 yusuf (n 38) 663. 53 revenue monitoring case (n 53) 32. 54 in attorney-general, federation v national assembly [april 2015] unreported, suit no sc/214/2015 accessed 11 january 2018, the court avoided constitutional adjudication by failing or refusing to determine the constitutionality of the fourth alteration bill 2015 passed by the 7th national assembly, through the constitution of the federal republic of nigeria (fourth alteration) bill 2015. prior to the above case, the court had avoided the constitutional issues raised in the case brought by the 36 state governments against the federal government of nigeria over the latter’s unilateral operation of the excess crude the nigerian supreme court and the political question doctrine accessed 20 april 2018 31 ofsted v al-hijrah [16]. 32 ibid [24]. 33 further, there are general exceptions under schedule 3. 34 beale (n 21) 33. http://www.lawandreligionuk.com/2018/02/03/out-of-school-education-social-cohesion-and-ofsted/ http://www.lawandreligionuk.com/2018/02/03/out-of-school-education-social-cohesion-and-ofsted/ the denning law journal 175 “acceptance and engagement with the fundamental british values of democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty and mutual respect and tolerance of those with different faiths and beliefs; they develop and demonstrate skills and attitudes that will allow them to participate fully in and contribute positively to life in modern britain.”35 while it can be argued that sex-segregation can undermine expected “attitudes” here, this is equally the case for single-sex schools with protected status. so once again, the question arises of why these two school types are being treated differently. furthermore, ofsted conceded a number of points in their report, including that the segregation of the pupils did not impact on the standard of teaching the children received nor the range of subjects available to them. the thrust of the argument was the perceived detriment suffered by the children from not engaging and interacting with members of the opposite sex. further to this, concerns were raised about pupils awareness of safeguarding issues such as forced marriages.36 however, the argument that this undermines british values seems particularly punitive. ofsted has indicated that the outcome of this case will impact on its policy towards all state funded faith schools which operate gender segregation, which means a definite impact on a number of muslim and jewish faith schools,37 as well as some christian ones.38 6 sex-segregation, single-sex schools and detriment the question of the detriment being suffered by the segregation was not scrutinised further by the court of appeal, although the issue was raised during the high court hearing.39 as stated above, the arguments for distinguishing segregated mixed schools from single gender schools, 35 school inspection handbook 2018, 40. 36 ofsted v al-hijrah [21]. 37 a bbc news report suggested that approximately a total of 20 jewish, muslim and christian schools are thought to have similar policies. this appears to be an extremely low number, however, it only includes state funded schools, not those privately funded. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-birmingham-41609861 (last visited 22 january 2018). 38 interim executive board of x school v her majesty's chief inspector of education, children's services and skills [2016] ewhc 2813 (admin) [11]. 39 ibid [95]. comment 176 which benefit from special exemptions under schedule 11 of the equality act, are weak. clearly, children at the latter schools suffer similar disadvantages from the lack of socialisation with members of the opposite sex. the decision in this case upheld ofsted’s argument that the deprivation of choice in mixed schools was key. but is this a mere technicality, as the outcome in both settings is the same – a lack of engagement with members of the opposite sex? the answer to this lies in what is mean by “british values” and “life in modern britain”. it is difficult not to question why ofsted would take such issue with al-hijrah when britain has a centuries old historic tradition of single-sex schools, which continue to exist in modern britain and in fact produce our political and judicial leaders to this day; a fact that lady justice gloster makes mention of in her judgment.40 indeed, all three of the esteemed court of appeal judges in this case were all educated at single-sex schools. the need to ensure boys and girls can respectfully and comfortably engage with each other is no doubt a pivotal concern in modern british society. however, this case leaps forward and establishes that removing the choice of such engagement breaches the equality act, presenting arguments which tie the highly politicised language of “british values” and “modern britain” to the issue of sex discrimination, and arguably away from the remit intended within the school inspection handbook. it is highly likely that an inspection of any number of single-sex schools would reveal boys and girls equally keen to cross the fence and engage with the other, and who believe a single sex school is “dumb” as they do not get the chance to engage with the other half of the human race. however, it is equally likely that ofsted or any school inspectorate would not ask those questions for understanding the values and traditions being upheld by these schools, and protected by the schedule 11 exemptions from section 85 provisions. it is clear that what makes alhijrah different is the religious underpinnings of the decision to segregate, and as a result it is difficult to separate some of the highly political language used in the report from the faith based nature of the school. the court of appeal did not test the assumption put forward by ofsted that the pupils are suffering a detriment, nor did they deal with the question of how much engagement would be required to overcome this detriment. would shared trips or breaks be enough, or will nothing short of full co-education suffice? this seems to be a major oversight. there exist myriad of contradictory evidences testing the impact of gender 40 ofsted v al-hijrah [126]. the denning law journal 177 segregated education, reflecting an overall unclear outcome. on the one hand, arguments can be made that single gender schools offset gendered roles and norms where education is concerned and undermine gender stereotypes. girls, in the absence of boys, are not expected to behave “like girls”, and vice versa. a discussion on the potential benefits of single sex education follows, to question the assumption made by ofsted that there is necessarily a detriment. there are equally evidences which support soeducation. however, the purpose here is not to prove which is more convincing, but rather to question the premise of the assumption that single-sex is detrimental which ofsted argues, and which the court of appeal upheld in this case. global research on single sex schools suggests differences in achievement are multi-layered and dependent on a multitude of other factors. firstly, young children below the age of 6 and particularly between ages 4-6 tend to self-segregate when it comes to play, showing a preference to their own gender.41 this suggests that boys and girls do experience different peer cultures even at a young age, 42 and this reinforces gendered norms (boys being physically playful and girls being more intellectually engaged). fabes et al concluded that the gender of playmates had a crucial impact on early school competence.43 the selfsegregation at this age is a natural phenomenon. where single sex schools are concerned, a number of studies have revealed an array of possible outcomes. for example, research suggests that women from all girls’ schools/colleges tend to be less inhibited about entering traditionally male dominated fields such as the sciences. in a study of 1700 female college students in the us, 40-75% from single sex colleges shifted into neutral or male dominated fields as compared with 25% of women in co-educational schools.44 another study found that the number of female students pursuing maths and sciences dropped when the school became co-educational.45 as pointed out by billger, the source of 41 richard a fabes et al, ‘early school competence: the roles of sexsegregated play and effortful control’ (2003) 39(5) developmental psychology, 848–858, 848. 42 fabes (2003) 849. 43 fabes (2003) 857. 44 solnick, s j, ‘changes in women’s majors from entrance to graduation at women’s and coeducational colleges’ (1995) 48(3) industrial and labor relations review, 505–514. 45 sherrilyn m billger, ‘admitting men into a women’s college: a natural experiment’ (2002) 9 applied economics letters, 479–483. comment 178 these differences can be highly personal to the individual students, 46 however they also seem to reflect a negative impact of sharing the learning environment with boys. billger’s longitudinal study of single sex schooling in the us also revealed that “relative to co-ed schools, the gains from single-sex schooling may be greater for women than men, with 11% higher starting salaries but virtually identical salaries for men.”47 thus, the single sex schools are empowering women and raising their economic expectations and/or achievements. on the whole, billger found that there was a marginal detriment from single-sex education, but concluded that “some positive prospects do nonetheless arise. in some cases, african-american students experience unique gains, and single-sex education may therefore provide an important opportunity to continued improvements in educational quality.”48 in the uk, another longitudinal study by sullivan, joshi and leonard49 into a cohort of single sex educated men and women found that at the age of 42, there was no net detrimental impact on the chances of being employed. where women were concerned, there was however a “positive premium” of 5% on their wages as compared with women who were co-educated. however, this did not undermine occupational segregation of these women in the labour force, concluding that the “gendered nature of the labour market (and other) institutions is the dominant feature of adult experience rather than any legacy of single sex schooling.”50 pertinent for the case under commentary here, sullivan et al note that “it is an irony that, while the argument against single-sex schooling is that single-sex environments are ‘unnatural’ for young people, gender segregated environments are seen as quite normal in adult life.”51 thus, ofsted’s arguments of british values and modern britain perhaps bely a lack of contextual awareness, and perhaps a utopian vision of sex-equality in modern britain being imposed on a school, while failing to take account of the reality of norms in modern britain. 46 sherrilyn m billger, ‘on reconstructing school segregation: the efficacy and equity of single-sex schooling’ (2009) 28 economics of education review, 393402, 393-394. 47 billger (2009) 395, 400. 48 billger (2009) 402. 49 alice sullivan, heather joshi and diana leonard, ‘single-sex schooling and labour market outcomes’ (june 2011) 37(3) oxford review of education, 311– 332. 50 ibid 329. 51 sullivan et al (n 49) 329. the denning law journal 179 it is interesting that where male students are concerned, billger found that those who had attended single-sex schools were less likely to pursue science and computers. perhaps an indication of the lack of expectations imposed on “masculine” subjects in the absence of female students. on the other hand, the male students pursued “business, philosophy/religion, engineering and secretarial skills.”52 this outcome of single-sex education should perhaps be a coercive factor where gender equality is concerned. burton argues that the one main reason why gender inequality persists despite the 2010 act, and its predecessor legislations, is the issue of occupational segregation which is the tendency for men and women to be employed in different occupations.53 if single-sex schooling breaks down gendered norms where career choices are concerned, the overall impact for gender equality is, surely, positive. thus, even in the case where short term disadvantage may be identified through the removal of a choice to engage with members of the opposite sex, perhaps the long term gain outweighs any detriment? sex discrimination and stereotypes go hand in hand. kelsey argues that in the us context, sex segregated schools are unconstitutional as the 14th amendment guarantees against sex discrimination, and he argued that segregated schools perpetuate stereotypes about how each gender should behave. 54 he breaks down this argument at the physiological and biological levels. on the other hand, he cites programmes which seek to enhance the performance of female students in subjects where boys traditionally outperform them such as mathematics. these “single-sex programs seek to bolster girls’ confidence and interest in math by providing an environment where boys are unable to dominate.”55 while kelsey critiques the positive exam results as possibly influenced by the selection programme for female students undertaking the course, it is clear that the environment to some extent plays a part in increasing the students’ achievements. in the us, single-sex education is a highly political issue.56 elsewhere, edstrom and brunila studied gender equality work in sweden and finland, and discovered an alliance between 52 billger (n 45) 398. 53 becci burton, ‘neoliberalism and the equality act 2010: a missed opportunity for gender justice?’ (july 2014) 43(2) industrial law journal 122, 132. 54 chapple kelsey, ‘sports for boys, wedding cakes for girls: the inevitability of stereotyping in schools segregated by sex’ (2016) 9 texas law review 537. 55 ibid 544. 56 nancy chi cantalupo, ‘comparing single-sex and reformed coeducation: a constitutional analysis’ (2012) 49 san diego law review 725. comment 180 projectisation and heteronormativity.57 a binary construction of boys and girls was identified and the focus on school children revealed the existence of gender stereotypes in co-educational settings, before gender equality awareness is raised. at the point of awareness, “the girls’ group is encouraged to be stronger, braver, more independent and to take more space, while the boys’ group is encouraged to be more socially and linguistically competent.”58 they found that the girls’ group is required to change its behavior more than the boys group, placing more pressure on girls. other factors which have impact for girls of a certain age may be female role models.59 this analysis weaves a complex picture of the possible outcomes of sex-segregated schooling. in ofsted v al-hijrah, the court of appeal held that a harm was suffered by each individual girl and boy pupil. but this decision was reached without adequately testing that harm. only a small number of pupils are cited in the ofsted report, raising the question of disparate impact. zatz’s “disparate impact liability” theory may be of interest here.60 while the focus is on employment discrimination law in the us, the 2010 act provides comparable anti-discrimination provisions for england and wales. here, group outcomes are viewed collectively and not all members of the group are expected to suffer. similarly, in the case of the pregnant women, “the fact that some women who are pregnant or on maternity leave have not been treated unfavourably does not mean that this particular woman’s unfavourable treatment is not because of her pregnancy or maternity leave.”61 the matter must be viewed from the perspective of the individual claimant. in the case of al-hijrah students, the court of appeal did not require a single claimant pupil to be identified. however, perhaps identifying such a pupil, even anonymously, would have strengthened ofsted’s arguments of a detriment being suffered. 57 charlotta edstrom and khristina brunila, ‘troubling gender equality: revisiting gender equality work in the famous nordic model countries’ (2016) 20(1) education as change 10. 58 edstrom and brunila (n 59) 20. 59 ronald g ehrenberg, danial d goldhaber and dominic j brewer, ‘do teachers’ race, gender, and ethnicity matter? evidence from the national educational longitudinal study of 1988’ (1995) 48(3) industrial and labor relations review 547. 60 noah d zatz, ‘disparate impact and the unity of equality law’ (2017) 97 boston university law review 1357. 61 sally robertson, ‘employment discrimination: pregnancy and maternity’ [2017] westlaw insight.uk. the denning law journal 181 7 appeal in november 2017, the association of muslim schools (ams) made an application for addition of a party after the conclusion of an appeal,62 in the hope of appealing the decision to the supreme court. ams’ concerns were focussed around their 133 membership schools, 10 of whom implemented the same segregation policies as al-hijrah, and others segregated girls and boys for certain activities. ams submitted that the court of appeal ruling had created uncertainty on what was expected of the schools, and they wished to appeal the decision to the supreme court. ams can be classed as the relevant diocesan authority for any state funded muslim school in accordance with the education act and therefore should be consulted in any change to admissions criteria for muslim schools. further to this, ams also conducts its own inspections of its membership schools pursuant to s 48 of the education act 2005. this application to the court was made pursuant to these interests and clarification from the supreme court was being sought on the basis that the appeal court ruling had created uncertainty on the standard to which these schools would be held upon inspection, and ams’s own statutory obligations when inspecting schools. in particular, they cited the “lack of guidance from ofsted or the department for education on the question of segregation. there has been no public consultation and no official statement that educating girls and boys separately is fundamentally wrong.”63 in rejecting the appeal, the court cited a lack of detail in the witness statement provided by ams, including names of the schools potentially affected and the segregation policies which they adopt. an issue which comes down to a badly drafted application rather than a legitimate lack of concern. it seems clear that the question of wider applicability of this decision which was purported to only be relevant to the particular ofsted report relating to al-hijrah school, is a legitimate one. the appeal court admitted their “judgments touch on matters of general application”64 and also noted that the decision reached in this case will lead ofsted to 62 hm chief inspector of education, children's services and skills v the interim executive board of al-hijrah school v the secretary of state for education, the equality and human rights commission, southall black sisters and inspire, in the matter of an application for joinder by the association of muslim schools [2017] ewca civ 1787. 63 al-hijrah (n 65) 12. 64 al-hijrah (n 65) 16. comment 182 applying a “consistent approach to all similarly organised schools.”65 the justices cited the acceptance of the decision by al-hijrah school and birmingham city council and moves to implement the decision as an indication that the matter was resolved. this seems clearly erroneous in light of ams’s appeal that several other schools operate the same policy and will no doubt be held to the same standard. for this to be clarified, and for this potentially divisive ruling to be legitimately employed by ofsted at other schools, there seems to be a clear need for a supreme court judgment which may confirm the appeal court’s decision, but place clear parameters of expected engagement between the pupils to overcome any detriment suffered. while al-hijrah did not wish to appeal, neither did they oppose ams’s endeavours to appeal.66 8 conclusion the decision reached by the court of appeal in ofsted v al-hijrah was criticised by colin diamond, corporate director of children and young people at birmingham city council, on the basis that al-hijrah school were purportedly being held to a higher standard by ofsted, while other schools with similar policies were being allowed to continue as usual.67 during a bbc radio 4 interview, he questioned ofsted’s logic in allowing a boys’ school and a girls’ school to operate adjacent to each other, with a fence between them, without difficulties; while simultaneously taking particular issue with boys and girls in the same school, questioning the logic and equity being applied. these are valid points. where sex discrimination, in the context of single-sex education, this case raises many questions about the application of the 2010 act. alhijrah purported to be a co-educational school which segregated boys and girls, thereby removing from the pupils the choice of engaging with members of the opposite sex and thereby resulting in a detriment being suffered. however, the ofsted report following a s 5 inspection of alhijrah made reference to politicised terms such as “british values” and “life in modern britain”, without adequate scrutiny. when the present legal treatment of segregated co-educational schooling is contrasted with 65 al-hijrah (n 65) 96. 66 al-hijrah (n 65) 12. 67 bbc, ‘birmingham islamic faith school guilty of sex discrimination’ (bbc, 13 october 2017) accessed 22 january 2018. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-birmingham-41609861 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-birmingham-41609861 the denning law journal 183 the long established british tradition of single-sex schools, there is a glaring disparity. the latter is protected from discrimination claims by the very same act seemingly being breached by the segregated school. despite the technical distinction between the two types of schools, which mean one has the possibility of engagement with the opposite sex, while the other does not, claims of detriment are also inadequately scrutinised by the appeal court and evidence abound of the lack of clarity in outcome for those educated in single-sex schools contrasted with coeducational settings. finally, the grounds on which ams was precluded from joining the action and appealing the case to the supreme court are unpersuasive, and the resultant position is that faith schools exercising gender segregation can now all expect a visit from ofsted. how these schools reorganise themselves is yet to be determined, but it is clear that the only way they can continue with single-sex education, if they so wish, is to operate two separate schools, one for boys and one for girls. the spiliada: from convenience to propriety helen helston* in this article two interrelated aspects of the english court's jurisdiction over an action containing foreign elements will be examined. the first is the exercise of the court's discretion to grant a stay of english proceedings where jurisdiction has been founded as of right. jurisdiction is so founded where, for example, a writ is served on the defendant who is present within the jurisdiction at the time of the service of the writ. the second is the exercise of the court's discretion to grant leave to serve a writ out of the jurisdiction under rsc order ii r.1(l). such leave will be required if the defendant is not within the jurisdiction at the time of service. the analysis of these issues will be made in the light of the important decision in spiliada man'time corpn. v. cansulex ltd ([he spiliada/ in which the court, for the first time, elaborated a coherent principle that can be applied to both order ii and stay situations. order ii and stay: the pre-spiliada rules prior to the spiliada it was unclear to what extent the principles governing the exercise of the court's discretion to grant a stay and those in relation to the exercise of its discretion under order ii were co-extensive. in relation to stay, the grant of a refusal to stay of english proceedings had, since 1978, turned on the two-stage test propounded by lord diplock in macsha1l11onv. rockware glass ltd.;2 "in order to grant a stay two conditions must be satisfied, one positive, one negative: (a) the defendant must satisfy the court that there is another forum to whose jurisdiction he is amenable in which justice can be done between the parties at substantially less inconvenience and ex'}jensejand (b) the stay must not deprive the plaintiff of a legitimate personal or juridical advantage which would be available to him ifhe invoked the jurisdiction of the english court." "lecturer in law, university of buckingham. 1. [1986] 3 all e.r. 843. 2. [1978] a.c. 795, at p.812. 67 the denning law journal prior to this test, discretion to grant or refuse stay was based on the question of whether the english proceedings could be said to be "oppressive or vexatious". 3 the oppressive or vexatious test proved unduly burdensome on the party seeking stay since, self-evidently, to prove that something is "oppressive" is no easy task. however, lord diplock's approach in macshannon has produced its own special problems. for example, it has been disputed whether lord diplock introduced the defendent,,7 and then somehow reach a balance between the two. this could be laws.4 according t~ this concept the court had to consider ~hether there is another competent tribunal which is more suitable for the trial of the case in the interests of the parties and of justice.5 if so, then a stay should be granted. the consequence of this uncertainty is that it has been unclear whether the courts should refer exclusively to scottish criteria when deciding whether a stay should be granted or not. further the balance between the (a) and the (b) branches of lord diplock's macshannon test was never clear. however, if both were satisfied then the court had no choice but to determine the "critical equation" as explained by lord wilberforce in the atlantic star. 6 according to this, the court must "take into account (i) any advantage to the plaintiff, (ii) any disadvantage to the defenda~t',7 and then somehow reach a balance between the two. this could be difficult since any advantage to the plaintiff was likely to be neutralised by a disadvantage to the defendant. also, as lord wilberforce himself stated, the resolution of the "critical equation" was likely to be by way of an "instinctive process".8 yet, surely, reason demands that the exercise of such a discretion should have more legal content than mere "instinct". in relation to order ii, leave could be refused where england was not the forum conveniens9 because, for example, of the locality of the parties or the witnesses. 10 there has never been any recondite guiding principle governing the exercise of this discretion of the macshannon kind. the court has simply identified such matters as expense and inconvenience as possible grounds for refusing leave. the question now is what effect the spiliada has had upon these principles. the spiliada in the spiliada the court was concerned with the exercise of its discretion to grant leave to serve out of the jurisdiction under order ii r. 1 (l)(f)(iii). this 3. si. pierre v. soulh american siores (galh and chaves) ltd. [1936] 1 k.b. 382. 4. in macsh(lll/lon itself, whereas lord diplock expressed the view that his reinstatement of the principles must be indistinguisable from the principle of forum /1011 crjllveniens,lord salmon expressly rejected any adoption of that latter principle: [19781 a.c. 795, at pp.81 2,822 and 817. see also, adrian briggs, [1984j legal siudies 74. 5. sim v. robinolv (1892) 19 r. (ct. of sess.) 665. 6. the allanlic slar [1974j a.c. 436, at p.468. 7. ibid .. 8. ibid .. 9. maroux v. sociedade commercial abel pereira da fonseca s.a.r.l. [1972j i w.l.r. 962 and g.a.f. corporalion v. anchem products inc. [1975j i lloyd's l.r. 601. 10. sec, e.g., sodhe generale de paris v. dreyfus brothers (1885) 29 ch.d. 239, at p.242. 68 the spiliada: from convenience to propriety sub-rule of order ii r.1 deals with the situation where a contract is "by its terms or by implication governed by english law", which all courts in the spiliada saga agreed was, on the facts, the proper law. ii the plaintiffs, the liberian owners of the spiliada, wanted to commence proceedings in england against cansulex ltd. in respect of corrosion caused to the ship when wet sulphur was loaded aboard it. the leave, which had been granted at first instance and then discharged by the court of appeal, was reinstated by the house of lords. though the case was particularly concerned with order ii, lord goff (giving the leading judgment) took the opportunity to review both the principles relating to that order and those relating to the grant of a stay of english proceedings which have been founded as of right. 12 in doing so he identified what, in his view, was the fundamental principle applicable to both. the court, he said, should exercise its discretion in favour of that forum in which the case could be tried more suitably for the interests of the parties and the needs of justice, i.e. the "appropriate forum"y the "appropriate forum" was that with which the case has its closest and most real connection.14 the fact that the plaintiff might be deprived of a legitimate advantage if leave is refused or a stay granted is obviously relevant to this issue but by no means conclusive. is by using the test of closest, most real connection, the english court was found to be the appropriate forum and so leave was reinstated. this decision was reached by consideration of, inter alia, the "cambridgeshire factor" which in the event proved decisive.16 the cambridgeshire, an english owned ship, had also been damaged by the wet sulphur. its owners had already commenced proceedings in england against cansulex ltd., when spiliada maritime corporation sought leave under order ii. both ships were supported by the same insurers and both of the ship's owners had briefed the same solicitors. the combination of the preparatory work done by the cambridgeshire team together with the fact that english law governed the contract between spiliada maritime corporation and cansulex ltd., led to the conclusion that england was the appropriate jurisdiction for the trial of the action. 17 ii. the spiliada [1985] 2 lloyd's l.r. 116 (c.a.). 12. [1986] 3 all e.r. 843, at p.853. 13. ibid., at pp.853-54. according to lord goff, the burden of proving the appropriate forum under order 11falls on the party seeking leave. in relation to stay it falls on the party seeking a stay. 14. ibid., at p.856. the ancillary significance of all this is a new departure for the 'closest and most real connection' test which began its life in contract and then spilled over by analogy into torts, and more recently has been recommended by the law commission in report no. 168 for application in assessing the domicile of children. is there room, then, for a prediction that all conflicts' issues will ultimately be resolved by applying this test? is. ibid., at p.859. 16. ibid., at pp.861-62. 17. ibid .. 69 the denning law journal the relationship between order ii and stay whether the court is being asked to grant a stay of english proceedings or leave is being sought under order ii, the same issue is at stake: should the matter be tried in england or in some other jurisdiction? lord goffs authoritative statement that there is a general underlying principle in relation to both order ii and stay is, therefore, to be welcomed. it provides a composite framework according to which the english court can properly take jurisdiction and allow english proceedings to continue or, conversely, refuse to assume jurisdiction altogether. nevertheless, if this statement is examined in more depth, an important distinction between order ii and stay situations arises which casts doubt on the general applicability of the composite principle to both situations. according to lord goff, when considering order ii, the english court should find that it clearly provides "the appropriate forum". 18 where a stay is requested it should be granted if there is "another clearly more appropriate forum", failing which a stay should ordinarily be refused.19 though the matter is not explored further, it is submitted that this distinction is not merely verbal. the implication is that in the latter situation there are legitimate competing.fori in accordance with coherent principles but something further makes a particular foreign forum the more appropriate one in all the circumstances of the case. however, in the former situation there is no room for competing.fori in accordance with such principles; the english court must be the only appropriate forum. moreover this distinction is desirable for, as barma and elvin have suggested, english judges should avoid the appearance of undue judicial chauvinism.2o for example, they should not arrogate to themselves an unwarrantably wide jurisdiction. in order to achieve this, it is necessary for there to be a difference of approach towards order ii and stay. to take stay first. as has been seen, the macshannon test happily relaxed the former, burdensome requirement that a party must show that the english proceedings were "oppressive or vexatious"y the spiliada conception of the appropriate forum (forum non conveniens) provides another "new departure" and is particularly valuable given that it should enable the english court to grant a stay more readily and flexibly in cases where jurisdiction founded as of right is in appropriate.22 in this way it should ensure that the english court will not assume an unwarrantably wide jurisdiction. however, these advantages do not apply with equal force to the exercise of the court's discretion under order ii, since that order already gives the court the power to assume an extended jurisdiction. thus, so that the court will not assume an unwarrantably wide jurisdiction it should be more rigorous in its application of the "appropriate forum" test in relation to 18. ibid., at p.8s8 (emphasis added). 19. ibid., at pp.8s4-s6 (emphasis added). 20. barma and elvin, [1985] l.qr. 48, at p.ss. 21. supra, at p.68. 22. e.g., where the writ is served on a defendant whilst he is only temporarily present within the jurisdiction and there are other substantial factors connecting the case with an alternative forum. 70 the spiliada: from convenience to propriety order ii than in stay proceedings. in practice, this goal will be achieved by the distinction between proving the english court to be the appropriate forum and proving that there is another more appropriate forum for a stay to be granted, for it is more difficult to prove the former than the latter. the doctrine of the appropriate forum in adopting the principle of the appopriate forum the house of lords in the spiliada has cast doubt on the future use of the phrase ftrum non conveniens. indeed, lord goff doubted "whether the latin tag 'forum non conveniens' is apt to describe this principle." in particular, by drawing on the classical statement of the doctrine by lord kinnear in sim v. robinow23 he emphasised that the issue is not merely one of practical convenience.24 rather, a variety of factors have to be taken into account when establishing the appropriateness of the forum. these factors include not just those of expense and convenience but also, for example, the law governing any relevant transaction.25 this shift of emphasis now requires establishing what may alternatively be referred to as an objectively determined proper forum for the trial of the dispute, that forum with which the action has its closest and most real connection.26 the objectivity of this process is not to be undermined by giving undue weight to any legitimate advantage of which the plaintiff may be deprived should leave be refused or a stay granted, for, as lord goff noted, "simply to give the plaintiff his advantage at the eji.:pense of the defendant is not consistent with the objective approach inherent in lord kinnear's statement of principle in sim v. robinow.' 27this is reflected in the decision on the facts in the spiliada. the plaintiff had claimed as a legitimate advantage, for bringing the proceedings in england, the expiry of the british columbia limitation period leaving them with no alternative but to proceed in england. in the view of the house of lords the decisive factor indicating the english court as the appropriate forum was the cambridgeshire factor not the limitation.28 the adoption of the principle of the appropriate forum is timely. it shifts the emphasis away from lord diplock's two stage test in macshannon (as supplemented by lord wilberforce's "critical equation" conception in the atlantic star) and the problems that that test involved,29 to a single composite test, the latter test being readily explicable, theoretically simple to operate and already "notorious" in other branches of the law.3d of course, the "appropriate forum" test is not without its own rather obvious difficulties. the court has to consider an apparently seamless web of connecting factors. the consideration of these factors 23. (1892) 19 r. (ct. of sess.) 665, at p.668. 24. [1986] 3 all e.r. 843, at p.853. 25. ibid., at p.856. 26. supra, at p.69. 27. [1986] 3 all e.r. 843, at p.859. 28. supra, at p.69. the legitimate advantage point was treated obiter: [1986] 3 all e.r. 843, at p.86i.. 29. supra, at p.68. 30. see comment, supra n.l4. 71 the del\lning lawjournal should not disintegrate into an "instinctive" process, however we define that, for otherwise the law would be put back into the position it was under macshannony yet just how the court is to assess all the connecting factors remains to be seen. this difficulty may be demonstrated by reference to the court of appeal's first attempts to apply the spi/iada in du pont v. agnew32 and charm maritime v. kyriakou.33 both cases were concerned with stay and in both the court of appeal can be criticised for giving undue weight to one connecting factor indicating england as the more appropriate jurisdiction when other factors pointed to a legitimate alternative. in du pont v. agnew the court was faced with multi-party insurance claims arising out of a tort which had occurred in illinois. none of the insurance policies contained a choice of law clause and so the court of appeal, treating a lloyd's policy as the "lead" or principal policy, determined that english law was the proper law thereof (and therefore of all the other related policies). the particular issue concerned an indemnity which, according to english law as the proper law, could only be denied as a matter of english public policy.34thus, the court of appeal found the english court to be the more appropriate forum for the determination of that issue because it was the more appropriate tribunal to assess the extent of english public policy.35 therefore, despite substantial connecting factors pointing to illinois as the more appropriate jurisdiction (inter alia, the tort was committed there, the award giving rise to this particular litigation was made there and the illinois courts were in a better position to analyse what had happened in respect of corporate responsibility for' the injury),36 a stay of english proceedings was refused, similarly, in the charm maritime case a stay was refused where the particular issue concerned a trust deed, the governing law of which was arguably english. 10 since greek law (being the law of the other possible appropriate forum) did not recognise the concept of a trust, england was found to be the more appropriate jurisdiction despite substantial connections between the case and greece given, for example, that the parties to the dispute were greek and the dispute itself had arisen there.38 it may be that these cases can be explained on the basis that, as lord goff emphasised in the spiliada, "appropriateness" is not a synonym for "mere convenience".40 the forum should arguably be legally appropriate rather than 31. supra, at p.67. 32. [1987] 2 lloyd's l.r. 585. 33. [1987] 1 lloyd's l.r. 433. 34. [1987] 2 lloyd's l.r. 585, at p.594. 35. ibid.. 36. ibid., at p.593. 37. [1987] 1 lloyd's l.r. 443, at pp.439, 451. 38. ibid., at p.451. 39. [1987] 2 lloyd's l.r. 585, at p.595 and [1987] 1 lloyd's l.r. 433. at p.448. 40. [1986] 3 all e.r. 843, at p.853. 72 the spiliada: from convenience to propriety merely factually convenient. what made england the more legally appropriate jurisdiction in du pont was the existence of an overriding english rule of public policy that could determine when the right to an indemnity could be denied. in charm maritime the absence of a law of trusts in greece inexorably made england the more legally appropriate jurisdiction. yet clearly the english courts should be wary of treating the fact that english law is the law governing the issue as determinative of the more appropriate forum if they are not to appear chauvinistic. on the whole, in these cases, the court of appeal seemed to give undue weight to english law as the law governing the issue. moreover, in du pont and charm maritime the court of appeal arguably fundamentally misapplied the spiliada by finding england to be the more appropriate jurisdiction. according to lord goff in the spiliada, if no other more appropriate forum than the english court can be established then ordinarily a stay should be refused anyway.41 it is not necessary for the court to find that it is the more appropriate forum. thus, where "appropriateness" can be said to be balanced between factual convenience and legal convenience, this giving rise to no other clearly more appropriate forum, a stay should be refused. in du pont and charm maritime it was open to the court to take this route and so refuse a stay on this basis alone. the logical force of the general underlying principle of the "appropriate forum" as expressed in the spiliada was considered by steyn] in att.-gen. v. arthur andersen cs co..42 in that case the court was faced with a request for a stay of english proceedings not by the defendant but by the plaintiff who had actually brought those proceedings. the plaintiff had commenced proceedings against andersen's in new york but, anticipating arguments disputing the jurisdiction of the new york court, had also served a protective writ in england. the plaintiff then sought a stay of these english proceedings pending the outcome of the dispute as to the new york court's jurisdiction. he was successful. though the judgment is not remarkable for its clarity, it seems that steyn] treated the case as a novel one in which the relevant principles applicable might "be regarded as a gloss,,43 on those contained in the spiliada. the gloss was as follows: "has it been shown that it is unjust, because it was vexatious or oppressive, to allow the english proceedings to be pursued pending the decision of the new york court?,,44 though not stated it must presumably have been "vexatious or oppressive" to the plaintiff. the extent to which steynl's test is a gloss on the spiliada requires analysis. in andersen's case a stay was granted on the basis that it was "vexatious or oppressive" to compel the plaintiff to continue with the english proceedings in the light of 41. [1986] 3 all e.r. 843, at p.856. 42. the times, 13 october 1987, lexis transcript for 8 october 1987. 43. ibid.. 44. ibid. (emphasis added). 73 the denning law journal undertakings which the plaintiff had invited the defendant to accept.45 it was not granted on the basis that new york was the appropriate jurisdiction by reason of being that with which the action was most closely connected. thus, the "vexatious or oppressive" test was not being used euphemistically to refer to the appropriate forum. rather, it seems that the court was weighing the respective advantages and disadvantages to the parties of a grant of stay. it was only when the judge turned to consider the professional involvement in the case that he concluded that "new york rather than london is at present the centre ofgravity."46 self-evidently this is consistent with the spiliada since the concept of a "centre of gravity" mirrors, at least in a rough and ready way, the notion of the "appropriate forum" as one with which the proceedings are most closely connected; even more so given the house of lords' reliance in the spiliada on the feature of professional involvement, i.e. the cambridgeshire factor.47 if this is correct, then the use of the words "vexatious or oppressive" is misleading, doubly so since the "oppressive or vexatious" test was expressly discarded by the house of lords in relation to stay in 1978.48 it would have been preferable for steyn j either to have more clearly defined "vexatious or oppressive" as a test in its own right, or to have adopted the spiliada as a general approach and used the "vexatious or oppressive" concept as a feature which might point to new york as the appropriate jurisdiction. as it is, the approach he took represents an unhappy mixture of the two and will clearly require future scrutiny. conclusion the house of lords in the spiliada has wrought changes in the principles governing the exercise of the court's discretion in the two areas of order ii and stay proceedings. two clear points have emerged. first, the same principle underlies the exercise of discretion in relation to both order ii and stay.49 secondly, that principle is that of the appropriate forum.50 in this regard it has been argued that the house of lords has done more than merely accept the doctrine of forum non conveniens. it has transposed that doctrine into that of the "appropriate forum". given lord goff's adoption of what is "appropriate" rather than "convenient", 51 it may be misleading for future courts to talk in terms of fimun non conveniens. however, as has been seen, the spiliada merely provides a basic framework for the guidance both of those who professionally advise clients on the question of the exercise of the court's discretion in relation to order ii and stay and the judges 45. ibid.. 46. ibid. (emphasis added). 47. supra, at p.4. 48. macshmluon v. rockware glass ltd [19781 a.c. 795. 49. supra, at p.69. 50. supra, at p.69. 51. [1986] 3 all e.r. 843, at p.854. 74 the spiliada: from convenience to propriety who actually exercise that discretion. this raises serious doubts as to whether lord templeman's cri de coeur in the spiliada that submissions on order ii and stay "will be measured in hours not days" will be answered.52 it is not without significance that the two cases on stay53 subsequent to the spiliada found their way to the court of appeal. 52. [19861 3 all e.r. 843, at p.847. 53. du poili and chann maritime, supra, nn.32, 33. 75 codification of the criminal law j. c. smith* in a paper delivered to the statute law society in october, 19831 i explained what the codification team was trying to do and how it was trying to do it. since then, our report to the law commission has been published2 and a substantial number of comments on the proposals have been received. some are favourable, some are critical. today i propose to respond to some of the criticisms, not of matters of detail, but of the general principle of codification. i shall be expressing only my personal views which are not necessarily those of my colleagues, still less of the law commission. it has been suggested that the supporters of codification believe in it for its own sake. i do not. throughout my career i have always taught the law of contract as well as criminal law; but i never had any enthusiasm for the commission's proposal, now abandoned, to codify the law of contract. i did not support it because i could see no practical advantage in it. the law of contract appears to me to be a generally consistent, coherent and logical system. it has broad general principles which are readily applicable to a wide variety of situations and adaptable to changing circumstances. the criminal law is entirely different. it is incoherent and inconsistent. state almost any general principle and you find one or more leading cases which contradict it. it is littered with distinctions which have no basis in reason but are mere historical accidents. i am in favour of codification of the criminal law because i see no other way of reducing a chaotic system to order, of eliminating irrational distinctions and of making the law reasonably comprehensible, accessible and certain. these are all practical objects. irrational distinctions mean injustice. a is treated differently from b when there is no rational ground for treating him differently; and that .is not justice. the code and law reform the draft code is not a mere restatement of the present law. with the concurrence of the law commission, we incorporated a number of proposals for reform, in •. professor of law, university of nottingham. the child & co london lecture 1986, reprinted by kind permission of professor smith and child & co. 1. [19841statute law review 17. 2. codification oflhe criminal law: a report 10 the law commission (law com. no. 143), 1985. 137 the denning law journal accordance with the principles stated in the report. lord justice gibson, who was then chairman of the law commission, has since said3 that he now thinks that this was a mistake; we should have been asked simply to state the law as it was. codification and law reform are different things and should not be confused. so far as this argument relates to major proposals for law reform, like the recommendations of the butler committee on mentally abnormal offenders, i acknowledge its force; but, as the lord justice recognises, some changes are necessary for "effective and coherent codification." if we had merely restated the law, the product would not have been worthy of the name of code. the essence of a code is that it should be a consistent and coherent whole. a mere restatement of the present law would necessarily have lacked that essential quality. i will take as an example the law governing impossibility in the so-called inchoate offences, incitement, conspiracy and attempt. the amount of judicial time devoted to this issue in the higher courts in recent years shows that it is no mere academic problem. a incites b to commit a crime. b agrees to do so, and does all he can to put the agreement into effect. it looks as if a is guilty of incitement, a and b of conspiracy, and b of attempt to commit that crime. but it turns out that, all along, it has been impossible to commit the crime. where do we find the law which we must now apply? for incitement it is still the discredited rule of the common law stated in roger smith.4 for the attempt, the matter is regulated by the rule in the criminal attempts act 1981, as now interpreted in anderton v ryan.s for conspiracy, the answer depends on whether it is a conspiracy at common law or a statutory conspiracy contrary to s.l of the criminal law act 1977 which itself may be a question of some difficulty. if it is a common law conspiracy, the roger smith rule still applies; but, if it is a statutory conspiracy, the answer depends on s.l of the criminal law act 1977, as amended by the criminal attempts act 1981 which may be the same as the rule governing attempts or may be a third, quite different, rule; no one can say for certain. we have four categories, regulated by two, or, more likely, three, different rules. no reason has ever been offered as to why different rules should prevail. i do not find that surprising because i believe there is no reason. it is a product of the utterly haphazard growth of the law, both common law and statute. it would not have been beyond the wit of the codification team to restate that irrational jumble; but who, in his right mind, would wish to do that? it is surely inconceivable that it would ever be enacted by parliament. an essential function of the code is to introduce consistency and coherence. i believe that the draft achieves it. clause 54(1) provides: a person may be guilty of incitement, conspiracy or attempt to commit an offence although the commission of the offence is impossible, if it would be 3. address to the annual general meeting of justice, 3 july 1985. 4. [1975j a.c. 476. 5. [1985j a.c. 560 overruled on 25 may 1986 by shivpllri [1986] 2 all e.r. 334 (h.l.). 138 codification of the criminal law possible in the circumstances which he believes or hopes exist or will exist at the relevant time. we have a single rule applying to the three offences. it occupies four lines. it would replace a mass of confused and confusing case law. i believe that it provides an answer to all the well-known problems of persons inciting, conspiring and attempting to steal from safes or pockets which are in fact empty, to handle goods which they wrongly believe to be stolen, to import parcels which they wrongly believe to contain controlled drugs, to kill people who are already dead, dishonestly to obtain property by statements which they wrongly believe to be false; and so on. the drafting may still be capable of improvement; but i have seen no criticism yet which leads me to doubt whether it will achieve its aim. please do not think that this is an isolated example. there are plenty more. suppose that i have killed your dog and am charged with criminal damage. my defence is that it was attacking me. if i say i was defending my trousers, the criminal damage act 1971 will apply to determine whether my action was justified. but if i say i was defending my leg, the common law is still applicable. and they are different. i will have a better chance of acquittal if i say i was defending my trousers. trousers, in the criminal law, are more important than legs. or suppose that, seeing x being attacked by y, i go to x's assistance and injure or kill y. if i am charged with an offence against y and i say i was acting in defence of x, the common law of private defence, with its mass of case-law, determines whether my conduct was justified; but if i say i was acting to prevent a crime being committed by y, then the matter is governed by section 3 of the criminal law act 1967 which replaced the common law on that subject. as it is very likely that i was acting both in private defence and in the prevention of crime, this is something of a dilemma. codification and policy the achievement of consistency where it does not exist in the present law necessarily involves some degree of law reform. one of two or more competing rules must be selected or some new rule devised. to deal with impossibility, we selected that rule which we knew that parliament, after full and well-informed debate, decided should apply to attempts. parliament's intention was frustrated, partly because of poor draftsmanship, by the decision in anderton v ryan. i believe that our clause could not be misunderstood as section 1 of the criminal attempts act was; and i would point out that this was not with the benefit of hindsight. our report was published before the decision in anderton v ryan; but we were conscious of the ambiguity in section 1, anticipated the risk of misinterpretation and, i believe, removed it. the choice between competing rules depends on considerations of policy; and we recognise throughout our report that the personal views of three or four academic lawyers on policy are very far from being of overwhelming weight. 139 the denning law journal where policy is embedded in a well-settled rule of law we have generally attempted to restate that rule without regard to whether we might think it right or wrong. but where some public body, principally the law commission or the criminal law revision committee, has found the existing law to be defective and has made recommendations for change, we have attempted to follow as faithfully as possible their proposals. the point that i wish to emphasise today is that if we, or one of these committees, are judged, for any reason, to have made a wrong decision of policy, that in no way impairs the case for codification. consistency and coherence must then be achieved by substituting the preferred rule for that which we have adopted. in the case of impossibility, any alternative to that which we have proposed would be more complex; it would not go into four lines; and it would be likely to pose more problems of interpretation all of which seem to me to be good reasons for sticking to the rule proposed; but, if another rule were preferred, it would still be a great advantage to have the single rule in place of the current confusion. similarly, i stress for there is some misunderstanding about this that the rights and wrongs of the continuing controversy between those whom i may loosely call the subjectivists and the objectivists about the concept of recklessness in the criminal law have nothing to do with the case for codification. certainly, codification must resolve the controversy; but the merits of codification are the same whether the controversy is resolved in favour of the subjectivists or of the objectivists. either way, we can achieve consistency and coherence and avoid making irrational distinctions. this is not to say that i think it is not important to make the right choice and i have my own views about that. but, if my views are wrong, then i am in favour of codifying the other, right, view. in caldwe1l6 the house of lords said that the concept of recklessness which has long been held to be implicit in the word "malicious" when used in a statute, involves "fine and impracticable distinctions", and a distinction that "would not be a practicable distinction for use in a jury trial.,,7 but crimes involving malice are unaffected by that decision. if the house was right, is it not a public scandal that we are continuing to use (as we have for more than a century) an "impracticable distinction" in serious cases of causing injury to the person, that juries and magistrates are sending people to prison, or letting them go free, on the basis of a distinction which it is not practicable to make? if that is right, the sooner the caldwell test becomes generally applicable the better. as the law stands, if a man takes an airgun and, not even considering the possibility that it might be loaded (as is the fact), aims and fires it at x, breaking x's spectacles and destroying his eye, the man will be liable for causing criminal damage to the spectacles but will not be criminally liable at all for the destruction of the eye.s the law gives greater protection to spectacles than to eyes. but, 6. [1982] a.c. 341. 7. [1982] a.c. at p.352. 8. wv. do/bey [1983] grim. l.r. 681 (d.c.). 140 codification of the criminal law although the man has committed no crime by destroying the eye, if x dies of the injury within a year and a day, he will be guilty of manslaughter.9 no-one ever decided, as a matter of policy, that we should make these strange distinctions and it is difficult to see how any rational person could decide to make them. it is a historical accident, arising from the haphazard, piecemeal development of the law. what i am pleading for today is not any particular rule but for consistency and coherence, where distinctions, if we make them, are based on reason and not on accident. this can be achieved only by taking an overall view of the whole system, not by tinkering with bits of the law; and that means codification. accessibility and comprehensibility we claim in our report that codification will make the law more accessible and comprehensible. some of our critics are very sceptical of that claim. several of them have been kind enough to say that the principles are now readily accessible and stated in a comprehensible manner in the text book, smith & hogan on criminal law. i would be the last to decry the virtues of that book. but they are far from being the virtues of a code. we try hard to state the law as simply and clearly as possible. but, if the law itself is inconsistent, incoherent and uncertain, the statement of it is inevitably complex and accessible only to the intelligent and determined student. if the code brings consistency and coherence, it necessarily makes the law more accessible and comprehensible. were the code to be enacted tomorrow, the four lines of clause 54(1) would be the sole source of the law on the vexed topic of impossibility. the exposition of it would be infinitely shorter and simpler than is possible today. or consider the concept of recklessness with its present variety of meanings. my experience of teaching, not only undergraduates, but also members of the profession and, indeed, judges, convinces me that many of them have the greatest difficulty, in grasping these subtleties themselves, and in the case of judges, explaining them to juries. it is not necessary. the concept is capable of definition in short and clear terms. we are criticised for what is seen as our belief that the law can be made simple. i have stated in all five editions of my law of theft that that part of the criminal law cannot be made, as i put it, "childishly simple". i have not changed my mind .about that. in the law of theft, notwithstanding frequent judicial wishful thinking, there is no escape from the complexities of the civil law governing proprietary interests. of course, there are limits to simplification. but the point is that the present law is very much more complex than it needs to be and it should be made as simple as possible. certainty similar scepticism has been expressed about our claim that the code can make the law more certain. it is objected that the code would throw up all sorts of new problems of construction, would generate a great mass of new case-law and, in the 9. cf. seymour [1983] a.c. 493 (h.l.); kong cheuk kwan v. the quem [1985] crim. l.r. 653, 655. 141 the denning law journal words of an eminent critic, "the medicine will within a short period of time prove to be worse than the disease." clearly this must be taken very seriously, because there is no doubt that it could happen. section 16(1)(a) of the theft act 1968, obtaining a pecuniary advantage by deception, the provision which lord edmund-davies dubbed "a judicial nightmare",10 is a horrible warning of the effects of poor draftsmanship. but that was a provision which was making completely new law, it was prepared in haste while the theft bill was going through parliament, and it did not have the advantage of being considered by the criminal law revision committee or any similar committee. another, equally horrific, provision is section 6 of the same act which is concerned with the meaning of the words "with the intention of permanently depriving the other of [his property]". this section was actually introduced in the name of codification. the clrc had been content to leave the phrase undefined, to be interpreted in the light of the pre-theft act case law. the home office, with uncharacteristic enthusiasm, introduced the clause which became section 6 "to make the bill as complete a statement of the law as practicable, bearing in mind the decision, reached since the clrc reported, to have a comprehensive criminal code.,,11 in the recent case of lloyd, 12the court of appeal was inclined to agree with mr. j. r. spencer's description of section 6 as a section which "sprouts obscurities at every phrase.,,13 the court held that section 6 should be interpreted in such a way as to ensure that nothing is construed as an intention permanently to deprive which would not, prior to the 1968 act, have been so construed.14 of course, "codification" which has to be construed in that way is not merely useless, it is a great nuisance. if i thought codification had to be, or might be, like that, i would be as firmly opposed to it as anyone. but i am quite convinced it does not have to be like that. of course a code will generate case-law. how can it fail to do so when virtually every direction to a jury which results in a conviction is scanned for some defect which might result in the conviction being quashed, including the possible misconstruction by the judge of the relevant legislation?how much case-law it will generate and how damaging its effect will be depends on how well the code has been drafted and on how well it is interpreted by the courts. draftsmanship a friendly critic, wntmg to the law commission about the difficulties of draftsmanship, doubts whether i would claim that the codification team could succeed where others have failed. this is no occasion for false modesty; but it is 10. in royle [1971] 3 all e.r. 1359, 1363. 11. cited by mr. j. r. spencer, "the metamorphosis of section 6 of the theft act," [1977] grim. l.r. 653, 655. 12. [1985] qb. 829. 13. [1985] grim. l.r. 653. 14. [1985] 2 all e.r. at p.666. 142 codification of the criminal law for others, not me, to judge how well the drafting has been done. morever, it is now being subjected to intense scrutiny by many acute minds. if, at the end of this process, we cannot achieve more in terms of clarity than has been attained in criminal statutes in recent years, then we should abandon the enterprise. as i have said elsewhere, i undertook this task with the utmost scepticism whether a group of academic lawyers, with no proven skills in draftsmanship, could do what was required. the comments i have received from some of those with great experience in construing statutes encourages me to believe that i was unduly pessimistic. if so it is not because we are cleverer than (or indeed as clever as) the parliamentary draftsmen, for whose talents i have the highest respect, but because we are a group who have devoted much of our professional lives to a close study of this particular branch of the law, because we were able to concentrate on the subject for a much longer period than, i suspect, is ever permitted to the parliamentary counsel and because we worked as a team, each member of which subjected the work of the others to intense, and sometimes humiliating, scrutiny. we may have been inexperienced at drafting, but we were highly experienced at criticising the drafting of others. above all, we were able and required, to take an overall view and thus avoid inconsistency. rules of interpretation our terms of reference required us to consider and make proposals in relation to the rules which should govern the interpretation of the code. i began by thinking that it was not practicable to formulate rules of construction but i changed my mind and i now think this a vital part of the code, if we are to avoid the problems which our critics feared. as the codification report states, "a prime object of codification is the provision of a clear and authoritative statement of the criminal law.,,15even if it succeeds at the outset, it will cease to be that if a meaning is put upon its words which they cannot reasonably bear. the words of the code then become misleading and a trap. recent case law shows that there is a danger of this happening in the name of "purposive construction".16 if the meaning is plain, i submit that it should be the duty of the court to give effect to that plain meaning, whether it likes it or not. clause 3(1) is designed to ensure that, as far as possible, (because, inevitably, the courts themselves have the last word) this is done. but there are bound to be ambiguities. we are criticised for not incorporating the rule that penal statutes must be strictly construed and all ambiguities resolved in favour of the defendant. in my opinion there are powerful reasons for not codifying that rule. we do find it applied from time to time, but, if it had been universally applied, nearly all of the decided cases of statutory construction which have gone in favour of the crown would have been decided the other way. strict liability and vicarious liability would be virtually non-existent. as with other rules 15. para. 3.3. 16. see particularly ayres [1984] a.c. 447, criticised, [1984] grim. l.r. 354. 143 the denning law journal of construction, the courts apply it when they want to apply it; and, when they do not, they forget about it. but if it were stated in the code as a rule of universal application it could not be ignored in this way. a much better way forward, in my opinion, is some further search for the true legislative intent. this is often very easily ascertainable, particularly where the legislation is based on a report accompanied by a draft bill as law commission reports generally are. if the report presented to parliament makes entirely clear what the provision is intended to do, and if the act faithfully reproduces the terms of the bill, what justification can there be for resolving an ambiguity by givingit a different meaning? parliament must surely be presumed to have read and understood the report presented to it and to have intended the provision to do what the report says it does. sometimes the court does find its way to the report, but frequendy it does not; and then we have the unhappy spectacle of the court declaring that the statute means "x" because, they say, that is what parliament must have intended; when the fact is that parliament intended not "x" but "y". can it really be right that the law should be founded on a demonstrable fallacy? in donnel/y17 the court of appeal held that under the forgery and counterfeiting act 1981 it is no longer necessary to prove that an alleged forgery "tells a lie about itself" as was required at common law and by the forgery act 1913. "there can be no doubt," said the court, "that parliament intended to make new law." so it did; but not in this respect. more recendy in anderson's lord bridge, construing section 1(1) of the criminal law act 1977, said "i do not find it altogether easy to understand why the draftsman of this provision chose to use the phrase 'in accordance with their intentions'." he went on to hold that it means, in effect, "in accordance with the terms of the agreement". but the answer to lord bridge's problem was readily ascertainable from the law commission report on conspiracy and criminal law reform.19 the draftsman used the phrase in question because that is precisely what he meant. in both these cases the intention of parliament was defeated. what is the point of our having expensive law commission reports presented to, debated and accepted by parliament if their intention is to be frustrated by the real or affected ignorance of the courts of what the legislation is intended to achieve? these illustrations by no means stand alone. the code aims to prevent such misconstruction of its terms, first by the provision of illustrations which it is hoped will show the court clearlywhat is intended; and second, where the meaning is still ambiguous, by authorising resort to the law commission's final report which, it is assumed, will precede the enactment of the code. i am persuaded that those provisions, as they now stand, will require some modification; but i am not persuaded that they are unnecessary or undesirable. 17. (1984) 79 cr. app. r. 76. 18. [1985] 2 all e.r. 961. 19. law com. no. 76, 1976, 1.38 and 7.2, recommendation (5). 144 codification of the criminal law the code and the common law the most common and powerful objection to codification is that it would stultify the development of the law, that as a distinguished critic puts it it "must inevitably lead to ossification of the law and perpetuation of error." i accept that there is some force in this argument. in some areas but, i think, very few, codification might preclude development of the law by the courts in ways which would be desirable. let me give an example. in codifying the common law relating to double jeopardy we had to consider the effect of a conviction in a foreign court. the authority on this is not extensive but it goes back a long way and it is consistent: a conviction in a foreign court is a bar to trial for the same offence in an english court. clause 15(5) of the draft code restates that rule. but we had no sooner submitted our report to the law commission than the court of appeal decided in thomas2o that, although a foreign conviction is usually a bar, this is not so where the accused has been convicted abroad in his absence, has taken no part in the proceedings, is not extraditable and it is very unlikely that the foreign judgment against him could ever be enforced. this perfectly proper development of the common law would, to say the least, have been difficult for the court to make if the draft code had been in force. the law commission will, no doubt, take account of thomas in any revision they may make of the draft code; but no legislator however percipient can think of all possible contingencies and, however excellent the ultimate form of the code, there would certainly arise other unforeseen points where a court might be obliged to say that it must follow the code with reluctance because it had taken away its power to develop the law. this objection might be of overwhelming weight if there still existed a great body of the common law of crime which was being developed by the courts for the public good. the critics of codification speak as if there were. the law commission themselves in their introduction to the code quote sir leon radzinowicz: "the common law of this country, like the forces of growth which determine it, is sui generis; it constitutes an integral part of the national heritage, and discharges a political, social and moral function which is much more precious than the shapely codes which the seekers after a legal paradise aspired to create." it sounds splendid; but where is this great developing body of law? i look for it in vain. of the seven thousand or more offences only a handful are not already defined by statute. murder, manslaughter, affray, assault, perversion of the course of justice, public nuisance and a miscellany of obscure and rarely used misdemeanours are the only survivors. of course, murder and manslaughter are very important; but is there anything in their development over the last thirty years in which we can take any pride? 20. [1985] qb. 604. 145 the denning law journal the homicide act 1957 alludes to the mental element of murder as "malice aforethought" (express or implied) terminology which goes back to the thirteenth century and which does not make sense in modem english. kenny in 1902 described it as a "mere arbitrary symbol". it is the mental element in murder which distinguishes it from manslaughter and, indeed, from accidental death. it is of crucial importance. surely, after seven hundred years of common law, there should be no doubt about what it is. yet today, notwithstanding five decisions of the house of lords since the homicide act, it is impossible to state it with any degree of conviction. smith21 laid down a largely objective test of liability and that led to the passing of section 8 of the criminal justice act 1967. it then took two decisions of the house, hyam22 and cunningham23 to settle (or so we thought) that it was necessary and sufficient to prove that the defendant knew that it was highly probable that his act would cause death or serious bodily harm, though still leaving in doubt the question whether the act in question must be "aimed at" another. moloney24 decided both that the act need not be aimed at another and that it was not, after all, sufficient that the defendant knew that death or serious bodily harm was highly probable; he must intend one of those consequences; but what is "intention"? the house laid down guidelines for the instruction of juries; but these when used by the trial judge in hancock and shankland were promptly held by the court of appeal to be defective,25so that the convictions were quashed. the court of appeal devised some new guidelines. the house of lords upholding the decision of the court of appeal, has agreed26 that the moloney guidelines are indeed defective and said that it is better not to have any general guidelines at all but does not tell us whether the principles oflaw enshrined in those formulated by the court of appeal are right or wrong. the problem is unsolved and will not go away.the meaning of the word intention is not self evident as is apparent from the widely differing interpretations which have been put upon it by the judges in the last thirty years. counsel will make submissions about it. if the judge does not offer guidance in his direction, intelligent jurymen will ask questions about it. the judge will have to give a ruling; and i do not envy him his task. the common law develops slowly; but 700 years to determine the mental element required for our gravest crime is too long. the matter can and should be settled. i venture to claim that if the code definition of murder and of intention had been in force in 1959, the whole saga from smith to hancock and shankland would have been impossible; and i would submit that that would have been a great gain for the law. i will not go into the recent history of manslaughter but the story is little if any 21. [1961] a.c. 290. 22. [1975] a.c. 255. 23. [1982] a.c. 566. 24. [1985] a.c. 905. 25. discussed [1986] grim .. l.r. 181. 26. 27th february 1986. 146 codification of the criminal law better than that of murder. the limits of manslaughter by recklessness, by gross negligence and constructive manslaughter are obscure and confused.27 the common law offence of affray has been the subject of judicial development. it was resurrected in sharp28 in 1957 after a long period of desuetude and, as defined in that case, has been steadily expanded in scope it is no longer a joint offence requiring proof of unlawful fighting by two or more; it no longer need be proved to have taken place in public; if it occurs in a public place it no longer need be proved that anyone other than the victim was present or likely to be present; the victim himself may now be the "bystander" referred to in earlier decisions.29 there has been judicial development but surely objectionable judicial development. the judges long ago recognised that it was not for them to create new crimes; but the expansion of old ones is no less objectionable. the recent history of perverting the course of justice is not dissimilar. the common law concept of the disorderly house is so vague that a house may be "disorderly" for reasons ranging from the playing of lawful games for stakes which a jury considers to be excessive to the provision of obscene shows, so the court had little difficulty recently30 in holding that provision of certain types of service by a single prostitute could render the house a disorderly one, so by-passing the other rule of the common law that it takes two prostitutes to make a brothel. when the reform of the law of prostitution was being discussed, i observed with interest that some of my judicial friends were very attached to the concept of the disorderly house because it enabled them to put down behaviour which they found as perhaps we nearly all would thoroughly reprehensible; but with great respect to them, that is the function of parliament, not the judges. as for public nuisance, that is such a woolly concept that its potential is scarcely less than that of public mischief which the courts themselves renounced, not only as a crime which may be committed by an individual, but as an object of common law conspiracy. i have been speaking so far of common law crimes. what about general principles? they are much eroded by statute and survive in pockets with no logical justification. i hope this is adequately demonstrated by the examples which i have given from the law of impossibility and self-defence and the prevention of crime. there is no going back to the pure common law. the only sensible way forward is to consolidate the statutory and common law rules into a consistent principle i.e. by codifying. apart from these surviving pockets there are general principles for the construction of criminal statutes like the presumption in favour of mens rea; but these have been applied so haphazardly over the years as to be of very little value. even the "golden thread" of the presumption of innocence established by the house of lords in woolmington has become somewhat tarnished. codification 27. see commentary on kong gheuk kwan v. the queen [1985] grim. l.r. at p.788 and authorities cited therein. 28. [1957] 1 qb. 552. 29. attorney-general's reference (no.3 of 1983) [1985] grim. l.r. 207. 30. tan [1983] qb. 1053. 147 the denning law journal affords the opportunity to formulate these principles in more precise terms and so to achieve greater predictability in the construction of statutes. there is, however, one substantial area of common law, namely that governing secondary liability the law of aiding, abetting, counselling and procuring the commission of offences. yet in the leading case of the attorney-general's reference (no. 1 of 19 7sl1 the court of appeal treated the law as if it were already codified (though very imperfectly) by section 8 of the accessories and abettors act 1861 and held that the right approach was to give the four words, "aid, abet, counsel and procure", their ordinary meaning, bearing in mind that each probably has a different meaning "because if there were no such difference, then parliament would be wasting time in using four words where two or three would do." i happen to believe that this was quite a wrong approach and that it is no more appropriate to seek to give a natural meaning to "aid, abet, counselor procure" than it would be to try to give such a meaning to "malice aforethought (express or implied)". the court, with scant regard for legal history, proceeded as if these words were used by parliament for the first time in 1861, ignoring the fact that they had been in use from at least the sixteenth century and had acquired a technical meaning long before 1861, with implications about presence at, or absence from, the scene of the crime and other matters which no-one could possibly discern from the ordinary meaning of the words. when the court had some common law, it failed to recognise it. with all respect to sir leon radzinowicz and those who take similar views, his rhetoric is without foundation in fact. if we look at the surviving common law of crime we find that it exists only in patches which are the result of historical accidents, that it is frequently uncertain and obscure, if not pernicious and that there is scarcely anything which is worth preserving in its present form. objections to judge-made criminal law there are, moreover, serious objections to changing the common law of crime by judicial decision, since the change is retrospective. in hyam32 lord hailsham expressed himself relieved at being able to reject the argument of the appellant and to hold that vickers33 had rightly decided in 1957 that an intention to cause grievous bodily harm was still a sufficient mens rea for murder after the homicide act 1957 because, he said, if the house had decided to overthrow vickers "a very high proportion of those now in prison for convictions of murder must necessarily have their convictions set aside and verdicts of manslaughter substituted." but in moloney34 neither lord hailsham, nor any other of their lordships, seems to have had any inhibitions about the similar effect of their decision on hyam itself. if moloney is right, it seems necessarily to follow that mrs. hyam was herself convicted on a misdirection and that her conviction could have been upheld only 31. [1975] qb. 773, at p. 779. 32. [1975] a.c. 55, 68. 33. [1957] 2 qb. 664. 34. [1985] a.c. 90s, 926. 148 codification of the criminal law by the application of the proviso. lord bridge indeed commented that he found it difficult to understand why the prosecution in hyam did not seek to support the conviction, as an alternative to their main submission, on the ground that there had been no actual miscarriage of justice. the implication seems to be that that would have been the right way to decide the case. but i have some difficulty with lord bridge's opinion that no reasonable jury could have failed to convict mrs. hyam if they had been told that it must be proved that she intended to cause grievous bodily harm. how many people are today serving life sentences of imprisonment because, between 1974 and 1985, they were convicted on a hyam direction which, because of a re-interpretation of the common law is, and always was, wrong? how many have similarly been wrongly convicted of offences under s.18 of the offences against the person act 1861? that is where the change makes the law more lenient. where it makes it more severe, the effect is that some have been acquitted when, if the law, as we now know it to be, had been properly applied, they might have been convicted. more seriously, the conviction of the first unlucky victims of the expansion of the criminal law infringes the principle of legality that no one should be convicted for doing an act not previously declared to be an offence. in one respect the draft code would preserve judicial creativity. clause 49 provides that a person does not commit an offence by doing an act which is justified or excused by any rule of the common law, except insofar as the rule is inconsistent with the code or any other enactment. nothing in the code is to limit any power of the courts to determine the existence, extent or application of any such rule of the common law. the definition of offences in the present law frequently includes the words "without lawful excuse" or "unlawfully". there is no consistency in this usage but, whether these or similar words are used or not, it is clear that recognised general defences such as duress apply though no mention is made of them. there is no precisely defined limit to such general defences and, in my opinion, it is not possible to offer a definitive statement of all the principlesand rules which may justify or excuse conduct which would otherwise be criminal. many of these are part of the general law, civil as well as criminal. an example is the law which allows the chastisement of children. if the code were to provide closed definitions of these rules we might have a situation in which the criminal law forbade conduct which the civil law allowed which would be absurd or the civil court might find itself constrained by the terms of the code in order to avoid a conflict. in including clause 49 we have followed the advice of such eminent authorities as mr. justice stephen and professor glanville williams and the precedents in the codes of canada, new zealand and elsewhere which are based on stephen's draft. for the reasons i have given, i think such a provision is not only advisable, but essential. an example of its utility is provided, in my opinion, by mrs. gillick's case.35 35. gil/ick v. west norfolk and wisbecharea health authority [1986] a.c. 112 (h.l.), discussed [1986] grim. l.r. 113. 149 the denning law journal consider a doctor who provides contraceptive advice for a girl under sixteen, knowing as he may well do, that his advice will facilitate or encourage sexual intercourse between her and a man. the man commits an offence. the house of lords has told us that the doctor's advice is lawful if the girl has capacity to consent and understands the advice and he believes it to be necessary for the physical, mental and emotional health of the child. if the advice is lawful, the doctor cannot be committing a crime. yet all the usual conditions for liabilityas an aider and abettor seem to be satisfied. generally, it is enough that the defendant knows that his act will assist or encourage the commission of the offence; and it is no answer that he has an unimpeachable motive, or that the offence would be committed anyway or that the encouragement is given through an innocent agent. the house, in my opinion, has propounded a new justification for conduct which would otherwise be criminal. i point this out, not to criticise the result; rather the contrary. it is essential that the courts should be able to consider the social, ethical and public policy issues involved and to reach the conclusion which, in their opinion, these considerations dictated. i have not, in this lecture, even mentioned the difficulties involved in the enactment of a criminal code. i know these to be enormous. what i have tried to do is to persuade you that it would be worth making considerable effects to overcome them. 150 the woolsack and the winding stair c. g. hall'*' lives of the lord chancellors 1940-1970 r. f. v. heuston [oxford: clarendon press, 1987. 253pp. hardback £25.00] i summon to the winding ancient stair; set all your mind upon the steep ascent, upon the broken, crumbling battlement, upon the breathless starlit air, upon the star that marks the hidden pole ... i professor heuston has propelled six more lord chancellors into legal history. his tally is now 18. campbell's was upwards of 110.2 it was well nigh a quarter of a century ago when were were treated (at 63s!) to heuston's first volume3 whose subjects' tenures of the office straddled the twilight of victoria's reign and ended, with lord caldecote, two weeks before the evacuation of dunkirk. the present volume spans the thirty year period to 1970, from simon to gardiner who providentially still lives. would the latter agree, one wonders, with baron lyndhurst that heuston, like campbell, has added another terror to death? lyndhurst had then been assured that he had not been included in campbell's lives, redolent as they are generally reckoned to be with misrepresentation, practised venom, mischief but with much fun besides. the present lord hailsham cannot be unhappy that for the present no-one has recorded his notable achievements; that, at least, is the sense of his own review of heuston's work.4 but fortune confounded lyndhurst from the grave, for campbell added another volume to his series, puolished after his death, of his contemporaries lyndhurst and brougham, and their accounts are remarkable for even greater mischief and "senior lecturer in law, university of buckingham. 1. w. b. yeats, "a dialogue of self and soul" from the willding stair. 2. john, lord cambell, lives of the lord chancellors and keepers of the great sealfrom the earliest times (1845). 3. r. f. v. heuston, lives of the lord chancellors 1885-1940 (1964). 4. sunday telegraph, 19 july 1987. doubtless lord elwyn-jones would also agree. 169 the denning law journal inaccuracy. thanks to atlay in his the victorian chancellors,s and others,6 the lives of brougham and lyndhurst were re-written, the record straightened, and the majestic chronicle of the keepers of the great seal, these chief "planets of the kingdom", was taken to 1885 and a little beyond. enter professor heuston. he now is assured of his place in history; for whatever his future designs he has ensured that someone will retrieve the baton where he has left it and continue this biographical pageant of the lord high chancellors which begins, thanks to campbell, when men still revered odin, the raven, the one-eyed, and rattled their runes. heuston has no obvious grand design other than to "carry on". his object, as he tells us in his preface, is "to depict the lord chancellors ... in their legal, polical and personal lives." but to "depict" exactly how? as camera, caricature or cartoon? in oils or watercolour? as impressionist or pointillist? in monochrome or glorious technicolour? the preface of the earlier volume is a little more enlightening for campbell's industry and talent are duly noted and heuston would "indeed be happy if my work could be compared for felicity in portraiture and literary grace" with that of atlay. campbell aspired to much the same applause and yearned, without apology, for literary fame. but campbell sought also to distinguish, as bacon had done, between history and lives as well as to remark their connections with each other and with the magic of literature. "there is even a sort of romance", he wrote, "belonging to the true tale of many of those who are to be delineated, and the strange vicissitudes of their careers are not exceeded by the fictions of novelists or dramatists.,,7 he thus saw himself as a minstrel rather than a bard whose object was as much as anything else to "amuse" his readers. in this, of course, he was entirely successful for, as lord hailsham has remarked, his work became a "permanent best-seller",8 a fact of which campbell was not insensible. in the preface to the second edition in 1846 he reminded his readers "that within a few weeks after its publication [the first edition] was on every table, and almost on every toilette [and] though founded on historical records, and having solid instruction for its object, it has been as generally read as popular works of fiction." if his critics, men, as they say, who have failed in literature and art, crabbed that his style was too familar and colloquial then they only remarked what had been his purpose. for when distilling the philosophy of bacon, the judgments of nottingham or the character of clarendon why should a man adopt the language 5. (1906-1908) in two volumes. see on atlay, a.w.b. simpson (ed.), biographical dictionary of the common law (1984), pp.20-21. atlay's subjects included both herschell and halsbury but he was constrained by the fact that the former had only recently died and the latter still lived. thus heuston, supra n.3, reconsiders their 'lives'. 6. including sir charles wetherell, sometime attorney-general under wellington, who also declared, of campbell, that his "noble and biographical friend ... has added a new terror to death": see his misrepresentions ill campbell's lives of lylldhurst arid brougham (1869), p.3. 7. see preface to the first edition. 8. supra n.4. 170 the woolsack and the winding stair of the censor rather than that "which he might with propriety adopt if he were telling it in good society by word of mouth?,,9 but campbell had also a much more serious purpose to trace the history of our constitution and jurisprudence through the biographies of those who kept the king's conscience, his courts and, in earlier times and in his absence, even his kingdom; and their examples would serve "to excite the young student of the law to emulation and industry, and confirm in his mind the liberal and honourable maxims which ought ever to govern the conduct of an english barrister.,,10 thus campbell repaid his debt to his profession. professer heuston is wisely more modest than campbell but it would surely not have been inappropriate for him to have marked the occasion by some reference to the historical and jurisprudential mantle which he has assumed, given its pedigree, rather than to convey merely the idea of a series of potted biographies of famous and influential men in date order. true, there is an excellent introduction which, though less "readable" than that in the earlier volume, does consider in a sophisticated way the qualifications, appointment, dress, duties and stipend of lord chancellors and other related matters; but that is not quite the same thing. nevertheless, these biographies, of simon, jowitt, simonds, kilmuir, dilhorne and gardiner, do implicitly project a view of history which campbell and other nineteenth century historians and biographers would have approved. "history", said carlyle, "is the essence of innumerable biographies." 11to him, the history of the world was but the biography of great men and though today this dictum may be old fashioned it is not inevitably disreputable provided, at least, that the theory behind it does not amount to purveying tittle-tattle or mere "interests inspired by the eccentricities of individual characters.,,12 disraeli summarised the idea neatly in the phrase "life without theory". 13it is hard to disagree with c. v. wedgewood that "the behaviour of men as individuals is more interesting ... than their behaviour as groups or classes"; 14and if following the vagaries of fortune upon the lives of great men is indeed a historical fallacy, it is shared also in the legal world by those such as holdsworth in his some makers of english law. whether in this second volume heuston does deal with the lives of great men may be doubted but the fact remains that they did, for good or ill, in their different ways, make "right or wrong for us and for our children".t5 * * * * * * * * 9. campbell, preface to the second edition. 10. preface to the first edition. 11. on history. 12. acton, home and foreign review (1863), p.219. 13. colllan'ni fleming, ch.23. 14. the king's peace (1955), p.17. 15. pollock and maitland, history of english law (first edition), vol. ii, p.870, of the men who gathered around pateshall, raleigh and bracton at westminster. 171 the denning law journal the reader will not find in these six vignettes a more, a bacon, an eldon, or even a campbell. simon, the man with the "marble smile", who held all the great offices of state, save that of prime minister, refused the woolsack at the age of 42 (in 19l5) but accepted it 25 years on and thus combined dazzling legal and political careers. he, perhaps, promises greater prominence in a later age but not, sadly in heuston's scheme. his "life" is proscribed with a pauper's share of 25 pages. of his "remarkable series of magisterial judgments in the house of lords and the privy council,,16 heuston tells us nothing, save that they were "superb", striking in "scale and distinction" and that, in an eloquent phrase, they were delivered "in the english style which is characteristic of simon as transparent and cool as a mountain stream.,,17 there is a very balanced account of simon's intervention in attempting to secure some modification of atkin's powerful speech (dissenting) in liversidge v. anderson,18 an appeal over which simon did not preside.19 to some commentators, his action has been characterised as sinister.2o this goes too far. for simon, in the mildest of terms, merely suggested the removal of the humpty dumpty aphorism from alice through the looking glass which atkin, in an 11 line paragraph in his 22 page speech, used to illumine why it was that viscount maugham and lords macmillan, wright and romer were proposing, in his view, to stand the english language on its head. this, simon considered, might cause unnecessary offence to them.21 he made no comment upon atkin's arguably more insidious jibe at his colleagues that the arguments he had heard "might have been addressed acceptably to the court of king's bench in the time of charles 1.,,22 though a fellow of all souls and despite friendships with goodhart and winfield, simon thought that academics as a breed were unfitted for public life since they lived in complete seclusion "and have no contact with the world".23 it is hard to imagine goodhart, at least, as an academic trappist. this lord chancellor preferred politics to law but he was not a natural leader. they keynote of his years at the foreign office (1931-1935), which witnessed the rise of the dictators, was abstention "from any hint of action" and to "keep out of trouble ... at all costs,,24 and viscount simonds remarks in his 'recollections' that simon lacked confidence in his own judgment, for ever seeking in deliberative councils a familiar supportive "nod" from colleagues, even junior ones: "in a word he did not lead or 16. hailsham, supra n.4. 17. at p.s8. 18. [1942] a.c. 206, at p.22s. 19. see geoffrey lewis, lord atkin (1983), pp.132-is7; r.f.v. heuston, "liversidge v. anderson in retrospect", 86 l.qr. 33 (1970). 20. see, e.g., r. stevens, law and politics (1979), p.333. 21. this correspondence, itlter alia, is quoted fully in lewis, supra n.19, at pp.139-142. the writer's view is that atkin 'comes over' as overly didactic and complacent to the possibility of error as if his dignity had been usurped. 22. supra n.18, at p.244. 23. quoted heuston, p.s7. 24. letter to the prime minister, 27th july 1934: heuston, p.so. 172 the woolsack and the wlnding stair seek to lead.,,25 it is a somewhat touching epilogue to the life of this cold and humourless man who, in maurice bowra's words, "longed to be liked" but failed, that he chose to be cremated in his d.c.l. gown. jowitt ooe-itt), simon's successor, by contrast emerges with a life of 72 pages over five "chapters"; surely, then, an olympian. but to some he lacked honour and was a "cynical legal careerist" who acted parts, used speech writers and so largely has been quite properly ignored in biographies of the period. he redeems himself, of course, in his keen support for village cricket and by the fact that he is probably the only lord chancellor to have known the difference between a gloucester old spot, a tamworth and a berkshire; truly, then, a rare breed. he was also very good at political gaffes, as heuston amply records. the best known was the curious conversion to labour on being offered the post of attorney-general by ramsay macdonald (for a long period a personal friend) in 1929 only four days after jowitt had been elected as a liberal member for preston. parallels were then and subsequently drawn with yorke, who reneged on his friends to obtain the great seal in 1770 but died shattered with remorse three days on, and also with the vicar of bray. j owitt was depicted as a traitor to his class but, having re-submitted himself to the verdict of his constituents later in 1929, at a by-election was returned with a hefty majority. but despite support, inter alios, from simon, somervell, birkett and buckmaster, the hostility endured particularly from the bar.26 jowitt's habit of looking one way and rowing another repeated itself two years on. at the general election which followed the formation of the national government in 1931 he was unable to win a combined universities' seat. but only a few months before he had strenuously argued that university representation should be abolished. the passing years saw no diminution of these powers. he remained lord chancellor after attlee's 1950 election victory and told shawcross that he was to be foreign secretary as successor to bevin. he was wrong and the incident caused considerable embarrassment. birkett was also misled over his proposed role at nuremberg .and afterwards was ignored when public honours were distributed for services rendered at that tribunal. 27 in many ways, however, jowitt was a master of political craft, what heuston refers to as his "detached attitude to political matters,,28 being an obvious virtue; as also was his demeanour in cabinet where, apparently, he spoke little and was therefore regarded as very valuable29 one of many heuston insights which betrays a thorough knowledge of the workings of less exalted forums for discussion. we must be grateful that someone has "depicted" jowitt's life, which found its "stimulus ... in the social world where mayfair and bloomsbury met".30 25. heuston, p.61. 26. the 'conversion' episode is discussed fully in r.f.v. heuston, "a lawyer in politics: an episode in the life of lord jowitt", 5 cambrian law rroiel/j 13 (1974). 27. see h. montgomery hyde, norman birkeu (1964), pp.530-531. 28. at p.114. 29. see heuston, at p.98. 30. heuston, pp.85-86. 173 the denning lawjournal to heuston, the hall-mark of a great lord chancellor seems to be his reforming zeal and, inter alia, his refusal to be "ovenvhelmed by the routine duties" of his office. there is little doubt that jowitt did preside, for a short period, over a massive programme oflaw reform, particularly of statute law, even though much of the preparatory work had been forged by others. viscount simonds was not an especially remarkable lord chancellor. the woolsack was his for only three years. he was churchill's second choice after asquith who had declined the post on health grounds. the prime minister could not remember simonds, though they had previously met, when the post was offered. and yet even 'a' level law students are familiar with his name not least because of his speech in shaw v. d.p.p. 31 where he declared, echoing lord mansfield,32 that the judges of the king's bench are the custos morum of the people; resounding stuff as we all know. a month later simonds had a stroke but he came back, in the same year, in scrutton v. midland silicones33 with undiminished force and paradoxically, but so elegantly, admonished those who in their time have appealed also to mansfield's spirit in the name of progress: "for me heterodoxy, or, as some might say, heresy, is not the more attractive because it is dignified by the name of reform. nor will 1 easily be led by an undiscerning zeal for some abstract kind of justice to ignore our first duty, which is to adminsiter justice according to law.,,34fifteen years before he had sat in the appeal in christie v. leachinsky35 and in his speech had equally demonstrated that the lyrical opulence of language and informal logic may be sublimated, without affectation, even in the law: "blind, unquestioning obedience is the law of tyrants and of slaves; it does not flourish on english soil.,,36given simonds views on privity what would this big, bluff squire, who had obtained a first in greats and who, as he said, was "not over-awed by the presence of a butler and footman",37 have made of the reasoning in the eurymedon38 and its spawn the new york star?39 with his "neat and tidy mind", in lord wilberforce's phrase,4o not much one imagines. of the lord chancellors since 1885 only halsbury (98) and maugham (92) have lived longer than simonds (90). it is not surprising, therefore, to find that in his eighties he should have given a passing reflection to his role in history: "i suppose that at some future date there will be a successor to atlay and professor heuston who will write the lives of the chancellors from 1940 onwards and 1 daresay he will not find much good to say about me.,,41 one is constrained to say that in heuston's scheme of 17 pages simonds was right. 31. [19621 a.c. 220, 261 especially at pp.266-269. 32. r. v. de/ava/ (1763) 3 burr 1434,at pp.1438-1439. 33. [1962] a.c. 446, 465. 34. ibid., at p.591. 35. [1947] a.c. 573, 590. 36. ibid., at p.591. 37. heuston, p.141. 38. [1975] a.c. 154. 39. [1980] 3 all e.r. 257. 40. heuston, p.145. 41. heuston, p.157. 174 the woolsack and the winding stair in 1942 churchill made david maxwell fyfe solicitor-general. in 1951 he made him home secretary. in that capacity he refused, in the winter of 1952, to recommend the use of the royal prerogative to save from the gallows the 19 year old derek bentley who with a 16 year old youth, christopher craig, had murdered a police officer. craig had fired the fatal shot. at the time of the shooting, bentley had already been in the custody of a courageous policeman, sergeant fairfax, who was later to be awarded the george cross, for some 15 minutes. an illiterate and grade iv mental defective, bentley offered no resistance to fairfax who, despite a wounded arm, still managed to use him as a shield. craig was determined to avenge his brother who, two days previously, had been sentenced to 12 years for armed robbery. so for him a policeman had to die. he was undoubtedly the ring leader. he had the gun. bentley had only a knuckle duster. he told fairfax, "i told the silly ... not to use the gun." craig, being under 18, though the perpetrator of the murder could not be hanged. for bentley the jury recommended mercy but despite demonstrations in the streets, which led to a doubling of the police guard at his flat in gray's inn, and a massive condemnation in the country and the house of commons, maxwell fyfe remained unmoved and allowed justice to exact her due. as heuston remarks,42 only dilhorne would have also displayed a like determination, obstinacy and courage. simon and jowitt would have contrived to side-step the issue and run for cover. the home secretary had already demonstrated his tenacity at nuremberg where he was shawcross' 'junior' but stole the limelight in his cross-examination of goering who had previously confused and up-staged justice jackson, the american prosecutor. in all his public affairs maxwell fyfe was thorough and conscientious. his paper work, though dull, always left his cabinet colleagues ready to move on to the next item. eighteen months after the bentley case he succeeded simonds, as viscount kilmuir, on the woolsack for what was to prove the longest tenure of the lord chancellor's officer eight years in the period from simon to gardiner. that ended abruptly in 1962 with macmillan's "night of the long knives" which left kilmuir very offended, even bitter; for he had ever been an intensely loyal and energetic party man with a considerable zest for politics and did not see why he also should be sold as a hostage to selwyn lloyd's unhappy fortune. sadly his judicial activities were not equally striking. every law student has suffered the obscurities of d.p.p. v. smith;43 but kilmuir's speech was, it is said, drafted by lord parker ofwaddington.44 with his abundant common sense and absence of unction kilmuir found no fun in the sophisticated paradoxes and dilemmas engendered by reflections on legal concepts. perhaps this is why in his eight years he sat in only 24 appeals. but in his informal moments he was zealous in his attendance at soirees organised by glamorous, intelligent and patrician society hostesses: "to the celt, looking in from the outside darkness through the windows which framed the splendour of english political life, there was something 42. at p.169. 43. [1961] a.c. 290. 44. heuston, p.l75 n.8. 175 the denning lawjournal very satisfying about being on first name terms with the cecils and the cavendishes.,,45 it is a special pleasure for this reviewer to note that members of the francis bacon society still recollect with gratitude kilmuir's contribution at the dinner in gray's inn hall in 1961 held to commemorate the fourth centenary of francis bacon's birth.46 the lord chancellor proposed the principal toast, "the immortal memory of francis bacon", and in his speech remarked how "no lord chancellor can look over the arches of the 1,366 years of his office ... without seeing the mental power of bacon stand out from among us like a sudden mountain peak in a range of grass covered hills." later he considered why it was that bacon had so persistently importuned burghley and james for office and, in doing so, gave a signal of his own motivation in politics: "i think the explanation is that those of us who have the political virus, who have the love for what f. s. oliver called the endless adventure of the government of men, must always be considering not only our political ideals and aims but the means of putting some of them into effect. in oliver's words our eyes are not always fixed on the millenium or on the end of our noses but some way between." whereas simonds' estate had been sworn for probate at £305,279, the largest sum left by any lord chancellor since eldon, kilmuir modestly, perhaps cannily, left a mere twenty odd thousand. viscount dilhorne, reginald manningham-buller, was not a humble man. he was irritable and insensitive to the feelings and failings of others qualities which are sometimes to be found in mediocre men who have reached, as they suppose, exalted positions. lord devlin's assessment in easing the passing (1985) on the bodkin adams case is now notorious. to devlin, "what was almost unique about him and makes his career so fascinating" is that he achieved what he did "by making himself disagreeable.,,47 dilhorne keenly admired lord goddard: "he did not suffer fools gladly but then why should one?,,48goddard himself would not have been unhappy to see manningham-buller succeed him as lord chief justice, but the latter was, apparently, "an unsaleable product".49 but even if dilhorne did turn arrogance into an art form, he was possessed of extraordinary energy and loyalty to his party and was genuinely motivated to be of honest service to the state. as attorney-general he gave clear and emphatic advice and so was highly regarded in government circles. some said he was the best law officer the conservative party had produced since the first viscount hailsham. as lord chancellor he was the first to give a woman her chance when promoting elizabeth lane to the county court bench. he also advocated wider membership of the judicial committee of the privy council, with the result that judges from 45. heuston, pp.162-i63. 46. the proceedings are reported in baconiana lxv (march 1962). 47. easing the passing, p.39. 48. heuston, p.189. 49. heuston, p.193. 176 the woolsack and the winding stair nigeria and the antipodes were appointed. though in his two years on the woolsack he presided in only seven appeals, as law lord in the period 1969-1980 he sat in more than 200. his judgments "will not figure in any anthology of english prose,,50 but in quality they are every bit as 'legalistic' as those of others whose sole preoccupation has been the law albeit with a tendency to become mere digests. but then his professional pedigree was impeccable. coke, some of whose less pleasant foibles dilhorne shared, was one of his ancestors. sir francis buller,s! who had become a judge of the king's bench at 32 and whose buller's trials at nisi prius achieved seven editions, was another. by birth dilhorne was a buckinghamshire man. later he resided at greens norton court, near towcester, in northamptonshire. his family was of the 'hunting, shooting and fishing' variety and his father had been mp for kettering. his "was not an intellectual household".52 the manningham-buller cup, which dilhorne had presented to his constituency conservative clubs in 1952, remains the subject of fierce competition within the ten clubs still struggling to secure that particular laurel in those 'manly' pastimes snooker, darts, dominoes and cribbage.53 it was entirely appropriate that dilhorne, whom macmillan had determined should have his "turn before the end",54 should have died so suddenly in 1980 after a day on a scottish hillside. as dilhorne was to coke so was gardiner to bacon.55 gardiner represented cosmopolitan charm and reforming passion. his "appearance and conversation were unmistakenly those of someone born before the first world war into the english upper classes.,,56 at oxford he had been editor of isis and later, despite a rapidly increasing practice at the bar, he trod the boards with the windsor strollers and the canterbury old stagers. in the 'sixties his sole recreation was "first-nighting", followed by a late dinner in soho. he also assiduously attended meetings dedicated to good causes. he wrote learned articles and case notes in the law quarterly review and other journals and so continued a tradition among judges which denning had nurtured, much to jowitt's horror, with his hamlyn lectures.57 in the fifties he was very fashionable and played his part in several cases which captured the nation's attention the libels involving evelyn waugh and "the singer liberace" (sic), the etu case, which concerned communist infiltration of that union, and, of course, the lady chatterley's l(fl)er case. gardiner was a 50. heuston, p.199. 5 i. 1746-1800; see simpson, supra n.5, pp.87-89. buller also seemingly shared coke's characteristics. 52. heuston, p.184. 53. buckingham advertiser, 7th august 1987. 54. letter to kilmuir, 15th july 1962: heuston, p.i77. 55. obviously this remark is intended to be complimentary. it is sad that even a lord chancellor and a former master of the rolls should have yielded to the conventional campbelvmacaulayl abbott view of bacon's fall thereby ignoring all research in the period since spedding: see howe [1987] a.c. 417, at pa31 (bacon "a greater moralist perhaps in theory than in practice") and lord denning, landmarks in the law (1984), pp.32-34. 56. heuston, p.207. 57. freedom under the law (1949). 177 the denning law journal formidable and charismatic figure with the actor's gift, so well practised by alec guinness, of conveying intense emotion with a minimum of gesture. he was elevated to the woolsack directly from the bar, confuting the arguably stronger claims of soskice and donovan. his political experience had been forged in the folds of the haldane and fabian societies, those pot-pourris of the airy-fairy and beer and sandwiches. to give him political experience wilson had recommended a life peerage in december 1963, though when, the following year, the woolsack was offered he had still only met gardiner on three occasions. to crossman, gardiner was "utterly remote from the realities of politics". 58 but with wilson's support he vigorously set about determining "how large and effective the role of the lord chancellor in the field of law reform could be made to be,,59 with what majestic results the world knows. as lord hailsham has recorded60 his "chief monument", amongst his vast schemes for reform, will doubtless be the creation of the law commissions; and so it was through gardiner's hands that one of bacon's own grand ambitions for the reform of "snaring" laws, conceived some 350 years before, was finally realised. * * * * * * * * any biographer or reviewer of biographies must surmount certain procedural and substantive hurdles of which the ordinary reader will probably be insensible. the gradgrinds of this world who want nothing but facts are easily satisfied, save that even here the biographer may be faced with apparently insoluble puzzles. for example, the records show that kilmuir was born at 60, morningside drive, edinburgh. a pilgrimage to that place reveals that there is no no. 60. are the records wrong? was the house pulled down? have the houses been renumbered? or again, on a similar jaunt to withyham to view kilmuir's commemorative plaque on the north wall of the church of st michael and all angels, our biographer finds, confounding all the public records, that kilmuir was lord chancellor from 1953 not 1954; a stonemason's error, a quirk of memory in the family or what? to rely on the evidence of observation could prove fatal to credibility and even the photograph of the plaque pronounced a forgery. there are other sorts of evidence which must be duly sifted and weighed. the memoirs of contemporaries, a rich source for anecdote and appraisal, may be faulty through the fallibilities of memory, bias, sycophancy or spleen. what the soldier said is not evidence after all. what does one do with all those state papers accumulating dust but recording simon's years of inactivity at the foreign office? how does one avoid the biographer's curse, macaulay's lues boswelliana or disease of admiration? and what of the 'warts' in a man's character when he still lives or when what one says may offend the family? and then there are the publishers who cage the work of 58. heuston, p.218 n.2. 59. heuston, p.226. 60 supra n.4. 178 the woolsack and the winding stair twenty years, and six men's lives, with word limits in the name of economic restraint and profit margins. within those parameters how is the relative value of 'lives' to be measured? does one titillate with famous trials or diminish the significance of a man's life in the law to capture a wider, perhaps more selective, collective imagination? as historian does one set the subject against a backcloth of 'problems' or 'periods'? given all this, it would be too facile to dismiss the present volume as a series of rather slight sketches "hardly worthy of its predecessors".61 true, a butcher's knife rather than a proof reader's pencil could well be taken to those numerous irritating typographical errors in the text. for lawyers the extra "space" mysteriously made available to professor heuston by the publishers62 might have been employed to give a more prominent sense of chiaroscuro to the legal 'philosophies' of these lord chancellors or, if their lives did not warrant it, at least a separate section on the leading judgments as in the earlier volume. occasionally professor heuston might have considered gentle pruning. if, for example, lord widmerpool in powell's a dance to the music of time was not based on the character of dilhorne why flaccidly instruct the reader that "casual resemblances of this kind often occur in novels"?63 perhaps it adds little to the profundity of even personal history to say that simonds' younger son, sadly killed at arnhem, had "before his death ... married barbara (robinson), widow of fo a. j. willock (who married thirdly dr angus mcpherson).,,64 and what does the discerning reader make of the assertion that "in appearance and manner jowitt was a great lord chancellor"?65 but these are little carping things often a matter of judgment and not to be taken too seriously. for this volume has all the qualities which made its predecessor such effortless reading balance, scholarship, eloquence and humour all things of which campbell devotees would approve. in the balloting of contemporaries, lord pearce, it is worth saying, comes over particularly well not least for his delicious cartoon of the law lords in woods v. duncan,66 before whom he had argued for the respondents and whose roll had recently been increased by the addition of simonds: "they looked like a rembrandt, so old and remote and learned, and gavin (though silent, while simon, presiding, talked 'clever' stuff) looked like some superimposed figure painted in by franz hals so eager and vital and robust and down to earth.,,67 61. ibid.. 62. see preface. 63. heuston, p.185. 64. heuston, pp.142-143. 65. heuston, p.126. 66. [1946] a.c. 401. 67. to heuston, quoted p.146. the 'rembrandt' figures were viscount simon and lords russell, macmillan and porter. 179 the denning law journal there is much here, in the introduction and the 'lives', to inform and stimulate reflection upon the office of lord chancellor which in our unwritten constitution so cocks a snook at the doctrine of the separation of powers. no formal qualifications are necessary for the office save capacity to swear the oath of allegiance and the official oath and yet our present day lord chancellors are required to head the judiciary, serve as speaker in the house of lords and cabinet member as well as minister in charge of a large government department. things seemed simpler in the old days for this first subject of the realm after the archbishop of canterbury. he did not then even have to be a lawyer. heuston cites the case of chancellor booth in 1473 who was formerly bishop of durham but who, as lord chancellor, was so incompetent "doing nothing" that he was packed off to the archbishopric at york 10 months on. at least a grudging mention might have been given to lord keeper williams, formerly dean of westminster and part architect of bacon's fall from grace, who also had no legal training but who fared much better than booth. he stayed the course for four years, the last ecclesiastic to hold the great seal, before being bundled back to his bishopric at lincoln.68 an interesting question which heuston raises but does not fully explore is the origin and fortune over the centuries of the concept that the lord chancellor is the 'keeper of the king's conscience'. we still say that he is, though two lord chancellors have said that the phrase is now meaningless.69 one possibility is that the idea originates from the ecclesiastical character of the mediaeval chancellors and the role of the early incumbents as chaplain to the king. presumably, then, the concept ceased to be meaningful with williams' fall in 1625; in which case it is surprising to find that it lingered on for three more centuries. another is that the phrase relates to the chancellor's equitable jurisdiction in the court of chancery, where the king's conscience was dispensed rather than his law. neither theory squares with the diverse functions of the lord chancellor who 'kept' the great seal and the king's conscience. a third possibility, which is consistent with the duties of lord chancellors in different ages, is that the chancellor was a perhaps the principal professional and personal adviser of the crown, a keeper of seals but also of secrets and so of consciences. in this role he might even act as prime minister as clarendon did, though the last to do so. the chancellor's oath sworn as late as stuart times reflects this idea in that he was required "truly to counsel the king and his counsel to conceal and keep.,,7o nowadays the lord chancellor is required to swear an oath of allegiance, a judicial oath (which incorporates aspects of the old lord chancellor's oath) and, on being admitted to the privy council, a further oath in which the privy counsellor swears to be a 68. 16 years on williams was also appointed archbishop of york and so likewise eventually took only one formal step down the league table of precedence. laud was then under impeachment in the tower and so williams was placed, de facto, at the head of the church of england. 69. sec heuston, p.5 n.7 (lord hailsham and viscount simon). 180 the woolsack and the winding stair "true and faithful servant unto the queen's majesty" and is enjoined to "faithfully and truly declare your mind and opinion according to your heart and conscience; and will keep secret all matters committed and revealed unto you.,,71so in this last oath we have the final vestige of the chancellor's ancient role of one who, above others, advised the king in his need and kept those personal and state secrets entrusted to him. such obscurantist by-ways apart, there are other insights which heuston provides interstitially in his roll call of these "pale unsatisfied ones" who stood "on the highest pavement of the stair". some painstaking cypher work plus casual surveillance will disclose a good deal for those who have set their minds upon the ascent to that place. what follows may serve, even in play, as a suitable glass. to begin at the embryo stage. despite the predictions of astrologers there is no especially propitious month to signal the birth of a lord chancellor. a genius like bacon might well run true to form in the sign of aquarius but none of heuston's 18 chancellors had that benefit and only two halsbury and maugham were covenanted under the favourable signs of virgo and libra. the rest are evenly scattered in ones and twos across the zodiac chart save that the latter part of february and most of march has proved moderately promising in pisces which has proferred its protective cloak and, if the astrologers are right, much imagination but also some emotional instability on four incumbents.72 birth at the beginning or end of a month would seem auspicious. dilhorne, halsbury, herschell and loreburn entered this world in the first three days; six of the eighteen on the 28th, 29th or 30th.73 naturally, these omens are for ambitious parents only. it is for providence to explain the birth-death sequence of simonds and herschell who were born and died on the same date though in different months.74 it is essential for the aspirant to set his sights on oxford. all the subjects of this volume were there, at what are generally reckoned to be the 'better' colleges, and seven of the 12 in the earlier volume. of the remaining five, poor cambridge has only managed two (maugham and caldecote) along with edinburgh (finlay and haldane). herschell read classics at university college, london. hailsham spent his formative years on the family sugar estate in british guiana. once at oxford, it is clear that academic prowess is not a condition precedent for the wo~lsack. the statutory mediocrity of the 2:2 might have proved an irritation to kilmuir and dilhorne, who obtained thirds, and gardiner who was placed into the fourth class. equally, neither does brilliance preclude, for jowitt obtained a first in law as did simon and simonds in greats. if examination pressures lead to what some students call "brain fag", the aspirant should not be unduly perturbed; even 70. see, e.g., judge jenkins' plea to the commons, 14th february 1647 in terry, judgejmkills (1929), pp.152-153. 71. these oaths are usefully reproduced in heuston's appmdix of doculllmts. 72. cave, caldecote, hailsham and simon. 73. haldane, hailsham, simon, simonds, kilmuir and gardiner. 74. finlay and jowitt miss the sequence by only one day. 181 the denning lawjournal buckmaster with his second suffered from it. his brain, he said, "simply refused to perform its functions".75 when faced with the choice of an inn, gray's should almost certainly be avoided. seemingly only three lord chancellors in history, bacon, birkenhead and kilmuir, have ornamented its walks. by all means enrol at inner or lincoln's, the choice of 13 of heuston's subjects. a political baptism is not essential, as simonds' and gardiner's lives amply demonstrate, but without it, as has been seen, a newly appointed lord chancellor is apt to be considered, paradoxically, an 'innocent,76 which though a divine virtue is apt to be construed as synonymous with being politically inept. however, a man's esteem at the bar is likely to rise in inverse proportion to his political commitment; lord goddard, for example, considered kilmuir an ill-advised choice because too 'political' in his approach to legal matters. whichever way the stairway leads physical stamina and application are essential. kilmuir and dilhorne were outstanding in this regard.77 whatever his critics may say, dilhorne cannot be faulted in his appetite for work whether as lord chancellor or in his i i taxing years as solicitor and attorney-general. an obituary notice in the times reported: "it was not unusual to find him, when all had gone home, working in the small hours in his room just off the central lobby, a pipe firmly in his mouth, alone, and unmoved by the hour of the night or the fatigues of the day in court and in the house, that would have exhausted a less robust man.,,78 not that the aspirant should eschew sports and pastimes. dilhorne only just missed a blue in rowing; jowitt was a connoisseur of cricket, pigs and sheep and the arts; gardiner of good causes and the theatre; simon of ice-skating and golf. it is a good thing to have a plan for the top. ideally it should not be published for overt "careerism" may be regarded as vulgar. kilmuir determined to take silk in his thirties, to become a cabinet minister in his forties and reach the apotheosis of the legal profession in his fifties and, of course, he did it. simon, who really did do everything he needed to do by the age of forty, knew well what he was about when he refused the woolsack in 1911 for that would have ended his political dreams. as has been noted, once on the woolsack it might be considered precocious to preside over too many appeals. whether from an undue regard for the doctrine of the separation of powers or simply from the pressure of other work, jowitt, simonds, kilmuir, dilhorne and gardiner were impeccable in this respect. and there are clear risks in other than a conservative approach to the judicial function. social therapy, what viscount dilhorne referred to as "adjusting the common law to what are thought to be the social norms of the time,,79 and bacon characterised as the "idols of the tribe", is to be totally shunned in a judicial capacity. but 75. heuston, mpra n.3, p.248. 76. kilmuir's description of simonds, hcuston p.149; and if. crossman on gardiner, supra n.58. 77. see heuston, pp.164, ]88. 78. heuston, p.] 88; if. carlyle: "genius" means "transcendent capacity for taking trouble, first of all" (frederick the great, book iv, ch.3). 79. broom v. cassell fs co. ltd. []972] a.c. 1027, 1i07. 182 the woolsack and the winding stair politically by all means extol the virtues of reform for at least biographers will see in that, perhaps quite rightly, a mark of greatness. a majestic presence and ease of manner coupled, naturally, with "enormous dignity" or grtwitas may be helpful, as in jowitt's case; and two friends of the writer have independently remarked that kilmuir and gardiner are to be especially remembered for the laser-like luminosity of their eyes. 'niceness', characterised by lord gardiner, is not an obvious prerequisite. dilhorne needs no further comment but even simonds did not take kindly to being contradicted and "he was too apt to interpret opposition as an insult to himself or the office which he held."so simon could be "elaborately polite" to juniors who made acceptable suggestions and to the "children of the upper classes who could not be his rivals" but he could also be "blisteringly rude in public to those whom he regarded as his inferiors."sl all this, however, is to be cultivated in the name of 'character'. without it one is apt to be seen, like gardiner and perhaps jowitt, as overly "detached" and so "unapproachable". 'political' lord chancellors of an earlier generation seem to have nurtured the art of flattery to a high degree. some of simon's utterances could have been spun at the court of the first elizabeth. so when chamberlain proposed to fly to munich to meet hitler in september 1938 sir thomas inskip, later himself lord chancellor for eight months, in cabinet recorded that "john simon finished by his usual shower of compliments to p.m . . . . they give an impression of soapiness and flattery ... 'brilliant' ... his absence 'grievous' even for 48 hours. if he came back with seeds of peace with honour 'a remarkable achievement' and so on.,,82 provided constitutionally robust in early middle age, the aspirant should not concern himself that the rigours of office will shorten his earthly span as compared with other men. the fact is that lord chancellors do seem to live a little longer than most. from halsbury to caldecote their average score was 76 years and 10 months; from simon to dilhorne, 77 years and one month. halsbury was 'out' only two years short of his century and five others in the period reached the 80s and 90s. only birkenhead and herschell did not reach conventional retiring age. for some reason, these days lord chancellors prefer cremation.s3 the writer must issue one final and very serious warning. lord chancellors out of office tend to frustration, disenchantment, even bitterness. simon thought himself a failure never to have become prime minister. to his sister jowitt, out of office, wrote: "i must confess just at the moment i feel that the bottom has quite fallen out of my market. i've given myself completely to my office. it's been my life and enshrines all my interests ... i feel a lost soul just for the time being ... it all sounds like the lament of job from the bottom of the pit ... though i am called 80. heuston, p.150. 81. heuston, p.40 82. heuston, pp.52-53. 83. loreburn and buckmaster began the fashion which was revived and continued successively from simon to kilmuir. 183 the denning law journal upon to surrender the seals no one can call upon me to surrender the memories.,,84 simonds was an embittered man when he was forced to surrender the seals to maxwell fyfe, "one nearly 20 years his junior for whose attainments as a lawyer he had little respect.,,85 eight years on the same fate befell kilmuir who was equally resentful. there is something, then, in rosebery's warning that it is better for a man to aim at being lord chief justice since, though the position of lord chancellor is dignified while it lasts, it does not last longer than a change of government, an ex-lord chancellor being merely "a shabby old gentleman with £5,000 a year.,,86 so a sense of proportion and detachment are indispensible qualities in readiness for this moment of personal crisis. though the office carries "whispers of immortality", the aspirant must ever carry with him the simple thought that "in a moment there is time for decisions and revisions which a moment will reverse" and a measured palliative for undue self-importance of a kind which prufrock also recognised: "no! i am not prince hamlet, nor was meant to be; am an attendant lord, one that will do to swell a progress, start a scene or two, advise the prince; no doubt an easy tool, deferential, glad to be of use, political, cautious, and meticulous; full of high sentence ... " in bacon's words in the essay of great place, all rising is by a winding stair. it is a laborious climb beset with pains. the standing is slippery and the regress is either a fall or other eclipse which is "a melancholy thing". despite its minor blemishes and its daunting price, professor heuston's second volume of chancellors contains an abundance of riches not least, in spite of itself, the realisation that plato's ghost had a point when, despite all those things "to perfection brought", he louder sang "what then?" 84. heuston, p.124. 85. heuston, p.156. 86. heuston, p.5. 184 the university of buckingham i editorial introduction: magna carta edition i am delighted to announce the publication of our magna carta 2015 special edition of the denning law journal. each of our contributors has explored the impact the foundation stone of magna carta has had on the development of human rights principles cast in pillars of eternity and owing in no small part to the magna carta and the movement for reform. magna carta has etched its legacy into the contemporary living instruments of our law as indeed has the judgments of our patron lord denning himself. many law schools publish their own law journals. in the united kingdom, these are often edited by faculty staff. at the university of buckingham, the law school staff edit and publish an annual journal – the denning law journal (external link). it is named after the most famous and influential judicial figure of the century 20th century, lord denning (1899 – 1999). he was a made a judge at 45 years of age and was promoted to the court of appeal [a mere] four years later. his judgments were always lucid. simple words were the tools of his trade, communication and persuasion, in simple speech and not flamboyant gestures. in his book the discipline of law he said, “to succeed in the profession of the law, you must seek to cultivate command of language. words are the lawyer‟s tools of trade. when you are called upon to address a judge, it is your words which count most” (butterworths 1979, p 5). he had a unique style of judgment writing, a master of evocative story telling. „it was bluebell time in kent‟ formed part of the opening of his judgment in a case of death and personal injury witnessed by mrs hinz (hinz v berry [1970] 2 qb 40).when he died in 1999 the then lord chancellor, lord irvine of lairg, said: “the name denning was a byword for the law itself. his judgments were models of simple english which ordinary people understood.” he stood for the interests of fairness and justice. lord denning was an enthusiastic supporter of the fledgling university at buckingham. it seemed natural when the journal was founded in 1986 to name it after him. we were greatly honoured when he consented to the use of his name. when he celebrated his 100th birthday in january 1999, more than 170 lawyers and judges gathered at the university of buckingham for the denning centenary symposium. the denning law journal is a refereed journal. the aim is to provide a forum for the widest discussion of issues arising in the common law world and to embrace the wider global and international issues of contemporary concern, both of which lord denning would have approved. he also recognised the importance of: developing the common law http://www.denninglawjournal.com/ the denning law journal ii the need for judicial and community recognition of the urgency of reform and modernisation of law the need to preserve the traditions of judicial independence, integrity and creativity reflecting upon the interplay between law and morality the role to be played by the law in the defence of the individual in the modern state. as lord denning said, “if we never do anything which has not been done before, we shall never get anywhere. the law will stand still whilst the rest of the world goes on; and that will be bad for both” (packer v packer [1954] p. 15 at 22). the denning is the product of the hard work of many hands and in particular i would like to acknowledge the efforts of the editors, student editors and contributors in the creation of this issue. i would also like to take this opportunity to announce that, after this volume, i will be standing down as editor of “the denning”. for ten years of often challenging but ultimately very rewarding hard work it is time to hand over. i am pleased to announce that dr james slater and dr carol brennan will be taking over as joint editors for the 2016 volume. i will continue to make a contribution as a reviewer and author but wish every good fortune on my successors. susan edwards editor the denning law journal 189 denning law journal 2019 vol 31 pp 189-197 legal practitioners as potential money launderers: beneficial ownership transparency and peps: solicitors regulation authority v sharif (2019) john hatchard * * professor of law, buckingham law school, and co-director of the university of buckingham centre for extractive energy studies. 1 for an interesting discussion, see a hamman and r koen, ‘cave pecuniam: lawyers as launderers’ [2012] per 49. 2 solicitors regulation authority v sharif case 11805-2018 (solicitors disciplinary tribunal, 2019). 3 it must be emphasised that the establishment of such companies is entirely lawful. as noted below, it is the requirement that a solicitor addresses the risk as to whether such transactions are to be used for money laundering purposes that was in issue in the sharif case. legal practitioners enjoy a high degree of credibility and trust. with this comes vulnerability. for example, a solicitor’s trust account may be used by criminals through which to launder their proceeds of crime.1 the need to maintain public confidence in the profession remains of paramount importance and it follows that substantial reputational harm can occur where there is a risk that legal practitioners are being used (wittingly or otherwise) to facilitate money laundering. the january 2019 ruling of the solicitors disciplinary tribunal in solicitors regulation authority (the applicant) v sharif (the respondent)2 highlights the care that legal practitioners must take in order to satisfy their anti-money laundering (aml) obligations and the serious consequences of any failure to do so. it also throws light on the use made of the notorious panama-based law firm mossack fonseca in establishing offshore companies as vehicles for purchasing real estate in the united kingdom (uk) and thus concealing the beneficial ownership of the property.3 this note provides a background to the anti-money laundering (aml) obligations of legal practitioners, examines the decision in the sharif case itself and then discusses some of the key issues raised. 190 legal practitioners as potential money launderers: beneficial ownership transparency and peps the aml obligations of legal practitioners the financial action task force (fatf) recommendations4 contain a series of well-known money laundering preventive measures. these apply both to financial institutions and to ‘designated non-financial businesses and professions’5 (dnfbps), a term that includes lawyers, notaries and other independent legal professionals. for example, recommendation 10 requires these bodies to undertake a series of customer due diligence (cdd) measures that include know your customer (kyc) requirements, e.g. verifying the identity of the customer and beneficial owner before or during the course of establishing a business relationship or conducting transactions for occasional customers. in doing so, the fatf recommendations emphasise that countries must require financial institutions and dnfbps to adopt a risk-based approach to mitigate their money laundering and terrorist financing risks.6 politically exposed persons (peps) are recognised as posing a heightened money laundering risk. a pep is defined as: i. a person who is or has, at any time in the preceding year, been entrusted with a prominent public function by a state other than the uk; an eu institution; or an international body; ii. an immediate family member of anyone listed in (i) above; iii. a known close associate of anyone listed in (i) above.7 the fatf has noted that ‘due to their position and influence, it is recognised that many peps are in positions that potentially can be abused for the purposes of committing money laundering offences and related predicate offences, including corruption and bribery’.8 thus when entering or maintaining business relationships with peps enhanced due diligence (edd) measures are required. these are purely preventive in nature and do not ‘stigmatise peps as being involved in criminal activity’.9 4 the fatf is an intergovernmental body with a mandate, inter alia, to set standards for combating money laundering. these are set through the financial action task force, ‘international standards on combating money laundering and the financing of terrorism & proliferation’ (fatf, 2012, updated 2018) accessed 10 june 2019. 5 ibid., recommendation 5. 6 ibid., recommendation 1. 7 money laundering regulations 2007, si 2007/2157, regulation 14(5). 8 fatf guidance, politically exposed persons (paris 2013) p 3. 9 ibid. http://www.fatf-gafi.org/publications/fatfrecommendations/documents/fatf-recommendations.html http://www.fatf-gafi.org/publications/fatfrecommendations/documents/fatf-recommendations.html the denning law journal 191 fatf recommendation 22(d) states that the cdd and edd requirements ‘apply to lawyers, notaries, other independent legal professionals and accountants – when they prepare for or carry out transactions for their client concerning the following activities: • buying and selling of real estate; … • creation, operation or management of legal persons or arrangements, and buying and selling of business entities’.10 the reporting of suspicious transactions is a further part of the aml requirements. fatf recommendation 20 states that ‘if a financial institution suspects or has reasonable grounds to suspect that funds are the proceeds of a criminal activity … it should [must]11 be required, by law, to report promptly its suspicions to the financial intelligence unit (fiu)’.12 this also applies to dnfbps and hence legal practitioners. this responsibility is emphasised in fatf recommendation 23(a) which states that ‘lawyers, notaries and other independent legal professionals should [must] be required to report suspicious transactions when, on behalf of or for a client, they engage in a financial transaction in relation to activities described in paragraph (d) of recommendation 22’13 (noted above). at the time of the time of the proposed transaction in the sharif case, the fatf requirements were contained in the money laundering regulations 2007 (the ml regulations) and as regards solicitors, the solicitors regulation authority (sra) code of conduct 2011 and sra principles 2011 applied. the sharif case khalid sharif was a partner in child & child, a london-based firm of solicitors whose specialist practice area was property law. he dealt with the sale and purchase of some of the most expensive properties in london. the firm’s client base included a number of high-net worth foreign nationals. among them were leyla and arzu aliyeva (the sisters) who were the daughters of ilham aliyev, the president of azerbaijan.14 these were new clients with whom the firm had had no 10 fatf recommendation 22(d) (n 5). 11 ‘for the purposes of assessing compliance with the fatf recommendations, the word should has the same meaning as must’. fatf recommendations glossary, emphasis in the original. 12 fatf recommendation 20 (n 5). 13 ibid. recommendation 23. 14 they are referred to as ‘x’ in the ruling. their identity was revealed in the national 192 direct contact but who were introduced via an intermediary, javed marandi, who was an existing client of the firm.15 given their status, both sisters were foreign peps and therefore any business transactions undertaken on their behalf required mr sharif to undertake enhanced due diligence. the sisters wished to purchase two flats in knightsbridge, london for £59.5 million. to enable them to do so, mr sharif instructed mossack fonseca to incorporate a company in the british virgin islands (bvi). in january 2015, exaltation ltd16 was duly incorporated there with the sisters being listed as the beneficial owners.17 exaltation ltd was the intended purchaser of the knightsbridge properties.18 mr sharif was also the firm’s money laundering reporting officer (mlro). he signed the relevant cdd form in which he confirmed that normal cdd measures had been applied to the proposed transaction and also confirmed on the appropriate form that the sisters were not peps. at the tribunal, mr sharif faced several allegations concerning his failure to comply with the relevant aml requirements and that accordingly he had ‘failed to behave in a way that maintained the trust the public place in him and in the provision of legal services’19 in breach of principle 6 of the sra principles 2011. the first allegation was that he had failed to take any or any adequate steps to ascertain the status of the sisters as required by the ml regulations. at the tribunal he did not dispute that his clients were peps and admitted that that his failure to undertake adequate checks was a ‘clear omission’.20 the tribunal found the allegation proved beyond reasonable doubt. press: see, for example, luke harding, ‘azerbaijan leader’s daughters tried to buy £60m london home with offshore funds’ (the guardian, 21 december 2018) accessed 10 june 2019. 15 referred to in the tribunal ruling as y. mr marandi was a close associate of the president of azerbaijan and therefore, himself a pep: reported in the guardian, ibid. 16 the company is referred to as ‘e’ in the ruling. 17 the link is revealed in the panama papers: see offshore leaks database, ‘leyla ilham qizi aliyeva’ (offshore leaks database, 2019) accessed 10 june 2019. there is no suggestion in any of the documentation that the purchase monies were the proceeds of crime or that mr sharif was knowingly involved in way with money laundering. 18 after the exchange of contracts on the properties, the sisters reportedly started to pay the purchase price in instalments. they had transferred over £14.3 million before the panama papers revelations in 2016. this led to the sale ‘unravelling’ after their identity was revealed: see luke harding, ‘azerbaijan leader’s daughters tried to buy £60m london home with offshore funds’ (n 15). 19 solicitors regulation authority v sharif (n 3) para 13.6. 20 ibid., para 13.5. legal practitioners as potential money launderers: beneficial ownership transparency and peps https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-fundshttps://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-fundshttps://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-fundshttps://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-funds https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-fundshttps://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-fundshttps://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-fundshttps://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-funds https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-fundshttps://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-fundshttps://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-fundshttps://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/dec/21/azerbaijan-leaders-daughters-tried-to-buy-60m-london-home-with-offshore-funds https://offshoreleaks.icij.org/nodes/12119990 https://offshoreleaks.icij.org/nodes/12119990 the denning law journal 193 a second allegation was that he had failed to apply enhanced cdd in respect of the sisters and had thus failed to ‘maintain the trust the public placed in him and in the provision of legal services’.21 mr sharif admitted that he had failed to take adequate steps to do so, including by way of making appropriate internet searches.22 the tribunal found the allegation proved beyond reasonable doubt. a third allegation was that he had ‘failed to take any or any adequate steps to confirm his client’s instructions in that he had accepted instructions from y [javed marandi]’23 and that ‘his actions would not maintain the trust that the public placed in solicitors, and so the respondent breached [sra] principle 6’.24 at the tribunal, the mr sharif acknowledged that he had exchanged contracts on the property and transferred a considerable sum of money without confirming in writing with the sisters that he was authorised to act on their behalf. the tribunal found the allegation proved beyond reasonable doubt. a further allegation was that mr sharif had acted in circumstances which disclosed a significant risk that money laundering was taking place and that he had failed both to act with integrity and maintain the trust the public placed in the profession.25 it was submitted by the applicant that the exaltation transaction presented a higher risk of money laundering on account of a number of warning signs: • the x clients [the sisters] were new clients with whom the firm had not met, spoken with or corresponded directly; • the use of one or more intermediaries to give instructions and to provide kyc information; • the very high value of the transaction; • the use of a bvi to hold uk property for foreign nationals; • the use of foreign bank accounts; • the monies used in the transaction originating from a country about which the respondent knew little.26 21 ibid., para 14. 22 in practice, those seeking to launder their proceeds of crime often seek to conceal their identity: thus often making it extremely difficult to identify them as a pep. in the sharif case, the true identity of the sisters was known and this makes the failure of mr sharif to identify them as peps somewhat puzzling. 23 solicitors regulation authority v sharif (n 3) para 15. 24 ibid., para 15.4. 25 this in contravention of outcome 7.5 of the sra code of conduct and principles 6 and 7 of the sra principles. 26 solicitors regulation authority v sharif (n 3) para 16.1. 194 mr sharif admitted he acted in the exaltation transaction in circumstances where there were grounds to suspect that money laundering may be taking place.27 the tribunal found the allegation proved beyond reasonable doubt. a further separate matter related to mr sharif acting for mr marandi who wished to ‘gift a london apartment to p2’.28 the purchase involved a complex series of transactions. the sra alleged that the ‘flat (in an exclusive part of london) was owned by a corporate structure – company a. another corporate structure (company b) was to be created of which p2 would be the ultimate beneficial owner. the shares in company a would then be gifted to company b’.29 the sra submitted that this gift presented specific warning signs/risk factors including the fact that the property in question was a high-value gift and was transferred between foreign-owned entities in an offshore jurisdiction. mr sharif admitted that he had failed to conduct ongoing monitoring of his business relationship with mr marandi and therefore breached his obligation to undertake enhanced cdd steps. the tribunal found the allegation proved beyond reasonable doubt. the tribunal’s ruling the tribunal found that mr sharif was ‘wholly culpable for his misconduct’ and that ‘given the nature of his work, it was even more incumbent on the respondent to ensure that he complied with the rules and regulatory regime to minimise the risk of money laundering…. the more so in that he was the firm’s [money laundering reporting officer]’.30 the tribunal also noted that there had been significant harm to the reputation of the profession in that mr sharif’s failings had led to a risk of large amounts of money being laundered.31 this misconduct was aggravated in that ‘he ought to have known that he was in material breach of his obligation to protect the public and the reputation of the profession’.32 however, mitigating factors, including the fact that he had cooperated with the investigation and that no client had suffered any loss, meant that the misconduct was not so serious as to 27 ibid., para 16.6. 28 identified in the press as mirjalal pashayev who is a cousin of azerbaijan’s first lady and vice-president mehriban aliyeva. it seems to have been assumed at the tribunal that she was also a pep. 29 solicitors regulation authority v sharif (n 3) para 17.1. 30 ibid., para 31. 31 ibid., para 32. 32 ibid., para 32. legal practitioners as potential money launderers: beneficial ownership transparency and peps the denning law journal 195 require his removal from practice. mr sharif was fined £45,000 with agreed costs of £40,000. some comments the panama papers and beneficial ownership transparency the panama papers leak in 2016 revealed the role of mossack fonseca in establishing complex offshore corporate structures for peps (among others), with the british virgin islands (a british overseas territory (bot)) being particularly popular as the place of incorporation. seemingly it was only as a consequence of the release of the panama papers, that the link between the aliyeva sisters, exaltation ltd and child & child was revealed. the sharif case is seemingly the first in which a uk-based legal practitioner has been penalised as a result of the publication of the panama papers. it demonstrates the manner in which peps (often assisted by their legal representatives) use offshore companies to purchase real estate in the uk and thus seek to conceal their beneficial ownership of the property.33 in fact, in mitigation it was asserted on mr sharif’s behalf that ‘there was nothing uncommon about the use of a corporate structure for the purchase and sale of property in knightsbridge; on the contrary, it was prolific’. further, as regards the marandi gift: ‘there was nothing unusual in the nature of the transaction; a transfer using corporate structures was the obvious way to effect the transaction’.34 the scale of such activity was emphasised in 2019 when global witness reported that ‘over 87,000 properties in england and wales valued at an excess of us$132.4 billion (£100 billion) are owned by anonymous companies registered in tax havens’.35 the sharif case highlights the need for global action to require transparency in the beneficial ownership of such companies. in 2015, the uk became the first 33 see occrp, ‘report: us$132 billion of uk property is registered in tax havens’ (occrp, 18 march 2019) accessed 28 march 2019. see also transparency international uk, corruption on your doorstep: how corrupt capital is used to buy property in the uk (transparency international uk, london 2014) accessed 10 june 2019. 34 solicitors regulation authority v sharif (n 3) paras 21, 26. 35 in fact, hm land registry has a publicly available data of overseas companies ownership: see hm land registry, ‘hm land registry: overseas companies ownership data’ (gov.uk, 7 november 2017) accessed 2 april 2019. https://www.occrp.org/en/daily/9397-report-us-132-billion-ofuk-property-is-registered-in-tax-havens https://www.occrp.org/en/daily/9397-report-us-132-billion-ofuk-property-is-registered-in-tax-havens https://www.transparency.org.uk/publications/corruption-on-your-doorstep/ https://www.transparency.org.uk/publications/corruption-on-your-doorstep/ www.gov.uk/guidance/hm-land-registry-overseascompanies-ownership-data www.gov.uk/guidance/hm-land-registry-overseascompanies-ownership-data 196 g20 country to introduce a public registry of beneficial ownership with companies being required to keep a register of people with ‘significant control over the company’.36 given their significance as offshore ‘secrecy jurisdictions’ the requirement contained in the sanctions and money laundering act 2018 that the bvi and other bots introduce their own public beneficial ownership registers is particularly noteworthy. indeed by 2023, all bots territories will be expected to have public beneficial ownership registers in place ‘in line with the uk government’s global campaign to make public registers the global norm by then’.37 it will be interesting to see whether the type of transaction undertaken in the sharif case remains so prolific thereafter or whether they are simply moved to other secrecy jurisdictions. taking aml obligations seriously it is important to emphasise that establishing an offshore company is entirely lawful, as is using a company to purchase real estate in the uk. it is the mirroring of such legitimate transactions by money launderers that makes the offence so difficult to detect and investigate. given their role in real estate and other property transactions, legal practitioners remain vulnerable to facilitating money laundering by their clients. the sharif case serves as a stern reminder to all legal practitioners of the need to be proactive in satisfying their aml obligations. this point is emphasised in a 2017 transparency international report which highlighted the very low number of suspicious activity reports being made by legal practitioners.38 this is reinforced in the 2018 suspicious activity reports (sars) annual report from the national crime agency which notes that a record number of 463,938 sars were made to the uk financial intelligence unit between april 36 see small business, enterprise and employment act 2015, s 81. 37 see sir alan duncan’s answer to written question 211611 dated 23 january 2019 asked by dame margaret hodge: sir alan duncan, ‘british overseas territories: companies’ (uk parliament, 28 january 2019) accessed 10 june 2019. see further john hatchard, ‘money laundering, public beneficial ownership registers and the british overseas territories: the impact of the sanctions and money laundering act 2018’ (2018) 30(1) denning law journal 185. 38 see transparency international uk, ‘don’t look, won’t find: weaknesses in the supervision of the uk’s anti-money laundering rules’ (transparency international uk, november 2015) accessed 10 june 2019, esp pp 12–13. legal practitioners as potential money launderers: beneficial ownership transparency and peps https://beta.parliament.uk/questions/eupachfa https://www.transparency.org.uk/publications/dont-look-wont-find-weaknesses-in-the-supervision-of-the-uks-anti-money-laundering-rules/ https://www.transparency.org.uk/publications/dont-look-wont-find-weaknesses-in-the-supervision-of-the-uks-anti-money-laundering-rules/ the denning law journal 197 2017 and march 2018.39 however, just 2,660 (0.57%) were made by ‘independent legal professionals’ and this was 11.92% lower than the previous year.40 as the report notes, the ‘ukfiu makes no comment as to the relative volume of reports from different sectors. it is for the sectors and their supervisors to assess if the volume of sars submitted is proportionate to the risks their sectors face’.41 perhaps it is no coincidence that in march 2019, the solicitors regulation authority announced that it intended to carry out spot checks of 400 law firms to ensure they were not breaching their aml obligations and warned that firms would face an enforcement process and significant penalties if they had failed to do so.42 conclusion the sharif case highlights the vulnerability of legal practitioners to involvement in money laundering and the crucial importance that they satisfy all their aml responsibilities with a failure to do so leading to serious consequences. further, given the limited number of suspicious activity reports being made by legal practitioners to the uk financial intelligence unit, the case may well provide a wake-up call for other practitioners to take effective steps to fulfil their aml obligations. while there was no suggestion of any attempt to launder the proceeds of crime in the sharif case, it also highlights the manner in which companies incorporated in offshore jurisdictions are used to conceal beneficial ownership and the risk that these can be used to facilitate money laundering. this highlights the importance of the developing strategies requiring all states to adopt public beneficial ownership registers. here the ongoing work of the uk government is commendable. 39 national crime agency, ‘suspicious activity reports (sars) annual report 2018’ (national crime agency, 2018) accessed 10 june 2019, p 2. 40 ibid., p 6. 41 transparency international uk (n 38) p 6. 42 the times, ‘firms face random money laundering checks’ (the times, 20 march 2019) accessed 10 june 2019. https://nationalcrimeagency.gov.uk/who-we-are/publications/256-2018-sars-annual-report/file https://nationalcrimeagency.gov.uk/who-we-are/publications/256-2018-sars-annual-report/file https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/firms-face-random-money-laundering-checksqqssfnlqr https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/firms-face-random-money-laundering-checksqqssfnlqr 197 the denning law journal 2018 vol 30 pp 197-206 the public law of gender: from the local to the global kim rubenstein and katherine g young (eds) (cambridge university press 2018) pp 628 ronli sifris* * ronli sifris is a senior lecturer in the faculty of law, monash university and a deputy director of the castan centre for human rights law. 1 katharine young, ‘introduction: a public law of gender’ in kim rubenstein and katharine g young (eds), the public law of gender: from the local to the global (cambridge university press 2016) 1 (hereafter ‘rubenstein and young). 2 public health and wellbeing amendment (safe access zones) act 2015 (vic) section 5; reproductive health (access to terminations) act 2013 (tas) section 9. introduction this book is part of a series aimed at connecting international law with public law. the series discusses the important issues of health, environment, movement of people and security through the lens of connecting international law with public law. this final volume in the series concentrates on the gendered dimensions of international and public law from an interdisciplinary perspective, thereby acknowledging that law alone is too blunt a tool to address adequately the issues of gender that arise in the context of these legal spheres. importance of the topic young introduces this book by noting that the ‘formal recognition of gender, as a category of public law, has swept the world. in a time of rapid legal change, in both new constitutions and old, the public law of gender – and the contested norm of gender equality – is being constituted, legislated and regulated.’1 this is undoubtedly true. indeed, as the recent australian high court challenges to safe access zones demonstrate, even in countries where there is no explicit constitutional right to gender equality, courts are being compelled to determine questions of significance for women under alternative frameworks. to elaborate on the point, safe access zone legislation in two australian states (victoria and tasmania),2 which prohibits anti-abortion protesting from occurring within 150 metres of a clinic that 198 book reviews provides abortion services, has been challenged as violating the freedom of political communication which is implied from the text of the australian constitution.3 unlike most other liberal democracies, australia does not have a constitutional bill of rights; thus there is no right to free speech per se, but rather a more narrowly construed freedom of political communication.4 further, the absence of a bill of rights also means that none of the constitutional rights that are traditionally invoked to protect women in other countries, such as a right to equality or a right to privacy, exist in australia. as a consequence, it is not open to those supporting these laws to argue their validity on the basis of a constitutional right to health, privacy or equality. nevertheless, in an amicus brief submitted to the high court by the castan centre for human rights law, the authors note that the importance of the purpose of the victorian safe access zone legislation is ‘demonstrated by its consistency with human rights norms enshrined in treaties ratified by australia’.5 such treaties include the international covenant on civil and political rights (iccpr), the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights and the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (cedaw). this is significant because it demonstrates the potential for international law to influence constitutional law in matters which have significant repercussions for women. for example, whilst there is no constitutional right to privacy in australia, australia has ratified the iccpr therefore under international law australia is bound by the right to privacy enshrined under article 17 of that treaty. thus the argument that certain conduct of anti-abortion protestors outside of clinics (such as the recording of women entering the clinics) amounts to a violation of their right to privacy is relevant. on the question of privacy, in her introduction to the book young observes: [b]oth international law and constitutional law carve out a number of exceptions of application that can have a significant impact on gender. most prominent in the gap in coverage is the public/private distinction, in which 3 commonwealth of australia constitution act 1900. 4 for an overview of the jurisprudence relating to the implied freedom of political communication, see s joseph and m castan, federal constitutional law: a contemporary view (lawbook co 2014). 5 t penovic, r sifris and c henckels, submissions of the castan centre for human rights law seeking leave to appear as amicus curiae in the case of clubb v edwards [30]. the denning law journal 199 both international and public law are, in the main, concerned only with the regulation of the public sphere.6 for example, the definition of torture enshrined in article 1 of the convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment stipulates that torture constitutes severe pain or suffering ‘inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official’. this focus on the role of the public official has traditionally meant that forms of violence against women perpetrated in the private realm, such as intimate partner violence or rape, were excluded from the international law understanding of torture. nevertheless, the international legal community, including the committee responsible for the interpretation of the convention against torture, has begun to adopt a ‘due diligence’ approach to the question of state responsibility. this means that increasingly it seems that the ‘public official’ requirement is met when a state fails to exercise ‘due diligence’ in relation to severe pain or suffering inflicted by private actors. for example, in relation to intimate partner violence former special rapporteur on torture, manfred nowak, commented that ‘states should be held accountable for complicity in violence against women, whenever they create and implement discriminatory laws that may trap women in abusive circumstances.’7 from a gendered perspective, this move towards including certain forms of ‘private’ violence within the international legal understanding of what conduct may constitute torture is a significant development as the impact of violence perpetrated in the private realm falls disproportionately on women. these two examples demonstrate the importance of this book. the fact that the australian high court is currently determining the constitutional validity of laws aimed at protecting the privacy, dignity, health and well-being of women accessing abortion services illustrates the importance of analysing public law through a gendered lens. the fact that the international legal community is increasingly holding states responsible for violence perpetrated in the private realm (where a link can be established with the state) illustrates the momentum towards developing international law through a gendered lens. 6 katharine young, ‘introduction: a public law of gender’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 5. 7 manfred nowak, report of the special rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment (un doc a/hrc/7/3, 15 january 2008) 46. 200 book reviews key themes and ideas the book consists of six parts. part i comprises three chapters focusing on constitutional design and gendered outcomes. these chapters emphasise the role that a rights-based approach may play in achieving gender equality and the importance of ensuring that law does not reinforce traditional gender stereotypes. part ii looks at constitutional design in a global setting and presents the ‘challenge of the local’. it comprises four chapters that present domestic challenges to addressing gender adequately within the local constitutional framework. part iii hones in on the crucial matter of women’s participation and looks at this issue through the specific lenses of polygamy and one woman’s role in the international system. part iv then considers the related issue of representation and does so through four chapters, two of which focus on individual countries (new zealand and vietnam) and two of which focus on thematic issues. closely connected to the question of representation, part v is concerned with questions of equality and non-discrimination in the governance context, with two chapters analysing specific issues in the australian context and one raising interesting comparisons with the way that law tackles racial discrimination. finally, part vi looks at global governance and the precepts of public law, discussing issues ranging from the influence of cedaw, the approach of the international criminal court to gender justice, international organisations as employers, global administrative governance and ecofeminism. when reading this book, i was struck by certain themes that cut across the different parts. for example, a number of chapters in the book consider the role of international law and its connection to domestic law. reflections on domestic law lead some of the chapters to ponder local challenges to a human rights-based approach; particularly the human right to equality. discussion of the human right to equality or non-discrimination is itself a focal point of a number of chapters, with some chapters concentrating on issues concerning women’s representation and participation in the public realm as essential precursors to the achievement of equality. the role of international law as mentioned above, this book forms part of a series aimed at connecting international law with public law. so it is fitting that a number of chapters in the book focus on the role of international law. in fact in the book’s first chapter, jackson discusses the inclusion of international human rights, such as the right to equality and economic, social and cultural rights within domestic constitutions.8 jackson 8 vicki jackson, ‘feminisms and constitutions’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 43. the denning law journal 201 then expands on this theme in the final part of the book by looking more broadly at the influence of international law on domestic law.9 in addition to international law, the book also considers the influence of international institutions; and whilst chappell reveals how international institutions may act as models for domestic purposes,10 jefferson and epichev point out that international institutions are not necessarily a positive example for domestic institutions.11 indeed the international realm in many instances reinforces the problems embedded in domestic systems. thus wilkinson, for example, points out the way in which international environmental law privileges the neoliberal political economy thereby devaluing women’s work.12 this notion that international law may be both a positive and a negative influence on domestic law is important to bear in mind. too often, proponents of international law, and international human rights in particular, are zealot-like in their attempts to encourage the incorporation of international law within the domestic legal sphere without engaging in an objective assessment of its merits. in many instances, international law has much room for improvement. for example, the public/private dichotomy that runs through international law (discussed above) is perhaps the most frequently cited example of the gendered nature of international law.13 that said, increasingly this dichotomy is being addressed and international law, particularly international human rights law, whilst not perfect in many respects represents an approach to governance which is aimed at securing women’s rights and women’s equality. frequently, it is local social and cultural norms that pose the most serious challenge from a gendered perspective. thus a number of chapters in this book consider local challenges to a human rights-based approach to equality. 9 vicki jackson, ‘feminisms, pluralisms, and transnationalism: on cedaw and national constitutions’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 437. 10 louise chappell, ‘governing victims’ redress and gender justice at the international criminal court’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 465. 11 osmat jefferson and innokenti epichev, ‘international organisations as employers: searching for practices of fair treatment and due process rights of staff’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 489. 12 kate wilkinson, ‘is this the future we want? an ecofeminist comment on the un conference on sustainable development outcome document’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 538. 13 see for example rebecca cook, ‘state responsibility for violations of women’s human rights’ (1994) 7 harvard human rights journal 125; hilary charlesworth, christine chinkin and shelley wright, ‘feminist approaches to international law’ (1991) 85 american journal of international law 613, 638–43. 202 book reviews local challenges to a human rights-based approach to equality a number of chapters consider the challenges of specific social and cultural norms to a human rights-based approach to equality. for example: williams illuminates the conflict between customary law and gender equality in south sudan in circumstances where both are constitutionally protected;14 nagarajan and parashar consider the pervasiveness of gender discrimination in india and vanuatu, countries which have both ratified cedaw;15 kouvo and levine reveal the enormity of problems concerning gender-based violence and inequality in afghanistan, despite the fact that the 2004 constitution enshrines gender equality and that the country has ratified cedaw.16 other chapters are broader in their focus. wilson illustrates how cedaw provides a focal point for what needs to be done locally to achieve women’s equality.17 in their respective chapters, grenfell, bessell and nguyen emphasise how the inclusion of women’s rights in domestic constitutions or the ratification of cedaw does not in and of itself guarantee the protection of these right in reality or the adequate representation of women in positions of power.18 indeed, social and cultural constraints are frequently more powerful than law on the books. this broader focus is important. it is not only countries in the global south where women’s rights are often more theoretical than practical; violence against women, in particular intimate partner violence, remains a serious issue around the world. according to the australian bureau of statistics, one in three women has experienced physical and/or sexual violence perpetrated by someone known to them.19 on average in australia, one woman a week is murdered by her current or former partner.20 thus the failure of countries to protect adequately women’s basic human rights, such as the right to life, is pervasive throughout the world, including 14 susan williams, ‘customary law, constitutional law, and women’s equality’ in kim rubenstein and young (n 1) 123. 15 vijaya nagarajan and archana parashar, ‘gender equality in international law and constitutions: mediating universal norms and local differences’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 170. 16 sari kouvo and corey levine, ‘law as a placeholder for change? women’s rights and realities in afghanistan’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 195. 17 margaret wilson, ‘women in government/governance in new zealand’ a case study of engagement over forty years’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 296. 18 laura grenfell, ‘customising equality in post-conflict constitutions’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 147. 19 australian bureau of statistics, personal safety, australia (2013). 20 w bryant and s bricknall, ‘homicide in australia 2012-2014: national homicide monitoring program report’ (australian institute of criminology, 2017) accessed 15 november 2018. the denning law journal 203 in wealthy western liberal democracies. as such, rimmer’s focus on gender-based abuse in the australian military reminds us of the reality that cultural norms in countries like australia, particularly in sub-cultures like the military which have a history of hyper masculinity, perpetuate the acceptance of certain forms of gender specific harm.21 further, the pervasiveness of violence against women is a reflection of the inferior role that women continue to occupy in society and the insidious effects of gender-based discrimination; so the focus on the right to equality in many of the book’s chapters is commendable. the right to equality/non-discrimination starting from the reasonable assumption that gender equality does not exist, allen imagines a legislative regime that imposes a positive duty to promote gender equality and collins, by focusing on the specific context of nationality laws, highlights the importance of ensuring that law does not reinforce traditional gender stereotype.22 gover, kapur and kristofferson bring a different perspective to bear on this issue of equality and discrimination. gover discusses the difference in application of anti-discrimination laws to race and gender whilst kapur and kristofferson consider how traditional notions of equality fail to capture adequately the oppression endured by gender-variant persons.23 the failure of both international and domestic laws to tackle discrimination perpetrated against transgender and gender non-binary people strikes me as particularly important. whilst women still have a long way to go in achieving full substantive equality, the enormity of the conscious and unconscious discrimination suffered by transgender and gender non-binary persons is extremely troubling. for example, despite some movement in the international realm to condemn ‘unnecessary surgery and treatment on intersex children without their consent’24 21 susan rimmer, ‘gender, governance and the defence of the realm: globalising reforms in the australian defence force’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 413. 22 dominique allen, ‘rethinking the australian model of promoting gender equality’ 391; kristin collins, ‘deference and deferral: constitutional structure and the durability of gender-based nationality laws’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 73. 23 kirsty gover, ‘gender and racial discrimination in the formation of groups: tribal and liberal approaches to membership in settler societies’ 367; rohan kapur and kellin kristofferson, ‘a gender critique of accountability in global administrative governance’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 514. 24 united nations, ‘ending violence and discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people’ (september 2015) accessed 15 november 2018. 204 book reviews and despite a 2013 australian senate inquiry condemning non-therapeutic sterilisation of intersex babies,25 in australia there has been no legislative reform in this arena. thus whilst the fight for women’s equality must continue, those fighting for the right to equality for all must also fight in support of equality for those identifying as transgender or gender non-binary. representation/participation an essential precondition for the attainment of equality is representation and participation. after all, it is those with a seat at the table whose interests are promoted and protected by the decisions made at that table. a number of chapters in this book discuss women’s representation and participation in different contexts. for example, lemaitre and sandvik focus on the power of grassroots movements, williams discusses gender quotas in the south sudanese legislature and wilson analyses the engagement of women in new zealand with the political process.26 rubenstein’s chapter is particularly interesting in that it highlights the need to hear the experiences of women who have participated in decision-making at the highest levels and illuminates the way that what and whose history is recorded and reported reinforces existing power structures.27 the question of power and power relations is key in any discussion of gender inequality. the fact that all societies continue to be structured so as to privilege men over women means that these power dynamics infect all parts of the state. this goes some way to explaining why, as bessell discusses, even with various initiatives in place for women’s political representation (such as targets and quotas) women remain under-represented in legislatures around the world.28 further, it is not sufficient for women to be represented, women’s full participation requires 25 senate standing committees on community affairs, involuntary or coerced sterilisation of intersex people in australia (second report of senate inquiry, 25 october 2013) accessed 15 november 2018. 26 julieta lemaitre and kristin sandvik, ‘structural remedies and the one million pesos: on the limits of court-ordered social change for internally displaced women in colombia’ 99; susan williams, ‘customary law, constitutional law, and women’s equality’ 123; margaret wilson, ‘women in government/governance in new zealand: a case study of engagement over forty years’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 296. 27 kim rubenstein, ‘in her own voice: oral (legal) history’s insights on gender and the spheres of public law’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 246. 28 sharon bessell, ‘good governance, gender equality and women’s political representation: ideas as points of disjuncture’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 273. the denning law journal 205 that a feminist perspective is incorporated into policies and process. thus, for example, wisor reflects on the feminisation of poverty and suggests how new measures of poverty may be developed through participatory processes that reflect on the values which do and should inform our conception of poverty.29 finally, baines’ somewhat controversial chapter on polygamy in canada illuminates how sometimes, in the absence of participation of the women most affected, laws aimed at protecting particular groups of women may in reality operate to their detriment.30 baines invokes the criminalisation of polygamy to illustrate this point. the discussion makes me think about the also controversial topic of compensated surrogacy, in where the criminalisation of compensation leads to a situation in which doctors, lawyers and clinics are paid to provide a fertility service but the surrogate is expected to provide her reproductive labour ‘altruistically’ thereby reinforcing conceptions of women’s work as unpaid work. thus in this scenario too, the law operates to the detriment of the women it is supposed to protect (i.e. the surrogates).31 conclusion it has been almost forty years since cedaw came into force; yet discrimination against women remains endemic globally, as do other human rights violations that disproportionately affect women. nevertheless, over the years there have been some significant improvements at both the local and global level. for example, increasing numbers of countries have legalised abortion and the various human rights treaty bodies have recognised restrictions on abortion as a human rights concern. as this book illustrates, when viewing both the public law of many countries and international law through a gendered lens, there has been some progress with much remaining room for improvement. alongside the continued fight for women’s equality, the next frontier is the fight for equal treatment of transgender, intersex and other gender non-binary people. surgery on intersex babies to conform genitalia to a gender selected by doctors or parents remains one example of problematic conduct that is passively accepted on a widespread scale. increasingly, there is a progressive realisation 29 scott wisor, ‘gender, justice and statistics: the case of poverty measurement’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 344. 30 beverley baines, ‘polygamy: who speaks for women?’ in rubenstein and young (n 1) 219. 31 for a discussion of whether australia should legalise compensated surrogacy, see r sifris, k ludlow and a sifris (eds) ‘special issue: commercial surrogacy — what role for law?’ (2015) journal of law and medicine 23. 206 book reviews around the world not only that all people should be treated equally, but that it is folly to insist on categorising people in a way that lacks nuance and is unreflective of the lived experience of many individuals. it is to be hoped that there will be a volume 2 of this book which expands on the chapter dealing with gender diversity and focuses on the need for, and consequences of, broader conceptions of gender. economic loss: the floodgates p. s.james* the mineral transporter, i muirhead v. industrial tank specialities ltd.2 and the aliakmon3 have again raised the hoary conundrum concerning the limits of liability for economic loss. it merits an airing. let us start with some well-known facts. cattle contracted to construct a tunnel for knight. this tunnel was to be under an embankment. due to the negligence of the defendant water authority, water leaked from their pipe and the embankment and the land around were flooded. this made it more difficult than it would otherwise have been for cattle to make the tunnel and he thus lost profit on his contract to the tune of £26. cattle claimed this loss from the defendants.4 at the trial at the leeds assizes before amphlett b. judgment was given for the plaintiff. on appeal this decision was reversed. blackburn]. in his judgment transformed a mouse into an elephant. after tentatively making the revealing suggestion that had knight sued in his own name he could have recovered the £26 as trustee for the plaintiff, he decided against cattle. this he did in a significant way. he started with the proposition that "in the present case the objection is technical and against the merits, and we should be glad to avoid giving it effect ... " then why not avoid this? the answer to that question has set the cat among the legal pigeons ever since. it is necessary though the reader will be familiar with it to cite what blackburn j. then went on to say: " ... but if we did so we should establish an authority for saying that in such a case as that of rylands v. fletcher the defendant would be liable, not only to an action by the owner of the drowned mine, and by such of his workmen as had their tools or clothes destroyed, but also to an action by every workman and • professor p s james, formerly chairman of the law school, university of buckingham. 1. candlewood navigation corp. ltd. v. mitsui o.s.k lines ltd. : the mi'leral transporter, the ibaraki marn [1986] a.c. 1 (p.c.). 2. [1985] 3 all e.r.705 (c.a.). 3. leigh (5 sillavan ltd. v. aliakmon shipping co. ltd. [1986] 2 all e.r.145 (h.l.). 4. cattle v. stockton watenvorks co. (1875) l.r.10 qb.453. 5. italics mine. 97 the denning law journal person employed in the mine, who in consequence of its stoppage made less wages than he would otherwise have done. many similar cases to which this would apply might be suggested. it may be said that it is just that all such persons should have compensation for such a loss, and that if the law does not give them redress it is imperfect. perhaps it may be so. but, as has been pointed out by coleridge j. in lumley v. gye, courts of justice should not 'allow themselves, in pursuit of perfectly complete remedies for all wrongful acts, to transgress the bounds which our law, in a wise consciousness of its limited powers, has imposed on itself, of redressing only the proximate and direa consequences of wrongful acts'." so these are the reasons why in a case in which had knight sued as trustee cattle would have recovered. if, as he did, he proceeded at common law he could not. a difference of procedure hardly affects the equities; and equities, in the broad sense of the word, blackburn j. unblushingly admitted that there were. his decision appears to proceed upon two grounds. first, that it would open "floodgates" to allow recovery in a case like rylands v. fletcher6 if the workmen could recover for more than the loss of their tools and their clothes; 7 second, that recovery must be limited to the "proximate and direa consequences of wrongful aas". 8 it is apprehended that the second ground of decision was the relevant statement of principle9 though, almost in fear and trembling, perhaps, one may be permitted the opinion that blackburn]. applied it wrongly to the facts of the case. but it is the first ground, the "floodgates" ground, that demands immediate attention. before, however, considering the "policy" (or lack of it) that underlies the "floodgates" argument one must pass to the house of lords decision in simpson c5 co. v. thomson 10 which gives to it a concrete form which has since been slavishly adhered to. briefly, in simpson's case a mr. burrell owned two ships, a and b; b negligently collided with and sank a. the plaintiff underwriters paid mr. burrell for the loss of a and then sought to recoup themselves against him as the owner of b. had some third party owned b there would have been no doubt their claim could have been satisfied by resort to subrogation; 11 but the house of lords denied the claim by resort to the specious argument that since, technically, there could be no 6. (1868) l.r.3 h.l.330. 7. note that there is no actual mention of the.distinction between economic and physical loss. had that distinction been drawn between the loss of wages on the one hand and of tools on the other a "flood" might still arise if the tools were unique and irreplaceable and their loss entailed permanent loss of work. 8. it must be remembered that coleridge j.'s rhetoric about the "floodgates" was uttered in lumley v. gye (1853) 2 e.b.216 where, as the sole dissenter, he stood alone in guarding them. they were opened and, of course, no disasters followed. 9. one respectfully agrees with edmund-davies l.j. in spartall steel alld alloys ltd. v. martill (colitractors) ltd. [1973] qb. 27 that "proximity" was the nub of the decision. 10. (1877) 3 app. cas. 279. 11. once more, as in cattle's case, equity will succour where.common law will not. 98 economic loss: the floodgates subrogation because mr. burrell could not sue himself1z ergo there could be no claim by the plaintiffs because (unassisted by subrogation) they could have no direct right of action. why not? at the risk of boring the reader it is now necessary to repeat the well-known passage in lord penzance's speech in simpson's case. he said: "this proposition 13 virtually affirms a principle which your lordships will do well to consider with some care, as it will be found to have a much wider application and signification than any which may be involved in the incidence of a contract of insurance. the principle involvedi4 seems to me to be this that where damage is done by a wrongdoer to a chattel not only the owner of that chattel, but all those who by contract with the owner have bound themselves to obligations which are rendered more onerous, or have secured to themselves advantages which are rendered less beneficial by the damage done to the chattel, have a right of action against the wrongdoer although they have no immediate or reversionary property in the chattel, and no possessory right by reason of any contrad attaching to the chattel itself, such as by lien or hypothecation. is this, i say is the principle involved in the respondents' contention." 16 lord penzance then proceeded to conjure up all sorts of horrid possibilities if the "principle" were not adhered to. take the case of the wrongdoer who destroys property which the owner has contracted to supply to a third party. it would, it seems, be awful if the latter could recover.17 or the case of the man who injures someone whose doctor, for a yearly fee, has agreed to treat him. the doctor should have no claim for his extra expense. or the case of the actor who is disabled so that his manager suffers loss. could the manager recover?i8 "such instances", lord penzance continued, "might be indefinitely multiplied giving rise to rights of action ... which might be both numerous and novel" this is the "floodgates" argument of which lord edmund-davies has said: 12. the argument was that since mr. burrell could not sue himself there were no "shoes" to stand in. logical, but hardly sensible. equity, through subrogation, recognizes that underwriters have a right: to deny that right because the machinery (subrogation) cannot logically be operated is to mistake the adjectival for the substantive, the shadow for the substance: see "the fallacies of simpson v. thomson", (1971) 34 m.l.r.149. 13. name]y, the suggestion that the underwriters could have a direct right of action at common law. 14. but was it? why cast the net so wide? 15. of course this is cast in the negative, but the time-worn shibboleth has now become "on]y those who own or possess the damaged property can sue for consequent economic loss." why lord penzance let in the lienor is unclear: the latter's possessory interest is nothing but a piece of machinery for protecting his contractual right e.g. the repairer's right to his pay. 16. italics mine. 17. it would seem to be only just. the owner suffers no loss, he has his money, assuming risk and property have passed. 18. in terms of proximity probably he should not; unless, at least, the wrongdoer was aware of the relationship. likewise the doctor. such a position may be distinguished from cattle's case where the water authority should have been aware of the tunnelling. 99 the denning law journal "my lords, the experiences of a long life in the law have made me very familiar with the "flood-gates" argument. i do not of course suggest that it can invariably be dismissed as lacking cogency; on the contrary it has to be weighed carefully, but i have often seen it disproved by later events. it was urged when the abolition of common employment was being canvassed, and it raised its head again when the abolition of contributory negligence as a total bar to a claim in negligence was being urged. and, even before my time, 19on the basis of conjecture later shown to be ill-founded, it provided a fatal stumbling block to the plaintiffs claim in the "shock" case of viaoria railways commissioners v. coultas (1883) 13 app. cas. 222, where sir richard couch sounded the "floodgates" alarm in stirring words ... ,,20 with respect, it is thought that this comment is justified. when the "floodgates" have been opened21 it does not appear that the apprehended disasters ever have occurred; rather, under careful judicial control,22 new remedies have been afforded where they were needed. but what requires to be noted is that there are two different aspects of the "floodgates" argument: the one lacking merit, the other to some extent respectable. the first of these aspects appears in lord penzance's speech: it is that the opening of the "gates" will give rise to a deluge of new kinds of claims,23 both "numerous and nove]"; a fear which has been so often expressed. that is one side of the coin; but it has always been the philosophy of the far-sighted judge that "if men will multiply injuries actions must be multiplied too; for every man that is injured ought to have recompense.,,24 had the judges not accepted new fields of liability and ploughed up old ones25 the law of torts, from 19. his lordship could, and should, have added the most significant refutation of the "numerous and novel" ("floodgates") "alarm". in winterbottom v. wright (1842) 10 m. & w. 109 lord abinger feared to venture upon new fields: he denied the claim upon the ground that "we ought not to permit a doubt to rest upon this subject, for our doing so might be the means of letting in upon us an infinity of actions." alderson b. was of opinion that "the oil1ysafe rule is to coizjillethe right to recover to those who mter into the contract; if we go one step bryond that ... " all sorts of terrible things could happen. the point of the case was, of course, that where a contractual right was broken an injured party who was not the contractor could not sue. since donoghue v. stevmson [1932] a.c.552 these cautionary cries are one with nineveh and tyre; and few, except, perhaps typically, scrutton l.j. in farrv. bullets [1932] 2 k.b.606 have seen reason to complain about the opening of these "floodgates". 20. mcloughlin v. o'brian [1983] a.c.410. 21. as in doiloghuev. stevmson. 22. instance the cautious development of the rule in lumley v. cye. 23. lord penzance's fear of preposterous claims was really a 11011 sequitur: no more was needed than to decide simpsoll 's case on the merits and such a decision need not ilecessarilyhave led to his frightening conclusions. 24. ashby v. white (1703) 2 ld.raym. 938, 955; per lord holt. where would the law be without its creative judges? its mansfields, its atkins, its dennings, its marshalls and its holmes's? 25. some judges set their faces against this impious practice. but where should we have been if coke had done so? an example of the attitude is to be found in lord brandon's speech in thealiakmon, supra n.3, at p.154: his lordship reads lord wilberforce's celebrated statement in alms v. mertoll londoll borough council [1978] a.c. 728, 751-2 as suggesting ("stare decisis") that policy, once settled, cannot be changed. with respect, lord wilberforce seems to say no such thing. ifhe had he would have been flying in the face of donoghue v. stevmsoll, to mention only the most famous case by which the fields have been reploughed. 100 economic loss: the floodgates the invention of trespass onwards, would never have developed. the second aspect of the "floodgates" argument, which is equally familiar, lies in the fear of extension of liability beyond the limits which a defendant may be expected to bear; "liability to an indeterminate amount for an indeterminate time to an indeterminate class".26there is undoubtedly some force in this argument; it is probably what blackburn j. had in mind when, in cattle's case, he referred to the workmen and their wages. some control mechanism is undoubtedly needed to prevent such a result. the courts are now casting about to find an effective mechanism.27 three candidates for the task hold the field. first, a rather unpopular candidate, proximity or "reasonable foresight";28 second, lord penzance's rule of thumb (much to the fore); third, what one may call the "loss/reliance" mechanism. use of analogy might suggest a fourth possibility: but we will come to that later. bearing in mind that we are concerned with "economic" loss, let us now consider these mechanisms. first: "reasonable foresight". the danger about this is that, at least on the face of it, and in a special sense, ultimately, it may impose too much liability. one can reasonably foresee all kinds of things. for instance if one lets loose a virus likelyto affect cattle the owner of an auctioneer's business miles from the point of release may suffer loss by reason of markets being closed.29 again, if, as an accountant, one makes a careless mis-statement in an account the document may fly far and wide and get into the hands of all sorts of people who may incur loss in reliance upon it. or, again, if one negligently cuts off electric power supply factories in an entire neighbourhood may have to stop work and thereby lose profit.30 and so on. thus, on the face of it "foresight" cannot promote a policy which seeks to limit liability: rather the reverse. on the other hand, at the risk of being accused of teaching one's grandmother to suck eggs, one must remind the reader that, as lord atkin formulated it, it is of its kind a restriaive principle. true, lord atkin starts "you must take reasonable care to avoid acts or missions which you can reasonably foresee would be likely to injure your neighbour" but he continues with the vital gloss ... "who, then, is my neighbour? the answer seems to be persons so closely and direaly31 affected by my act that i ought reasonably to have them in contemplation "we come back to coleridge j. and the "proximate and direct. ,,33 26. ultramares corpn. v. touche 174 n.e. 441; 255 n.y. 170 (1931); per cardozo c.j, 27. see, above all, caltex oil (australia) pty. ltd. v. dredge willemstad (1976) c.l.r.529. 28. let it not be forgotten, however, that this was the mechanism employed by blackburn]. in cattle's case. 29. weller (5 co. v. foot (5 mouth disease research institute [1966] 1 qb. 569. 30. s.c.m. (uk) ltd. v. w.;. whittall (5 son ltd. [1971] 1 qb.337; spartan steel (5 alll!j's ltd. v. martin (cotllractors)ltd. [1973] qb.27. 31. numerous recent dicta have suggested that the test of "directness" is outmoded. in face of lord atkin's universally accepted criterion of "directness" it is hard to see how this can be. 32. donoghue (or mtalister) v. stroenson [1932] a.c.562, 580. 33. supra n.8. 101 the denning law journal to the same effect is lord wilberforce in anns v. merton london borough:" ... one has to ask whether as between the alleged wrongdoer and the person who has suffered damage there is a sufficient relationship of proximity ... ,,34 so that in fact here we have a control mechanism, but the question is how effectively it can be operated. one can only embark upon attempting an answer to this question by bearing in mind that there can never be any such thing as an absolutely "correct" application of principle to a particular fact situation: that is what the diversity and wealth of opinion in the digest was all about. what is "restrictive" to one person may to another be the reverse. but if we take the cases of the auctioneer, the accountant and the negligent power-cutter already put, it may be agreed that the remoter consequences were not proximate; and this form of control mechanism may, in such situations, be made to work. that is the negative side of the picture. but what about the positive one? if "proximity" ceases at a given point what (and this is the normal way the atkin formula is looked at) should it include? it is thought that, even in the case of economic loss, it ought to include all really close situations and that it would envisage the case of the time charterer who loses hire and profit when another ship negligently damages his ship. it is thought that the relationship between the errant ship and the time charterer is sufficiently close and direct. and yet, as will appear, by reference to the penzance rule and stare decisis, in the mineral transporte?5 the judicial committee decided the reverse. and again, one would emphatically have thought that the buyer of a cargo to whom the risk but not the property has passed ought to have a claim against a negligent shipowner who damages the cargo. every shipowner knows that there may be people in the buyer's position. but again, relying upon lord penzance and stare decisis the house of lords in the aliakmon36 have finally denied such a claim. reliance in these decisions is placed upon lord wilberforce's caution that "foresight" must give way to "policy"j37 how far the "floodgates" doctrine (at its worst) and stare decisis are matters of "policy" is questionable. both deny the need for a readiness to consider change which is inherent in a healthy legal system. so what of the "foresight" principle as a control mechanism? generally speaking, it is believed that it would of itself, if sensibly applied, be sufficient to control the incidence of economic loss: it would to a large extent narrow it, but to some extent, too, it would widen it. there is, however, one important reservation: the principle provides no safeguarlin blackburn j.'s case of the workmen in the drowned mine: although blackburn j. clearly did not, it would be legitimate to 34. (]978] a.c.n8, 75]-752. 35. supra n.l. it remains remarkable, however, that an enlightened house of lords in morrison s.s. co. ltd. v. greystoke castle (] 947] a.c. 265 allowed general average contributors a direct claim against a negligent ship. it is not overlooked that those who dislike it have made attempts to explain this decision away. 36. supra n.3. 37. in anns, at pp.75]-752. 102 economic loss: the floodgates regard them as "proximate" to the defendant, and yet as a matter of policy the incidence of liability might be too great for the defendant to bear. blackburn j. clearly did think that. we will seek to answer this problem at a later stage. we will now pass to the second form of control mechanism, the penzance doctrine itself. as we have seen, this amounts to the proposition that liability is to be controlled by the principle that economic loss can only be recoverable if it follows upon physical injury to person or to property: step outside this and give a claim to a person who has, for example, a merely contractual interest in the person or property involved and the "floodgates" will open. it has, however, already been remarked that (pace lord penzance) this "flood" is not a necessary consequence: indeed, other control mechanisms are available in particular the proximity doctrine which is restrictive and is capable38 of being very restrictively applied. so let us now consider the credentials of the penzance doctrine. to start with, inasmuch as it does, if it does,39 originate in cattle's case40 it boasts an unpromising pedigree: "in the present case the objection is technical and against the merits.,,41 moreover, its history is beset with doubts: in espousing it in elliott steam tug co. ltd. v. the shipping controller 42 scrutton l.j. said" ... the common law rightly or wrongly does not recognize a right to sue for injury to a merely contractual right." further, the stark distinction between physical loss on the one hand and economic loss on the other is far from clear-cut. if my car is negligently damaged i am complaining about the cost of repair: an economic loss. if, as the result of a carelessly performed sterilization operation a woman has a child, the major loss of which she complains is economic the cost of bringing up the child.43 and, indeed, as has often been remarked, all legal injury is economic in that it is remediable by damages.44 further, as the cases show, the distinction between physical and economic loss brings us to the ridiculous point that if the same plaintiff suffers economic loss arising out of a physical injury and also similar economic loss (but not arising from 38. for instance it has been argued that the cargo owner puts himself outside the bounds of proximity to the shipowner by taking upon himself the contractual risk vis-a-vis the seller. of course the proximity rule, like any other, may be applied capriciously. it should be added that we are not concerning ourselves here with problems arising from exclusion clauses and the operation of the hague rules. 39. as was suggested above, a careful reading of cattle's case reveals that the decision did not rest upon lord penzance's proposition but upon proximity. 40. (1875) l.r.io qb.453. 41. blackburnj.'s exordium in cattle's case. 42. [1922] 1 k.b. 127, 140. and in la societe anonyme de remorquage a helice v. bennetts [1911] 1 k.b.243, 249 hamilton j. had his doubts ... "i can understand that the law might regard any interference by the defendant with the plaintiffs' contractual chances with a third party as a ground of action in their favour." certainly. what about lumley v. gye? 43. emeh v. kensington and chelsea and westminster area health authority [1985] qb.1012. 44. there is absolutely no clear line of distinction. in junior books v. veitclli co [1983] a.c.520 lord roskill treated the loss as "economic"; in tate fs lyle ltd. v. greater lo/iimn council [1983] 2 a.c.509 lord templeman treated the veitchi loss as physical. which of their lordships was "right"? so too, the subsidence cases like dutton v. bognor regis united building co. ltd. [1972] 1 qb. 373 have been treated as falling within either category. nobody is to blame: the distinction is unsound. 103 the denning law journal physical injury) in consequence of the same wrongful act he can recover under the one head but not under the other.4s here inconsequent resort is had to the "floodgates". it is argued that to allow the latter claim might give rise to a flood of actions; as, for instance, in a case like spartan steel (5 alloys ltd. v. martin (contraaors) ltd.46 where a negligently severed electric cable might, by stoppage of power, cause loss of profits to all the factories in the neighbourhood. this argument is, however, only relevant if, once again, one assumes that the penzance doctrine is the only form of control mechanism: whereas in fact the proximity principle could supply an answer. further, just the same argument could apply to physical, rather than economic, damage. where explosions are concerned it can be far flung.47 indeed, this fact glaringly underlies the statutory limitations imposed upon the amount of liability in maritime and aviation law, to which we will return. apart from these considerations, however, how far does the penzance rule achieve sensible and just results? it has been suggested above that in the case of the time charterer48 and the case of the buyer to whom the risk, but not the property, has passed49 it flies in the face of the proximity principle only to be defended by the cry of stare decisis.so but what about the case where a negligent ship runs down a ship in tows1 and the penzance rule denies the tug owner his lost towage? if there ever was proximity it is here and it is thought that the layman would say that the tug owner ought to recover: moreover, a decision in his favour would not open any "floodgates". what about the case of a passenger who loses profits as the result of delay in a voyage caused by a collision? penzance denies him recovery,s2 but it is thought that he would feel that his lawful expectations had 45. spartan steel anda/luys ltd. v. martin (contractors) ltd. [1973] qb. 27 (c.a.) where, of course, the defendant having negligently severed a power cable a "melt" in the plaintiffs furnace was damaged through lack of power and they lost profit on other "melts" which, through lack of power, they were unable to process. the decision was that the plaintiffs could recover in respect of the damaged melt both for the damage and for loss of profit but the purely "economic" loss of profit on the other "melts" was irrecoverable. to the same effect is muirhead v. industrial tallkspecialities ltd [1985] 3 all e.r. 705 (c.a.), where a fish farmer suffered loss due to a defect in an electric pump. he was allowed to recover from the manufacturer in respect of the physical loss of some lobsters and the loss of profit thereon; but not for costs and loss of profit generally. the distinction between physical injury and economic loss in such circumstances is "technical and against the merits". a blemish, one would have thought, in our law of a kind which we would have thought archaic and risibile had we met it in the law of the twelve tables. lord roskill in veitchi 's case, supra n.44, indicates that spartatl steel may require reconsideration by the house of lords: it certainly needs to be reconsidered. 46. ibid. 47. see, e.g., the grandcamp [1961] lloyd's rep. 504. 48. cand/wood navigation corp. ltd. v. mitsui o.s.k. lines: the mineral tratlsporter [1986] a.c.1. 49. leigh r.s sil/avan ltd. v. aliakmon shipping co ltd: the aliakmon [1986] 2 all e.r. 145 (h.l.). disapproving a dictum of sheen j. in the nea tyhi [1982] 1 lloyd's rep. at p.612 and overruling the decision of lloyd j. in shijfijhrt und koh/en gmbh v. chelsea maritime ltd: the irene's success [1982] 1 all e.r. 218. but see the powerful dissent of goff l.j. and the doubts of oliver l.j. in the court of appeal: the a/iakmon [1985] 2 all e.r. 44. 50. a cry particularly dear to commercial lawyers; yet there is no reason why commercial law, above all, should be static. 51. la societe anonyme de remorquage a helice v. bennetts [1911] k.b. 243. 52. see the minera/ transporter, supra na8, at p.19: per lord fraser. 104 economic loss: the floodgates been denied by some mysterious technicality. and so one might continue. it is submitted that as a control mechanism the penzance doctrine is not only suspiciously technical but also too restrictive. now let us turn to another control mechanism which is gaining ground. this has a respectable pedigree. it is the very mechanism that founded the law of contract through the medium of assumpsit. it is the notion of loss by the plaintiff caused by reliance upon the defendant. it is now becoming clear that purely economic loss will be remedied where it arises from such reliance upon the defendant's words53 or deeds,54 provided, at least, that there is a relationship between the parties "equivalent to contract".55 where misrepresentation is concerned there is nothing new in such a notion; there could never be recovery for fraud unless the plaintiff had relied upon the fraudulent statement. but where deeds, other than misrepresentations, are involved a difficulty which is, perhaps, more than semantic arises. what is meant by "reliance"? one gets no guidance from the speeches of lords fraser and roskill in veitchi's case,56 but on a broad reading it seems to mean that the plaintiff must "look to" the defendant to safeguard his interests. lord roskill instances the case of the buyer who looks to the seller's, rather than the manufacturer's, skill and judgment under s.14(3) of the sale of goods act; in which case "reliance" appears to mean little more than the second proposition, that the situation must be "equivalent to contract". yet, as robert goff l.j. has suggested, "reliance" can mean something else; for, as he points out "every motorist relies on every other motorist in the vicinity to drive carefully",57and in this sense the reliance concept becomes subsumed within the concept of negligence itself and if this were so the way would be open for much wider liability than either hedley byrne or veitchi's case envisage. as far as the law now goes, however, it would seem that the purely economic loss is recoverable under this control mechanism where there is a situation "equivalent to contract" and reliance in the first of the senses just mentioned. why this restriction should be placed upon economic, as opposed to physical, loss is not explained. it may arise from the fortuitous fact that in hedley byrne and veitchi a contractual framework was involved. but awkward questions call for answers. if a manufacturer puts water into a ginger beer bottles8 which reaches me as the ultimate consumer why should i have no remedy against him while, by contrast, i would have a claim if he let a snail into the bottle and i were to contract a minor attack of gastritis?s9the answer seems to be that in the case of defective goods the 53. hedley byrne (5 co. ltd. v. heller (5 partners ltd. [1964] a.c. 465. 54. junior books v. veitchi (5 co. [1983] a.c. 520. 55. hedley byrne at p.529, per lord devlin. 56. supra n.54. 57. muirhead v. industrial tank specialities [1985] 3 all e.r. 70s, 714. 58. the interesting suggestion raised by stamp l.j. in dutton v. bognor regis united building co. [1972] 1 qb. 373, 414-415. 59. in donoghue v. stevenson the injury almost fell into the de minimis category. 105 the denning law journal situation between plaintiff and manufacturer is not "equivalent to contract"; but nor is it in the case of the snail. 60 or is the truth that there is an inarticulate premise that there is something more worth a remedy where physical loss is concerned than where economic loss is?61 unless this inarticulate distinction can be justified and made articulate in the form of a principle (which, it is submitted, it cannot) there seems little reason why the "neighbour" principle should not apply to economic as much as to physical loss. which suggests the need for an advance in the former field beyond the "equivalent to contract" situation. in this context it is important to note that in hedley byrne lord devlin himself said "i regard this proposition62 as an application of the general conception of proximity. cases may arise in future in which a new and wider proposition quite independent of any notion of contract will be needed. ,,63 this points to the desirability of easing the "floodgates" beyond the reliance/contract bar towards some wider concept of proximity. that, it is thought, is something that needs to be done. but the question is "what wider concept?" an answer was boldly supplied by an eminent chancery judge64 in ross v. caunters65 (where a legatee lost her legacy on account of a solicitor's negligence): proximity should be defined in the context by reference to the atkin test itself and recovery by the legatee thus permitted despite the absence of physical damage or any question of contract or reliance, in the sense of "looking to" the solicitor. and in ministry of housing and local gflvernment v. sharp66 the court of appeal took a similar bold step. is that the correct conclusion? if, as has been remarked above, the atkin principle is regarded as restrictive rather than permissive in that it is confined to direaly foreseeable consequences it seems, on the face of it, to provide as good an answer to the "floodgates" as any. no perfect mechanism can ever be devised and what is "proximate,,67 in the atkinian sense in relation to a given fact situation is always an open question: that is what the administration of justice is about. but it is suggested that it is desirable to raise the "floodgates" above the level of the penzance or veitchi tests and that these "policy" mechanisms are not 60. though one might perhaps interpose that there is just as much of a contractual framework between consumer and manufacturer as there was between plaintiff and sub-contractor in veitchi's case. 61. it is worth refuting the ridiculous sllggestion often made that economic loss should be irrecoverable because recovery is inhibited by the philosophy of the "market place". of course it is where business competition is concerned and that goes back to the gloucester grammar school case (1410) y.s. 11 hen.4, fo.47, pl.21 but not all economic loss arises in the course of competition. 62. namely, the "equivalent to contract" proposition. 63. [1964] a.c., at pp.530-531. 64. megarry v.-c. 65. [1980] ch.297. 66. [1970] 2 qb. 223. 67. in caltex oil (australia) ply. ltd. v. dredge wi//emstad (1976) 136 c.l.r. 529 the high court of australia, while apparently refusing to adopt the atkin test simpliciter, allowed recovery for economic loss caused as the result of damage to a third party's pipeline upon the basis of what they regarded as a restricted definition of "proximity" or "propinquity". but it is thought that the facts fitted the atkin fonnula. 106 economic loss: the floodgates "considerations which ought to negative, or to reduce or limit the scope of the duty.,,68 so far, so good. but there is one kind of "flood" that "proximity" cannot control. the case, already referred to, of the lost wages of blackburn ].'s miners. in such a case there is close proximity between the "drowner" of the mine and the workers: their presence and the loss of their wages could be readily foreseen and the loss of the wages was a direct result of the "drowning". yet blackburn]. clearly had it in mind that such losses were greater than anyone defendant could be expected to bear. some mechanism other than proximity is therefore needed to meet such a case. there is one possible, pragmatic, "floodgate" to hand. the problem of overwhelming loss is no stranger to the law: it is met by a number of statutes. in particular both in maritime and in aviation law statute and international convention limit the amount of liability. this is plain, and essential "policy". is it beyond the powers of a legal system which grapples with the problem of comparative fault in contributory negligence and solves the difficulties of bankruptcy and liquidation to devise a method of limiting the amount of liability by limiting the amount of claims where the loss is too great for one defendant to bear? 68. anns v. merton london borough council [1978] a.c. 728, 751-752: per lord wilberforce. 107 it all started with gunner james cameron haroey* this article is about lord denning who needs no introduction. it is not a learned analysis of his reasons for judgment. it focuses, for fun, on three aspects of his distinctive judicial writing style. before i researched the article, i had a clear recollection of two or three delightful denning judgments, such as beswick v. beswick. i i imagined that there were more than i could remember or knew of. my colleagues were of some help; however, their recollection, similar to mine, turned out to be more general than specific. i realized that i was going to have to explore this legendary corner of lord denning's judicial career the hard way. thus, i methodically perused all of his reported reasons for judgment. i uncovered not only additional denning gems, featuring his distinctive style of reciting the facts, but also i discovered what i call the unique denning opener and his remarkable cast of "old" litigants. first, i shall deal with his distinctive style of recounting the facts, then turn to his openers, and finally introduce you to his "old" litigants. it is obvious that lord denning very much enjoyed doing the facts. in most of the published cases of the court of appeal in which he was involved, he described the facts for the court in his reasons for judgment. recently, in his book the family story2 he confessed to something that had become obvious from his reasons for judgment. he is an inveterate story-teller. it was his distinctive style to recount the facts in the form of a story. on occasion in his reasons for judgment lord denning specifically referred to the facts as the story and to his recitation of the facts as a telling of the story. ionian bank ltd. v. couvreu? " ... the story is a little complicated and i must recite the facts." reid v. commissioner of police of the metropolis4 "the centre-piece of this story is a pair of candelabra ... " ·ofthe faculty of law, university of manitoba, winnipeg, canada. this article was first published in xvii gazelle (1983) of the law society of upper canada. 1. [1966] ch. 538. 2. butterworths, london, 1981. 3. [1969] 2 all e.r.651, 652. 4. [19731 qb.551, 557. 67 the denning law journal cory lighterage ltd. v. t g. w u 5 "in this action the leading actor is andrew shute, but he is the only one on the stage who has not given evidence. to some he is the hero. to others the villain of the piece." bryanston finance ltd. v. de vries6 "this case reads like a play. it has many acts and scenes. on the stage now the principal characters are ... in previous scenes there appeared ... " midland bank trost co. ltd. v. green7 "the greens are a lincolnshire farming family. this story might be called the green saga.,,8 one of lord denning's most remarkable pieces of storytelling is, of course, his report on the security aspects of the profumo affair.9 this is no ordinary royal commission report. lord denning himself uses it as one of his examples of his style of writing in the family story. lord denning's storytelling approach to the subject made the report perhaps the most readable, engaging h.m.s.o. publication ever. in the family story lord denning describes his approach to judgment writing: "i try to make my judgment live .. i start my judgment, as it were, with a prologue as the chorus does in one of shakespeare's plays to introduce the story. then i go from act to act as shakespeare does each with its scenes drawn from real life ... i draw the characters as they truly are using their real names ... i avoid long sentences like the plague: 10 because they lead to obscurity. it is no good if the hearer cannot follow them ... i refer sometimes to previous authorities i have to do so because i know that people are prone not to accept my views unless they have support in the books. but never at much length. only a sentence or two. i avoid all reference to pleadings and orders they are mere lawyer's stuff. they are unintelligible to everyone else. i finish with a conclusion an epilogue again as the chorus does in shakespeare. in it i gather the threads together and give the result" 11 thus, the denning style of reciting the facts is a crisp, captivating story, featuring short, stacatto sentences and occasionally a touch of whimsy. his accounts of the facts may be quite brief (and this is probably the image of them that most people carry in their mind), for example r. v. hillingdon borough council 12 or they may be 5. [1973] 2 all e.r.558, 561 6. [1975] 2 all e.r.609, 612. 7. [1979] 3 all e.r.28, 30. see also [1982] 2 w.l.r.l, 4. 8. see similarly wallersteil/er y. moir [1974] 1 w.l.r.991, 955; re brocklehurst [1978] 1 all e.r.767, 769; and new zealand guvemmrot property corporation y. h.m. cs s. ltd. [1982] 2 w.l.r.837, 839. 9. cmnd. 2152 of 1963. 10. in the family story. supra note 2, at p. 203 lord denning expresses his admiration for a predecessor, george jessel, m.r.: "he used short, staccato sentences." 1i. supra note 2, at pp. 207-208. 12. [i980j 3 all e.r.413. 68 it all started with gunner james several paragraphs, even pages long, for example broome v. cassell ltd. 13 in any event, brief or lengthy, the result is a very effective, delightful short story. the instantly recognizable denning factual account was not present in his earliest reported reasons for judgment, such as fletcher v. fletcher,14 norton v. norton, 15 minister of pensions v. chennell, 16 and miller v. minister of pensions.17 his recitation of the facts in these and other early cases is unremarkable. and then the unmistakable style was there. it all started with gunner james: "gunner james joined the army on july 24,1941, at the age of thirty-two. in january 1943, he had a swelling on the right side of his neck which gradually spread. he was sent to hospital, when a diagnosis of hodgkin's disease was made. in april, 1943, he was discharged on account of it. he claimed a pension. it was rejected by the minister. in february, 1946, he died on account of the disease. his widow claimed a pension. her claim was also rejected by the minister. she appealed to a tribunal who, on september 18, 1946, rejected her appeal. she did not apply to the tribunal for leave to appeal within the six weeks allowed by the rules of the tribunal. on november 21, 1946, the case of donovan v. minister of pensions, which was also a case of hodgkin's disease, was decided in favour of the widow. when knowledge of this decision came to mrs james's advisers, they sought from the tribunal leave to appeal out of time. the tribunal itself and the president of the pensions appeal tribunals refused the application, refusing to extend the time or to grant leave. the widow now applies for leave to appeal." 18 i do not suppose that many of you, even devotees of denning judgments, recall the forgoing case. it is not entirely in the classic denning style. for instance, the second sentence should end at "neck" and the next sentence should be, "it gradually spread". similarly, the third sentence should end at "hospital" with the remainder made into a new sentence. however, james v. minister of pensions is the seminal judgment. the refinement, over the years, in the denning style can be seen in deeble v. robinson,19 stupple v. royal insurance co. ltd.20 and r. v. hillingdon borough council: 21 deeble v. robinson "mr deeble has a milk round. he sells milk to people at the doors of their houses. he runs his business from a dairy building where he keeps his 13. [1971] 2 qb.354. 14. [1945] 1 all e.r.582; this is lord denning's first reported judgment. is. [1945] p.56. 16. [1946] 2 all e.r.719. 17. [1947] 2 all e.r.372. 18. james v. minister of pensions [1947] k.b.867. 19. [1954] 1 qb.77, 81. 20. [1971] 1 qb. so, 67. 21. supra note 12, at p. 417. 69 the denning law journal equipment, refrigerator, spare milk bottles, and so forth, and a stable where he keeps his horse and float. his round is seven streets adjoining the premises. he does not actually have a shop as ordinarily understood. his lease of these premises is coming to an end, and he wants to stay on there. this depends on whether the premises come within the definition of a "shop" in the leasehold property (temporary provisions) act, 1951." stupple v. royal insurance co. ltd. "on friday, september 27, 1963, near longfield, in kent, a gang of robbers laid in wait for a bullion van. it was about mid-day. they had come down from london in convoy. they were in a land rover, a dormobile and a lorry. all three vehicles had recently been stolen. whilst waiting for the bullion van, they went on to a village green and kicked a ball about. it was a red plastic ball. the local folk saw them. soon afterwards the gang left. they got themselves ready. they had iron bars in their hands. one had an indian club. they ambushed the bullion van. they must have known its movements. it belonged to martins bank and had been round the branches collecting money. one was the branch at welling. the robbers stopped the van and overcame the driver and guard. they stole £87,300 los., and went off." r. v. hillingdon borough council "she was born in ethiopia. her name was sophia abrahim. in 1975 she was 19 years of age. she had a baby son david aged 2. an englishman then came to addis ababa. he was alan streeting. he was aged 25. he asked sophia to marry him. he told her he was divorced. they were united in marriage in addis ababa on 17th may 1975. she kept her marriage certificate. he brought her and the baby over to england where they stayed for some weeks. he was employed by an american company and worked in libya. he took a flat in athens in greece. sophia and her child lived there and he went to and fro to them. he also brought them again to england for a holiday. then tragedy struck. in libya he had a heart attack and died. it was on 27th april 1979. his company flew his body back to england for burial. they arranged for sophia and her little boy to come here for the funeral. it was at brighouse in yorkshire. it then transpired that he had not been divorced at all. his wife was still alive in england. so his marriage to sophia was a bigamous marriage. it was a nullity. but his company took pity on her. they arranged for her to go back to greece to sort out her affairs there. they paid her fare. but when she arrived at athens airport, she was not allowed to enter, on the ground that she had not a valid residency permit. so she returned to england. that was on 25th may 1979. his company then put her and the baby up at an hotel here. but they could not keep her indefinitely. so they went with her to the housing department at hillingdon. that was on 4th june 1979. they presented her and her child as homeless. the housing department made all sorts of inquiries, from greece and from ethiopia, to see if she could be found a home there. but these were all fruitless. the hillingdon housing department 70 it all started with gunner james arranged for temporary accommodation for her at a guest house, for bed and breakfast, at £7.75 a night. she also got supplementary benefit (national assistance) from which she could pay for her other meals and clothes etc. but eventually the hillington council decided that they could pay no longer for her accommodation." everyone has his favourite denning judgments. in the family story lord denning chose the following cases to illustrate the style: beswick v. beswick, 22 hinz v. berry,23 lloyds bank ltd. v. bundy,24 ex p. hook,25 and mcllkenny v. chief constable of the west midlands.26 to those cases i add videan v. british transport commission,27 broome v. cassell ltd., 28 gray v. barr,29 reid v. commissioner of police of the metropolis,30 and re brocklehurst.31 in these judgments lord denning demonstrates his ability to deal in humour, pathos, tragedy, intrigue, and adventure. space does not permit the inclusion of excerpts from all of these cases. i have chosen four which are representative. ex p. hook "to some this may appear to be a small matter, but to mr harry hook, it is very important. he is a street trader in the barnsley market. he has been trading there for some six years without any complaint being made against him; but, nevertheless, he has now been banned from trading in the market for life. all because of a trifling incident. on wednesday, october 16, 1974, the market closed at 5.30. so were all the lavatories, or 'toilets' as they are now called. they were locked up. three-quarters of an hour later, at 6.20, harry hook had an urgent call of nature. he wanted to relieve himself. he went into a side street near the market and there made water, or 'urinated', as it is now said. no one was about except one or two employees of the council, who were cleaning up. they rebuked him. he said: 'i can do it here ifi like.' they reported him to a security officer who came up. the security officer reprimanded harry hook. weare not told the words used by the security officer. i expect they were in language which street traders understand. harry hook made an appropriate reply. again we are not told the actual words, but it is not difficult to guess. i expect it was an emphatic version of 'you be off.' 22. supra note i, at p. 549. 23. [1970] 2 qb.40, 42. 24. [1975] qb.326, 334. 25. [1976] 1 w.l.r.1052, 1055. 26. [1980] 2 w.l.r.689, 696 et seq. 27. [1963] 2 qb.650, 660. 28. supra note 13, at p. 371. 29. [1971] 2 all e.r.949. 30. [1973] qb.551. 31. supra, note 8. for the denningaddict 1 suggest for additional reading the following cases which deserve "honourable mention" at least: wilson v. rickett cockrell ltd. [1954j 1 qb.598; roe v. minister of health [1954] 2 qb.66; la/ie v. halloway [1967] 2 all e.r.129; pett v. greyhound racing association ltd. [1969] 1 qb.125; balogh v. crown court at st albans [1974] 3 all e.r.283; and r. v. local commissioner for administration jor the n. and e. area of eilgland [19791 2 all e.r.881. 71 the denning law journal at any rate, the security officer described them as words of abuse. touchstone would say the security officer gave the 'reproof valiant' and harry hook gave the 'countercheck quarrelsome'; as you like it, act v, scene iv. on the thursday morning the security officer reported the incident. the market manager thought it was a serious matter. so he saw mr hook the next day, friday, october 18. mr hook admitted it and said he was sorry for what had happened. the market manager was not satisfied to leave it there. he reported the incident to the chairman of the amenity services committee of the council. he says that the chairman agreed 'that staff should be protected from such abuse.' that very day the market manager wrote a letter to mr hook, banning him from trading in the market." lloyds bank ltd. v. bundy "broadchalke is one of the most pleasing villages in england. old herbert bundy, the defendant, was a farmer there. his home was at yew tree farm. it went back for 300 years. his family had been there for generations. it was his only asset. but he did a very foolish thing. he mortgaged it to the bank. up to the very hilt. not to borrow money for himself, but for the sake of his son. now the bank have come down on him. they have foreclosed. they want to get him out of yew tree farm and to sell it. they have brought this action against him for possession. going out means ruin for him. he was granted legal aid. his lawyers put in a defence. they said that, when he executed the charge to the bank he did not know what he was doing: or at any rate that the circumstances were such that he ought not to be bound by it. at the trial his plight was plain. the judge was sorry for him. he said he was a 'poor old gentleman.' he was so obviously incapacitated that the judge admitted his proof in evidence. he had a heart attack in the witness-box. yet the judge felt he could do nothing for him." videan v. british transport commission "there is a small country station at north tawton on the main line between okehampton and exeter. the stationmaster was mr videan, who lived in the station house with his wife and four small boys, aged six, five, three and two. they had been living there for three years, the youngest being born there. the station house was on the up side of the line, and their garden and chicken run on the other side. there was a footbridge for passengers and a barrow crossing for porters with barrows. mrs vide an used sometimes to take the pram with a child across the barrow crossing, and one of the staff occasionally took a child across by the hand. but the children by themselves usually went by the footbridge. mrs videan said: 'the children were always trained to do that. they were not allowed to run about on the tracks ... but they did run out on to the platform. that was quite another matter.' on sunday morning, july 26, 1959, the stationmaster was having the day off, and porter canniford was in charge. the stationmaster was going to take his family to exeter for the day. his wife was busy in the house getting 72 it all started with gunner james everything ready for their outing. the stationmaster was outside playing with the children until the time came to go. suddenly they found that richard, the youngest, aged two years and two months, was missing. the stationmaster looked into the door. his wife said to him: 'where's richard?' he said: 'isn't he with you?' she said: 'bring him in when you find him. i want to get him "ready".' the stationmaster went out, through the booking hall into the booking office, and asked porter canniford, 'have you seen richard?' the porter said 'no.' the stationmaster went out on the platform followed by the porter. they saw the little boy in the 'four-foot' of the up line, a little way from the barrow crossing, and at the same moment, on that very line, a trolley coming towards him. it was the sort of trolley railway men use nowadays for getting about the line, driven by a petrol motor and capable of considerable speeds. it was then by the home signal, about 120 yards away, coming fast along the line towards the place where the little boy stood. the stationmaster and the porter held their hands up, signalling the trolley-driver to stop. but he still came on. they ran forward. the stationmaster was in front, running as fast as he could; the porter a little behind. the trolley-driver started to slow down, but not very much. he seemed not to appreciate the danger. still he came on. he cannot have seen the child. only at the last moment did he see him. only then did he apply his brake. the porter said: 'as he got very close, i could see he was really hanging on to the hand-brake, pulling as hard as he could.' but it was too late. then the stationmaster, in a desperate effort to save his son, leaped from the platform on to the line, in the very path of the trolley. he saved his son it seems that he pushed him down below the trolley but he was himself killed in the instant. the little boy was badly injured. he was five and a half months in hospital, but has recovered a good deal." broome v. cassell ltd. "the jury gave £40,000 damages. it is a large sum. how did they get to it? what facts were known to them? these i will tell. 1. introduction early in july 1942 a large convoy of 35 merchant ships it had the code number pq17 was sailing in the arctic seas laden with materials of war for russia. they were between north cape and spitzbergen near the icefields. at that time of the year there was no nightfall. it was light all the time. the convoy was approaching the dangerous part of the voyage. the german battle fleet had come up swiftly and secretly. it was lying in wait in alten fiord, just by north cape. it consisted of the most powerful warship afloat the tirpitzwith the cruisers hipper and scheer, and six destroyers. nearby, at banak, was an airbase whence the german aircraft could make sorties of 400 miles to bomb the convoy. under the sea there were german submarines watching through their periscopes for a chance to strike. the convoy would seem an easy target. it could only make eight knots. it 73 the denning law journal had to steam at the pace of the slowest. but it was in good hands; it was guarded by the royal navy. the close escort was under the command of commander broome, r.n., in the destroyer keppel. it consisted of six destroyers, which were very fast, and several converted merchantmen as naval escorts, which were much slower. in support was a cruiser covering force under rear-admiral hamilton in the london. it consisted of four cruisers and three destroyers. further behind, ready to do battle, was the home fleet under admiral tovey in the duke of york. july 4, 1942, saw the climax. enemy air attack was imminent. rear-admiral hamilton thought it best to play for safety. he 'instructed' commander broome to route the convoy to the northward so that it should be 400 miles from the enemy aerodrome. but commander broome was bolder. he did as nelson did. after all, 'instructions' were not orders. they were more in the nature of recommendations, as every naval officer knows. he kept an easterly course, even though it did bring him nearer the enemy. commander broome was right. he was the man on the spot. he had an independent command and was entitled to exercise his own judgment. he had to take advantage of low cloud when it gave cover. and he had been advised by the admiralty that the convoy should be kept 'moving to the eastward even though it was suffering damage.' so broome did not route it so much northward as hamilton suggested. he kept it moving eastward as well. his decision was afterwards approved by admiral tovey. later that day the expected attack came. suddenly at 8:22 p.m. 25 enemy aircraft appeared flying fast and low at the convoy. they were torpedo bombers and pressed home their attack with great determination. they sank two of the merchantmen. but the convoy and escort gave a good account of themselves. they shot down four of the attackers and went on in perfect formation. they were brave men. commander broome said to those nearby: 'provided the ammunition lasts, convoy pq17 can get anywhere.' soon after beating off this atack, there came a warning of fresh danger. this time it was the onset of enemy surface ships. the admiralty sent out three signals which arrived one after the other on the bridge of the keppel, and of the other ships. the signals were, of course, in cipher: '9.11 p.m. secret. immediate. cruiser force withdraw to westwards at high speed. 9.23 p.m. secret. immediate. owing to threat from surface ships convoy is to disperse and proceed to russian ports. 9.36 p.m. secret. most immediate. my 9.23 p.m. convoy is to scatter." the last message arrived so close on the heels of the one before that, when they had been deciphered, the signalman handed them both together to the commander. they spelt only one thing. the german battle fleet was about to attack. everyone expected to see masts appearing on the horizon. the order to 'disperse' meant that the convoy was to split up into smaller formations, 74 it all started with gunner james which were still under escort able to defend them. the next order to 'scatter' was more urgent still. it had never been given before, except once by the captain of the jervis bay, and he gave it only when the enemy cruisers were opening fire. it meant that the ships of the convoy were to scatter fanwise, each by himself, in every direction without escort. leaving the escorting force to engage the enemy. commander broome did as he was told. he took the keppel into the middle of the convoy and told the commodore that the convoy was to scatter. he knew that his destroyers could not tackle the enemy fleet by themselves. so he proposed to rear-admiral hamilton that they should join up with the cruiser force. rear-admiral hamilton at once agreed. so commander broome with his escorting destroyers joined the cruisers and came under the direct command of rear-admiral hamilton. the naval escorts (the converted merchantmen) were slow and could do little to protect the scattering convoy. so commander broome ordered them to proceed independently to archangel. he, with his destroyers, prepared to meet the enemy. but the threatened attack never came. the enemy fleet never appeared over the horizon. the order from the admiralty was a mistake. the first sea lord, admiral of the fleet sir dudley pound, had convinced himself that the tirpitz must have put to sea, whereas the intelligence reports indicated that she had not. but the order was given. the convoy scattered to the four winds. without protection, they were attacked by the enemy from the air and from beneath the sea. many were sunk. out of 35, only 11 reached russian ports: 153 merchant sailors were lost and vast quantities of war material went to the bottom. it was a tragedy. a severe blow to the allied cause. the officers made their reports. commander broome was not blamed by those superior to him. nor by his brother officers. admiral tovey reported: 'i do not consider that the commanding officer of the keppel was in any way to blame for the subsequent heavy losses. from the signals which he had received, he deduced, quite reasonably, that surface action was imminent: and was correct in his decision to concentrate his destroyers and join the rear-admiral commanding first cruiser squadron.' proof positive of the confidence in commander broome was that he was kept in sea-going commands and finished the war in command of the battleship ramillies. many persons afterwards wrote about the disaster. the official historian of the war wrote about it. he did not condemn commander broome. nor did mr winston churchill. the condemnation was made 20 years later by an author who knew nothing about the war, because he was a small boy at the time. david irving was determined to write 'an authentic account.' his regular publishers william kimber & co. ltd. refused to publish it. they thought it was too dangerous. so he got cassell & co. ltd. to publish it." 75 the denning law journal being a good storyteller, lord denning endeavours to attract and capture immediately the attention of the reader. to do this he employs an impressive array of what i call openers. these are the opening sentence(s) of his judgments. i have selected a number of them and organized them into these categories: the intriguing opener; the historical opener; the fatal and deadly opener; the "this is the case" opener; the editorial opener; the non-sequitur opener; the' "this is an interesting case" opener; the whimsical opener; and the picturesque opener. the intriguing opener hinz v. berry32 "it happened on april 19, 1964. it was bluebell time in kent." heywood v. wellers33 "it all started in a public house." levinson v. patent steam carpet cleaning co. ltd. 34 "it was a fine chinese carpet worth £900, but it needed cleaning." kavanagh v. chief constable of devon and cornwall35 "mr kavanagh wants to have a gun, perhaps many guns." ronds v. mcneil36 "a yorkshire farmer had a dangerous bull." re a companl7 "suspicion has fallen on a company." langston v. amalgamated union of engineering workers "joseph langston is playing a lone hand." application des gaz sa v. palks veritas ltd. 39 "this is the first case in which in this court we have had to consider the treaty of rome. it comes about because of a tin can." agbor v. metropolitan police commissioner4o "there is a civil war flaring in nigeria. sparks from it have come down in london. some have landed on no. 35, woodstock road, london, n.w.ll." western excavating (e. c. c.) ltd. v. sharp41 "mr sharp was only employed by the china-clay co. for 20 months. he left of his own accord. yet he has been awarded £658 as compensation for unfair dismissal. there seems something wrong about that award. \vhat is it?" 32. supra note 23, at p. 42. 33. [1976] q,b.446, 453. 34. [1978] q,b.69, 77. 35. [1974] q,b.624, 632. 36. [1955] 1 q,b.253, 256. 37. [1980] 1 all e.r.284, 285. 38. [1974] 1 all e.r.980, 983. 39. [1974] 3 all e.r.51, 53. 40. [1969] 2 all e.r. 707, 708. 41. [1978] q,b.761, 766. 76 it all started with gunner james james buchanan fs co. ltd. v. babco forwarding and shipping (u.k) ltd. 42 "one thousand cases of whisky were stolen. it was on friday evening, 24th january 1975." r. v. clerk to lancashire police committee, ex parte hook 43 "in 1976 rumours were rife in blackpool. gossip abounded. about the goings on of the chief constable of lancashire. he lived in the town. not only about the chief constable himself. but other police officers too. and well-known citizens." r. v. criminal injuries compensation ed., ex parte ince44 "it was soon after midnight on 14th/15th february 1971 in the bloomsbury area of london. men were seen acting suspiciously near the headquarters of the territorial army in handel street." the historical opener new windsor corp. v. mellor45 "today we look back far in time to a town or village green. the turf is old. animals have grazed there for hundreds of years. nowadays they are pleasant stretches of grass where people sit and talk. sometimes they play cricket or kick a ball about. but in mediaeval times it was the place where the young men mustered with their bows and arrows. they shot at the butts. there might be stocks there where offenders were put for their petty misdemeanours. in the month of may they set up a maypole and danced around it. we have no record of when it all began, but the poet tells us: 'on the green they watched their sons playing till too dark to see, as their fathers watched them once, as my father once watched me .. .'." jennings motors ltd. v. secretary of state for the environment46 "the village has an attractive name, dibden purlieu. it goes back to the times of the norman french." the fatal and deadly opener cooper v. williams47 "frederick leslie watkins was fatally injured in a road accident on december 4, 1959. he was driving a car. he himself was killed." 42. [197711 all e.r.518, 520. 43. [1980] 2 all e.r.353, 355. 44. [1973] 3 all e.r.808, 810. 45. (1975) 3 all e.r.44, 47. the poem quoted is "forefathers" by edmund blunden. 46. [1982] 2 w.l.r.131, 134. see similarlyex p. phansophar [19761qb.606, 615; sabol", and n'jiev. //. m. ai/ortlry-general [196511 qb.273, 289: and dat'is v.johnson [1978j1 all e.r.841, 846. 47. [1963j 2 qb.567, 576. 77 the denning law journal allen v. jambo holdings ltd. 48 "a man's head got caught in a propeller. he was decapitated and killed." the "this is the case" opener cummings v. granger49 "this is the case of the barmaid who was badly bitten by a big dog." allgemeine gold-und silberscheideanstalt v. customs and excise commissioners 50 "this is the case of the three smugglers." mcllkenny v. chief constable of west midlands police force51 "this is the case of the birmingham bombers." the editorial opener allen v. mcalpine c5 sons ltd. 52 "in these three cases the law's delays have been intolerable. they have lasted so long as to turn justice sour." pike v. pike53 "this is yet another case in which the doctrine of constructive desertion has been allowed to run wild." re stone and saville's contraa54 "counsel for the vendor referred to this case as a comedy of errors. it is no comedy, but a history of errors." bremer vulkan v. south india shipping corp.55 "when i was young, a sandwich-man wearing a top-hat used to parade outside these courts with his boards back and front, proclaiming 'arbitrate, don't litigate'. it was very good advice so long as arbitrations were conducted speedily: as many still are in the city of london. but it is not so good when arbitrations drag on for ever." regazzoni v. k. c. sethia (1944) ltd. 56 "the union of south africa is a country with a tremendous problem some sayan insoluble problem in regard to the races in her midst." marsden v. regan57 "this case ought to have been simple, but the lawyers have made it complicated." 48. [1980] 1 w.l.r.1252, 1254. 49. [1977] 1 all e.r.104, 106. 50. [1980j 2 all e.r.138, 139. 51. [1980] 2 all e.r.227, 231. 52. [1968] 1 all e.r.543, 546. 53. [1953] 1 all e.r.232, 235. 54. [1963] 1 all e.r.353, 354. 55. [1980) 1 all e.r.420, 425. 56. (1956) 2 qb.490, 511. see similarly commission for racial equality v. aman' plastics ltd. [1982] 2 w.l.r.972. 57. [1954] i all e.r475,482. 78 it all started with gunner james r. fs t. thew ltd. v. reeves58 "much of the litigation today is dominated by legal aid. the state subsidises one side by giving him unlimited financial assistance. it pays his lawyers' fees almost in full. it leaves the other side who is often of very moderate means entirely unassisted. he has to bear his own costs with no recourse against the other side even when he wins. this is a grave injustice to the unassisted party. parliament has done something to remedy it but the remedy is far from adequate. this case will show up the defects in the statute and in the regulations. it looks very much as if a hard-working husband and wife will be ruined by the fact that the other side was granted legal aid." r. v. chief constable of devon and cornwali59 "the coast of cornwall is beautiful. much of the inland is ugly. it is despoiled by china clay workings. not far from them there is open farmland with small villages dotted around. pleasant enough but not outstanding." the non sequitur opener rank film distributors ltd. v. video information centrio "it is, it is a glorious thing, to be a pirate king", said w. s. gilbert (the pirates of penzance, i). but he was speaking of ship pirates. today we speak of film pirates. it is not a glorious thing to be, but it is a good thing to be in for making money." cinnamond v. british airports authority61 "many years ago sir edward coke had a case about six carpenters. now we have a case about six car-hire drivers." the "this is an interesting case" opener southam v. smout62 "this is an interesting case." hussey v. palmer63 "this case is of very considerable interest." woodhouse v. nigerian produce marketing co. ltd. 64 "this is an important case." r. v. local commissioner for adminstration for the nand e. area of england 65 "this case is of legal significance, but more of human interest." 58. [1982] qb.172, 182. 59. [1982] qb.458, 465. 60. [1980] 2 all e.r.273, 277. 61. [1980] 2 all e.r.368, 380. 62. [1963] 3 all e.r.! 04, 105. see similarlybernays v. prosser [1963] 2 all e.r.321; pedlry v. cambridge newspapers ltd. [1964] 2 all e.r.794, 796; and dunfordv. dunford [1980] 1 all e.r.122, 123. 63. [1972] 3 all e.r.744, 745. see similarly blairv. tomkins and osborne [1971] 1 all e.r.468, 469. 64. [1971] 1 all e.r. 665, 667. see similarly wiltshire v. barrell [1965j 2 all e.r.271, 272 and r. v. sect. of state for the home department [1973] 3 all e.r.796, 798. 65. [1979] 2 all e.r.88i, 893. 79 the denning law journal r. v. secretary of state for the environment66 "we are here presented with a nice question." bankers tmst ltd. v. shapira67 "this is a new case." w v.l.68 "this is a sad case." re p.a. (an infant) 69 "this is a poignant case." gainsborough mixed concrete ltd. v. duplex petrol installations ltd. 70 "this is a short but fortunately a very rare point." meacock ~ co. v. abrahams7) "this is a troublesome and difficult case." the whimsical opener post office v. crouch72 "this case reminds me of the story of david and goliath, with a difference. goliath is winning all along the line. david has sought to find some stones in the brook called the industrial relations act 1971; but every one of them has so far bounced off the invincible goliath." tote investors ltd. v. smoker73 "the defendant has in the past occasionally had a wager on a horse-race. today she has been taking part in another game of chance or skillthe game of litigation." rejames74 "david emlyn james is a lawyer who has gone astray. he was a partner in a firm of five lawyers practising at lusaka in zambia ... james went off with a sum of £160,000 belonging to the firm or its clients. he disappeared. but the story goes that, with the money in his pocket, he gambolled round europe and came to rest for a while in england." braham v.j. lyons ~ co.75 "this case concerns an accident which took place ... in the sausage department of the defendant's ... food factory at cadby hall. at 2.30 in the afternoon the tea-break was called. the plaintiff, a married woman, was the first off towards the tea-bar. she was always, the judge said, pretty quick off the mark for her cup of tea." 66. [1976] 3 all e.r.90,92. see similarly peck v. allicarproperties ltd. [1971] i all e.r.517, 518. 67. [1980] 3 all e.r.353, 355. see similarly srem v. a.e.u. [1971] i all e.r.1148, 1151. 68. [1973] 3 all e.r.884, 886. 69. [1971] 3 all e.r.522. 70. [1968] 3 all e.r.267. 71. [1956] 3 all e.r.660, 661. 72. [1973] 1 w.l.r.766, 770. see similarly u.k.a.p.e. v. a.c.a.s. [1979j 2 all e.r.478, 480. 73. [1968] 1 qb.509, 514. 74. [1977] 1 all e.r.364, 367. 75. [1962] 1 w.l.r.1048, 1050. 80 it all started with gunner james ministry of defence v. jeremiah76 "a woman's hair is her crowning glory, so it is said. she does not like it disturbed: especially when she has just had a 'hair-do'." howard v. department of national savings77 "this case will be of interest to those in the civil service and elsewhere who are approaching retirement age. unlike me!" capital finance co. v. bra/8 "this case has been a battle of wits between the hirer and a finance company. the fortunes of war have fluctuated to and fro ... " riddick v. thames board mills ltd. 79 "it is eight years ago now since robert riddick, the plaintiff, was dismissed from his employment. yet the manner of it has reverberated through the law courts ever since. he was a shift engineer in a mill at worthington in cumberland ... tree trunks went in at one end of the mill. cardboard came out at the other end." shell international petroleum ltd. v. gibbs80 "a gigantic ship was used for a gigantic fraud." routhan v. arun district council81 "once again we have to consider the doctrine of unity. it says that in law "husband and wife are one and the husband is that one." i remember well that it was invoked when i used to prosecute in the magistrates' courts. a wife was travelling on the railway using her husband's ticket. when she put forward the excuse: 'we are one in the eyes of the law,' the collector replied: 'but not in the eyes of the southern railway.''' george mitchell ltd. v. finney lock seeds ltd. hz "many of you know lewis carroll's 'through the looking glass.' in it there are these words (ch. iv): '''the time has come," the walrus said, "to talk of many things: of shoes and ships and sealing wax of cabbages and kings -".' today it is not 'of cabbages and kings' but of cabbages and what-nots. some farmers ... ordered 30 lbs. of cabbage seed. it was supplied. it looked just like cabbage seed. no one could say it was not. the farmers planted it over 63 acres. six months later there appeared out of the ground a lot of loose green leaves. they looked like cabbage leaves but they never turned in. they had no hearts. they were not 'cabbages' in our common parlance because they had no hearts." 76. [1980] qb.87, 96. 77. [1981] 1 w.l.r.542, 543. 78. [1964] 1 w.l.r.323, 326. lord denning proceeds to tell the facts of this case using the analogy of a battle with attack and counter-attack and reference to positions and entering the lists. this is a framework which he used in at least two other cases, wallersleiller v. i\11oir, supra, note 8 and ex p. rossmil/ster lid. [1979) 3 all e.r.385, 396. 79. [1977] qb.881, 887. 80. [1982) 2 w.l.r.745, 771. 81. [1982] 2 w.l.r.144, 146. 82. [1982] 3 w.l.r.1036, 1040. this is the last judgment lord denning delivered. 81 the denning law journal the picturesque opener myers v. milton keynes development corporation83 "in 1962 life was peaceful in buckinghamshire. we mean in the northern part of it. it retained its old attractive qualities. bletchley was the little market town serving the villages and farms round about. two miles north of bletchley there was the little hamlet of walton. it had a manor house built in tudor times, and a few cottages." miller v. jackson84 "in summertime village cricket is the delight of everyone. nearly every village has its own cricket field where the young men play and the old men watch. in the village of lintz in county durham they have their own ground, where they have played these last 70 years. they tend it well. the wicket area is well rolled and mown. the outfield is kept short. it has a good club house for the players and seats for the onlookers. the village team play there on saturdays and sundays. they belong to a league, competing with the neighbouring villages. on other evenings after work they practise while the light lasts. yet now after these 70 years a judge of the high court has ordered that they must not play there any more. he has issued an injunction to stop them. he has done it :it the instance of a newcomer who is no lover of cricket. this newcomer has built, or has had built for him, a house on the edge of the cricket ground which four years ago was a field where cattle grazed. the animals did not mind the cricket. but now this adjoining field has been turned into a housing estate. the newcomer bought one of the houses on the edge of the cricket ground. no doubt the open space was a selling point. now he complains that when a batsman hits a six the ball has been known to land in his garden or on or near his house. his wife has got so upset about it that they always go out at week-ends. they do not go into the garden when cricket is being played. they say that this is intolerable. so they asked the judge to stop the cricket being played. and the judge much against his will, has felt that he must order the cricket to be stopped: with the consequence, i suppose, that the lintz cricket club will disappear. the cricket ground wiii be turned to some other usc. i expect for more houses or a factory. the young men will turn to other things instead of cricket. the whole village wiii be much the poorer. and all this because of a newcomer who has just bought a house there next to the cricket ground." 85 83. [1974] 2 all e.r.i096, 1098. 84. [1977] qb.966, 976. 85. see similarly slater v. clay cross co. ltd. [1956] 2 qb.264, 268; fairey v. southamptorl coullty coullcil [1956j 2 qb.439, 455; wyld v. silver [1963] i qb.l69, 180; huverillgham gravels ltd. v. secretary of state for the ellviroll/1/e1it [1975] 2 all e.r.931, 933; corpus christi college v. gloucestershire coulitycoullcil [1982] 3 w.l.r.849,851. 82 it all started with gunner james so there you have it, the distinctive denning style of writing and the unique denning opener. he did not always employ these techniques; many of his reasons for judgments are indistinguishable from those of his colleagues. however, when he used them his judgments became instantly recognizable. mind you other judges, either intentionally or without realizing it, have aped the denning judgment.86 can you imagine an actor doing a one-man show, "an evening with lord denning", based upon his judgments? perhaps the idea is far-fetched. in any event, such a show might well be brought to a close with one of lord denning's old folks. i imagine that you can easily guess whom i have in mind. there have been a number of characters who have appeared in lord denning's judgments. there was old herbert bundy of yew tree farm, 87old mr baker of dunsmore in buckinghamshire,88 old mrs millward whose will was contested,89 old mrs annie levenson who had one of the best pitches in the petticoat street market in london,9o and old mr jones91 the scrap merchant. but, his most memorable word sketch was of none other than old peter beswick: "old peter beswick was a coal merchant in eccles, lancashire. he had no business premises. all he had was a lorry, scales and weights. he used to take the lorry to the yard of the national coal board, where he bagged coal and took it round to his customers in the neighbourhood. his nephew, john joseph beswick, helped him in the business. in march 1962, old peter beswick and his wife were both over 70. he had had his leg amputated and was not in good health. the nephew was anxious to get hold of the business before the old man died. so they went to a solicitor, mr ashcroft, who drew up an agreement for them."n 86. see, e.g., lroin v. active builders [1973] 6 w.w.r.297; regina v. pi/ix [1980] i w.w.r.n 87. lloyds bank ltd. v. bundy, supra note 24. 88. inwards v. baker [1965] 2 qb.29. 89. millward v. shenton [1972] i w.l.r.711. 90. r. v. tower hamlets, ex p. kayne-lroenson [1975] 1 qb.431. 91. jones v.jones [1977] 2 all e.r.231. 92. beswick v. beswick, supra note'l, at p. 549. 83 what's right about rights? james allan* the end of the second world war, with its massive violations and obscenities, together with the new-found influence of the united states and its 200 year old constitution, has heralded or spawned a new era for rights more particularly the discussing of politics and morals in terms of the concept of rights. although first conceptualized by the ancient greeks, rights had their theoretical heyday in the 17th century; they had their revolutionary heyday in the 18th century; and then they were eclipsed by 19th century movements, either utilitarian or idealist, which could not or would not accommodate them. today they are again the major, perhaps the sole, currency of moral and political debate throughout the world. this paper will attempt critically to assess the validity of such a tendency. what then are rights? rights are not things. one may not find them floating in the atmosphere, either visible or invisible. nor are they sensations in the mind. to answer this question one must realize that the primary job of most legal words, l for example, 'liability', 'onus', 'right', 'duty', or 'negligence', is not to stand for or describe anything in the material or psychological world. rather it is to describe a function. accordingly, one ought not to abstract any such legal word from the sentence in which its full function can be seen. to elucidate a legal word best, look at the whole statment in which it has its characteristic use. thus asking" 'when is it accurate to say that one has a right to do or to refrain from something?' " is a much more apt formulation than asking "what are rights?" or simply discussing 'rights'. the former question does not presuppose that rights are things and therefore • lecturer in law, city polytechnic of hong kong. the author wishes to acknowledge the influence, generally, of jeremy bentham, david hume and h.l.a. hart on what follows. i. see h.l.a. hart's "definition and theory in jurisprudence" (1953) inaugural lecture, oxford, at 70l. q .r. (1954) or essays injurisprudence and philosophy (1983, clarendon press), pp. 2 1-48. in this article hart asserts that the common mode of definition largely fails with respect to the law as legal words do not have the straightforward connection with counterparts in the world of fact which ordinary words have (e.g. , 'trees', 'cancer', 'soccer'). most words are defined by placing them in a larger category and then differentiating them from other things in that category (genus el differentia). such a mode of definition breaks down in the legal realm, indeed in the whole non-material realm, because nothing 'corresponds' to legal words. the denning law journal avoids obfuscation.2 by more precisely posing a question one may eliminate some of the vagueness surrounding rights. yet if rights are not to be defined in the same way as things are, how shall they be understood? hohfeld3 and bentham4 understood that legal relationships are correlative. there cannot be rights in a vacuum. firstly there must be rules. rules lay down obligations or duties which are linked or correlated to rights. how can anyone have a right where no person or body has a corresponding duty? hollow and empty would any such right be. thus hohfeld reduces all legal relationships into a limited number of terms. a duty becomes "i must". a right becomes "others must". a power becomes "i can". an immunity becomes "others cannot". and a privilege becomes "i may".5 each relates to and depends on the others. a right, therefore, is to be understood in terms of whether the corresponding duty shall be performed or not. it may be thought of as an expectation guaranteed by legal rules. this foray into linguistics is to warn against treating abstract concepts as real things; they are not. 'fictitious entities' (e.g. 'inflation' or 'gravity') are man-made mental constructions used to help us categorize, label and understand a vast and nearly ungovernable experiential world.6 their 'existence' depends on the active powers of the mind operating through language. indeed the limits of language sometimes force us to resort to fictitious entities. such fictions7 in language are perfectly permissible if necessary and if speakers realize fictions are human creations without an independent existence. legitimate fictions make discussion possible; illegitimate fictions mystify and reify. language also has the power to command through the emotive connotations of many words.8 frequently words are non-neutral and carry suggestions of emotional attitudes. thus, to characterize another's opinions as 'reactionary', 'socialist', 'liberal', or 'marxist' is to use a word which carries the extra baggage of 'good' or 'bad'. it closes off debate, relying on the passions rather than reason. likewise, depending on the point of view favoured, alternatives such as 'assassinated-summarily executed', 'eloquent-bombastic', 'courageous-reckless' 2. as bentham and hart were aware, "though theory is to be welcomed, the growth of theory on the back of definition is not": ibid., pal. that is to say, one ought to avoid the need for theorizing simply because of the way words are defined and used. only in trying to answer "what is a right?" rather than explaining it does one need theory. other examples of this at a practical, though trite, level are given by robert thouless in straight and crooked thinking 7th ed. (1963, pan books ltd.), ch. 5. 3. see w. n. hohfeld's,fundamental legal conceptions as applied in judicial reasoning (1946). 4. see jeremy bentham's, works (bowring edition, 1838-1843) especially hisfragmenr on government therein. 5. in working with hohfeldian simplifications one must be alert that, like all insightful simplifications, a degree of common sense is needed to avoid distortion and misapplication. 6. in a sense language is paradoxicalits labels and categories are unduly confining and distorting and yet without language how could we think at all? 7. bentham first articulated a theory of fictions, in inchoate form, in his early workan introduction to rheprinciplesof morals and legislation: see,e.g., bums and hart's edition, pp.53 (footnote), 97,101-2, 114-5, 125 inter alia. 8. see thouless, supra n.2, ch.1. 2 what's right about rights or 'generous-extravagant' can be used to describe the same factual reality. in discussing rights, therefore, both the above linguistic dangers are to be avoided. firstly, we must understand rights functionally linked as they are to duties and pre-supposing some sort of rules. secondly, we must not allow emotive language to sway us, in and of itself. there is a tendency today to 'demand one's rights'. this may be in part because the word 'right' carries a non-neutral meaning; it has the notion of 'good' appended to it. to give someone his or her rights must be good; to refuse bad. one potential danger inherent in succumbing uncritically to such an appeal is that the ensuing proliferation of rights-claims may debase the whole currency of rights. tacitly all rights are then brought down to the level of the least valid claim. so let us proceed to consider the validity and desirability of political and moral debate being discussed in the language of rights while keeping in mind that clear thinking requires an awareness of the deficiencies and the power of language. throughout his life jeremy bentham made the point that talk of natural rights is simple nonsense; talk of natural and imprescriptible rights, rhetorical nonsense "nonsense upon stilts".9 what did he mean? by simple nonsense bentham was making the purely logical point that rules and systems precede rights. rights are something man adds to the world, not something he finds in it some sort of gift of nature. rights must follow rather than precede the establishment of systems (i. e. government) and rules. no rights, therefore, can exist anterior to civil society. as early communities formed and grew more complex 'rules', or more accurately 'modes of resolving and preventing disputes', 10 sprang up to allow for the smoother operating and greater security of the group. these rules grew up slowly by custom and habit. i i with the rules were attached obligations and duties on specific members and groups in the body politic. in turn, with the duties on some came corresponding rights to others. of course many people do not share this view of the evolution or origin of rights. some hold to the view that there are indeed non-legal rights,12or rather natural rights which attach to all human beings presumably by reason of their being humans. such a view, generally speaking, sees 'rights' not as human artefacts, not as dependent on social conventions or social recognition for their existence, but as 9. see bentham's anarchical fallacies and the ratianale of judicial evidence, both in the bowring edition (1838-1843) of his works. 10. karl llewellyn's 'law-jobs theory' was that there are certain needs that must be met for a human group to survive as a group and to achieve the purposes for which it exists. conflict and the divisive side of human nature threatens group survival. thus conflict-prevention and conflict-resolution (the "law-jobs") are a necessary pre-condition of group survival and effectiveness: see llewellyn, "the normative, the legal and the law jobs", 49 yalel.j. (1940) 1355as well as the cheyenne way (with hoebel and recently re-printed by the university of oklahoma press). 11. see david hume who throughout his writings (e.g., a treatise of human nature, essays) emphasized the influence and impact of habit and custom on human reason and human affairs. on this and other matters bentham owed a debt to hume (see, inter alia, halevy, the growth of philosophic radicalism 2nd ed. (1952). 12. see, e.g. , ronald dworkin, taking rights seriously (duckworth, n. y., 1978). on the question of 'moml' rights, as opposed to 'natural' or 'human' rights, see infra. 3 the denning law journal reflective of certain features of human nature. thus this theory makes rights objective and assigns them on the basis of 'natural' criteria. it must select some set of basic rights most congruent with natural facts. to the query, "which natural facts?", the response must involve some set of the facts of human nature. of course this reasoning, strictly speaking, limits the range of rights to humans and only humans.13 it also makes whatever set of rights is ultimately chosen as being congruent with human nature one that is eternal; homo erectus, the greek slave, the serf of the middle ages and the ante-bel/urn black slave, all being humans, have and did have the same rights as any citizen of new york, london or tokyo (albeit the former may not have been aware of their rights nor have had those rights as well protected). context is irrelevant to this analysis. choose those aspects of 'humanness' that give rise to certain rights and everything else must follow; now, in the past, and in the future, regardless of any other factors. and which specific aspects of human nature give rise to these rights? is it our god-given soul? this presumes much, lacks a scientific foundation, and raises more questions than it answers. is it our ability to reason? presumably then, somewhere along the course of evolution, once a creature has the ability to reason it suddenly acquires a full complement of eternal rights (or at least rights lasting until the species loses the ability to reason). and this is true"even if that creature is unaware of its rights; even if the whole world is unaware of its rights; even if the creature is not human. such natural rights theories seem to fly in the face of experience. this is the more noteworthy as most adherents of the position put it forward as a descriptive, not merely prescriptive, theory. yet only in the most abstract of senses, if at all, can it be said that all humans possess the same rights, even in today's world. most people presently existing are not able to claim these many rights supposedly due to them 'as humans'. how can one possibly assert that roman slaves did have the right to free speech or that persian captives did have the right not to be sold as slaves by their greek captors or that many of today's cambodians, vietnamese or even aborigines do have the right to liberty, to happiness, to free speech or even to life? such talk is meaningless, simple nonsense. bentham was right because he saw that this sort of parlance in terms of rights is criterion less, a mere expression of faith. there are others who defend non-legal rights on a different ground altogether, on the basis of a social contract. what rules and rights for social living .would people accept, or might they have accepted, if they set aside subjective biases and 13. it is submitted that one of the practical limitations of 'rights discourse' is here exemplified with reference to animal welfare concerns. forcing those concerned with the plight of animals to conduct their dialogue in terms of natural rights, or human rights, not only clouds the essential point that animals should never be made to suffer more than we, as humans, have determined to be absolutely necessary which, in itself, leaves open the question why humans should have this power. it also suggests that animals, as non-human species, perhaps lack certain of mankind's 'inherent' rights; the unspoken, indeed ineffable, conclusion being that their unnecessary suffering may be justifiable. conversely talk in terms of'animal rights' forces proponents to the verge of saying that all living beings have rights by virtue of being alive. experience, not to mention most dinner plates, shows that such claims are nowhere respected. is talk in such terms helpful or useful? 4 what's right about rights formed a detached judgement on the question? one is asked to imaginel4 a fictitious negotiation, a priori, in which humans, not knowing what their future position or status in the society will be, reach a unanimous agreement on what rights and distributions all of them will enjoy. we are told they can reach this agreement based on principled self-interest and reason. given certain premises that all reasonable beings would surely accept (e.g., that with one's future place in the hierarchy uncertain, everyone would choose the fullest degree of liberty applicable to all as well as the greatest possible distribution of wealth which did not unduly hamper productivity),15 one can move deductively to a set of rules and therefore rights to govern society. but how can it be said that a priori, or even in the light of experience, there are any premises on which every self-interested person would agree? does this mesh with our experience of the diversity of human nature? does this presume rationality and if so why? and, moreover, why is it in fact irrational to take chances on one's future, particularly if one has calculated the odds and they appear favourable? are liberty and self-respect really, a priori, to be preferred over wealth and material comforts? surely there are no universally agreed premises from which anything further can be deduced. thus if social contract theory is defensible at all it ought really to be couched in terms of majorities, with all the attendant difficulties that brings with it.16 even if, somehow, unanimity could be achieved in some big meeting taking place before time itself, why should the rules and rights formulated by the forefathers bind forever the progeny? this type of justification for non-legal rights throws responsibility for today's binding 'agreements' back onto those who came. before today, rather than making those actually in the society responsible for how it is set up. it lays the foundation for these rights by invoking the notion of'justice', based on some unreal negotiation, when it is far from clear or uncontroversial what justice is or how it can usefully be employed. "to invoke justice is the same thing as banging on the table: an emotional expression which turns one's demand into an absolute postulate. that is no proper way to mutual understanding. it is impossible to have a rational discussion with a man who mobilises 'justice', because he says nothing that can be argued for or against. his words are persuasion, not argument. the ideology of justice leads to implacability and conflict ... it precludes all rational argument and discussion of a settlement."i? 14. see john rawls, a theory of justice (oxford university press, 1973) for the most recent formulation of this approach where purportedly neutral people, unaware of the empirical world and their future place in it, strike a deal behind a so-called 'veil of ignorance'. the seminal works on social contract theory belong to locke and rousseau. 15. because, it is said, rational, self-interested people behind a veil of ignorance would not take chances with their future lot. 16. unscientific talk and speculation of majority preferences tend to wreak of the personal preferences of the speaker. 17. aif ross, on law and justice (1958), pp.274-75. 5 the denning law journal lastly, and perhaps most tellingly, social contract theory is suspect because no such negotiation about rights and distributions ever took place! thus a fiction has been introduced by the adherents of this theory. but why is a fiction needed? rules and rights grew up gradually, by custom, habit, trial and error, as humans slowly organized into ever larger and more complex social systems to capitalize on the benefits for security, production, and defence that communal living brings. why resort to a fiction, in this instance a prevarication, when the facts do not require it? fictions are properly used to help categorize and conceptualize experience, not to fly in its face. so if the warrant for the existence of non-legal rights, either in the form of natural rights theories or social contract theories, seems unconvincing then where is one left? moreover, is it possible that an ideology, such as that surrounding natural rights, might be illogical or indefensible on strictly rational grounds and yet productive of much good? do 'natural rights' and 'social contract' theories sow doubts which may reap a subsequent harvest of the outright rejection of all rights-based claims? the notion of rights this paper propounds conceives of a right as a man-made concept, a human artefact, which may be used to promote chosen ends, for example to create greater societal harmony or fairness. this is a welfare linked, consequentialist view of rights. admittedly many people view rights and utility as antithetical, combatants filled with mutual anathema, on the ground that pursuing the general welfare inevitably means doing so at the expense of individuals. yet if it could be shown that enforcing certain prescribed rights is desirable and promotes selected goals of general welfare better than permitting the unchecked pursuit of goals or policies, 18 there would be no conflict. all conceptions of rights, either legal or non-legal, have in common the notion that rights act as constraints on the pursuit of goals. thus it is, for example, that the right to free speech may occasionally clash with governmental policies aimed at greater social and racial harmony. how then can it be said that the existence of rights could better promote certain general welfare goals? the answer is paradoxical. the goals and policies of human beings and their institutions are sometimes, perhaps often, mistaken or flawed. knowing this to be true it is quite justifiable to curb a government's unqualified pursuit of ends or goals. it is a recognition of mankind's, or reason's, limitations. were we omniscient and infallible it would be rational never to obstruct, in any way, the pursuit of goals leading to greater general welfare. but we recognize our limitations, leading to a rational irrationality of sorts. experience of our species' failings leads to the awareness that recognizing certain rights or constraints on the pursuit of general goals will produce more welfare than if those rights were not recognized. their recognition will, on the whole, sufficiently limit errors and produce security and fairness to outweigh the possible success of well-intentioned policies. on this view, we should talk in terms of and adopt 18. that this is possible depends on the perception of human nature as neither inherently bad nor inherently good as well as a recognition that irrationality has some role in affairs human. 6 what's right about rights certain rights because they enhance the functioning of society or red~ce the risk of it going awry. we adopt a rights approach even though we know these specified rights will sometimes over-rule policies designed for, and potentially productive of, the general welfare. nevertheless, our received wisdom has taught us that our society is better off by providing for certain rights. 19 such rights may be illogical, in that they block policies which are intended for society's benefit. however, knowing what we do of tyranny, ineptitude, fallibility, and even good intentions, we choose to construct certain roadblocks all the same. this welfare based view of rights is not divorced from experience; it does not create eternal, objective rights; it does not link rights to some intangible, mysterious quality emanating from human beings; it does not rely on fictitious agreements between fictitious people which bind real people in real circumstances; it may deliberately tie the hands of some of its officials in their pursuit of efficiency but it does this when experience shows that a particular society is better off in the long haul with certain officials having one hand tied behind their backs; it does not indulge in 'cultural imperialism' by imposing, under the guise of universal abstractions, the standards of one society on a differently developed society; it allows one, at least partially, to taste the overpowering draught of a belief in rights without waking up with a hangover! this prescriptive view of how we should envisage and utilize rights and rightsterminology meshes well with our historical and empirical understanding. it recognizes that rules develop first with communal living. such rules in some way provide for obligations and concomitant rights. as a particular social group evolves so too do the rules that keep it together and thus the attendant obligations and rights. such a view of rights need not say there are only legal rights. it simply denies that there are the criterionless, so-called 'natural' or 'human' rights. the question of whether 'moral rights' might exist is left open. all that is demanded is that somehow moral rules be established first. if the view is taken that there are valid moral rules, either to which all could possibly agree20or which flow from some moral principle,21 then bentham's logical point that rights pre-suppose rules and obligations would be met. 19. this conception of rights is closely analogous to the view of democracy, not as the best possible system of government, but as the least bad; i. e., human nature being what it is, and power having a seemingly magnetic hold on rulers, democracy in this view is better than other forms of government because it allows the governed a regular opportunity to pass judgement on, even to throw out, an existing government with all the concomitant advantages such a threat carries with it (cf the economist, april 23-29, 1988, special article by karl popper.) such a view avoids mawkishness and undue adulation while recognizing the inefficiencies, compromises, slow reactions and short-term thinking that comes with democracy. 20. e.g. , that all promises should be kept or that killing is never justified. 21. e.g., utility. however there are serious problems with basing rights conceptions on utilitarian grounds as is explored and elucidated by h.l.a. hart in essays on bentham (clarendon press, 1982), ch.iv, particularly pp. 84-87. 'utilitarian entitlements' differ from what is thought of as non-legal rights because they: a) fluctuate with changing circumstances; b) signify 'ought' rather than 'must'; and c) do not create coercive sanctions. 7 the denning law journal to turn back now to discuss bentham's other barb "nonsense upon stilts".22 this refers to claims that certain rights, even be they legal rights, not only exist but are absolute, imprescriptible and boast an unending, unchangeable right to exist. but how can this be? at most there could only ever be one absolute right because when two allegedly absolute rights were to clash, one would have to give way. moreover, so called 'absolute rights' may conflict with one another, or, the same absolute right may conflict with itself in two or more different people meaning that one party who was owed this 'absolute right' would not be able to have it enforced. on the other hand, if all rights are man-made then no-one could prescribe imprescriptibility. we may want to set high hurdles to the removing or foregoing of specific rights but to purport to forbid future legislators from ever tampering with them under any circumstances is ludicrous, "nonsense upon stilts". a theory of rights which admits that a very high degree of consensus indeed may be required to dispense with society's most valued rights is different in kind from one which purports to shout "never". the doctrine of omnipresent, inalienable rights has no place in the real world of day-to-day social living. in his anarchical fallacies bentham also asserted that appeals to natural rights are sometimes "mischievous nonsense". the "mischievous nonsense" epitaph refers to the tendency that proclamations of universal rights have in exciting the dissocial passions by providing the purported justific:ations for disobedience to any government or measure an individual happens not to like. by conflating 'law as it is' and 'law as it ought to be'23 declarations of universal rights confuse law and a particular version of morality, allowing 'ought' and 'ought not' to take the place of 'is' and 'is not' in respect of the binding force and effect of laws. the anarchist is thus enabled to say, "this ought not to be the law, therefore it is not, so i am free not merely to censure but to disregard it." obversely, the reactionary is enabled to say, "this is the law, therefore it is what it ought to be and no criticism is valid. "24 in conclusion, it is suggested that prescribed rights, when understood functionally and not cloaked in emotive language, do have a significant role to play in our society. what is really at stake is preventing government from abusing its powers. the question of whether talk of natural rights is illogical and yet has been productive of good in human affairs and what such an admission would signifyis left for some future time. in any event, today's tendency to conduct all moral and political discourse in the lingua franca of rights is misplaced. as bentham said: "reasons for wishing there were such things as rights are not rights: a reason for wishing that a certain right were established is not that right want is not supplyhunger is not bread. "25 22. supra, p.3. 23. see hart, essays in jurisprudence and philosophy, supra n.2, essay 2, "positivism and the separation of law and morals", for an excellem defence of the distinction. 24. ibid, p.53 cf. introduction to the principles of morals and legislation, concluding note, paragraphs 26 and 27. 25. works ii, 501. 8 what's right about rights doubtless the current predominance of rights will ebb in the course of time. what the cause of that decline will be one would not hazard to predict. perhaps america, that great moralizing nation and most enthusiastic embracer of the language of rights, will lose its foremost world position to countries with a more asian, less individ·ualistic perspective. perhaps a new utopian ideology or collectivism or community-ism will attract sufficient adherents. marx himself rejected rights because he saw that they pre-supposed a conflict between the individual and the collective an unacceptable presupposition in any utopian world view and because he believed that abstract equality at the level of 'rights' merely concealed the real economic power structure. again, perhaps liberalism will continue its retreat. classic liberalism and the debate of political and moral questions in terms of rights are closely interwoven. both are founded on presumptions of rationality, individualism and progress (i. e., the u.s. world-view writ large). today these three presumptions are under attack on all sides. finally, perhaps a cynicism will come to the fore and it will be asked what 'rights' have given the vast majority born into subjection and poverty, not freedom of any real kind. if there be an eventual lessening in the importance of rights terminology, one hopes that a clear understanding of the logic and functioning of rights will preserve their benefits so that only the excesses are lost. in the meantime, it must be admitted that in most western societies today it is power-conferring to be able to claim a right. indeed, in the west it is still the ideal language in which ethnic minorities and women can express their claims. all the same, though, it is counter-productive to speak solely in terms of rights. far too many people today speak and act, even think, as though rights were things; as though rights could exist before and without corresponding rules and duties; as though all rights were absolute and imprescriptible; as though rights were given mankind, with his soul, by god; as though it were never misleading to inject rights terminology into every debate; and as though all these misconceptions could not possibly infect an otherwise healthy and useful tool. 9 51 denning law journal 2018 vol 30 special issue pp 51-77 the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis john hatchard* * professor of law, buckingham law school; co-director, university of buckingham centre for extractive energy studies. 1 transparency international (ti kenya) v attorney general [2018] eklr [5] (mwita j). 2 gouriet v union of post office workers [1977] 1 qb 729, 762 (lord denning) quoting the words of thomas fuller. 3 see for example the african charter on democracy, elections and governance, article 10 which provides that ‘state parties shall entrench the principle of the supremacy of the constitution in the political organization of the state’. ‘the ally of the people’1 ‘be you ever so high, the law is above you’2 abstract the auditor general plays a key role in the constitutional framework that is designed to support good governance. this article critically reviews the constitutional position of the auditor general. it assesses the extent to which, in practice, office-holders enjoy the necessary individual and institutional independence and security of tenure to enable them to carry out their constitutional mandate, especially in the face of efforts by some political leaders and senior public officials (‘politically exposed persons’ (peps)) to abuse their position through acts of corruption and misuse of public office. it also explores the effectiveness of the support and accountability mechanisms for auditors general. in doing so, the article reviews the position of the auditor general in the constitutions of a number of anglophone african states. keywords: auditor general; constitutional role of; individual and institutional independence of; politically exposed persons; anglophone african constitutions. introduction the constitution is the supreme law of a state3 and as a former chief justice of south africa, justice ismail mohammed, once observed, it is not simply a document which mechanically defines the structures of government and the relations between the government and the governed, but it is: 52 the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis [a] mirror reflecting the national soul, the identification of the ideals and aspirations of a nation; the articulation of the values binding its people and disciplining its government.4 the words ‘disciplining its government’ emphasise that whilst constitutional office-holders enjoy significant powers and privileges, they are bound to act in accordance with its ‘good governance’ values that include integrity, transparency and accountability.5 the legislature traditionally plays an oversight role over the executive in such matters. in reality this has proved of limited value, not least due to the dominance of the ruling party in many countries. thus modern constitutions now often enshrine a range of independent watchdog bodies each enjoying a distinct mandate designed to secure good governance. for example, offices of the ombudsman investigate complaints from members of the public into alleged maladministration by public officials, anti-corruption commissions work to prevent corruption in the public service whilst human rights commissions provide a vehicle for individuals to seek redress against public officials for a breach of their constitutional rights. added to this list is the auditor general whose constitutional mandate is to audit and to report annually to the legislature on the use of public funds. including the auditor general in this framework of ‘state institutions supporting constitutional democracy’6 emphasises that this is not an isolated and somewhat remote office but part of a scheme that is designed to ensure that the good governance values enshrined in the constitution apply to the daily administration of the country at all levels. in essence, such institutions form an additional branch of government. this article critically reviews the constitutional position of the auditor general. it assesses the extent to which, in practice, the office-holders enjoy the necessary individual and institutional independence and security of tenure to enable them to carry out their constitutional mandate, especially in the face of efforts by some political leaders and senior public officials (hereinafter ‘politically 4 state v acheson [1991] (2) sa 805 (nm) 813, a-b. see also the comments of the supreme court of ghana in taffour v attorney general [1980] glr 637, 647–48. 5 see for example the constitution of kenya, article 10 and the preamble to the constitution of zimbabwe. 6 a phrase used to describe such institutions in the constitution of south africa 1996, ch 9. the denning law journal 53 exposed persons’7 (peps)) to abuse their position through acts of corruption and misuse of public office. it also explores the effectiveness of the support and accountability mechanisms for auditors general. in doing so, the article reviews the position of the auditor general in the constitutions of a number of anglophone african states (collectively referred to as the ‘constitutions’).8 these have been chosen as most are based on the westminster export model constitution and, although much amended or replaced, still share a similar structure. the article is divided into the following parts. part 1 explores the constitutional role of the auditor general in maintaining transparency and accountability in public finances whilst part 2 considers the basic provisions for developing an effective auditing role. parts 3 and 4 then analyse the constitutional provisions in support of individual and institutional autonomy of the office and office-holder. part 5 examines the mechanisms to support and oversee the work of the auditor general whilst part 6 assesses the constitutional provisions for the removal of the auditor general. part 7 then provides a conclusion. part 1: the constitutional role of the auditor general in maintaining transparency and accountability in public finances i) the challenge of peps the history of corruption and the looting of state assets by african peps is a long and depressing one. the well-documented case of sani abacha highlights to challenge facing many states. abacha was the head of state in nigeria (and thus a pep) who had seized power in a military coup in 1993. between 1992 and 1998 he and his family accumulated wealth at an extraordinary rate, including extracting huge sums from the central bank of nigeria by raising a series of demands for 7 for the purposes of this article, the term ‘peps’ refers to ‘individuals who are or have been entrusted domestically with prominent public functions, for example heads of state or of government, senior politicians, senior government, judicial or military officials, senior executives of state owned corporations, important political party officials’: see financial action task force international standards on combating money laundering and the financing of terrorism & proliferation: the fatf recommendations (2012) glossary. 8 examples are drawn from ghana, kenya, malawi, namibia, nigeria, south africa, uganda, zambia and zimbabwe. however, it is not the intention of the article to consider the constitutional position of the auditor general in each jurisdiction. 54 funds to meet spurious national security needs.9 frederick chiluba, the then president of zambia, later used the same ‘national security’ tactic to loot state funds.10 other well-known cases involve theft of state development funds by diepreye alamieyeseigha, a former state governor of bayelsa state in nigeria,11 the inflation of the price of government contracts by mahmoud thiam, a former minister of mines in guinea12 and the widespread abuse of public funds by teodoro obiang, the son of the president of equatorial guinea. as a result, countless people throughout africa have been (and remain) victims of a breakdown of basic infrastructure and public services. there are ongoing efforts recover the proceeds of corruption that were laundered abroad and for their return to the victim states, albeit this remains work in progress. whilst such efforts are laudable, less attention has been paid to preventing such criminality by peps in the ‘victim’ states themselves. what is striking about each of the above cases is the seeming lack of any accountability of the peps for their actions due to the failure of (or lack of) effective constitutional accountability mechanisms. this is not surprising given that peps are the most powerful political individuals in any state and can ‘control the controls’. for example, by preventing, or undermining, domestic investigations into corruption and money laundering and controlling the operation of international cooperation mechanisms designed to trace the proceeds of corruption.13 they are often assisted in their criminality by powerful banking and other financial institutions through which the proceeds of corruption are laundered as well as by imaginative and inventive professional money launderers.14 the task of preventing such criminality by peps is therefore a daunting one but the suitably adapted words of lord denning (quoted above) suggest how this can be done: ‘be you ever so high, the constitution is above you’. thus the 9 much of the activity of the abacha family members is described in the case of companie naga d’importation sa v australia and newzealand banking group queen’s bench division (comm) 27 february 2001 (unreported). upheld on appeal [2003] ewca civ 1101. 10 the facts are set out in attorney general of zambia v meer care and desai [2007] ewhc 952 (peter smith j). see also the discussion below. 11 see nigeria v santolina investment corp [2007] ewhc 3053 (qb). 12 the facts appear in united states of america v thiam: government’s sentencing memorandum 25 august 2017 accessed 3 october 2018. 13 john hatchard, combating corruption: legal approaches to supporting good governance and integrity in africa (edward elgar 2014) 279 et seq. 14 see generally the report by the financial action task force professional money laundering (fatf 2018). the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 55 challenge is to develop and maintain effective constitutional accountability mechanisms that are capable of holding peps to account for their use (or abuse) of public finances. this is the onerous and challenging role played by the auditor general. ii) the ‘ally of the people’ article 10 of the united nations convention against corruption (uncac) emphasises the need for each state party to take the necessary measures ‘in accordance with the fundamental principles of its domestic law’, to ‘enhance transparency in its public administration, including with regard to its organisation, functioning and decision-making processes, where appropriate’. this includes taking steps to ensure fiscal integrity, transparency and accountability in government and the public service. further the uncac conference of states parties (the cosp) has acknowledged that ‘efficient, accountable and transparent service delivery is one of the key components in building an anti-corruption environment in the public sector’.15 the key role played by auditors general in enhancing this goal is echoed in article ix of the commonwealth principles16 which were endorsed by commonwealth heads of government in 2003. as yilmaz and beris have pointed out, accountability addresses a number of elements including providing for transparency in the use of public funds and public accessibility to such information.17 however, the key to accountability is ‘control’. this requires an independent audit body or bodies to ensure fiscal integrity, i.e. that the powers of such office-holders are not abused or misused and that there is accountability for retaining ‘sound and transparent public expenditure and financial management systems’.18 this has the dual purpose of both encouraging 15 cosp resolution 6/6 2015, follow-up to the marrakech declaration on the prevention of corruption (2015), preamble. all the african states discussed in this article are state parties to the uncac. 16 commonwealth (latimer house) principles on the accountability of and relationship between the three branches of government. article ix states ‘independent bodies such as … auditors general … and similar oversight institutions can play a key role in enhancing public awareness of good governance and rule of law issues’. 17 serder yilmaz and yakup beris ‘good governance and the emergence of a new accountability agenda’ in gabor peteri (ed), finding the money: public accountability and service efficiency through fiscal transparency (local government and public service reform initiative, open society initiative, 2008) 30. 18 ibid. 56 ‘ethical behaviour by making unethical behaviour hard to accomplish and easy to detect’ and helping to bring to light any abuse of power.19 the position of auditor general is enshrined in all the constitutions20 and as the supreme audit authority, the office-holder has responsibility for auditing on an annual basis the accounts of all government and other state institutions,21 publishing an annual report and submitting this to the legislature for scrutiny and debate. thus the office-holder is the key constitutional figure in overseeing the proper use of public resources and, if necessary, of publicly exposing any abuse of public funds. this role is neatly explained by mwita j in transparency international (ti kenya) v attorney general:22 … [t]he auditor general is an ally of the people. while parliament is the peoples’ representative, the auditor general provides parliament with accurate and independently derived audit information on state organs and public bodies expenditure [and] thus ensures that there is public sector accountability.23 the effective performance of this responsibility is neatly highlighted in two cases. in 2017 a report by the zambian auditor general alleged that officials in the ministry of education had diverted donor funds provided for poverty alleviation projects into off-shore bank accounts through the use of shell companies. this revelation led to the united kingdom, ireland, finland and sweden suspending aid for the project to zambia whilst a number of senior peps were dismissed by the zambian president, edgar lungu.24 in 2013, forensic investigations by malawi’s auditor general uncovered the fact that significant amounts of government money had been misappropriated by a number of peps in what became known as the ‘cashgate scandal’. this quickly led to a major investigation (which is ongoing) which revealed that ‘some highly and strategically placed politicians and public/civil servants conspired to defraud 19 ibid. 20 thus a statutory provision referring to the auditor general as the ‘statutory’ head of the office violates the constitution: see the ti kenya (n 1) [83]. 21 see for example constitution of kenya, article 226(3). 22 ti kenya (n 1) [5]. the case is considered in detail below. 23 in the case of re the matter of the independent electoral and boundaries commission of kenya [2011] eklr, the supreme court of kenya also helpfully described independent commissions and bodies such as the office of the auditor general as ‘people’s watchdogs’: [59]. 24 bbc news report dated 18 september 2018. the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 57 the government of malawi of large sums of money’.25 as mr justice kapindu neatly put it: in september 2013, gates to what was meant to be a clandestine and non-detectable criminal syndicate of fraudsters and money launderers were flung open. information revealing an unprecedented fiscal scandal gradually unfolded in a manner an unsuspecting observer would have been forgiven to think was a masterfully scripted piece of fiction. it was a shocking reality. billions of kwacha had been embezzled from the national fiscus by some unscrupulous people.26 part 2: towards an effective auditing role requiring auditors general to ‘exercise their powers and perform their functions without fear, favour or prejudice’ is a constitutional imperative.27 yet the zambian and malawian cases illustrate the point made by the constitutional court of south africa that the work of the auditor general ‘inherently entails the investigation of sensitive and potentially embarrassing affairs of government’,28 and those of peps in particular. in order to enable auditors general to carry out their constitutional role of effective public sector auditing, eight core principles (the core principles) were recognised in the mexico declaration on supreme audit authority independence (the mexico declaration).29 these cover issues relating to independence, security of tenure, investigative powers, and unrestricted access to information. these core principles are noted throughout this article.30 i) establishing and maintaining an independent office core principle 2 states that the independence of the auditor general is an essential requirement for proper public sector auditing. this emphasises the fundamental 25 republic v lutepo [2015] mwhc 491(high court of malawi) (kapindu j) [7]. 26 lutepo (n 25 [1]). 27 constitution of south africa 1996, article 181(2). 28 quoting from ex parte chairperson of the constitutional assembly: in re certification of the constitution of the republic of south africa, 1996 [1996] zacc 26, 1996 (4) sa 744 (cc), 1996 (10) bclr 1253 (cc) (first certification) [163]. 29 agreed at the xix congress of the international organization of supreme audit authorities (intosai). 30 the african organization of supreme audit institutions collaborates with the intosai. 58 requirement of enshrining the independence of the office and office-holder in the constitution and is discussed in part 4 below. ii) providing ‘a sufficiently broad mandate’31 in carrying out their constitutional role effectively, auditors-general must be empowered to audit all state bodies or public entities. in some constitutions, the specific bodies and entities are listed.32 for example, the article 187(2) of the constitution of ghana provides: the public accounts of ghana and of all public offices, including the courts, the central and local government administrations, of the universities and public institutions of like nature, of any public corporation or other body or organisation established by an act of parliament shall be audited and reported on by the auditor-general. similarly, article 188(1) of the constitution of south africa provides: the auditor-general must audit and report on the accounts, financial statements and financial management of (a) all national and provincial state departments and administrations; (b) all municipalities; and (c) any other institution or accounting entity required by national or provincial legislation to be audited by the auditor-general. a key to a successful audit is unrestricted access to all relevant documentation or premises.33 this is emphasised in article 187(3) of the constitution of ghana: … [t]he auditor-general or any person authorised or appointed for the purpose by the auditor-general shall have access to all books, records, returns and other documents relating or relevant to those accounts. access to sensitive ‘national security’ information provides a particular challenge for, as noted earlier, there are several examples where peps have stolen state assets under the cover of spurious ‘national security’ needs. this focuses attention on the extent to which auditors general enjoy in practice the 31 core principle 3. 32 for a useful discussion on the scope of the auditor general’s powers, see khumalo v auditor general [2013] szhc 56 (high court of swaziland). 33 core principle 4 refers to ‘unrestricted access to information’. the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 59 ‘unrestricted access to information’ required for carrying out their functions,34 including that relating to expenditure on ‘national security’. this was the focus in the high court of kenya case of transparency international (ti kenya) v attorney general.35 iii) the ti case in this important case, the petitioners submitted that a number of sections of the public audit act 2015 (paa) were unconstitutional both in purpose and effect as they tended to ‘interfere with the independence and mandate of the auditor general, an independent constitutional office’.36 the constitution of kenya provides, amongst other things, that the auditor general is ‘subject only to the constitution and the law and independent and not subject to direction or control by any person or authority’.37 further, that in carrying his/her constitutional mandate the ‘auditor-general may audit and report on the accounts of any entity that is funded from public funds’ (my emphasis) and ‘an audit report shall confirm whether or not public money has been applied lawfully and in an effective way’.38 one provision of the paa that was challenged was section 40. mwita j noted the section required the auditor general ‘to hold a pre-audit meeting at the highest level to agree on areas to audit and the appropriate audit approach when auditing national security organs and even allows vetting of officers to conduct the audit’.39 in addition, he noted that section 42 of the paa barred the auditor general from questioning government policy objectives during audits. in an impressive and thoughtful judgment, mwita j declared these sections unconstitutional. having discussed the constitutional provisions relating to the independence of the auditor general he continued: flowing from the exposition above, it leaves no doubt on the unconstitutionality of sections 40 and 42 of the act…. the auditor general has a constitutional obligation under article 229(4)(h) to audit and report on the accounts of state organs public bodies and any entity funded by public money. this cannot be done if the auditor general has to seek permission by holding meetings with 34 core principle 4. 35 petition 388 of 2016; [2018] eklr. 36 ti kenya (n 1) [77]. 37 article 249(2). 38 articles 229(5), (6). 39 ti kenya (n 1) [118]. 60 higher authorities as proposed by section 40 before carrying out the audit. subjecting officers to vetting before audit would leave room for state organs and public bodies to decide who to audit them. as regards the limitations imposed in section 42, as mwita j explained: the auditor general cannot also confirm the viability of the policy objectives funded by the people of kenya when section 42 suggests that he should not question policy objectives funded by the people. this has the effect of stifling his independence. a statute cannot seek to impose conditions on the auditor general’s audit approaches when the constitution gives him mandate to do his work without direction or control from any person or authority. this violates national values and principles of governance including integrity, transparency and accountability in article 10 and financial openness in article 201 of the constitution. (emphasis added)40 it followed that the wide constitutional mandate of the auditor general included the right to scrutinise spending by all entities that were publicly funded and this included the national intelligence service, the kenya defence force and the national police service. given the vast sums of money lost by states when national security becomes a veil for corrupt activity by peps, requiring transparency in spending on ‘national security’ is a milestone in seeking to address such criminality.41 understandably public confidence and trust in national security financing requires an appropriate balance between secrecy and transparency. this emphasises the importance of having a demonstrably independent appointee holding the office of auditor general. the case also emphasises the supremacy of the constitution. thus any attempt to undermine or restrict the constitutional role and powers of the auditor general by legislation must be declared unconstitutional. it also recognises the role of the auditor general as the ‘ally of the people’ and emphasises the role of the 40 ti kenya (n 1) [118–19]. constitution of kenya, article 10 states: ‘the national values and principles of governance in this article bind all state organs, state officers, public officers and all persons’ when carrying out their public functions. these include ‘good governance, integrity, transparency and accountability’. 41 for a helpful discussion on this area, see transparency international (uk) report ‘out of the shadows: promoting openness and accountability in the global defence industry’ (2016) accessed 25 october 2018. the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 61 office-holder as an independent watchdog body. further it demonstrates the role of civil society organisations in supporting and publicising the work of such constitutional bodies. it is of interest that the locus standi of the petitioners in the ti case was not questioned. in attorney general for zambia v meer care and desai42 peter smith j in the high court of england and wales was satisfied that the auditor general in zambia had the power to scrutinise defence procurement contracts. the position in the other african jurisdictions is not clear. perhaps it is time for the civil society organisations in those jurisdictions to follow the lead of ti kenya and test the matter in the courts. part 3: constitutional provisions in support of individual and institutional autonomy i: the appointment process as with other oversight bodies, it is essential that the appointment of the auditor general is made through a demonstrably fair and transparent procedure. this is essentially a confidence-building exercise for government, public officials, citizens, civil society and donors alike in the integrity, independence and competence of the appointee. whilst considerable attention has been paid in modern constitutions to the appointment process of members of other oversight bodies, the position of the auditor general often remains unsatisfactory. there are three key issues here: (i) the qualifications for appointment; (ii) the nomination process; and (iii) the appointment process itself. i) qualifications for appointment curiously, few of the constitutions lay down any specific qualifications for appointment. in south africa the auditor general must be ‘… a fit and proper person to hold that office. specialised knowledge of, or experience in, auditing, state finances and public administration must be given due regard in appointing the auditor-general’.43 more specifically, in kenya the auditor general must ‘have extensive knowledge of public finance or at least ten years’ experience in auditing or public finance management’.44 such a background is surely a prerequisite for any such appointment. 42 n 10. 43 section 193(3). 44 constitution of kenya, article 229(2). 62 ii) nominating the candidate for appointment in most of the constitutions it is the president who has the sole power to nominate the candidate.45 there is no justification for this position for it does not bring with it any confidence in the independence of the president’s choice. a preferable approach is for the nomination to emanate from a separate body. this is the position in nigeria46 and namibia47 where the recommendation for appointment is made by the federal civil service commission and public service commission respectively. of course, it raises the question as to the independence of the commissions themselves. thus in nigeria the commission comprises a chairman and not more than fifteen other members, who ‘shall, in the opinion of the president, be persons of unquestionable integrity and sound political judgment’.48 in namibia there is a stronger formulation. the public service commission consists of a ‘chairperson and not less than three nor more than six other persons nominated by the president and appointed by the national assembly by resolution’. it ‘shall be independent and act impartially’.49 there is no provision for any public involvement in the nomination process. iii) the appointment process the constitutions contain a variety of procedures concerning the appointment process albeit with the legislature being involved in most jurisdictions.50 the most common procedure is for the president to appoint the auditor general ‘with the approval of the legislature’51 or ‘subject to ratification’ by the legislature.52 this is a weak approach for the president is able to hand-pick their chosen candidate and then have the (normally) cooperative legislature 45 it is recognised that separate legislation may make provision for the selection process but it is argued that the appointment process is so fundamental that it must be enshrined in the constitution to avoid any weakening of the procedure by subsequent legislation. 46 constitution of nigeria, section 86(1); constitution of namibia, article 127(1). 47 constitution of namibia, article 32(3)(i). 48 constitution of nigeria, 3rd sch, para 10. 49 constitution of namibia, article 112(3). there is also a concern that the bodies making the recommendation are themselves subject to scrutiny by the auditor general. 50 in ghana, article 70(1) of the constitution provides: ‘the president shall, acting in consultation with the council of state, appoint … the auditor-general’. given the presidential influence over the council, this does not hold out strong hopes of an independent assessment of the matter. 51 for example in namibia, uganda, zimbabwe and kenya. 52 for example in zambia. the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 63 rubber-stamp the appointment by a simple majority. a stronger formulation is found in the constitution of malawi which provides that the appointment must be confirmed by the national assembly by a majority of the members present and voting.53 in south africa the support of at least 60 per cent of the members of the national assembly is required.54 the rationale for such a requirement was noted by mogoeng cj in the constitutional court of south africa in helen suzman foundation v president of the republic of south africa and others: 55 … [i]n the case of the public protector and auditor-general the constitution goes further, requiring that the recommendation be approved by a supermajority. these are the two institutions of accountability whose gaze … is fixed firmly on the political branches; their task ‘inherently entails investigation of sensitive and potentially embarrassing affairs of government’56. in nigeria the appointment is subject to confirmation by the senate57 which has the power to reject a presidential nomination.58 the role of the auditor general as the ‘ally of the people’ raises the issue of public involvement in the appointment process. regrettably, the only constitution to address this important point is the constitution of south africa where section 194(6) provides that the ‘involvement of civil society in the recommendation process [for the appointment of the auditor general] may be provided for as envisaged in section 59(1)’. section 59(1) states that ‘the national assembly must … facilitate public involvement in the legislative and other processes of the assembly and its committees’. all of the constitutions provide that the president formally appoints the auditor general. this is unexceptional. however, the current procedure for appointment in most constitutions arguably provides the president with far too 53 section 184(1). 54 article 193(5). 55 [2014] zacc 32, 2015 (1) bclr 1 (cc), 2015 (2) sa 1 (cc) [159]. 56 quoting from ex parte chairperson of the constitutional assembly: in re certification of the constitution of the republic of south africa, 1996 (n 28) [163]. 57 constitution of nigeria, section 86(1). 58 in december 2016, the senate rejected the nomination by president buhari of ibrahim magu as the chairman of the economic and financial crimes commission based on an adverse ‘security report’ from the state security service. the power of the senate to do so was upheld by the abuja federal high court in ojamo v attorney general of the federation of nigeria (2018 unreported). 64 much influence, especially given the perceived weakness of the legislature in many jurisdictions. if the auditor general is to be, and be seen by the public as being, an ‘ally of the people’ whose mission as an independent constitutional office-holder is to protect public finances, then there must be confidence in the transparency and reliability of the appointment process. arguably the objective is the same as with judicial appointments: i.e. to appoint ‘a professionally competent person of proven integrity’ with candidates being drawn from as wide a pool as possible. it follows that restricting the nomination process to the president is unacceptable and that there should be an opportunity for the public involvement in the process. part 4: constitutional provisions in support of individual and institutional autonomy ii: administrative and financial autonomy article 187(7) of the constitution of ghana neatly encapsulates the independence of the auditor general: ‘in the performance of his functions under this constitution or any other law the auditor-general … shall not be subject to the direction or control of any other person or authority…’59 the office and office-holder must therefore be entirely independent of government60 including the public service commission (psc),61 a key point as the psc itself is subject to the audit process. i) financial autonomy core principle 8 states that an auditor general requires: ‘financial and managerial/ administrative autonomy and the availability of appropriate human, material and monetary resources’. this means that the administrative expenses of the office of 59 ti kenya (n 1) [117]: mwita j also noted that ‘as the [holder] of an independent office, he is subject only to the constitution and the law and is not subject to direction or control of any person or authority’. 60 the point was also emphasised in thomas v attorney general of trinidad and tobago [1982] ac 113, 124 (lord diplock), where he observed that the purpose of such provisions was to insulate members from political interference exercised directly upon them by the government of the day. 61 a point specifically made in the constitution of namibia, article 127(3). the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 65 the auditor general must be charged on the consolidated fund.62 it also follows that the recruitment of staff and other staffing matters are solely a matter for the office-holder and thus the public service commission plays no part in the process. in essence, ‘… the workings of the auditor general including recruitment and discipline cannot be subject to the public service commission or any other authority’ and any provision to the contrary violates such independence.63 the importance of the point is illustrated by the fact that in several countries ‘advisory boards’ have been established which threaten this independence. for example, in kenya, the audit advisory board (aab) was established by the public audit act 2015, its principle function being to ‘advise the auditor general on how to discharge his/her mandate under the constitution’. in the ti case, mwita j highlighted the independence of the auditor general which was enshrined in article 249(2) and which provided that the office-holder is not under ‘the direction or control of any person or authority’.64 the role of the aab was therefore an ‘interference with his institutional and individual independence’ which altered the ‘constitutional architecture of the independent office of the auditor general and violated article 249(2)’.65 he therefore had no hesitation in declaring the provision inconsistent with the constitution of kenya. this is a most welcome ruling and should encourage civil society organisations in other jurisdictions to seek judicial review of the constitutionality of any domestic legislation adversely affecting the office of the auditor general. for ghana the matter is more complex in that the audit service board (asb) is established by article 189 of the constitution of ghana. its membership comprises (a) a chairman and four other members appointed by the president, acting in consultation with the council of state; (b) the auditor general; and (c) the head of the civil service or his representative.66 its functions directly impact on the independence of the auditor general. articles 189(2) and (3) provide that ‘the appointment of officers and other employees in the audit service, other than the auditor general, shall be made by the audit service board, acting in consultation with the public services commission’. articles 189(2) and (3) also provide that the asb ‘shall, acting in consultation with the public services commission … determine the terms and conditions of service 62 this includes all salaries, allowances, gratuities and pensions payable to or in respect of persons serving in the audit service: see for example article 187(14) constitution of ghana. 63 ti kenya (n 1) [88] (mwita j). see also [101]. 64 ti kenya (n 1) [114]. 65 ti kenya [116] (mwita j). 66 article 189(1). 66 of officers and other employees in the audit service’. these provisions constitute a direct interference with the institutional and individual independence of the auditor general and are inconsistent with article 187(7) of constitution of ghana which was noted earlier. this is another fruitful issue for a civil society organisation to take up in the courts. ii) security of tenure core principle 2 states that auditors general must enjoy security of tenure. inevitably, this is linked to the term of office for the incumbent. here the constitutions vary considerably. the majority provide for a fixed, non-renewable term with the length varying between five years and twelve years. in namibia the auditor general holds office for five years but is eligible for re-appointment.67 the danger of a fixed-term appointment is that the experience, expertise and public confidence in the office-holder is likely to be lost. further, given that there is no constitutional provision relating to the time-frame for appointment of a new office-holder, there may be a lengthy hiatus (deliberate or otherwise) before the new appointment is made by the president. this can significantly affect the operation and effectiveness of the office, especially where ongoing investigations into possible criminality by peps are concerned. the different approaches perhaps reflect the uncertainty as to the position of the auditor general. in practice the constitutions almost invariably provide for a fixed-term appointment to other ‘national institutions’. yet these are largely multimember bodies where a periodic change of membership is inevitable. as the work of the auditor general ‘inherently entails investigation of sensitive and potentially embarrassing affairs of government’ including any potential wrongdoing by peps, the office-holder is in a very different position from those in other national institutions.68 given this reality, arguably the office-holder must enjoy the same terms and conditions as that of a senior judge. suitable illustrations come from nigeria where the position of the auditor general is similar to that of a judge, i.e. she/he holds office until retiring age69 and from ghana where the auditor general is appointed until retirement age.70 67 article 127(1). 68 the same point applies to the appointment of the director of an anti-corruption commission. 69 section 87(2). 70 article 187(12). the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 67 part 5: supporting and overseeing the work of the auditor general the chiluba case illustrates the failure of an auditor general to perform his constitutional responsibilities. as noted earlier, the then president of zambia, frederick chiluba and several of his close associates (all peps) looted large sums of state money under the guise of national security needs through what was known as the zamtrop account. during the entire time the criminality was taking place, the auditor general remained inactive and also failed in his constitutional duty to make annual reports to parliament.71 as peter smith j explained in attorney general for zambia v meer care & desai: mr siame, the auditor general failed properly to exercise his duties or alternatively chose not to exercise the duties required of him probably because of the intimidatory nature of chungu [chiluba’s national security chief and co-conspirator] and the unwillingness of the auditor general to challenge him and thus the president.72 however, payments though the zamtrop account were still subject to scrutiny by the auditor general. yet, as peter smith j noted: there are provisions for the issue of certificates to the auditor general on a quarterly basis. i observe that there were indications of audit approvals in the early 1990s but none has been discovered for the period the subject matter of this action... this highlights the pressure peps can exert on auditors general and emphasises once again the significance of maintaining the independence of the office-holder and his/her staff. it also emphasises the need to ensure that effective ‘guarding of the guards’ safeguards are in place. i) the role of parliament reflecting core principle 5, i.e. the right and obligation to report on their work, a typical constitutional requirement is for the auditor general to submit his/her report to the legislature within a specified time period after the end of the preceding 71 see now constitution of zambia, article 121(4). 72 n 10. the payments were also facilitated through the bribery of a senior public official in the ministry of finance. 68 financial year. a specialist multi-party public accounts committee (or equivalent) is then to review the report and may call any ministers, public officials or others to explain any discrepancies. the annual report may be supplemented by ad hoc reports. the legislature is then required to debate the report of the auditor general and to make recommendations or give instructions for follow-up action.73 for example, article 229(8) of the constitution of kenya provides that ‘within three months after receiving an audit report, parliament … shall debate and consider the report and take appropriate action’.74 such a provision should be enshrined in every constitution. the chiluba case illustrates the challenge of making such scrutiny effective in practice. the auditor general was under a constitutional mandate to lay an annual report before parliament but never did so. parliamentarians failed to pursue this. thus whilst constitutional safeguards did exist their failure meant that chiluba and his associates were able to carry out their criminal conspiracy. in essence, through the intimidation or bribery of key public officials their criminality was hidden from view by the failure of the constitutional safeguards. 75 the extent to which parliamentary scrutiny is effective in practice is questionable. for example, a report published on behalf of the african parliamentarians network against corruption found that ‘too few african parliaments have effective committee systems, and it is rarely possible to properly scrutinise the behaviour of ministers or the senior civil servants who work with them’.76 this highlights two potential issues. first, the extent to which the appropriate expertise and experience is available in order for parliamentarians to assess and interpret the reports of the auditor general. second, given the reality 73 core principles 5–7 recognise (i) the right and obligation of supreme audit authorities to report on their work; (ii) the freedom both to decide the content and timing of audit reports and to publish and disseminate them; and (iii) the need for effective follow-up mechanisms on their recommendations. 74 see for example constitution of ghana, article 187(5) and (6) and constitution of nigeria, section 85(5). the constitution of kenya, article 229(8) provides that ‘within three months after receiving an audit report, parliament … shall debate and consider the report and take appropriate action’. 75 for another glaring example of a failure by a parliamentary committee to address a corruption issue, see roger tangri and andrew mwenda, ‘politics, donors and the ineffectiveness of anti-corruption institutions in uganda’ (2006) 44(1) journal of modern african studies, 101. 76 joanne davis parliamentarians and corruption in africa: the challenge of leadership and the practice of politics (the parliamentary centre, ottawa 2009). the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 69 of executive control over parliamentary business, whether there is the commitment or ability on the part of parliamentarians to do so.77 it means that additional support mechanisms are required. ii) the role of public officials and whistleblowing whilst a discussion on whistleblowing is beyond the scope of this article, a few comments in relation to the auditor general are appropriate. the use of whistleblowers is a potentially vital means by which to break through the secrecy surrounding corruption cases involving peps. the need for states to develop effective whistleblowing schemes is reflected in article 8(4) of the uncac which provides that each state party must consider: … [e]stablishing measures and system to facilitate the reporting by public officials of acts of corruption to appropriate authorities, when such acts come to their attention in the performance of their functions. the auditor general clearly falls into the category of an ‘appropriate authority’. a cosp resolution also calls on uncac states parties to establish ‘measures and systems to facilitate the reporting of incidents’ which may be considered to constitute convention offences.78 it is trite that corruption and abuse of office by peps requires the assistance or acquiescence of others, both within and outside the public service and information provided by whistleblowers is one of the most common ways in which instances of such criminality are identified.79 this emphasises the importance of having in place effective whistleblowing laws and mechanisms which facilitate reporting to an appropriate authority, and in particular, the auditor general. arguably, this includes placing a duty on public officials to report corrupt practices or other misuse of office within the public service. this is clearly contentious, not least because of the dangers this may well pose to the whistleblower and his/her family. the argument for doing so is set out neatly in the explanatory 77 akech also suggests that key parliamentary committees are themselves implicated in corruption and therefore take no effective steps to address the reports of the auditor general: see migai akech ‘abuse of power and corruption in kenya’ (2011) 18(1) ind j global legal stud 342. 78 uncac conference of states parties resolution 6/6 of 2015: follow-up to the marrakech declaration on the prevention of corruption (2015) para 4. 79 unodc the united nations convention against corruption: resource guide on good practices in the protection of reporting person (2015) 3. 70 memorandum to the council of europe code of conduct for public officials which notes that whilst this could create tensions amongst public officials, ‘the passive or tolerant attitude of public officials regarding breaches would be more harmful for public administration and society as a whole’.80 in fact anti-corruption legislation in south africa already places a duty on any person who holds a ‘position of authority’ and who ‘knows or ought reasonably to have known or suspected that any other person’ has committed a serious corruption offence to report the fact to any police official.81 this position is potentially complicated by state security legislation which criminalises the unauthorised disclosure of government documents/information.82 given that the auditor general is specifically authorised to have access to all government documentation, including national security information, there is no reason why such a reporting mechanism is not put in place. iii) the role of civil society/the media civil society organisations (csos) can play both an oversight role and a supportive role. the oversight role involves the monitoring of the work of the auditor general. for example, in the chiluba case the failure of the auditor general to submit annual reports to the zambian parliament and the failure of parliamentarians to address the matter represented a fundamental breakdown of the constitutional safeguards. by directing media attention to this situation csos would have raised public awareness of this failure and called for an explanation. this provides a ‘safe’ and constructive role for csos in that attention is not being drawn to any allegation of corruption or other wrongdoing by peps or a ‘cover-up’ but merely highlighting the constitutional responsibility of the auditor general. where concern arises regarding a failure to carry out the constitutional mandate, csos may also consider lodging a complaint with another constitutional ‘watchdog’ body. for example, in the ouko case (see below), the complainant had previously lodged a series of complaints concerning a breach of the constitutional 80 para 70. 81 prevention and combating of corrupt activities act (no 12 of 2004) section 34. see also section 39(1) prevention and combating of corruption act 2007 (tanzania). as suggested above, a requirement to report to the auditor general would be more appropriate. 82 for example, during his investigation into the corruption by peps in kenya, justice bosire specifically referred to the effect of the law and oath of secrecy on silencing public officials: see republic of kenya report of the judicial commission of enquiry into the goldenberg affair (2005) 842. the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 71 obligations of the auditor general with the kenya ethics and anti-corruption commission. such a failure arguably also falls within the jurisdiction of the office of the ombudsman (or similar national institution) which has a mandate to investigate complaints of ‘maladministration’.83 key supportive work of csos includes undertaking public education initiatives to highlight the constitutional role of the auditor general as the ‘ally of the people’. helping people to understand the constitutional safeguards and focusing attention on their effective operation (or otherwise) can arguably make a real contribution towards developing transparency and accountability in the management of public affairs. in addition, csos can play a useful role in assisting parliamentarians to understand and ensure the implementation of the constitutional safeguards with regard to public sector finance.84 in order to assess the work of the office, public access to annual reports of the auditor general is essential. in the ti kenya case, for example, the petitioner challenged the constitutionality of section 72 of the paa which recognised the right of public access to such reports ‘except where such access may unduly jeopardise state security’. it was argued by the petitioner that any limitation on access to the reports must satisfy the test for the limitation on the enjoyment of rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined in the constitution. whilst not deciding the point, mwita j noted that any ‘limitation on grounds of national security would have to be justified’ particularly in view of the right to freedom of information enshrined in article 35 of the constitution of kenya.85 thus once published, reports by auditors general become public documents and it was therefore the constitutional right of every citizen to have access to the document subject to any constitutional rather than statutory limitation. the role of the courts in supporting csos should not be overlooked. this is epitomised by the ti kenya case in which transparency international (kenya) had locus standi (a point seemingly unchallenged) to lodge a petition in support of the 83 although it is not clear in some cases as to whether the jurisdiction of an ombudsman is strictly limited to public officials: as has been noted earlier, the auditor general is a constitutional office-holder and not a public official. 84 providing assistance and information to parliamentarians to help ensure that all constitutional safeguards are fully understood is a potentially important role for csos: see the abuja guidelines on the relationship between parliaments, parliamentarians and commonwealth national human rights institutions (2004) accessed 3 october 2018. 85 article 35 provides that ‘every citizen has the right of access to information held by the state’ and that ‘the state shall publish and publicise any important information affecting the nation’. 72 independence of the auditor general. this generous approach to standing should encourage other csos to make use of the courts to challenge any threats to the work of auditors general. part 6: removing the auditor general i) grounds for removal the grounds for removal enshrined in the constitutions are similar to those of a judge. for example the constitution of namibia provides: ‘the auditor general may be removed from office by reason of an ‘inability to discharge the functions of his office (whether arising from infirmity of mind or body) or for misconduct’.86 similarly, in south africa the auditor general may be removed from office only on the ground of misconduct, incapacity or incompetence.87 in kenya article 251(1) provides that the grounds for removal are a serious violation of the constitution or any other law; gross misconduct, whether in the performance of the member’s or office-holder’s functions or otherwise; physical or mental incapacity to perform the functions of office; incompetence; or bankruptcy. less satisfactory is the position in nigeria where the auditor general may be removed from office by the president on grounds of an ‘inability to discharge the functions of his office (whether arising from infirmity of mind or body or any other cause) or for misconduct’ (emphasis added).88 ii) procedure for removal a) commencing the removal process how the removal procedure is commenced requires careful scrutiny as it offers a mechanism to intimidate and/or undermine the auditor general. this is based on the fact that the constitutions typically provide that the president may suspend the auditor general from office after the start of the removal proceedings. in most of the constitutions, parliamentarians or a parliamentary committee may commence an investigation. for example, section 184(3) of the constitution of malawi provides that the ‘public appointments committee may at any time inquire as to the competence of the person so appointed to perform the duties of 86 article 127(4). 87 section 194(1). 88 section 87(1). the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 73 that office and as to the financial probity of a person so appointed, so far as it is relevant to the duties of that office’. who else may request that the possible removal of the auditor general is rarely elaborated in the constitutions. the right of an individual to do so was brought into issue in the 2017 decision of the kenyan high court in republic v speaker of the national assembly & 4 others ex-parte edward r.o. ouko (the ouko case).89 here article 251(2) of the constitution of kenya specifically provided that ‘a person desiring the removal of [the auditor general] on any [relevant] ground may present a petition to the national assembly setting out the alleged facts constituting that ground’. the national assembly must then consider the petition and, if it is satisfied that it discloses a ground for removal, must send the petition to the president. the president may then suspend the auditor general pending the outcome of the complaint. the case raises several issues of general concern. first, the complaint was submitted to the national assembly by a petitioner, who was the legal representative of an undisclosed complainant who sought the removal of mr ouko. the prospect of a series of such petitions being presented to the national assembly by any number of anonymous individuals is clearly of practical concern, particularly when dealing with them is liable to distract the auditor general and can be used by political enemies or disgruntled individuals to undermine the work of the office-holder. in the case itself, the anonymous complainant had made a series of complaints concerning mr ouko, some of which fell within the scope of article 251. however, these had already been referred to the ethics and anti-corruption commission and the director of public prosecutions whose investigations had vindicated mr ouko. in essence the petitioner was ‘forum shopping’. second, the procedure adopted by parliament was questionable. here the petitioner was permitted to give unsworn testimony before a parliamentary committee and this was heard without the applicant, mr ouko, being given any prior notice of the hearing nor afforded a chance to cross-examine the petitioner. further the applicant had not been informed of the precise nature of the allegations against him nor given sufficient time to address them. whilst not disputing the right of parliament to deal with the matter and to regulate its own procedures, the applicant argued that there was procedural unfairness in the manner in which the parliamentary committee approached the matter. odunga j upheld this argument pointing out that any such action must be constitutional and lawful. article 47 of the constitution of kenya specifically provided: ‘every person has the right to administrative action …’. he therefore held, correctly it is argued, that the article required a court to look both at the merits and legality of an administrative decision 89 ouko [2017] eklr. 74 and at the process and procedure adopted.90 further he said even at common law fairness in administrative action was paramount.91 this point raises a broader question concerning the separation of powers and the right of the courts to question parliamentary proceedings. the commonwealth (latimer house) principles emphasise: ‘parliamentarians must be able to carry out their legislative and constitutional functions in accordance with the constitution, free from unlawful interference’.92 however, as odunga j pointed out, the constitution is supreme and thus parliament ‘cannot enjoy privileges, immunities and powers which are inconsistent with the fundamental rights guaranteed in the constitution … parliamentary privilege does not extend to violation of the constitution [and where parliament does so] the court’s jurisdiction would not be defeated…’.93 in doing so he ‘associated himself’ with a series of decisions from other commonwealth jurisdictions94 and affirmed the words of lord denning in gouriet v union of post workers noted earlier, ‘be you ever so high, the law is above you’. odunga j also addressed an argument by the respondents that the parliamentary committee was exercising an administrative function and not a quasi-judicial function. in his view, the issue for the court was not whether the action was described as ‘quasi-judicial’ or ‘administrative’ but rather whether parliament was ‘undertaking an act that affects the legal rights and interests of the applicant to whom the action related’.95 this was clearly the case here. as a result, odunga j issued a declaration that the proceedings conducted by the appropriate parliamentary committee failed to meet the threshold of fair administrative action and ordered that the committee conduct its proceedings in strict compliance with and adherence to article 47 of the constitution of kenya. 90 para 118. in doing so, he referred with approval to the decision of the constitutional court of south africa in republic of south africa v south african rugby football union [2000] (1) sa 1 [135]–[136] which applied section 33 of the constitution of south africa which was in similar terms to the kenyan provision. 91 ibid [79]. 92 para iii(a). 93 ibid [81]. 94 for example biti v minister of justice, legal and parliamentary affairs [2002] zwsc 10 (supreme court of zimbabwe); doctors for life v speaker of the national assembly [2006] (6) sa 416 (constitutional court of south africa). 95 ibid [112]. in doing so, the judge adopted the words of lord denning in breen v amalgamated engineering union [1971] 2 qb 175 [190] who emphasised that whether functions are described as judicial or quasi-judicial or as administrative the body still must act fairly. the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 75 b) the removal process given the status of the auditor general and the need to avoid the politicisation of the matter, there is a strong case for the decision regarding removal being a matter for the judiciary. this is the position in kenya where the president must appoint a judicial tribunal of enquiry which is to investigate the matter ‘expeditiously’ and must to make a binding recommendation upon which the president must act within thirty days.96 in ghana, the matter is entirely removed from the legislature with the procedure for removal of the auditor general being the same as that of a senior judge.97 where the removal process involves the legislature, the approach in south africa provides an important model. this is commenced by a finding by a committee of the national assembly of misconduct, incapacity or incompetence on the part of the auditor general. if the national assembly then adopts by a resolution supported by at least two-thirds of its membership calling for the removal from office of the auditor general, the president must remove the auditor general from office. interestingly, the drafters of the 1996 constitution provided that the removal process required a simple majority of national assembly members only. however the constitutional court did not consider that this adequately safeguarded that office-holder’s independence and impartiality and the constitutional provision was accordingly amended to require a two-thirds majority.98 similarly, in nigeria, the auditor general may be removed from office solely by the president ‘acting on an address supported by two-thirds majority of the senate’. the requirement for a super-majority provides a welcome additional safeguard. however, the concern remains that the weakness of many legislatures and the dominance of the ruling party in many jurisdictions may inevitably result in the politicisation of the removal decision. 96 the tribunal must consist of a person who holds or has held office as a judge of a superior court, at least two persons who are qualified to be appointed as high court judges; and one other member who is qualified to assess the facts in respect of the particular ground for removal: see article 251(5). it is required to investigate the matter expeditiously, report on the facts and make a binding recommendation to the president, who must act in accordance with the recommendation within thirty days. 97 article 187(13). 98 see ex parte chairperson of the constitutional assembly: in re certification of the constitution of the republic of south africa (n 28). 76 part 7: conclusion the power of peps to ‘control the controls’ facilitates corrupt practices and misuse of public office. the challenge is to prevent the abuse of this power and to protect the good governance values of integrity, transparency and accountability enshrined in constitutions. this article has argued that as the ‘ally of the people’, the auditor general can, and must, play a leading role through ensuring fiscal integrity. this has the dual purpose of both encouraging ‘ethical behaviour [by peps] by making unethical behaviour hard to accomplish and easy to detect’ and helping to bring to light any abuse of power.99 as klug neatly puts it, such an independent constitutional institution has ‘a distinct role in ensuring that the promises of human rights and good governance [enshrined in the constitution] reach down into the daily administration of the country…’.100 all the constitutions noted in this study make provision for the office of the auditor general and, as the examples from zambia and malawi illustrate, an effective auditor general poses a threat to corrupt peps by ‘[flinging open] the gates to what was meant to be a clandestine and non-detectable criminal syndicate of fraudsters and money launderers’.101 yet the cases of chiluba and abacha, for example, highlight the pressure that peps can exert on office-holders. thus the real test is the extent to which, in practice, auditors general enjoy the necessary individual and institutional independence and security of tenure to enable them to carry out their constitutional mandate effectively. this includes enjoying access to all public expenditure, including that relating to ‘national security’. however, this article has demonstrated that several of the constitutions do not adequately protect the office and the office-holder and that there is a need to strengthen key provisions. fundamentally there is a need to review the relationship between the auditor general and the legislature. retaining the close working relationship between the two as regards fiscal matters remains essential. this includes the supportive role of the legislature through the appropriate scrutiny and follow-up on annual audit reports. there is also an accountability role for the legislature which must also follow up any failure by the auditor general to submit such reports. however, given the weakness of many legislatures, their role in the appointment and removal process of the auditor general raises serious concerns. in most of the jurisdictions under discussion, the present constitutional arrangements arguably do not 99 n 17. 100 heinz klug, ‘accountability and the role of independent constitutional institutions in south africa’s post-apartheid constitutions’ (2015-2016) 60 ny law school law review 153, 156. 101 see republic v lutepo (n 25) (kapindu j). the role, independence and accountability of the auditor general: a comparative constitutional analysis the denning law journal 77 adequately protect the independence of the office and office-holder in practice. instead it is argued that the position of the auditor general should be equated to that of a senior judge including enjoying the same terms and conditions as regards security of tenure and removal. as an ‘ally of the people’ the auditor general requires support from civil society organisations. the article has highlighted a range of opportunities for doing so, such as publicising and monitoring the work of the office. this includes enjoying public access to the reports of the auditor general. challenging attempts to undermine its operation is another key measure including, where necessary, resort to the courts. the ti case neatly demonstrates how effective such action can be and should encourage csos in other jurisdictions to challenge any attempt to restrict the work of the auditor general. to adapt lord denning’s words ‘be you ever so high, the constitution is above you’. the auditor general as a constitutional office-holder has the power to control peps and thus uphold the good governance values enshrined in the constitution. it is hoped that the views expressed in this article will contribute to making this role more effective in practice and truly make the auditor general the ‘ally of the people’. human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 138 denning law journal 2016 vol 28 special issue pp 138-165 african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms and the development of an african lex petrolea? hephzibah egede abstract this article interrogates the constitutional relevance of african social ordering rules in petroleum governance in sub-saharan african petroleum producing states. at the apex of the hierarchized african legal system is the national constitution which contains the basic norm or grundnorm derived from western received law. yet some african scholars have described african social ordering norms as grundnorms. this goes contrary to the conventional positivist position that “a legal system cannot be founded on two conflicting grundnorms.”1 this article will consider whether african social ordering norms have attained the level of a grundnorm as expounded in kelsen’s pure theory. utilising the ekeh’s “two publics” model, it investigates how the basic norm for african social ordering grundnorms is presupposed. the article considers whether there is a conflict between the domanial system of state ownership as approved by african national constitutions and indigenous african social ordering norms premised on communitarianism. the article presents for analysis the recent study undertaken by african petroleum producers association (appa). this study considers whether it is possible to standardise the rules of petroleum contractual governance in africa. this has led to some discussion on whether the standardisation of these rules could lead to the development of an african lex petrolea. this article explores the role that african social ordering norms can play in the development of a continent-wide lex petrolea. senior lecturer in law, law school, university of buckingham, co-director, centre for extractive energy studies (ubcees). e-mail: hephzibah.egede@buckingham.ac.uk 1 werner menski, comparative law in a global context: the legal systems of asia and africa (cambridge university press, 2006) 158. the denning law journal 139 keywords: african social ordering norms; conflicting grundnorms; ubuntu; african communitarianism; two publics; lex petrolea; domanial ownership; petroleum governance. part one: introduction the grundnorm is described as the fundamental or “foundation” rule that underpins a legal system.2 in many post-colonial african states, the grundnorm is presented in the national constitution, the supreme law of an african hierarchical legal system.3 the typical hierarchical african legal system is pluralist in nature. it consists of western received law which operate side by side with non-western norms and rules. these nonwestern norms and rules are described by chigara4 as african social ordering grundnorms. the status of these indigenous social ordering “grundnorms” in the hierarchized legal systems of post-colonial african states is in debate. limited evidence5 is provided on how these rules have attained the presupposed status of a grundnorm as required in kelsen’s pure theory. in contrast, it is presupposed that the national constitution of an african democratic state embodies the grundnorm or foundation rule. 6 a conflict of norms will arise if it is agreed that african social ordering norms have attained the status of a grundnorm. this contradicts the positivist approach which holds that “a system founded on the grundnorm cannot allow for two equally valid norms to contradict each other as this would threaten the unity of the system.”7 2 hans kelsen, pure theory of law (translation from the second german edition by max knight, university of california press, 1967. x) reprinted 2005 by the lawbook exchange, ltd; trevor hartley, “national law, international law and eu lawhow do they relate?” in patrick capps, malcolm evans, (eds) asserting jurisdiction: international and european legal perspectives (hart publishing, 2003) 67. 3 richard oppong, legal aspects of economic integration in africa (cambridge university press, 2011) 208. 4 ben chigara, “the humwe principle: a social-ordering grundnorm for zimbabwe and africa” in robert home (ed) essays in african land law (pretoria university law press, 2011) 113. the reference to african “social ordering grundnorms” is based on chigara's work. 5 ibid. see 113, 120 where he describes humwe as a new social ordering grundnorm. 6 oppong (n 3) 208. 7 panos merkouris, article 31(3)(c) vclt and the principle of systemic integration (brill, 2015) 167. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 140 following kelsen’s theory of pure law, the validity of the basic norm is premised on a presupposition exercise.8 this exercise is linked to the concept of efficacy where the grundnorm is presupposed as the highest law because it is followed and obeyed. this leads to the question on why people follow and obey the basic law and treat it as the highest norm? the positivist school will point to sovereign power or to the will of the people.9 the national constitution is established by the will of the people as the supreme law of the land.10 there are drawbacks to this position. this is because of the existence of “two publics” in post-colonial african states. ekeh presents a seminal discourse11 on these two key publics. these two publics are the “civic public” and the “primordial public.”12 the civic public consists of the westphalian state and its structures while the primordial public consists of families, communities and ethnic groupings. it is claimed that africans pay more allegiance to the ‘primordial public’ than to the “civic public.”13 while there has been some criticism14 on ekeh’s “two publics” theory, it does provide some context on why some local communities within an african sovereign state find it difficult to accept the national constitution as the foundational norm on community matters. utilising ekeh’s two publics theory, this article will explore whether recurring resource conflicts in some african oil producing states is due to the insistence of the amoral african state that its national constitution should be regarded as the fundamental norm for petroleum governance. it considers whether oil resource conflicts can be resolved by affording greater legitimacy to indigenous social ordering norms that local communities can identify with. to address these issues, the article is organised in the following manner. part one of this article provides the introductory context. part two focuses on the legal governance of petroleum resources in subsaharan african states. part three of the article considers the construction and 8 uta bindreiter, why grundnorm?: a treatise on the implications of kelsen's doctrine (kluwer international, 2002) 19. 9 ibid. 10 donald dahlin, we the people: a brief introduction to the constitution and its interpretation (springer, 2012) chapter three. 11 peter ekeh, “colonialism and the two publics in africa: a theoretical statement” (1975) 17(1) comparative studies in society and history 91-112. 12 ibid, 92. 13 ibid, 107-108. 14 brown onouha, “publishing postcolonial africa: nigeria and ekeh's two publics a generation after” (2014) 40(2) social dynamics: a journal of african studies 322-337. the denning law journal 141 development of the african social ordering grundnorm. part four considers the merits and demerits of developing an african lex petrolea based on indigenous social ordering norms. part five provides the concluding remarks of the article. part two: legal governance of petroleum resources in sub-saharan africa petroleum ownership structures legal governance of petroleum resources in sub-saharan africa has its roots in the continent’s colonial legacy. the constitutions of most petroleum producing african states vests ownership of petroleum resources in situ with the state based on the domanial system of ownership. petroleum ownership structures are generally based on regalian and domanial systems. the roman based regalian system entitles the sovereign to exercise dominium directum (dominion over the soil) and to assume ownership over minerals extracted from the soil. the regalian system also recognises a separate subsidiary right known as dominium utile (the right to profit and use of soil).15 hepburn16 claims that the regalian system of dominium directum is integrated into the domanial system. under this system, ownership of petroleum resources in the soil and within the sub-soil is vested with the sovereign state. an examination of the legal systems of post-colonial african states establishes that many of these states operate the domanial system of petroleum ownership. in the domanial system of ownership structure, petroleum resources in situ is exclusively vested in the state. the following table provides a case study of the sub-saharan african member countries of the african petroleum producers association (appa). this table illustrates that most appa countries practice the domanial legal systems of ownership within their constitutional and state law framework.17 the north african appa countries have been excluded from this table on the premise that the focus of this article is legal governance in sub-saharan african oil producing countries. 15samantha hepburn, mining and energy law (cambridge university press, 2015) 11. 16 ibid. 17 the appa is an inter-governmental and collaborative association of african petroleum producing states (aapa). see www.aapa.int/en/pres/. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 142 legal ownership of petroleum resources in appa sub-saharan african countries african oil producing states region legal framework on ownership ownership structure constitutional and statutory provisions angola southern africa constitution of angola 2010. domanial the preamble of the 2010 constitution vests ownership with the state. equatorial guinea west africa decree law no. 8/2006 of november 2006 (hydrocarbons law) and petroleum regulation of the republic of equatorial guinea num. 4/2013 (petroleum regulation). domanial the hydrocarbons law and petroleum regulation vests ownership with the state. ghana west africa constitution of the fourth republic of ghana (amendment) act, 1996 (act 527). domanial article 257(6) of the 1996 constitution states that minerals in their natural state are the property of the state. nigeria west africa constitution of nigeria 1999 and the nigerian petroleum act 1969. domanial s.44 (3) of the constitution and the nigerian petroleum act 1969 vests oil and gas resources in the federal government of nigeria. benin west africa petroleum code of 2006 18. domanial article 3 of the code separates the deposits of liquid and gaseous hydrocarbons from the ownership of land. it regards these deposits as public property that belongs to the nation. cameroon west africa constitution of the republic of cameroon 1996 as amended by law no 2008/001 and law no. 99/013 of 22 december 1999, instituting the petroleum code (the petroleum code). domanial article 21 of the constitution endorses charter rights that vests all peoples with rights to freely dispose of their wealth and resources. the constitution is silent on who owns petroleum resources. article 3 of the petroleum code 1999 provides for state ownership of all deposits or natural accumulations of hydrocarbons and treats these deposits the denning law journal 143 african oil producing states region legal framework on ownership ownership structure constitutional and statutory provisions as the exclusive property of the cameroonian state. chad west africa constitution of chad 1996 with amendments through 2005. law no. 006/pr/2007 dated 20 april 2007 on hydrocarbons, as amended and supplemented by ordinance no. 001/ pr/2010 dated september 30, 2010 and decree no. 796/pr/pm/mpe/2010 dated september 30, 2010 implementing the hydrocarbons law. domanial article 57 of the constitution vests the state with permanent sovereignty over all the national natural resources for the wellbeing of the national community. article 2.1 of the hydrocarbon laws vests hydrocarbons in their natural state to the republic of chad. democratic republic of congo central africa constitution of congo the democratic republic of the 2005 with amendments up to 2011. the petroleum law (law no. 15/012 dated 1 august 2015). domanial article 9 of the constitution requires that the state should have permanent sovereignty over natural resources. republic of congo (roc) central africa constitution of republic of congo 2001. law no 24-94 dated 23 august 1994 (petroleum code), decree no 2008-15 dated 11 february 2008 (attribution code). domanial the constitution is silent on ownership. the state codes vest ownership of hydrocarbons in the congolese soil and sub-soil. côte d'ivoire west africa constitution of côte d'ivoire 2000. the petroleum code of côte d'ivoire, instituted by law n° 96-669 of august 29, 1996. ordinance n° 2012-369 of april 18, 2012, amending law n° 96-669 of august 29, 1996 establishing the petroleum code. decree n° 96-733 of september 19, 1996, laying down general rules for the application of the law on the petroleum code. domanial the constitution is silent on ownership of petroleum resources. mineral rights in natural hydrocarbons deposits and accumulations are vested in the state by the petroleum code. gabon central africa constitution of gabon 1991 with amendments through 1997. hydrocarbons law (law no. domanial the gabon constitution does not expressly discuss ownership of petroleum resources. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 144 african oil producing states region legal framework on ownership ownership structure constitutional and statutory provisions 11/2014 of august 28 2014). the hydrocarbons law vests ownership of petroleum resources with the state. south africa southern africa constitution of the republic of south african1996. mineral and petroleum resources development act 28 of 2002 (“mprda). domanial section 24 of the constitution requires that natural resources should be developed in an ecologically sustainable manner. the mprda vests ownership of mineral and petroleum resources in the nation of south africa and the minister of natural resources. mauritania west africa constitution of mauritania 1991 with amendments through 2012. act no. 2008-011 on the mining code (27 april 2008). ordinance no. 2002-005 regulating the activities of the downstream oil sector (28 march 2002). domanial the mauritanian constitution does not expressly set out provisions on ownership of natural resources. the mining code states that deposits are separate from land ownership. it vest ownership of these deposits in the state. niger west africa constitution of niger 2010. petroleum code act no 200701. domanial article 149 of the constitution provides state sovereignty over natural resources and the sub-soil. source: author's research the table above demonstrates that the domanial system of state ownership derives its legitimacy from the constitutional framework and national legislation of a petroleum producing state.18 under this framework, the african state is the owner of petroleum resources in situ and it collaborates with multinational companies (mncs) to exploit its resources. the collaborative effort between the state and the mnc is necessary. this is because most african states lack the necessary risk capital and required technical know-how to exploit their oil and gas resources. under the domanial system, the state will grant mncs the right to exploit petroleum resources through a host state agreement (hsa). 18 hepburn (n 15) 11-12. the denning law journal 145 there are different models of the hsas, but the most commonly utilised in the african continent are the production sharing agreements (psas) and modern oil concessions (ocs).19 psas and service contracts (scs) are well suited for domanial systems of petroleum governance. this is because the mnc acts as the contractor for the state. unlike the oc where the mnc can claim ownership of produced oil at the wellhead, the mnc has no legal title to produced oil under the psa and sc. the psa does however permit the mnc to participate with a state owned company (soc) or national oil company (noc) in a stream of oil revenue known as profit oil. the state constitution and petroleum legislation regulate these contracts alongside with rules of international investment law. this confirms the pluralist nature of petroleum governance in african oil producing states. it is instructive that within this pluralist system, there appears to be no place for african social ordering rules. the exclusion of indigenous rules from the pluralist petroleum legal system is a matter of concern considering that petroleum resources is undertaken in indigenous oil producing communities. ekeh’s “two publics” theory shows that these communities adhere more to the dictates of the customary rules developed by the “primordial public,” than to state law which is developed by the “civic public”.20 yet hsa contracts are executed between amoral civic state and mncs without the direct involvement of local communities.21 the bilateral nature of these contracts is premised on state sovereignty over petroleum resources. equally, mncs provide the necessary risk capital to secure the contractual bargain of these contracts. in contrast, the local oil producing communities which bear the brunt of oil and gas exploitation are not contractual parties to the hsas. in a domanial system, the control and management of natural resources is constitutionally vested in the national state. accordingly, local communities are not considered as having the necessary constitutional standing to participate in hsas. this is an unsatisfactory state of affairs and is a contributory factor for the resource conflicts that take place within these communities.22 19 emmanuel laryea, “contractual arrangements for resource investment” in. francis botchway (ed) natural resource investment and african development (edward elgar, 2011) 108-116. 20 ekeh (n 11) 198. 21 hephzibah egede and edwin egede, “the force of the community in the niger delta of nigeria: propositions for new oil and gas legal and contractual arrangements” (2016) 25 tulane journal of international and comparative law 1-37 (forthcoming). this article is a follow-up to this work. 22 abiodun alao, natural resources and conflicts in africa: the tragedy of endowment (university of rochester press, 2007) 170-198. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 146 oil producing communities and the right to self-determination in contrast, under international law, local communities can exercise qualified sovereignty and self-determination over their natural resources. these rights are set out in international instruments such as the united nations general assembly resolution on permanent sovereignty over natural resources23 which embodies the right of sovereign states and their peoples to exercise sovereignty over their resources.24 the 2007 united nations declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples provides indigenous peoples with the rights to self-determination and participation in the decision-making process over their natural resources. the 2007 declaration does not vest indigenous peoples: “expressis verbis with permanent sovereignty over their natural wealth and resources or entails exclusive rights for indigenous peoples over the natural resources within their territories”.25 it does however provide these communities with participatory or consultative rights in the decision-making process over the management and control over natural resources. article 32 of the 2007 declaration requires states to undertake bona-fide consultations and cooperation initiatives with their indigenous communities before undertaking or engaging with projects that may impact on their lands and resources. article 46(1) stipulates that the conferment of the right to selfdetermination under this declaration should not be construed as: “authorising or encouraging any action which would dismember or impair, totally or in part, the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and independent states”. this confirms that the right to self-determination as provided in article 4 is confined to the participatory rights set out in articles 25-28 of the declaration. it does not entitle communities to secede or assert political independence outside the sovereign states in which they are 23 unga resolution 1803 (xvii) of 14 december 1962. 24 ibid para 1. 25 nicolaas schrijver, “self-determination of peoples and sovereignty over natural wealth and resources” in realising the right of development: essays in commemoration of 25 years of the united nations declaration on the right to development (united nations, 2013) 99. the denning law journal 147 situated. article 21(1) of the african charter on human and peoples’ rights26 also confirms the right of african peoples to: “... freely dispose of their wealth and natural resources. this right shall be exercised in the exclusive interest of the people. in no case shall a people be deprived of it”. the right of african peoples to exercise self determination over their wealth and resources has been deliberated upon by the african commission on human and peoples' rights. in the decided cases of social and economic rights action center (serac) and the center for economic and social rights (cesr) v. nigeria27 and endorois v. kenya,28 the commission affirmed the obligation of states to respect and protect the rights granted to african peoples under the charter. in the endorois case, the commission specifically affirmed that kenya should have obtained the endorois community’s ‘free, prior, and informed consent, according to their customs and traditions’29 before undertaking development projects within their territory. this decision highlights the role that african “social ordering” rules can play in natural resource governance. it further underscores ekeh’s claims that many africans simultaneously live and function within the “primordial” and “civic publics”. this is why it is important to consider the relevance of african ‘social ordering rules’ in petroleum governance. part three: the construction of a social ordering grundnorm in sub-saharan africa the mixed african legal system of governance in norm formulation the use of received western law in the legal systems of many african states is a legacy of colonialism. menski30 explains that received rules are derived from the legal systems of other countries. he argues that the involuntary imposition of these rules has created a cultural conflict between western received law and the indigenous rules of post-colonial states.31 as previously stated, many african states have adopted the 26adopted in nairobi june 27 1981. entered into force october 21 1986. 27 communication no. 155/96, 2001. 28 communication no. 276/2003. 29ibid, para 291 (emphasis added). 30 menski (n 1) 126. 31 ibid. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 148 system known as legal pluralism to resolve the conflict between western received law and indigenous rules. the seminal work of griffiths32 establishes that there are weak and strong constructions of the concept of legal pluralism. the weak construction of legal pluralism is a system where the state sanctions or permits the operation of multiple legal systems within its jurisdictional sphere. the difficulty with the weak construction of legal pluralism is that the civic state has the final say on the rules that can apply in its legal system. griffiths views the weak construction of legal pluralism as a form of legal centralism. this is because it is reliant on the concept of a hierarchy of rules where state law has pre-eminence. conversely, the strong construction of legal pluralism discredits the purist positivist construction of law which focuses on a “single, unified and exclusive hierarchical normative ordering depending from the power of the state”.33 griffith argues that the strong construction of legal pluralism envisions a system where multiple bodies of rules can operate within a decentralised system. it is debatable if african states actually practise the strong construction of legal pluralism. it appears that the mixed african legal systems of most african states is premised on a hierarchy of rules where the state constitution is situated at the apex of the system. this hierarchised system prioritises western received law above customary law and creates the cultural conflict described in menski’s work.34 arguably, the modernisation theory has played a role in the prioritisation of western received law above african customary law. this is because it requires that africa follow in the “developmental footsteps of europe (largely the former colonizer of africa)”.35 notwithstanding the role that the modernisation theory has played in the development of the african civic public and in its formation of legal rules, the endorois decision underscores the continuing importance of african customary law. within this customary framework, chigara36 argues that there are fundamental social ordering rules or norms which can be regarded as african grundnorms. this is because the primordial public pre-supposes them to be so. he further claims that these ‘ancient social ordering’ rules predate colonialism and were presupposed by africans as the foundational rules 32 john griffiths, “what is legal pluralism?” (1986) 24 journal of legal pluralism and unofficial law 5. 33 ibid. 34 menski (n 1) 126. 35 jephias matunhu, “a critique of modernisation and dependency theories in africa: critical assessment” (2011) 3(5) journal of history and culture 65. 36 chigara (n 4) 113. the denning law journal 149 that governed pre-colonial african communities. he however does not provide definitive evidence on how these specific norms attained the revered status of “grundnorm” except to point to their historical relevance and applicability continent-wide. chigara presents humwe (a shona concept) as an example of an indigenous social ordering grundnorm. the term is defined as “in this together” or “us all”. it can be described as african communitarianism, interdependence and humanness. he further argues that there are similar african norms and points to the popular zulu concept ‘umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu’ (abridged as ubuntupeople are people through people) and to umoja, a swahili term for communal unity. his research also identifies similar norms in other parts of africa, including west africa.37 ramose38 in his leading african philosophical text, argues that indigenous norms such as ubuntu are important because they stem from “the wellspring flowing from african ontology and epistemology”.39 he further argues that they apply continent wide because of the “philosophical affinity and kinship between the indigenous people of africa”.40 it is however unclear if this “affinity and kinship” of african peoples is the determining consideration for the claim that these rules have attained the status of grundnorms. there is another school of thought that rejects the continent wide application of norms like ubuntu or humwe. vans binsbergen for example expresses some scepticism on the continent-wide application of concepts like ubuntu. he argues that there is insufficient evidence to substantiate this claim.41 similarly, simiyu42 argues that african communitarianism is a utopian ideal in light of the historical realities of many post-colonial countries that make up the sub-continent. this position may hold true if concepts like ubuntu are simply confined to the 37 ibid, 117-18. 38 mogobe ramose, african philosophy through ubuntu (mond books, 1999) 49. 39 ibid. 40 ibid. 41 wim van binsbergen, intercultural encounters: african and anthropological lessons towards a philosophy of interculturality (munster: lit verlag 2003) chapter 14. 42 vincent simiyu, “the democratic myth in the african traditional societies” in walter oyugi and afrifra gitonga (eds), democratic theory and practice in africa (east african educational publishers, 1987) 49-51. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 150 notion of african communitarianism. this is not the case since these terms also connote “personhood” and “humanness”.43 state recognition of african social ordering grundnorms notwithstanding the ongoing debate on the continent-wide use of indigenous social ordering norms, some african states have attempted to incorporate these rules within their constitutional framework. south africa is a pertinent example of an appa state that regards ubuntu as a fundamental social ordering norm. constitutional recognition of this rule was provided within the transitional constitution of south africa 1993. it is instructive that the final 1996 constitution did not follow suit.44 but the importance of this norm in the south african legal framework has been recognised by the south african courts. in the landmark south african constitutional court case of s v. makwanyane,45 the south african constitutional court approved the constitutional importance of the indigenous ubuntu norm. this case considered section 277 of the criminal procedure act no. 51 of 1977 which provided for the use of the death penalty. the court denounced the use of death penalty in the south african criminal law system. in framing its decision, the court invoked the ontological concept of ubuntu with its emphasis on the value of human life and dignity. it held that the death penalty could be characterised as “inhumane punishment” since it deprived the convicted person of human dignity. the court further held that the continuing use of the death penalty was contrary to the constitutional focus on national unity and reconciliation which in a large part is premised on the norm of ubuntu. the court held: “the notion of ubuntu expressly provided for in the epilogue of the constitution, the underlying idea and its accompanying values are also expressed in the preamble. these values underlie, first and foremost, the whole idea of adopting a bill of fundamental rights and freedoms in a new legal order. they are central to the coherence of all the rights entrenched in chapter 3 where the chikosa silungwe, “on african legal theory: a possibility, an impossibility or mere conundrum” in oche onazi (ed) african legal theory and constitutional problems: critical essays (springer, 2014) 27. 44 chuma himonga, max taylor, ann pope, “reflections on judicial views of ubuntu” (2013) 16(5) potchefstroom electronic law journal 373. 45 [1995] zacc 3. the denning law journal 151 right to life and the right to respect for and protection of human dignity are embodied in sections 9 and 10 respectively”.46 there are cases47 within the south african legal framework which provide similar recognition of the use of ubuntu in the south african legal system. it is unclear if there is similar state practice in other african states. this does not mean that customary rules do not play a role within the legal systems of these states. they however may not have the same relevance as western received law especially with regard to commercial matters. the article turns to the state practice of nigeria, another appa state example. nigeria is a major oil producing state in the african subcontinent. unlike the south african experience, the nigerian legal system has not singled out a specific indigenous rule or norm that could serve as a guiding rule in the development of law. in allowing for the establishment of customary and sharia courts of appeal, the 1999 nigerian constitution48 does recognise the role that customary law and islamic law play in the nigerian mixed legal system. comparative perspectives can be provided on why it may pose a challenge for nigeria to single out one particular indigenous social norm to guide its legal system. first the nigerian cultural milieu is different from south africa. unlike south africa, nigeria communal life is not only governed by indigenous african rules but also by shariah law. second, nigerian is much more ethnically diverse than south africa and its customary law practices are not unified. the localisation of nigerian customary law is confirmed in section 258(1) of the nigerian evidence act 2011.49 this section states that “a rule which in a particular district, has from long usage, obtained the force of law”. by confining the rule to a particular district, the nigerian evidence act recognises how ethnically diverse the nigerian state is. it will therefore be difficult to single out a particular customary rule of law as a basic grundnorm, except where evidence can be shown that it transcends all districts in nigeria. to establish this, native chiefs or other person who are recognised as having special knowledge of customary law will have to provide evidence that 46 ibid, para 307. 47 see for example mayelane v ngwenyama 2013 (4) sa 415 (cc), mec for education: kwazulu-natal v pillay 2008 (1) sa 474, port elizabeth municipality v various occupiers 2005 (1) sa 217 (cc). 48 sections 260 -268 of the 1999 constitution. 49 in force june 2011. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 152 validates the custom.50 some have pointed to certain customary law rules in nigeria that have “near universality of application”.51 one such customary rule can be found in customary intestate succession where it is argued that widows have very limited capacity to inherit capacity. the localisation of customary law in nigerian law may explain why it has limited or no application in the regulation of the nigerian oil and gas sector. this creates a conundrum in light of ekeh’s “two publics” theory. if as ekeh argues that the “primordial public” is more legitimised than the “civic public” the nigerian legal framework may need to lend itself to the application of indigenous social grundnorms in the governance and regulation the oil and gas sector. this is necessary as oil producing communities bear the brunt of oil and gas exploitation that is undertaken in their territories. a key african “social ordering” rule that is relevant to petroleum governance is communal ownership of land (and its resources). african ownership of land and its resources: public or communal ownership ubuntu, humwe and similar social ordering rules focus on interdependence, communality, fairness and humanness. these rules recognise the concept of communal ownership in land.52 following colonialization of sub-saharan africa, attempts were made to replace the communal land ownership with the native land tenure system. this system disallowed africans from purchasing property outside so called native land. in the southern african region, the native land tenure system was strictly enforced during the apartheid era and led to the dispossession of indigenous property rights in land.53 the native land tenure system resulted in the subjugation of customary rights in land and led to the introduction of the domanial system where rights in land were transferred 50 sections 68, 70 and 73 of the 2011 evidence act; christine ohuruogu, okechukwu umahi, nigerian legal methods (cambridge scholars publishing, 2013) 27. 51 charles iruonagbe, land ownership patterns and the economic life of women: a study of ozalla communnity, edo state, nigeria (vdm, verlag 2009) 1. 52 oshisanya lai oshitokunbo, an almanac of contemporary judicial restatements (civil law) 409. 53 robert hone, “the colonial legacy in land rights” in ben chigara (ed) south african development community land issues: towards a new sustainable land relations policy (routledge, 2012) 7-11. hone refers to the 1913 natives land act (also called the black land act) which prohibited the black population from acquiring rights outside “designated native land reserves.” the denning law journal 153 to the colonial state.54 the native land tenure system in a warped way preserved communal land, but at the same time denied indigenous communities the right to manage and control their lands and resources. this was done through the concept of trusteeship where the colonial state held customary land in trust for the indigenous population.55 independent african states have repealed native land tenure legislation, but some african states, including nigeria have maintained the trusteeship concept of land. in nigeria, during the tenure of military governance, radical changes were made to the land tenure system through the enactment of the land use act (lua) 1978.56 the lua vests all land in the states of the federation of nigeria to their respective state governors. these governors hold land in trust for the use and benefit of all nigerians. unlike the native land tenure system, the lua confers certain property rights to individual, families and communities. the rights are described as a statutory right of occupancy and the customary rights of occupancy respectively.57 the effect of the lua is to extinguish the pre-existing rights in land and replace them with limited rights similar to a leasehold.58 the trusteeship system of land set out in section 1 raises interesting issues. this is because “at the core of a trust concept is a duty of confidence imposed upon a trustee.”59 further, as stated by lord evershed mr, “for a trust to be effective, it must have ascertained or ascertainable beneficiaries.”60 section 1 of the lua identifies the ascertained beneficiaries of its statutory trusteeship system. these beneficiaries are “all nigerian citizens.” the focus on citizenship (which is one of the key features of the westphalian state system) and not on ethnic groups or indigenous peoples is connected with the public interest concern of fostering social cohesion 54 see for example sections 3 and 4 of the land and natives rights act which placed native land and rights under the control and subject to the disposition of the colonial governor. 55 hone (n 53) 12. 56 no. 6 of 1978. 57 sections 5(1) and 6(1) of the act. 58 see the case of abioye v. yakubu (1991) 5 nwlr (pt.190) 130 at 223 where the supreme court held that “rights of occupancy beat resemblance to leasehold interests. they can be assigned. they can be mortgaged and they can be underlet or sublet.” 59 underhill and hayton law of trusts and trustees (15th ed) 3. 60re endacott [1960] ch 232, 246. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 154 and national development.61 but as ekeh’s “two publics” model demonstrates, the “primordial public” is viewed by some africans as more important than the “civic public.”62 the extinction of pre-existing rights, and the replacement of such rights, with the limited rights’ regime set out in the act is seen as an attempt to prioritise the interests of the “civic public” above those of the “primordial public”. this creates a confidence gap which goes against the core of the trust concept which is predicated on the “confidence imposed upon a trustee”.63 this has led to the call, in certain quarters, for the repeal or fundamental restructuring of the lua.64 it will be a difficult task to repeal or change this law due to its constitutional importance. section 315 (5) of the 1999 constitution confers the act with the same status as the provisions of the constitution. it states that the act cannot “be altered or repealed except in accordance with the provisions of section 9 (2) of this constitution”.65 this means that the lua cannot be repealed or altered except the proposal for repeal or amendment is supported by no less than a two-third majority of the national assembly, and by no less than twothirds of all the states of nigeria. notwithstanding the substantive changes that have been made to the nigerian land tenure system by state law, local communities still perceive indigenous land tenure to be communal in nature. the reforms to communal ownership is not only confined to the land tenure, it also applies to ownership of mineral resources. the nigerian 1999 constitution as the supreme national law confers ownership of the ‘entire property in and control of all minerals, mineral oils and natural gas in under or upon land in nigeria or in, under or upon the territorial waters and the exclusive economic zone’66 to the government of the federation of nigeria. public ownership of petroleum resources is also re-affirmed in the petroleum act 1969 where the ‘entire ownership and control of all petroleum in, under or upon any lands to which this section applies shall be vested in the state.’67 61 namso udoekanem, david adoga, victor onwumere, “land ownership in nigeria: historical developments, current issues and future expectations” (2014) 4(21) journal of environment and earth science 182 at 186. 62 ekeh (n 11) 198. 63 underhill, hayton (n 59) 3. 64 udoekanem et al (n 61) 187. 65 s.315(5) and s.9 (2) of the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of nigeria. 66 section 44 (3) 1999 constitution of the federal republic of nigeria. 67 section 1(1) nigerian petroleum act 1969. the denning law journal 155 the constitution and the state legislation cited above establishes that natural resources, inclusive of petroleum is owned by the nigerian state and not by oil producing communities. this explains why social ordering indigenous rules play no apparent role in the regulation and management of the nigerian oil and gas sector. yet, the exploitation of these resources are undertaken in the communities that still subscribe to communal ownership of all resources. recurring resource conflicts: the tale of two publics this article has explained how ownership of communal land and natural resources has evolved from strict communal ownership to public ownership in some african countries. the land tenure system in nigeria, an appa state has been presented as a case study of the growing role of public ownership of land. the concluding section of this part considers whether the prioritisation of public ownership over communal ownership creates a conflict between the two publics discussed in ekeh’s work. oshio, in an early piece,68 on the lua argues that section 1 of the act has adopted some features of the indigenous system of communal ownership. he asserts that state governors hold a role similar to the community or family head. this is because they hold land in trust for the people they govern. he further points out that while there may be some basis for this comparison between public ownership and communal ownership, the lua has created areas of conflict between these two systems of land tenure governance. these areas of conflict arise in the management and control of the land, particularly with regard, to the allocation to members of the community and the partition of the sale of land. another key area of conflict which oshio’s article did not consider is the legitimisation process of the reforms initiated by the lua. as previously stated, the lua is a legacy of military governance which continues to enjoy constitutional protection under the nigerian 1999 constitution. applying ekeh’s “two publics’ model”,69 it could be argued that the continuing legitimisation of the lua by the 1999 constitution has been undertaken within the “civic public” and its institutions. it is therefore questionable whether the lua has received the same legitimisation process within the “primordial public” where oil and gas exploitation takes place. the same concern applies to public ownership of 68 p. ehi oshio, “the indigenous land tenure and nationalisation of land in nigeria” (1990) 10(1) boston college third world law journal 54. 69 ekeh (n 11). african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 156 the petroleum resources where oil producing communities continue to clamour for resource control. this issue is important as it provides some explanation on why there are recurring resource conflicts in regions like the niger delta. this is because as ekeh asserts the primordial public which consists of family, clan and community is more legitimised by ordinary africans than the civic public which is premised on colonial structures and received law. yet, as the studies70 on nigeria’s constitutional history show, the framing and development of the different nigerian constitutions and other state laws has been undertaken by institutions within the “civic public” with little or no direct involvement by the “primordial public” in the decision making process. this may explain, why there is a sense of alienation within oil producing communities regarding the transfer of ownership of natural resources from communal ownership to public (state) ownership. it brings to light the “cultural conflict” highlighted in menski’s work71 between received law and indigenous law. yet the reality of the postcolonial african experience is that both sets of rules operate within most african pluralist systems. the real conflict stems from a hierarchized legal system which prioritises one set of rules above another instead of allowing for a co-existence of rules. this is why the interim 1993 constitution of south africa has been held up as a good example of how an indigenous social ordering can be effectively incorporated into the supreme law of the land. sadly, the 1996 final south african constitution did not follow suit and failed to expressly enshrine ubuntu in its text. there are concerns on why the 1996 constitution expressly failed to include ubuntu within its framework. mokgoro, a leading jurist and proponent of ubuntu however argues that the fundamental values of the current south african constitution coincide with “some of the key values of ubuntu(ism) e.g. human dignity itself, respect, inclusivity, compassion, concern for others, honesty and conformity.”72 while this position may hold true to some extent, the noninclusion of ubuntu in the 1996 constitution is a missed opportunity for the constitutional legitimisation of indigenous normative development. it also means that the development of natural resources may not need to be 70 toyin falola, matthew heaton, a history of nigeria (cambridge university press, 2008) 148; kalu ezera, constitutional developments in nigeria (cambridge university press). 71 menski (n 1). 72 j yvonne mokgoro, “ubuntu and the law of the south” (a paper delivered at the first colloquium constitution and law held at potchefstroom on 31 october 1997). the denning law journal 157 based on indigenous normative obligations. indeed all that the final 1996 constitution requires is that natural resources should be developed in an ecologically sustainable manner. while this is a positive step, the control and management of mineral and petroleum resources still rests with the state as custodian.73 this again confirms the domanial nature of petroleum ownership and the continuing role that the international rule of permanent sovereignty over natural resources74 plays in petroleum governance in sub-saharan africa. yet, the considered position is that the principle of permanent sovereignty over natural resources does not only apply only to states but to their peoples.75 it is therefore questionable why many african oil producing states in their municipal systems have adopted the narrow construction of this principle which confines sovereignty over natural resources to domanial state ownership. this appears to be an unsatisfactory state of affairs considering that some african states have failed to manage natural resources for national development and for “the well-being of the people of the state concerned.”76 how the “people of the state” are to be defined is quite crucial to a further understanding of the continuing tension between the primordial and civic publics. the failure of african governments to equitably manage resources for the well-being of their peoples has created the growing sense of the de-legitimisation of the “civic public” within local communities. this is why some in the niger delta oil producing region have argued that the nigerian state is an artificial creation which lacks true affinity with “nations” that exist within the nigerian nation state.77 the argument that nigeria is a nation state of nations alludes to a situation where communities identify more with the “primordial public” 73 iclg, south africa oil and gas regulation 2016, 3.1 available at http://www.iclg.co.uk/practice-areas/oil-and-gas-regulation/oil-and-gasregulation-2016/south-africa accessed october 25 2016. 74 richardo pereira, orla gough “permanent sovereignty over natural resources in the 21st century: natural resource governance and the right to selfdetermination of indigenous peoples under international law” (2013) 14 melbourne journal of international law 451, 463. 75 ibid, 453. 76 paragraph 1, general assembly resolution 1803 (xvii) of 14 december 1962, “permanent sovereignty over natural resources” available at http://www.ohchr.org/documents/professionalinterest/resources.pdf (accessed october 25 2016. 77 augustine ikien, d.s.p alamieyeseiga, steve azaiki, oil democracy, and the promise of true federalism in nigeria (university press of america, 2008) 20. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 158 than the “civic public” as discussed in ekeh’s work. robinson78 describes this as putting ethnic identity above national identity. further, in the illuminating work “oil, democracy and the promise of true federalism” the argument for focusing on ethnic identity above national identity is set out as follows: “it would be foolhardy for somebody from the niger delta to hope that a hausa-fulani, or yoruba or igbo person at the helm of affairs at the federal level to take the issue of the latter’s development as serious developmental matter. what is the portion in the niger delta? except of course for there to be peace enough for oil to flow for him to use in developing himself and his true god created nation”.79 this may explain why oil producing communities within the niger delta continue to canvass for true federalism. this will allow the communities to participate in the decision-making process on how oil and gas resources extracted from their regions are developed and utilised. they view the current system which vests ownership of petroleum resource in the federal nigerian state as unsatisfactory as it permits the development of other regions of nigeria at the expense of the niger delta region.80 the quest for true federalism will require significant reforms of the municipal petroleum laws. any proposed reforms should also be undertaken at the continent wide level to facilitate a greater harmonisation of rules. the appa recently undertook a study on the possible standardisation of petroleum laws and contracts81. this has led to the debate on whether there is an african lex petrolea? the following part of this article further debates this point and considers the role that african social ordering norms can play in the development of a continent-wide lex petrolea. 78 amanda robinson, national versus ethnic identity in africa: state, group, and individual level correlates of national identification (working paper, university of berkeley, 2009) 5-6. 79 ikien et al (n 77) 20. 80 ibid. 81 nima tabari, lex petrolea and international investment law: law and practice in the persian gulf (crc press, 2016) 1.89. the denning law journal 159 part four: the development of an african lex petrolea and the relevance of indigenous social ordering norms conceptualising lex petrolea lex petrolea is defined as “transnational customary law applied by tribunals and courts dealing with hydrocarbon-related disputes”.82 like other systems of rules, lex petrolea has had to go through a legitimisation process. when the concept was first raised in the case of kuwait v. aminoil,83 the arbitral tribunal refused to accept kuwait’s arguments that there was a customary body of rules known as lex petrolea specifically as it pertains to the valuation of damages. since this arbitral decision, scholarly debate has arisen on whether lex petrolea can be considered as a sub-set of international law.84 doak bishop in his 1998 seminal work85 debated whether lex petrolea had been developed from “the internationalisation of business practices, usages and customs of the members of the international petroleum industry or community.”86 he found that there was inconclusive state practice and opinio juris to justify the maturation of a sub-set of rules in international law known as lex petrolea.87 he however opined that lex petrolea had begun to crystallise even if it was yet to “coalesce into a hard system of black letter law.”88 other works argue that lex petrolea falls within a branch of law known as international merchantile law or lex mercatoria.89 lex mercatoria is said to be derived from the “trade usage and practices of merchants.”90 the fact that lex mercatoria is developed by the practices of merchants implies that it is not state law neither can it be strictly 82 ibid. 83 published in: xxi international legal materials (1982) pp. 976â1053. 84 tahari (n 81), 1.90. 85 r doak bishop, international arbitration of petroleum disputes: the development of lex petrolea (1998) xxiii yb com. arb. 1131, 1151. 86 ibid. 87 tabari (n 81) 1.90. 88 john burritt mcauthor, oil and gas implied covenants for the twenty-first century: the next steps in evolution (juris, 2014) 384. 89 georges delaume, “comparative analysis as a basis of law in state contracts: the myth of the lex mercatoria” (1988) 63 tulane law review 575, 576-7. 90 alex waryrk, 'petroleum regulation in an international context' in tina hunter (ed) regulation of the upstream petroleum sector: a comparative study of licensing and concession systems (edward elgar, 2015). african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 160 defined within international law. this is why some have argued that it is a third realm of law that exists independently outside international law and national law.91 since lex petrolea is considered as part of lex mercatoria, it can be further argued that it is designed to serve the needs and aspirations of the business community.92 in this sense, the legitimacy of lex petrolea is presupposed by the international petroleum industry to which it caters to.93 the stakeholders within this industry consist of national oil companies (nocs), large oil majors, independent companies and industry associations like the association of international petroleum negotiators (aipn). the latter body is responsible for the negotiation and development of internationalised oil and gas contracts which set out the principles and norms of lex petrolea. this however provides an incomplete picture on how lex petrolea is legitimised as a recognised field of law. apart from its validation by the industry that it caters to, childs points to the role that arbitral awards have played in validating the existence of lex petrolea.94 he argues that these published awards have addressed a range of issues regarding the exploration and production of oil and gas resources and can be considered as creating “a lex petrolea” or customary law comprising of legal rules adapted to the industry’s nature and specificities.95 it has be suggested that lex petrolea is further validated by petroleum development contracts.96 chief among these contracts are host state agreements (hsas) or government contracts which are transacted between oil producing states and international oil companies (iocs). while there is still some debate on the need to formulate a global host state model agreement, there is a school of thought that argues for the standardisation of terms “regardless of the identity of the host state”.97 national legislation has also contributed to the development of lex petrolea. the development of the body of arbitral case law on oil and gas 91 munir afm maniruzzaman, “the lex mercatoria and international contracts: a challenge for international commercial arbitration?” (1999) 14 american university international law review 657, 658. 92 waryrk (n 90) 21. 93 ibid, 21. see also thomas c childs, “update on lex petrolea: the continuing development of customary law relating to international oil and gas exploration and production” (2011) 4(3) j world energy law & business 214. 94 see discussions of child's thesis in waryrk's work (n 90) 27. 95 ibid 28. 96 timothy martin, “lex petrolea in international law” in ronnie king (ed) dispute resolution in the energy sector: a practitioner's handbook (globe law and business, london, 2012) 95 discussed in waryrk's work (n 87) 28d 97 waryrk (n 90) 14-15. the denning law journal 161 transactions is largely due to state nationalisation or expropriation of foreign investment in the oil and gas sector.98 these acts of expropriation and nationalisation are generally premised on the principle of permanent sovereignty which asserts domanial state control over the exploitation of petroleum resources. this establishes that although lex petrolea is derived from the trade usage and practices of the international petroleum industry, it does not negate the role that state legislation has played in its development as a separate field of law. one significant stakeholder that has been largely ignored in the debate on lex petrolea is the local or indigenous oil community.99 yet, as this article argues, the local community bears the brunt of oil and gas exploitation. this raises an important question on why indigenous social ordering rules have not played a role in the formulation and further development of lex petrolea. framing an african lex petrolea a leading energy law firm, ashurst100 has debated whether an african lex petrolea exists. this debate has arisen due to the comparative analysis of national legislation and host state contracts undertaken by appa states. the study is designed to identify the key principles, practices and trends that apply to the african industry. it also seeks for the development of a model production sharing agreement (psa).101 it is suggested that the development of these standardised rules and the model psa could lead to the establishment of an african lex petrolea.102 it is questionable whether this comparative study undertaken by appa states on the one hand and by “a consortium of international law firms and consultants,”103 on the other, will necessarily bring about the development of an african lex petrolea that will meet the needs of all stakeholders. it will appear that the appa study as currently formulated is designed to cater for the needs of african national oil companies (nocs) and international oil companies (iocs). it does not appear that local oil communities were directly involved in its decision-making process. the non-inclusivity of local community needs may mean that an “african lex petrolea” solely developed from this 98 ibid, 17-18. 99 waryrk (n 90)13. 100 nicholas bonnefoy, moving towards an african lex petrolea (ashurst llp energy briefing, 2012). 101 ibid, 1. 102 ibid. 103 ibid. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 162 appa study will fail to make any meaningful impact in resolving resource conflicts between appa states, mncs and local communities. understanding that the oil and gas industry is prone to the risk of disputes, industry stakeholders have developed lex petrolea to assist in the resolution of such disputes. while these body of transnational rules have proved useful in the resolution of disputes between states and mncs, the notion of lex petrolea as presently conceived is unlikely to play any major role in the resolution of current and emerging disputes between states (and mncs) and local communities. this is because the norms that currently shape lex petrolea are primarily derived from western received law and practices. this article argues that there is a place to embed african social ordering norms which focus on communitarianism, human dignity and social justice in oil and gas dispute resolution mechanisms. the inclusion of these rules in the legal system of governance of oil and gas resources will help to de-escalate the tensions between the “civic public” represented by african state structures and the “primordial public” represented by oil and gas producing communities. a close appraisal of ongoing conflicts in regions like the niger delta establish that community agitations extend beyond environmental degradation of their land and resources. these conflicts focus more on the fundamental concern that the african civic state has failed in its ‘custodian’ role to properly utilise and administer petroleum resources derived from the local oil communities. these communities still value and hold on to the tenets of fundamental african social ordering rules such as ubuntu which are based on humaneness, fairness, social justice and sharing. there are variants of the ubuntu principle which exist in the niger delta region, including the ijaw concept ‘kemesese-ebi’ (the common good of all). this supports the arguments of chigara104 and ramose105 that there is an underlining african social ordering norm that promotes social justice, fairness and communality. the overarching argument of this article is that there is a role that this underlining norm can play in promoting a more equitable framework of petroleum governance in sub-saharan africa. a call for the inclusion of this underlining african social ordering norm in lex petrolea and in oil and gas dispute resolution mechanisms may not be such a utopian ideal. the recent edition of the tdm journal shows that there is growing call for the inclusion of african indigenous 104 chigara (n 4). 105 ramose (n 38). the denning law journal 163 rules in the arbitration of oil and gas disputes arising from africa.106 this does not mean that these rules will necessarily gain the same status as the current western rules that frame transnational petroleum law and national legislation. but the south african 1993 interim constitutional model demonstrates that it is possible to embed indigenous african rules within a civic public legal framework that focus on an african understanding of humaneness, social justice and communitarianism. however, the universalism and cultural relativism debate which resonates in the human rights law may have an impact on the development of an african lex petrolea. this is an important point that requires further deliberation. african lex petrolea: unintended consequences of cultural and ethnic relativism the call for the inclusion of african social ordering rules evokes the universalism and cultural relativism debate. this is a debate that continues to resonate in human rights law. the debate is premised on the viewpoint that human rights are universal and do not require cultural validation.107 this is because human rights are premised on the inherent value of being human. but donnelly108 in his leading work points out that there are aspects of human nature that can be considered culturally relative. he therefore argues that some recognition should be given to the ‘crosscultural variations in human rights.’109 conversely, those who argue against ‘cultural variability’110 have based their arguments on the fact that cultural relativism can be used as a tool of oppression111 and for perpetuating repugnant norms and practices. they further argue that rights universalism ensures that all human beings are entitled to equal rights.112 106 see for example florence shako, “towards a transnational legal order: the role of culture in commercial arbitration in africa” (2016) 13(4) tdm journal; victoria safran, “african voices on cultural issues impacting the role of africans and africa in international arbitration” (2016) 13(6) tdm journal available at https://www.transnational-dispute-management.com/journal-browseissues-toc.asp?key=68 . 107 jack donnelly, “cultural relativism and universal human rights” (1984) 6(4) human rights quarterly 400. 108 ibid, 403. 109 ibid. 110 ibid. 111 chi-yu shih “opening the dichotomy of universalism and relativism” (2002) 2(1) human rights and human welfare 13. 112 leon calleja, “universalism, relativism and the concept of law” (2014) journal of the philosophy of international law 59. african ‘social ordering’ grundnorms 164 a full discussion on the “universalism and cultural relativism” debate is beyond the scope of this paper. however, it does shows the challenges that could arise if an african lex petrolea is shaped primarily on indigenous african social ordering norms. it raises the important concern on whether an african lex petrolea primarily based on indigenous social ordering norms can result in cultural and ethnic relativism respectively. ethnic relativism, in particular, is a matter of concern as it focuses on the superiority of one ethnic group over another and delegitimises national hegemony and identity.113 the example of the niger delta which is a current theatre of oil and gas resource conflicts demonstrates the dangers of a petroleum governance framework that perpetuates ethnic relativism and not national hegemony and identity. as previously stated, there is the continuing belief that wealth extracted from minerals within this region is being utilised by other ethnic groups within nigeria to the detriment of the developmental needs of the groups within the niger delta.114 while it is important to promote true federalism which allows the component units to exert greater control over the natural resources situated within their regions, this should not detract from the fundamental objective of the common national good. it is debatable whether the underlining normative rule of ubuntu and its different variants will perpetuate ethnic relativism. this is because the concept itself canvasses for interdependence and common humanity where all is done for the common good of all. unfortunately, many african states which are obligated by their constitutions and national laws to manage natural resources in trust for the common benefit of their citizens have failed to do so. this is why there is a need for the restructuring of the framework of petroleum governance which is currently premised on domanial state ownership. the inclusion of an underlining african social ordering norm which facilitates ‘a bottom to top’ approach which encourages local communities to participate in the decision-making process may help to de-escalate current volatilities within theatres of resource conflicts in sub-saharan africa. part five: conclusion sub-saharan africa is a key region for oil and gas exploitation. yet some of its key petroleum basins are regarded as theatres of resource conflicts. these conflicts are partly due to dialectical conflicts between the “civic public” and the “primordial public”. this article argues that 113 robinson (n 78). 114 ikien et al (n 77.) the denning law journal 165 these conflicts can be de-escalated through the development of an african lex petrolea comprising of received western law and practices and indigenous african social ordering norms. the current effort of the appa states to develop standardised rules for the continent is a step in the right direction in ensuring effective governance of petroleum resources. the appa study however has some shortcomings. this is because the study primarily caters to the needs of oil companies and african civic states. yet as ekeh’s “two publics”115 demonstrates, many african communities operate within “two publics”the “civic public” consisting of the state apparatus and institutions, and the “primordial public’ consisting of the family, community and ethnic groupings. the article recommends for the development of an inclusive framework work of petroleum governance that is not only premised on domanial state ownership alone, but one that embodies the underlining african social ordering norm of social justice, fairness and inter-dependence. this norm is known by many names, the most popular description of the norm is the term ‘ubuntu.’ this article however questions whether this norm has attained the status of grundnorm as argued in other literature.116. this is because the “civic public” represented through the state structure controls the legitimisation process of legal normative formation. the presupposition exercise for normative formation is premised on state sovereignty. this has led to the establishment of a hierarchical system of legal governance where the state constitution is regarded as the supreme law of the land and embodying the grundnorm or fundamental rule. the 1993 transitional constitution of south africa was presented as a bold attempt of an african state to incorporate the underlining basic african social ordering norm known as ubuntu. unfortunately this was not followed through in the final 1996 constitution. this demonstrates the continuing application of the modernisation theory which requires africa to continue to treat western received law as its benchmark for development and modernisation, without equal regard to african social ordering norms. this article recommends further empirical study be undertaken by the appa or similar bodies to ascertain the continent-wide application of these norms and their relevance to the development of an inclusive framework of petroleum governance for all stakeholders in africa. 115 ekeh (n 11). 116 chigara (n 4) above. 37 denning law journal 2015 vol 28 special issue pp 37-65 environmental taxation in the uk: the climate change levy and policy making john mceldowney and david salter# abstract environmental taxation is different from many other forms of taxation as it is not only used to raise revenue but it is also able to marginally influence behaviour to protect and enhance the environment. it provides valuable market led mechanisms to help limit greenhouse gas emissions, encourage sustainable behaviour and improve environmental performance to address climate change. the post paris (cop21) agreement provides a framework for global actions to address climate change and this sets the context for the discussion of environmental taxation. environmental taxes have enormous potential to change carbon usage. in 2012, the coalition government (2010-2015) opined that the definition of an environmental tax includes three principles, namely that the tax is explicitly linked to the government’s environmental objectives, that the primary objective of the tax is to encourage environmentally positive behaviour, and that the tax is structured in relation to environmental objectives, particularly the more polluting the behaviour the greater tax levied.1 the current government has adopted and applied this definition. by way of contrast, the definitions of environmental taxation favoured by the office for national statistics (ons) and the organisation for economic cooperation and development (oecd), respectively, give a wider remit for environmental taxation and policy making and include, for instance, various transport taxes which, as will be seen, do not fall within the government’s definition of an environmental tax. the climate change levy, which is the focus of this article, was introduced as one of a series of professor of law, school of law, university of warwick. e-mail: j.f.mceldowney@warwick.ac.uk. # senior associate fellow, school of law, university of warwick. e-mail: david.salter10@virginmedia.com. 1 janet e milne and mikael skou andersen, “introduction to environmental taxation concepts and research” in janet e milne and mikael skou andersen (eds), handbook of research on environmental taxation (edward elgar, 2014) 15-32. environmental taxation in the uk 38 new environmental taxes on business energy use in 2001. it is charged on electricity, gas liquefied petroleum gas and solid fuels used by business. generally, environmental taxes are intended to increase investments in renewable technologies while reducing carbon emissions, but they are vulnerable to political influence and policy changes. thus, the rationale for environmental or ‘green’ taxes has shifted perceptibly to raising revenue rather than enabling government to meet its obligations under the climate change act 2008. environmental taxes are also susceptible to oil prices and fluctuations in the global economy. the north sea oil and gas industry is going through a difficult period of retrenchment. a recent independent report has suggested that the industry has two years to adjust to changing economic circumstances.2 inevitably, this will impact on the tax revenues raised from this sector. in an ideal world, environmental taxes should be easy to avoid through a change in behaviour and, consequently, hard to evade. environmental taxes provide important means to achieve policy objectives, but their full potential requires public support and, especially, engagement by the business community. the future of environmental taxes may depend on the success of ‘green’ investment. there is a case for introducing a single climate tax on business. undoubtedly, environmental taxes deserve greater attention in the economic toolbox to meet climate change commitments. the uk faces some difficult policy decisions under the climate change act 2008 to meet the 2030 energy and climate change package targets.3 currently, the uk receives 7.5 % of tax revenue from environmental taxes.4 to date, environmental taxation has had mixed outcomes in the uk, though few doubt its potential to define the future of carbon based energy use. keywords: environmental taxation, climate change levy, mirrlees review, carbon taxes, transport and energy taxes. 2 price waterhouse coopers, north sea oil and gas industry (london, 12 june 2016). 3 house of commons, environmental audit committee, eu and uk environmental policy (3rd report session 2015-16 hc 537) paras 3-15. 4 house of commons, postbrief, measuring performance for the carbon budgets (number 17, january 2016). the denning law journal 39 introduction environmental taxation is distinctive from other forms of taxation as it is intended to raise revenue as well as marginally influence behaviour to protect and enhance the environment. it applies a market led solution to reduce climate change through favouring low carbon technologies. 5 altering behaviour is not easily achieved and environmental taxation is subject to many socio-political influences. the desirable outcomes are often contested and to be effective their design, regulation and enforcement need to be carefully judged. the so-called “greening” of the tax system is favoured by many international organisations including the oecd and the european environmental agency (eea). the underlying assumption is that the tax base should address environmentally harmful or polluting activities and favour environmentally beneficial or neutral activities. increasing the share of environmental taxes in public revenues is a common aspiration with the intention of shifting the taxation of labour towards environmental taxation by 2020. 6 the adjustment in taxation from traditional sources, such as income to activities that may damage the environment is likely to be especially challenging when there are large budget deficits and constraints on public spending. fluctuations in the global economy and in oil prices also add to the difficulties of ensuring consistent policy making. many western countries are no longer high users of energy intensive industrial processes that now reside, principally, in china and india. this has implications for the taxation base upon which environmental taxes are drawn. the eu commission has given strong support for increasing the application of environmental taxation. 7 the eea 8 has also favoured reforming environment taxation suggesting that member states adopt the wider use of taxation to achieve environmental goals. 9 an additional benefit is that environmental taxation facilitates international country 5 janet e milne and mikael skou andersen (eds), handbook of research on environmental taxation (n 1) 15. 6 hm treasury, reforming the business energy efficiency tax landscape, (september, 2015). 7 eu commission, roadmap to a resource efficient europe (com(2011) 571/3). 8 european environment agency, environmental tax reform in europe: implications for income distribution (eea technical report no 16/2011). 9 eu parliament library briefing, environmental taxation in the eu (eu parliament, 2 february 2011). environmental taxation in the uk 40 comparison and measurements that provide an indication of country performance on energy usage relative to the economy and growth. a more coherent and integrated approach to taxation, including environmental taxes, is favoured in the findings of a review into uk taxation tax by design10 published in 2011, which was chaired by sir james mirrlees.11 it is argued that in order to avoid short-term cyclical political change that it is necessary to integrate environmental taxation more fully into the uk taxation system. the coalition agreement entered into by the conservative and liberal democrat parties in 2010 made a commitment “to increase the proportion of revenue raised from environmental taxation by the end of this parliament.” this aspiration has been continued by the conservative led government since 2015 and remains so today. while policy makers may be encouraged towards environmental taxation, it is important to ensure that environmental taxation is coherent, and appropriately adjusted within the tax system as a whole. the climate change levy is a tax on non-domestic use of energy which was introduced in april 2001. it is a tax on electricity, gas, liquefied petroleum gas and solid fuels when supplied to business. its main aim is to reduce energy demand and greenhouse gas emissions. the levy required considerable negotiation with business to have it accepted, including a 0.3% cut in employers’ national insurance contributions. the ensuing revenues had to be recycled into the corporate sector as employment tax refunds. this was a form of “earmarking” since the revenues were not used for a specific purpose other than mitigating the taxes imposed on the taxpayers paying the levy. earmarking is used to mean the practice of designating or dedicating specific revenues raised from taxation to offset specified public expenditures and public services. undoubtedly, the aspiration that prompted the levy was the mitigation of the socio-economic effects of an environmentally related tax. this is indicative of some of the problems relating to environmental taxation. more recently, adjustments to the climate change levy 12 are in train taking certain renewals out of an exemption for the tax. this underlines the susceptibility of environmental 10 institute for fiscal studies, tax by design (london, 2011). 11 it is noteworthy that the mirrlees review does not consider the application of the “tobin tax”. this was named after james tobin who suggested a tax for currency transactions to dissuade short term currency speculation. for historical background and context see the tobin tax: recent developments, (house of commons library, sn06184, 16 january 2012). 12 house of commons library briefing paper, climate change levy: renewable energy (number 07283, 26 august 2015). the denning law journal 41 taxation to differing political policies when attempting to influence behaviour to reduce environmental pollution that may prove costly to business and industry. trends in oil and fuel prices reveal broader weaknesses because of geo-political influences such as war in the middle east and over-production of oil from opec countries lowering global oil prices. slow-downs in major economies such as china may also have an impact on reducing demand for oil. it is also unclear if environmental taxes are regressive and more research is needed on the effectiveness of policy making. in february 2016, the house of commons treasury committee expressed concern about the lack of clarity and stability on environmental taxation.13 this article begins with a short history of environmental taxes, followed by an explanation of how environmental taxes are defined in the uk. the significance of the climate change levy is assessed in terms of lessons gained and reforms proposed. this is followed by a discussion of carbon taxes and the growing importance of transport and other forms of energy taxes. finally, the future of environmental tax is considered, including an assessment of its potential to change attitudes to protecting the environment. since 1993, uk environmental taxes have been relatively stable and remain around 7.5% of total revenue from taxes and social contributions.14 the history of environmental taxation environmental taxation may be traced back to environmentalism in the 18th and 19th century and the protection of the environment as a means of preventing and ameliorating social evils. 15 pigou was influential in developing ideas associated with “economic welfare.”16 the principle that government action was favoured whenever it appeared that economic welfare should or might be increased. the pigouvian principle of taxation is that the tax should be used to correct market externalities. this is intended to raise the marginal private costs to the level where it equals higher marginal costs. consequently, environmental taxation offers a means to deter pollution. the tax takes into account the cost imposed by pollution on others and thus internalises external costs. linked to pigou’s analysis was 13 house of commons treasury committee, spending review and autumn statement 2015 (6th report of sessions 2015-16 hc 638). 14 office for national statistics, environmental taxes 2014: london: office for national statistics, 2015. 15 boyd hilton, the age of atonement 1785-1865 (oxford 1986) 270. 16 ac pigou, the economic of welfare (london 1912). environmental taxation in the uk 42 a strong educational value, especially for business developments associated with economic growth. pigou’s underlying philosophy was to impose a tax on companies based on the external costs they generated. this was intended to reimburse society for the external costs while internalising the cost within the company. so-called pigouvian taxes give incentives to companies to look for ways of reducing their market externalities and, thereby, their tax liabilities. the benefits ensure that regulatory structures are in place within the company itself rather than having to be applied through external regulatory controls. this is seen as potentially beneficial to the way environmental regulation may work. instead of complex external systems of regulation, environmental taxation may provide more effective solutions. environmental taxes first appear in france in 1959 in water legislation as policy makers became interested in their potential to address pollution. in 1971, environmental taxation was used to tackle effluent control in the netherlands and germany. economists have led the way in developing environmental taxation especially in the us in the 1960s.17 in 1974, it was accepted in japan to pay for victims of pollution. the experience of the us and japan also showed how effective that taxation might be in curbing emissions. environmental taxation has the potential to replace other forms of taxation, but this fundamental reform of the taxation system has been resisted. in recent years setting a price on carbon has attracted renewed interest and many international experts have argued for environmental taxes to be at the centre of tax reform.18 this means environmental taxes are closely linked to a variety of market based policy instruments, including the inverse, an environmental subsidy. policy makers find market-based instruments such as pricing or quantity related taxes more beneficial than the traditional command control system of regulation and policy making. this makes a shift from prescription and bans that are often enforced by courts to incentives and negotiation to prevent and inhibit pollution. economists largely dominate the literature on environmental taxes, but legal scholars have begun to recognise the significance of environmental taxation. this is partly because of legislation adopting environmental taxes, but also because there are various legal requirements that may become the 17 michael g faure and stefan e weishaar, “the role of environmental taxation: economics and the law” in janet e milne and mikael skou andersen (eds), handbook of research on environmental taxation (n 1) 399-422. 18 there is an annual global conference on environmental taxation. the denning law journal 43 subject of disputes in the courts. legal principles of fairness and due process are relevant as are questions of standard setting and quality controls. the uk supreme court has held that the uk is in breach of the air quality directive thus paving the way for its better application that will inevitably have to address the causes of air pollution in cities and towns.19 the question of how to address air pollution in cities and towns raises issues about congestion taxes and other mechanisms to prevent pollution. diesel vehicles provide a major challenge in terms of nitrous oxide emissions and this makes environmental taxation particularly relevant today. legal discourse is engaged in both policy making as well as the interpretation of various aspects of tax law. exposing the choices and dilemmas facing environmental taxation is highly challenging. environmental taxes are intended to fund public expenditure, but there are associated distributional burdens that have to be considered. there are important questions about whether or not environmental taxation is progressive, especially in the area of transport. defining environmental taxation four possible approaches to the definition of environmental taxation are evident. first, the oecd, along with eurostat, defines environmental taxes according to their intent, namely to encourage pro-environmental outcomes. eurostat offers a general definition of environmental taxes that relates to excise duties levied on environmentally harmful tax bases, such as energy products, transport, polluting activities and resource use. the aim is to influence consumers and producers through price incentives towards less environmentally harmful behaviour. the oecd has a generic definition that deems environmental taxes to mean “any compulsory... payment to general government levied on tax-bases deemed to be of particularly environmental relevance”.20 the second approach is the one adopted by the uk’s office for national statistics (ons). broadly, this definition is similar to the definitions used by the oecd and eurostat. it defines environmental taxes by reference to the effects of the taxation on pro-environmental outcomes: 19 r (on the application of client earth) v secretary of state for the environment food and rural affairs [2015] uksc 28. 20 the oecd definition is cited in ifs, the uk tax system and the environment (2006) 1. environmental taxation in the uk 44 “an environmental tax is defined as a tax whose base is a physical unit such as a litre of petrol, or a proxy for it, for instance a passenger flight that has a proven specific negative impact on the environment. by convention, in addition to pollution related taxes, all energy and transport taxes are classified as environmental taxes.”21 under the ons definition, environmental taxes include fuel duty, vat on fuel duty, renewable energy obligations, vehicle excise duty and air passenger duty. these are included in the uk’s annual budget report. there are several environmental taxes that have been abandoned or changed in the uk. the gas levy was introduced under the gas levy act 1981, but was repealed by the finance act 1998. the hydro-benefit was introduced in 1991 to protect consumers in remote areas from excessive charges resulting from the increased costs of supply. it was abolished in 2004, because it infringed eu law. it was maintained for a limited time, thereafter, by scottish and southern energy. there are many types of environmental tax and their diversity is one of their attractions.22 the third approach, favoured by hm treasury, is to consider the definition of environmental taxes by reference to a central question, namely what is the primary intention behind the taxation. taxes that are primarily revenue raising are excluded from the definition of an environmental tax. there are three criteria to determine whether there is an environmental tax. they are: the tax is linked to the government’s environmental objectives; the primary objective of the tax is to encourage environmentally positive behaviour; and the tax is structured in relation to environmental objectives for example the more polluting the behaviour the greater the tax levied. the weakness in these criteria is that they are directly linked to the policy-making of the government of the day rather than any objective or 21 see the office for national statistics, uk environmental accounts 2010 (june 2010). 22 for example, the rail franchise premia under the railways act 1993 and applied to the first franchises until 1996; boat licences as a means of regulating boat use; fishing licences from 1995 onwards; the aggregates levy introduced in 2002 and which ensures the environmental impact of aggregates extraction; motor vehicles taxes (including excise duty paid by businesses/households) and landfill taxes since 1996 according to the weight of the material deposited. the denning law journal 45 independent assessment of pro-environmental outcomes or intent of the taxation. while this is a permissible interpretation of environmental taxation, it is at variance with the interpretation favoured in the first approach by the ons and international organisations. following the establishment of the coalition government in 2010, there were many pledges to ensure that environmental taxes are as large part of total revenue to 2015/16 as they were in 2010/11. in july 2012, the coalition government promised to “increase the proportion of tax revenue accounted for by environmental taxes”23 as part of its promise to be “the greenest government ever”. hm treasury’s review of environmental taxes published in july 2012 24 identified five environmental taxes. this stance has been maintained today under the conservative government elected in 2015. in the uk, environmental taxes are the: climate change levy (carbon price floor), aggregates levy, landfill tax, eu emissions trading system (euets), and euets carbon reduction commitment. significantly, hm treasury excluded fuel duty and air passenger duty which are included in the ons, oecd and eurostat definitions. in contrast, the institute for fiscal studies (ifs) proposes a fourth definition “that reflects all those taxes which are environmental either in terms of intent or outcome for which there are revenue forecasts to 2015/16”.25 unlike the hm treasury definition, this definition includes the taxation of a company car which reflects the efficiency of the car, and vat on fuel. the significance of the definition of an environmental tax is that it has a major effect on whether or not targets are met and whether the potential of environmental taxation is fully realised. the ifs has assessed how the different definitions may have remarkably different consequences. using hm treasury’s definition, the ifs has estimated that the coalition government’s pledge to ensure that the environmental tax share of tax 23 hm treasury, budget 2011, (hc 836 march 2011) paras 1.110-1.111. 24 the five are landfill tax, the aggregates levy, climate change levy, the eu emissions trading system, and the euets carbon reduction commitment. 25 see the ends report “mps call for environmental tax roadmap” (10 february 2016). environmental taxation in the uk 46 revenue should double from 0.4% to 0.9% by 2020. significantly, it calculated that revenue from environmental taxes would fall between 2010 and 2015/16 by £3.3 billion namely 56% of tax receipts this fiscal year before the government’s pledge to increase environmental taxes made under the coalition agreement is missed.26 the exclusion of fuel duty is therefore significant in the calculation as it raised almost £27.8 billion in 2015/16.27 by excluding fuel duties, the pledge to raise duty in line with the rpi28 is harder to meet as the environmental tax share of tax revenue is set to fall by 0.8 % in 2015/16. 29 the exclusion is politically motivated because, as discussed below, there are strong political pressures to reduce fuel duty in terms of public expectations of lower taxes. the exclusion of fuel duty makes the policy of reducing taxes easier to meet in line with the autumn statement in 2015 cancelling any rise in the fuel duty. this is likely to be the policy for some time to come. if the ons definition is adopted, the proportion of revenues raised by environmental taxes will fall from 7.8% to 7.1 %. this would breach the pledge set by the coalition government and now the conservative government that revenue from environmental taxes should rise by 5% or £2.3 billion.30 this has not happened. the definition of what to include as an environmental tax is largely a matter of political choice. in 2011, the coalition government’s plan for growth31 included the intention to move to a low-carbon economy fostered, in particular, by a £3 billion capitalisation of the green investment bank (soon to be privatised) to secure investment in a green infrastructure as well as a floor price for carbon for electricity generation from 1 april 2013. this remains the present position, but it may have to be adjusted if nuclear energy is to be taken into account. linking environmental taxes to total revenues is not necessarily helpful. setting targets is also subject to variable considerations that may ultimately reduce their credibility. the main consideration ought to be the improvement of the environment. the mirrlees review set high 26 institute for fiscal studies, “a defining issue? the government’s pledge to raise the share of revenue from green taxes” (london 12 december 2012). 27 see office for national statistics, environmental taxes 2014 (london 2015) 14. 28 ons (n 27) 4. 29 ons (n 27) 2. 30 house of commons library briefing paper, energy policy overview (cbf 7582, 5 may 2016). 31 hm treasury, plan for growth (march 2011). the denning law journal 47 expectations that environmental taxes would be more fully integrated into taxation policy with greater clarity given to their role and purpose. it also sought to include fuel duty and related taxes within the definition of environmental taxation. hm treasury has rejected this approach. the climate change levy the climate change levy (ccl) introduced in april 2001 is a tax on business energy use. it is one of the uk’s flagship environmental taxes.32 the inspiration for the ccl came from a hm treasury report published in november 1998 which recognised that such a levy could act as an important economic instrument to improve the industrial use of energy by commercial and business enterprises.33 the ccl is charged on electricity, gas, liquefied petroleum gas and solid fuels when supplied to business. the domestic sector, including public transport, is exempted. in addition, it is complemented by a system of climate change agreements (ccas) that incentivise energy intensive businesses with an allowance of an 80% reduction in the ccl where they agree to reduce emissions and increase energy efficiency. in order to make the ccl politically viable, the revenues from the ccl were recycled back to the corporate sector including commercial and business enterprises through employment tax refunds. the ccl required careful negotiation with business. initially, it was supported by a 0.3% cut in employers’ national insurance contributions. this combination of national insurance contribution reductions and the ccl was not planned to increase the burden on the business sector but to encourage efficiency in energy use. by 2006, the value of national insurance contribution reductions exceeded the receipts from the ccl. as a consequence, additional incentives were introduced to encourage industry and business. an energy efficiency fund of £50 million was established through the carbon trust. the trust has responsibility for the administration of various tax subsidies, including enhanced capital allowances to encourage investments in environmentally friendly energy equipment. the importance of the ccl is that it is charged on industrial and commercial use of electricity, coal, natural gas, and liquefied petroleum gas and that the tax varies with the type of fuel used. the original intention 32 house of commons library, briefing paper (number 07283 26 august 2015). 33 see hm treasury, economic instruments and the business use of energy: a report by lord marshall (november 1998). at the time, lord marshall was chairman of british airways. environmental taxation in the uk 48 behind the tax was to help meet a domestic uk goal of a 20% reduction in carbon dioxide emissions between 1990 and 2010.34 during this period, a major influence was lord marshall‘s recommendation in the 1998 hm treasury report that a downstream tax was desirable to increase “incentives” for the take-up of renewable sources of energy.35 this goal is important as it defined the rationale for the tax and acknowledged the important policy making role that environmental taxes perform. a brief history of ccl is as follows. 36 in 1999, the then labour government took steps to ensure that the new ccl would be structured to reflect the energy content of fuels. notably, the provision of electricity was treated according to the source of the generation of supply. however, electricity supplied from a renewable source was exempt. this exemption did not apply to energy generated from peat, fossil fuel or nuclear fuel. in 2005, this government set an optimistic target with a planned reduction of 3.5 million tonnes of carbon over the next five years to 2010. this was partly to be achieved through a reduction in demand for electricity in the commercial and public sectors. de-industrialisation was also seen as an important element in the reduction of carbon due to reductions in electricity usage. the importance of the exemption, in practice, was that it involved hm revenue and customs in overseeing the operation of the terms of a renewable source contract. the office of the gas and electricity markets (ofgem) and the northern ireland authority for utility regulation (niaur) have to certify that the renewable source electricity has been produced by an accredited generator. the process of certification is detailed and includes a renewable levy exemption certificate for each complete megawatt hour of renewable electricity produced. details of the certificates issued are provided in the data set out by ofgem. recently, the incumbent conservative government decided to abolish this renewable exemption. this was unexpectedly announced in the budget statement in 2015.there are transitional arrangements in place from 1 august 2015. the consequence of removing the exemption is to raise additional funding of £450m in 2015/16 which is expected to rise to £910m by 2020/21. there are guidelines on the implications of the changes. one reason for the government’s decision to 34 house of commons library, climate change levy (sn/bt/235, 20 november 2009) and house of commons library, climate change levy: renewable energy (number 07283, 26 august 2015). 35 hc deb 17 march 1998 (cc 1108-1109); hm treasury budget press notice hmt 14 (17 march 1998). 36 the history is set out in some detail in the house of commons library, climate change levy (sn/bt/235, 20 november 2009). the denning law journal 49 abolish the exemption is that it was impossible to distinguish between renewables generated in the uk and those generated overseas. the government’s position is that one third of the exemption went to overseas generators. some of the energy generators have complained about the speed of this change and the absence of appropriate consultation. they have argued that there had not been sufficient time to take account of the change in policy and that it was illegal. they decided to take a judicial review against the government complaining that the changes had been taken with insufficient warning. the administrative court37 rejected their case on the grounds that no express legitimate expectations or assurance had been given to the generators and that the public interest justified the government’s action with the consequence that the government’s policy should prevail over any private interest. the speed of implementation of these new arrangements for electricity clearly caught the industry by surprise, but it also highlights the vulnerability of tax planning and the difficulty of longer term strategic thinking. the implications of the abolition of the exemption are to make renewable electricity generators in effect pay a carbon tax. this also illustrates the difficulty of environmental taxes in general, namely that their rationale may be distorted by the need for government to raise additional revenue. the vulnerability of environmental taxes is an entirely political choice. in the current government’s election manifesto in may 2015, it was promised that there would be no increase in the rates of vat, income tax or national insurance in the next parliament. this has made other sources of taxes vulnerable to adjustment and with a view to enhancing their revenue yields. the 2016 ifs green budget, published in february 2016, has predicted that the “government’s plan to reach a fiscal surplus is predicated on tax receipts increasing by 1.1% of national income (£21 billion in today’s terms) between 2015-16 and 2019-20”. 38 current estimates suggest that the ccl is forecast to raise over £2.3 billion in revenue in 2015/16 and this target is likely to be met.39 37 r (on the application of drax power and infinis energy holdings) v hm treasury and hm revenue and customs [2016] ewhc 228 (10 february 2016). 38 ifs, ifs green budget 2016 (london 2016) 4 39 ibid. see also house of commons briefing paper cbp 7582, energy policy overview (5 may 2016). environmental taxation in the uk 50 carbon and energy taxes the ccl has been subject to two major criticisms. first, it is poorly conceived and it would be efficacious to replace it with a carbon tax i.e. a tax on fossil fuels used especially by motor vehicles and intended to reduce emissions from carbon dioxide. secondly, it has a disproportionate impact on manufacturing. both criticisms have some merit. the ccl does not vary directly with the carbon content of fuels. however, successive governments have shown reluctance in taking forward a carbon tax. the economic and political sensitivities are such that this has proved too difficult to manage. in 2005, hopkinson, in a paper for the institute for public policy research (ippr), put forward a case for restructuring the ccl, which acknowledged that carbon dioxide emissions vary so considerably between the different fuels, particularly for coal and liquefied petroleum gas. the ippr suggested a differential levy for different fuels.40 there is opposition to adopting a domestic energy tax on the ground that it will only exacerbate fuel poverty even when the revenue is recycled to increase welfare benefits. pressure on the ccl has continued since 2005 with opposition from some business sectors that have objected to perceived unnecessary tax burdens. there is strong support for a carbon tax in the analysis offered by the mirrlees review, especially when viewed in the broader context of developing international carbon taxes. establishing a consistent price for greenhouse gas emissions is an area where environmental taxation might be developed further and made more effective. in environmental terms, the aim is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, thus making it more expensive to burn fossil fuels. this may, in the short term, lead to production cost increases with an inevitable reduction in output and the potential to create labour market shifts and unemployment. however, there are many gains to be made, including an impact on climate change. pricing is the key factor, especially with the aim of reducing pollution. the ifs has estimated that: “the economic cost of a given reduction in carbon emissions would be far lower if the reductions occurred wherever they were cheapest. this would happen almost automatically if policy simply taxed all carbon equally, regardless of where it came from or how it was used: the price increase would mean that polluting activity of marginal value would no longer be worthwhile and would cease (or shift to using alternative fuels), leaving only those activities for 40 lisa hopkinson, the war on motoring myth or reality (london 2012) 25. the denning law journal 51 which burning fossil fuels was so important that it was worth bearing the higher price”.41 the ccl falls short of these ideals. there are wide variations in the emissions of carbon dioxide depending on the fuel used and whether it is within household or businesses. there is an absence of a coherent and consistent price for greenhouse emissions. policy is often contradictory ranging from the euets, the ccl, the renewables obligations and even in the application of vat. national taxation systems have to take account of international agreements and the globalised market makes any taxation system problematic. this must be acknowledged as a restraint on individual country initiatives. this is a long standing problem since the application of environmental taxes to energy following the agreements reached at the earth summit in rio in 1992, which led, in turn, to the un framework convention on climate change. five years later, in 1997, the kyoto protocol provided binding commitments on countries to reduce emissions of the principal greenhouse gases. the paris agreement (cop 21) is likely to encourage carbon taxes and a greater use of environmental taxation.42 in 2006, the stern review took matters to the next stage by providing an economic analysis of the costs of climate change. whilst in the mirrlees review, fullerton et al conclude: “… it is difficult to imagine that any substantial reduction in the uk’s emissions can be achieved without according a significant role to energy pricing measures, in some form, whether through taxes or emissions trading”.43 they suggest that the most appropriate solution would be to set a price for fossil fuel usage, including one imposed generally on carbon fuels. pricing is a complex and technical matter because as the authors suggest: 41 ifs, ifs green budget 2012 (london 2012) 175. 42 brookings institute, cop21 (new york 2016). 43 don fullerton, andrew leicester and stephen smith, “environmental taxes” in institute for fiscal studies, tax by design (london, 2011) 423, 450. environmental taxation in the uk 52 “as with any other externality tax, the aim should be to ensure that private decisions that result – directly or indirectly – in additional greenhouse gas emissions take account of the costs imposed on the global climate”.44 such environmental costs will be spread over a considerable time and are likely to include changes in sea-level and weather patterns characterised by storms, floods and droughts. costs of population dislocation and potential social conflict have all to be considered. ideally, it is concluded by fullerton et al that a tax to control atmospheric emissions of carbon dioxide would be levied on individuals and enterprises. this might be best included within the existing euets established in 2005. estimates can be made as to how such taxation might work. in 2006, permitted greenhouse gas emissions in the uk under the kyoto protocol were 652 tonnes, by 2015 these were reduced to 607.9 million. the aim is to reduce the emissions by between 12.7 and 20% by 2020.45 taxation in real terms might result in an aggregate revenue of about £13 billion, a sizeable amount equivalent to 2.6% of total receipts from taxes and national insurance contributions.46 it is envisaged that allowances, that is amounts set off against tax, might be calculated in terms of residential reductions and related taxes and might have to be adjusted to take account of the new taxation arrangements. this might provide a powerful set of incentives to users to change their habits and adopt environmentally friendly options. in summary, it is clear that energy taxes have the ability to affect behaviour, provide revenue streams and encourage the introduction of incentives for good practice. pricing can promote cost effective strategies and this has the potential to encourage behaviour changes. the environmental audit committee concluded: “the uk has a complex mix of environmental taxes and price signals, particularly for energy. for example, there are now four carbon “tax points” in the electricity supply chain. and there are a multitude of different effective tax rates on carbon emissions that vary between different users of energy and different fuels. the mirrlees review of the tax system concluded that there is a long way 44 ibid, 431. 45 committee on climate change, climate change and the uk emissions (march 2015). see also nao, a short guide to the department of energy and climate change (london 2015). 46 fullerton et al (n 43) 460. the denning law journal 53 to go to achieve a consistent price for carbon and that the range of policies and emissions sources is so complex that it is hard to say what the effective carbon prices are”.47 difficulties in addressing carbon emissions are also evident in pressure to reduce fuel duty rates.48 this is especially sensitive when fuel costs rise. when fuel costs fall, the problem is that the yield from the tax diminishes. having few tax incentives to switch to lower carbon transport alternatives, the long term environmental strategies may be muddled with short term tax reductions. the ifs green budget 2012 makes clear that there is a need for a coherent system of environmental taxes and that “the effective tax on carbon varies dramatically according to its source, and fuel duties are a poor substitute for road pricing.”49 currently, the euets is of limited coverage. there are inconsistencies between it and the remit of national domestic taxes that cover the source of the emission as between variables such as the type of fuel used and the identity of users i.e. business or domestic. reductions in levels of vat on domestic fuels act as a distortion and effectively subsidise the creation of carbon emissions. the solution proposed is to find a way to tax emissions that are not within the current euets arrangements. one suggestion made by the mirrlees review is to make greater use of vat. this has the disadvantage of arguably affecting poorer households disproportionally. consideration of how to encourage policy making that successfully improves the energy efficiency of domestic housing and encourages improvements and efficiencies in fuel usage is important. political policy making may well find this is a difficult task to address when public spending budgets are being cut and there is tight control over future spending. another example is the related application of airport passenger duty related to airport usage.50 the lessons for policy makers are that environmental taxes are complex and, without government prioritisation, they may lack political acceptance. transport taxes hm treasury’s exclusion of transport taxes from its definition of environmental taxes fits uneasily with the ons approach and the ifs definition that includes transport taxes. improvements in the design of 47 house of commons environmental audit committee sixth report: budget and environmental taxes 2010-2012 (7 july 2011) 13 para 21. 48 hm treasury, budget statement 2011. 49 ifs, ifs green budget (february 2012) 168. 50 ends report (issue 441, october 2011) 5. environmental taxation in the uk 54 transport taxes have the potential to improve the environment as well as increase tax revenues. the uk economy has to bear considerable costs because of road congestion, including time lost for journeys taken and the expenditure on higher fuel costs. transport taxes may take two forms – congestion charges and road taxes. congestion charges attempt to tackle traffic congestion, air quality and the economy. road taxes include fuel duties and vehicle excise duties, but there is no coherent system of motoring taxation, and this may result in unnecessary burdens on business and, ultimately, consumer costs. falling fuel taxes, since the end of 2014, have reduced the amount of tax revenue raised, and fuel duty was frozen in 2013 initially, until 2015. this was extended in the 2016 budget.51 congestion charges and road taxes the mirrlees review favoured congestion charging as a priority and as an important means to achieve environmental goals, while at the same time considering that taxes relating to motoring and congestion charges should be related in a coherent way. further, a recent department of transport study identified congestion as the largest cost to society.52 it estimated that congestion cost 12.3p per kilometre mile compared to 1.6p for all other environmental and safety costs. in relation to transport taxes, fullerton et al state: “it is clear, however, that an optimal system of road transport taxes would require taxes that could be precisely targeted against the various externalities involved. in particular, road pricing should charge drivers according to the distance driven, location and time. if so, then prices would vary to take account of congestion and noise externalities, leaving fuel duties to capture environmental externalities”.53 fullerton et al also raise doubts about whether any restructuring of the road transport tax system will result in any additional revenue, encourage motorists to change their behaviour, alter traffic patterns or ensure predictable gains for the environment. they argue, further, that the most appropriate measure is to consider congestion pricing, which is a very 51 house of commons library, briefing paper: petrol and diesel prices (number 04712, 17 march 2016). 52 department of transport, an introduction to the department for transport’s road congestion statistics (london 2015). 53 ibid, 484-5 para 5.6.6; fullerton (n 43). the denning law journal 55 sophisticated form of congestion charging, as a viable alternative. this would involve complex road pricing schemes developed by economic modelling. they conclude that considerable benefits would come from this innovation. such a wholesale reform would require public support and careful monitoring. there would have to be a commensurate reduction in fuel duty to leave overall revenues unchanged. underlying such reforms, of course, is the need for the political will to lead and implement change. to date, the experience of congestion charging has been patchy and indicative of party political division and extreme sensitivity to voter preferences.54 following the labour government’s 1998 transport white paper,55 first, the greater london authority act 1999 for london and, then, the transport act 2000 for the rest of england and wales introduced powers for local road users to be charged. in the case of london, this power is exclusively delegated to the elected mayor of london. in the case of the rest of england and wales, the powers are vested in the secretary of state in collaboration with local authorities. political parties are divided on the use of congestion powers and the then conservative opposition in the 1990s was opposed to the enactment of new environmental taxes. further, the local transport act 2008 provides for how charging is to be implemented in london with oversight powers given to the secretary of state over the equipment to be used and how the revenues from congestion charges should be raised. the london congestion charging system covers the london low emission zone (lez). there are emission standards that limit the amount of emissions and gases and where vehicles do not meet the requisite levels there is a daily charge. the lez, which was established by the previous mayor, ken livingstone, continued under boris johnson but with concerns about its effectiveness. over the years, various proposals to alter the parameters of lez have been put forward. since 2008 the charges have not been raised in line with the effective charging bands. the lessons from the operation of the lez are clear. in order to meet potential political opposition and voter rejection, the case for congestion charging needs to be more strongly advanced, especially in terms of consistency and coherence. the mirrlees review56 makes a strong case for 54 see mark bowler smith and huigenia ostik, “towards a classification of the central london congestion charge as a tax” [2011] british tax review 487. 55 detr, a new deal for transport: better for everyone (cm 3950 july 1998). 56 james mirrlees, “the mirrlees review: conclusions and recommendations for reform” (2011) 32(3) fiscal studies 331, 340. see also hm government, the coalition: our programme for government (may 2010) and dft, creating environmental taxation in the uk 56 making the pricing of environmental externalities a priority in the tax system and to provide a means of addressing the uk’s current, arbitrary and inconsistent pricing on emissions from different sources and a poorly targeted tax on fuel consumption. the solution lies in settling the externalities of environmental taxes giving an appropriate priority in the tax system: “we remain some way short of having a coherent system of environmental taxes to address imperatives around climate change and congestion. the effective tax on carbon varies dramatically according to its source and fuel duty is a poor substitute for road pricing”.57 the case for taking forward congestion charging is a case in point where the benefits are likely to be beyond reductions in carbon emissions. in 2006, the department of transport proposed a variable road pricing scheme.58 the variables included place, time of day and so on. the aim was to reflect the actual congestion levels and costs. if such a scheme were advanced, there would be sensitive political issues surrounding the public’s acceptance of the tax. even if there was some related reduction in fuel duty the true costs might prove excessive. this is a good example of relating consequences to policy-making. transport policy is strongly influenced by increasing demands on road use, linked to business and domestic usage. the importance of a transport policy is clear; its absence as a priority in government policy making is a matter of regret. there are many reasons for thinking that settling the tax regime may yet achieve the desirable consequences of making transport policy a reality. there is also the question of electric car use and its encouragement by government policy over traditional fossil fuel engines. this is an inevitable and fast growing development that also needs to be incorporated into transport policy. increasing reliance on electric cars feeds into the issue of electricity generation with profound consequences for energy policy. less revenue may be raised through congestion charging if electric cars are given an advantage which may mean a drop in revenue. at one level moving to a national road pricing scheme is an important benefit. it may also deepen our need for a coherent taxation policy. a holistic approach to environmental taxation rather than settling on a case by case growth, cutting carbon: making sustainable local transport happen (cm 7996, january 2011). 57 ibid 340. 58 see generally fullerton et al (n 43) 423. the denning law journal 57 basis is an essential aim. the question remains as to how best to achieve this within policy making, and, further, whether policy makers are capable of achieving this laudable aim? road taxes include fuel duty and vehicle excise duty. these duties generated a combined revenue of £33 billion in 2011. this amount has remained reasonably stable, for example, in 2014-15 when the revenue raised by fuel duty and excise duty amounted to £33.1 billion.59 this makes road taxes an important revenue stream, but ignores the overall costs to society in terms of congestion, road casualties, congestion costs, air pollution, greenhouse gas emissions and health matters. fuel duty is a case in point. using its definition of environmental taxes, the ons estimates that fuel duty accounts for 65% of all revenue raised by environmental taxes.60 the labour government (1979-2010) introduced a fuel duty escalator based on 2001 rates of vehicle excise duty which were calculated by reference to levels of carbon dioxide emitted by the vehicle. in 2011, the fuel duty escalator was renamed the fuel duty stabiliser.61 in march 2016, it was frozen for the sixth year in succession because of the dramatic fall in oil prices to around $40 barrel. motor fuel 62 has been subject to various revenue raising taxes, including, at one time, the above-mentioned additional year on year escalator to ensure that taxation maintained a consistent revenue stream.63 this resulted in rising fuel costs that were exacerbated by global market forces in the supply of oil. the result was to see a limit on the amount the government could reasonably expect fuel consumers to pay. high fuel costs have the potential for distorting prices for food and other consumables as well as goods and services more generally with a direct impact on inflation and living standards across different income groups. future policy shifts may include abolition of the fuel duty.64 the failure of hm treasury to regard fuel duty as an environmental tax because its original purpose was not to meet environmental objectives leaves the tax particularly vulnerable to the motoring lobby which complains of high fuel costs. such complaint does not take into account the environmental significance of the duty in shaping consumer behaviour 59 institute for fiscal studies, green report 2015 (london 2015). 60 ons, environmental taxes 2014 (london 2015) 3-6. 61 see house of commons library briefing paper, petrol and diesel prices (04712 17 march 2016). 62 zoe smith, the petrol tax debate (ifs briefing note no. 8 july 2000). 63 ifs report (n 59). 64 hm treasury, budget 2016 (london 2016). environmental taxation in the uk 58 towards the use of public transport and the purchase of environmentally friendly vehicles. it is clear that counting fuel duty as an environmental tax not only will ensure that motoring is an important source of tax revenue, but also becomes a lever of behavioural change. fullerton et al 65 commented that the abolition of the fuel duty escalator, its replacement in 2011 by a fuel duty stabiliser, followed by a freeze in duty for the sixth year in succession and consequent behavioural changes has resulted in a “decline in revenues relative to national income tax which is also due, in part, to the significant switch towards diesel fuel that has taken place in recent years”.66 this does not change the “uk pump price” of fuel which is one of the highest in the eu at about 10% more per litre than the eu average.67 environmental taxes also have the potential to distort the market as well as policy-making. as zoe smith concluded in 2000, environmental taxes may also lead to a conflict of interests: “the aims of the road fuel duty are conflicting. the propriety of demand for fuel that makes it difficult to reduce consumption through price rises makes it a good source of revenue for the chancellor. if the government did succeed in getting people out of their cars and onto public transport, they would lose fuel as a valuable source of revenue”.68 such potential for distortions in policy making needs to be appreciated in the political cycle and environmental taxes are susceptible to vagaries of electoral choices at election times or where government is unpopular. careful research and analysis are needed to ensure that one benefit is not outweighed by another. calculating the potential benefits and detriments of environmental taxation is essential for the future. energy and carbon use is another good example of this conundrum. poorer housing is inevitably less efficient in energy use. consequently, the revenue yield from energy taxes has to take account of the proportionate costs on different households. such distortions make the tax difficult in terms of settling the correct level. richer and poorer households need to be treated differentially;69 a factor 65 fullerton et al (n 43) 471. 66 ibid. 67 office for national statistics, environmental taxes 2014 (london 2015) 2-4. 68 smith (n 62) 8. 69 see generally al bovemberg and lh goulder, “environmental taxation and regulation” in aj auerbach and m feldsten (eds), handbook of public economics vol 3 (amsterdam 2002). the denning law journal 59 that through an inevitable element of progressivity can only add to complexity. another important source of revenue linked to the environment is the vehicle excise duty. this is based on an annual per-vehicle tax variable according to age and size of the vehicle, and from 2001, carbon emissions of vehicles. there are also tax reductions for alternative fuels. the overall aim is to encourage consumers to purchase less polluting vehicles. there is no settled view on how polluting the alternatives are and this is likely to discourage strong policy-making by government. transport taxes are also a good example of the efforts required by the government to convince the public of the advisability of taxation with a strong recognition of the environmental benefits that might accrue. the recent ippr paper has made a number of key observations about fuel costs. the most important is that “planned annual increases in motoring taxes should be part of a rational government policy designed to change behaviour and raise much needed revenue to fund sustainable transport measures”.70 the future of environmental taxes in the uk environmental taxation may offer an alternative to the much criticised command and control form of regulation and offers a wider range of regulatory techniques. there are practical as well as theoretical considerations. in practical terms, the finance (no 2) act 2015 prevents income tax, vat and national insurance contributions from rising above their current rates. this offers environmental taxation as a means of taking forward the raising of tax revenue as well as protecting the environment. at a theoretical level, the analysis offered by fullerton et al in the environmental studies chapters 71 of the research part of the mirrlees review makes a convincing case for the use of environmental taxation as opposed to conventional regulation based on the cost-effectiveness of various economic instruments. this is examined through the advantages and disadvantages of each approach. the main advantages of taxation are that it may provide incentives for innovation and it gives polluters an incentive to reduce pollution and, thereby, costs. further, as the tax may apply to each unit of residual emissions, this creates an incentive to develop new technologies. regulation seeks to achieve the same outcome, but, often, fails to encourage continued reductions and there is an incentive to bargain with the regulators on a case by case basis. regulators are 70 lisa hopkinson, the war on motoring myth or reality (london 2012) 25. 71 fullerton et al (n 43) see especially chapter 5. environmental taxation in the uk 60 dependent on information and data from firms, especially about abatement costs. dialogue and negotiation may invariably occur with a form of plea bargaining between the regulator and the industry. extracting reduced prices from regulators for compliance agreements is not unusual. examples abound over utility pricing or licensing agreements. in contrast, taxation has the advantage of seeking a cost-effective distribution of abatement without bargaining conditions. case by case consideration of each taxpayer is not required with the result that there is potential for greater fairness as all taxpayers face the same tax on their pollution. implicit in the claimed for advantages of taxation is the idea that the risk of individual negotiation and the erosion of environmental protection is reduced, but it should be noted that there is the possibility of negotiated settlements between hmrc and taxpayers. finally, conventional regulation may not be effective in raising revenue. this gives environmental taxation an obvious attraction in times of fiscal uncertainty. however, this may not always be decisive. the predictability of tax revenues being raised also has to be factored into the assessment. revenue is always dependent on behavioural responses and changing cultural attitudes. political choices are often overshadowed by election contests and voter choices. in respect of the environment, behaviour may be minimally influenced by taxation strategies as there are demands on energy and transport usage that are non-optional. this may vary from location to location and reflect local/central relations more than a desire to protect or enhance the environment. environmental taxation may be limited in its ability to change or influence behaviour. taxation may simply be passed on to third parties through pricing or other market mechanisms. this may dilute its effects. collectively and generally, environmental taxation and other assorted economic instruments have drawbacks and shortcomings that also need to be considered. for many reasons, uniform pollution taxes may themselves be a result of inefficiency in identifying the sources of pollution effectively enough. source-by-source taxation may not be adequate and lead to market distortions because the taxation system replicates market problems of hidden cross subsidies. the taxation system may be ineffective because the market is distorted. this can be remedied, in part, by tailoring taxation to meet the problem of differential sources and users. for example, domestic users might be treated separately from business users; rural and city communities may also be differentiated and, similarly, vulnerable groups from others. the operation of differential tax rates can result in effective outcomes. there are many variables, however, and it is often difficult to predict outcomes. lobbying is also likely to be keenly felt, especially bargaining between parties and individuals with government. the denning law journal 61 environmental taxes also require some degree of integration with the corporate frameworks that they apply to. the avoidance of over complication is essential and there is a need to ensure, for example, that larger enterprises are in a position to achieve overall control and guidance over their local subsidiaries or branches. this is a problem in terms of overall corporate governance and responsibility. the internal organisation in many local enterprises has to be able to accommodate general guidance from the “parent”. small enterprises have also to be such as to introduce marginal cost abatement of the pollution. careful consideration has to be given to the internal management of firms and their ability to address abatement costs and to ensure that appropriate and effective measures are in place, for example, policies on ensuring that the environment is brought to the attention of groups for example, recycling or reuse. environmental taxation is also subject to adverse consequences if those subject to the tax are able to respond in a more damaging way. waste taxation is a classic example where illegal dumping, which is difficult to prevent and regulate, can be the result. as a consequence, there is a loss of revenue and a failure to protect the environment that leads to greater social and economic cost through the need for detection and clean up. there is also a concern that, in general, taxation has a retributive effect. the burdens on the less advantaged may be disproportionately large when compared to the wealthy. this distributional effect is applicable to environmental taxation as surely as it is to any other taxation. it is also a matter of national concern as additional burdens claimed by industry increases the unit cost of production and impact on uk competitiveness. these are familiar arguments in the analysis of any taxation system and should be factored into the discussion of environmental taxation. in weighing up the arguments for and against environmental taxation there are some additional factors such as administration and enforcement costs that have to be considered. a pollution tax may require the measurement of emissions and making these accurate is important both for monitoring and enforcement. in general, a tax can be readily imposed upon any market transaction such as the sale of a final good or service. an environmental tax is different. there are no ready market transactions for emissions, pollution and deforestation or dumping. monitoring is difficult and often impossible to verify as it involves self-reporting. it often involves verification, inspection and monitoring and may be challenging. on the other hand, it is important that any driver to change behaviour and address environmental problems in the form of environmental taxation is an important element in future planning. assessing the use of environmental taxes is a matter of setting priorities and ensuring that revenue, as well as behavioural changes, is calibrated. environmental taxation in the uk 62 environmental taxes are perhaps at their most helpful in changing behaviour. the costs of direct regulation are much larger than taxation potentially making regulation relatively more expensive. tax rates, however, need to be finely adjusted when applied in relation to polluting substances. fine tuning and careful calculation of tax incentives is needed if environmental taxation is to make a difference. there is also considerable literature on the potential for environmental taxes to create unintended distortions within tax systems that often enhance pre-existing distortions. unintended consequences may include increased production costs that might be passed on through consumer prices, lowering the net wage of households. there may also be consequences for labour retention and company investment strategies. the mirrlees review has two specific recommendations relevant to environmental taxes. first, it recommended that a consistent price on carbon emissions is introduced through a combination of extended coverage of the euets and a consistent tax on other emission sources. this would include a tax on domestic gas consumption. the latter is hard to implement because of the escalating political problems caused by higher energy costs. the second recommendation is that the current tax on petrol and diesel might be replaced with a national system of congestion charging. 72 again, this may prove politically difficult to achieve. both recommendations have to be viewed within the broader agenda which is to take the uk towards a progressive neutral tax system, although there is some room for negotiation in terms of implementation: “where there is a strong case for deviating from neutrality – as where environmental externalities exist – such departures need to be much better designed and more clearly focused in the externality created than at present. this should involve consistent pricing of carbon and charges for motorists that reflect the main externality they cause, ie congestion”.73 conclusions environmental taxes are an important element in tackling climate change. under the climate change act 2008, the uk is pledged by 2050 to reduce carbon emission by at least 80% from 1990 levels. various caps in terms of carbon budgets have been introduced up to 2027. 72 see mark bowler smith and huigenia ostik (n 54) 500 regarding the central london congestion charge: in particular, the charge’s revenue raising capacity. 73 mirrlees (n 56) 353. the denning law journal 63 environmental taxation has an important part to play in achieving such goals. using the government’s own definition of environmental taxes, in 2014/15, uk environmental taxes were equivalent to 2.5% of gdp which is slightly above the eu average of 2.4%. in 2014/15, 72.9 % of all income from environmental taxes came from energy taxes, underlining the importance of energy in the taxation system. transport taxes mainly consist of taxes relating to the ownership and use of motor vehicles. in total, transport taxes contributed to 23.7% of all environmental tax revenue. motor vehicles contributed 47.6% of total transport taxes in 2014. businesses contributed 50% of total environmental revenue amounting to £20.8 billion. manufacturing was the largest contributor, followed by transportation and storage. households have also been a contributor of £20.4 billion. the ccl falls short of being a carbon tax and is, in effect, an energy tax, but, as indicated, the tax rate does not vary directly with the carbon content of fuels. in its own terms, it has made a contribution to achieving the uk climate change targets. estimates vary but savings of 12.8 million tonnes of carbon dioxide are calculated to have been made between 2001 from 2010.74 in that respect, this is a reduction of 20% in carbon emissions. the ccl is forecast to raise £2.3 billion in 2015/16. the ccl may also prove to have been a more effective form of regulation than other forms of traditional regulation. its critics suggest that it might have an adverse effect on business and industry, although this is hard to quantify or prove. the present government’s policy to reverse the exemption on qualifying renewables, such as electricity that is not generated from peat, fossil fuel and nuclear fuel, is an important policy shift. this is illustrative of how political sensibilities may influence policy. there are some anomalies in the uk system of environmental taxation. hm treasury’s decision to exclude transport taxes from environmental taxes is out of line with the ons approach and is inconsistent with the present government’s claim to be the “greenest government “on record. there is a strong case for defining transport taxes within environmental taxation. this is a reflection of their potential, as within the uk, they provide, currently, a greater share of tax revenue as part of gdp than the oecd average for the leading industrial countries. although, the uk is in the middle range when tax revenue from environmental taxes, is compared to eu member states. the bulk of the revenue from environmental taxation in the uk comes from the taxation related to climate change and 74 house of commons library briefing paper climate change levy: renewable energy (07283 26 august 2015). environmental taxation in the uk 64 transportation.75 a recent ifs report makes the point that the uk is “some way short of having a coherent system of environmental taxes to address imperatives around climate change and congestion”. 76 there is considerable potential for the uk to increase both total revenues and gdp in environmental taxes.77 there are strong political messages that attach to most forms of taxation, but environmental taxation has the potential to achieve sustainable environmental policies and to encourage good practice as well as income receipts. the need to raise revenue is greatest at times of financial downturns and the necessity to encourage sensible energy policies. it has been seen how environmental taxes are particularly vulnerable to political interference and this vulnerability is intrinsic to their worth, namely to both raise income and provide a forum for good environmental choices. globally, environmental taxation has not reached its full potential a century after it was first proposed by pigou. environmental taxation is a useful instrument for the delivery of environmental policies and the potential to facilitate changes in taxation policies. it may become a substitute for other taxes, particularly in areas connected with energy, transport and natural resources. the mirrlees review was a major step in the direction of a progressive, neutral tax system that included environmental taxes within a general umbrella of tax reform, but it has not been implemented. this is a missed opportunity as the recent findings of similar australian and new zealand tax reviews have shown: “… a shift towards consistent pricing of greenhouse gas emissions and the replacement of the current taxes on petrol and diesel with a national system of congestion charging”.78 the future success of environmental taxation depends on the full recognition of its potential to offer a “double dividend” providing a source of revenue as well as environmental protection, though as the mirrlees review points out “ it is not necessary for taxes on pollution to be welfare 75 house of commons: environmental audit committee sixth report budget and environmental taxes 2010-2012 (7 july 2011, col 1 hc 878). 76 ifs, the ifs green budget 2012 168. 77 see claudia dias soares, “earmarking revenue from environmentally related taxes” in janet e milne and mikael skou andersen, handbook of research on environmental taxation (eds) (n 1) 114-5. 78 see chris evans, “reflections on the mirrlees review: an australian perspective” (2011) 32(3) fiscal studies 387. the denning law journal 65 improving”. there remain some sceptical views that environmental taxes may increase the price of goods consumed somewhere in the economy, which will have a distorting effect on the use of such taxes. however, it is possible to redesign the tax system to lessen this effect with differential tax rates being used and the share of environmental taxation adjusted accordingly, but this does not guarantee an outcome. environmental taxation requires sound policy making 79 and more research on the implications for environmental taxation and how they may work. it is necessary for issues such as fairness and equity and the regressive or progressive nature of a tax to be more transparently made out and explained. tax law offers many levels of analysis, but the relative merits of different approaches to taxation are, with limited exceptions, under valued.80 79 see hm treasury, reforming the business energy efficiency tax landscape (london 2015). 80 the exception is the excellent analysis offered by john snape, the political economy of corporation tax (oxford 2011). brussels 1992 philadelphia 1787 the hon. lord mackenzie-stuart when some months ago in washington i first put pen to paper, i proposed to begin by saying that few people nowadays read john buchan. i have since been told that the richard hannay novels have been the subject of a television serial. this, of course, does not mean that people in fact read john buchan, so may i still remind you of the opening pages of the three hostages. there one of the characters describes a device used by the writer of thrillers. "let us", he says, "take three things a long way apart sayan old blind woman spinning in the western highlands, a bam in a norwegian saeter, and a little curiosity shop in north london ... not much connection between the three? you invent a connection simple enough if you have any imagination, and you weave all three into the yarn." in a sense, this will be my approach to take two apparently unrelated events and to see whether, like the writer of a mystery story, i can see by the exercise of a little imagination, persuade you that there is some logical connection between the two. my two events "brussels 1992" and "philadelphia 1787" have this in common. they have each been encapsulated into a symbol of four digits. the first indicates a target date fixed by the single european act, itself an odd title, which in 1987 amended the european community treaties; the other is a reminder that two hundred years have passed since the signing of the american constitution. both dates are in fact misleading. the european target date is 31st december 1992. to convey the sense of the new dawn that is to greet us, according to its publicists, "1993" would have been more accurate, ifless euphonious. as regards "1787" one must remember that that date is only a beginning. in the united states the constitutional celebrations are being phased, correctly, over a five year period from 1987 to 1992, since a corresponding period was required in the eighteenth century to hold the ratification debates in the thirteen states, events at least as important as the original signing, and for the introduction, by amendment, of the bill of rights, which, to the man in the street, is at the heart of the american constitution. "sometime president of the court of justice, european communities at luxembourg. the royal bank of scotland law lecture, oxford university, printed by arrangement with lord mackenzie-stuart and the royal bank of scotland. 131 the denning law journal first, then, "1992". to understand the meaning of this concept correctly, it is essential, i believe, to put it in its context. please forgive, therefore, some historical recapitulation. one starts, of course, with the schuman declaration of 9th may 1950 which proposed the placing of the coal and steel production of france and germany under a common governance. it is difficult, forty years later, to recapture the radical nature of that proposal. it was, in major part, a recognition of the dangers to the west taking visible shape in the soviet east. the proposal, moreover, involved an entirely fresh approach by germany's most implacable enemy to germany's future role in post-war europe. in tum, the schuman declaration gave rise to the coal and steel treaty in which france and germany were joined by italy and the benelux countries; this, also in its tum, was followed by the two treaties of rome, the economic treaty and euratom. cumulatively they swept into their net most forms of economic activity. from now on i speak of "the community" in the singular. it is now conventional wisdom to regret the absence from the beginning, of the united kingdom as a participant, a regret which, on the whole, i share; i sometimes wonder, however, whether in the end all was not for the best. when in the early 1970s the united kingdom finally negotiated membership of the european community the only real option was that of accepting the treaties as they stood. had the united kingdom participated in ~e original negotiations one can ask whether, in the light of current government pronouncements, the treaties would have been as effectively drafted as, by and large, they were. certainly, the economic treaty is a remarkable piece of work. i doubt whether we could produce its like today if we had to start from scratch. the economic treaty, i scarcely neea to remind you, sets out to create a "common market" although that phase is nowhere used. this, naturally, included the abolition of all internal customs duties and, as important, the abolition of all other impediments to trade, be they administrative or para-fiscal, which affected cross-border transactions. the treaty allowed workers to move freely in search of a job and, an essential adjunct, to take their acquired social security benefits with them. it freed the rendering of services across frontiers and gave to business the right freely to establish itself abroad. the treaty, however, did far more than this. it provided for an integrated market in agriculture in the 1950s the single most important economic activityin the original six. in the private sector the treaty prohibited cartels or any other form of concerted practice which distorted trade across borders. in the public sector the treaty set up machinery to control state aids which might affect the competitive position of producers in other states. as regards the third world it prescribed a common external policy and gave the community ample treaty-making powers to that end. all this was put in hand allowing for certain transition periods and was for the most part, operative by the late 1960s. in this achievement the court played a notable role. it affirmed expressly what 132 brussels 1992 philadelphia 1787 was only implicit in the treaties the primacy of community law; that is to say, that where a national rule and a community rule came into conflict the community rule had to prevail. it affirmed the unique quality of community law in that the latter could confer legally enforceable rights upon the individual citizens of the member states; this is in contrast to classic international law. it showed its readiness in an appropriate case to control the actings of the community institutions, introducing a series of tests of legality which have been in use ever since. it brought home to the member states the necessity that community rules had to be applied in an identical manner throughout the territory of the community. in this connection, i think often of my former colleague and mentor, judge donner of the netherlands; who used to say "the court never gives political decisions but from time to time it reminds politicians of what they have agreed to." nonetheless the momentum was lost. in the face of the financial and oil crises of the early 1970s the first flush of enthusiasm paled. the direct or self-executing provisions of the treaties had been largely implemented. what was left required subordinate legislation. the negotiating machinery became clogged and, contrary to the expectations of some, the admission of new member states did little to improve matters. as an example of this, it took something like fifteen years to {>roducea directive on the mutual recognition of medical qualifications. it is right, however, to stress since hard-won achievement is soon taken for granted that much was done. so we come to "1992". when the new commission assembled in january 1985 under the presidency of m. jacques delors they took stock of a number of outstanding problems and decided to give priority to a concerted programme to remove the remaining, and largely hidden, obstacles to intra-community trade. their plan was an ambitious one and had as its object nothing less than the removal of all frontier controls. the commission perceived, and indeed this had been obvious for a long time, that a great deal of subordinate legislation would be required and that unless the community decision-making procedure was altered to give a much greater place to majority voting their plans would have little chance of success. so in due course, and not without some initial opposition from the united kingdom, the treaties were amended by the single european act. the reason for that odd name is that originally three separate treaty documents had been envisaged. not only was completion of the common market to be dealt with there was also another agreement to bring environmental matters expressly under community supervision and, yet another, to give institutional form to the already exisiting political co-operation. all these matters were finally included in a single instrument hence the title. the single act defined what it called the "internal market". this concept is more limited than that of the "common market", as one deduces the meaning of that phrase from the treaty of rome read as a whole. as the single act puts it: 133 the denning law journal "the internal market shall comprise an area without internal frontiers in which the free movement of goods, persons, and services and capital is ensured in accordance with the provisions of this treaty." note, in passing, two phrases. "without internal frontiers" this means what it says. with the completion of the internal market you should be no more aware that you are crossing a european frontier than you are aware that you are moving from virginia to maryland or, i am happy to say, you are already on the autoroute between antwerp and rotterdam. the other phrase is "in accordance with the provisions of this treaty." here i can foresee much argument and litigation. how many of the existing restrictions and limitations of the original treaty are to be carried forward? however, reduced to a single sentence, the single act lays down a timetable of action in order to liberate the "internal market" and provides that the necessary decisions can be taken by a majority vote. the commission, in their original proposals in 1985, reckoned that with a combination of political pressure and goodwill on the part of the council of ministers the legislative programme could be accomplished within the life-span of the commission i.e. by 31st devember 1992. this date was adopted by the single european act and" 1992" became the shorthand symbol the 'logo' for the whole operation. there is one additional feature of the single european act which i should mention. i referred, a moment ago, to the right under the original treaty of rome of member states to enact or retain measures which impeded the free movement of goods on certain specified grounds health and safety for example, public order or morality. to these specific exceptions which were well understood and which were strictly construed by the court, the single act added a further gound, viz. "the protection of the environment or the working environment". quite what these words mean remains to be seen. they were seized upon by certain commentators as representing a backward step, as an undermining of the community drqit acquis, and were, accordingly, as the authors of 1066 and all that would have said "a bad thing". i feel personally, that this viewis over-pessimistic. i should be astonished if the court were to retreat from its long-established position that any exception to the rule that goods are to move freely within the territory of the community fell to be narrowly interpreted. it may be that the words which i have quoted were introduced to achieve consensus over the introduction of majority voting. if so, i feel no real harm has been done. the expectations of the commission and of the member states concerning "1992" are high. we have been submerged by statistics one even talks of increasing the g.n.p. of europe by 6%. the enormous cecchini report of last year appears to bear this out. i am content to take matters on the footing that those whose knowledge of economics is far greater than mine regard the potential gains as being very worthwhile indeed. 134 brussels 1992 philadelphia 1787 as a lawyer, however, i would like to emphasise that" 1992" represents little new. in law, all that has been done is to improve the decision-making mechanisms of the treaty of rome in order that decisions may more easily be taken to bring about the results sought by the treaty in 1957. even the key date, 31st december 1992, does not, it seems to me, have binding force and have legal consequences as did the ending of the transition periods under the treaty of rome. the court, one day, may prove me wrong on this. nevertheless commonsense suggests that the full programme will not be accomplished by that date. i am not, of course, in any way seeking to belittle the positive step forward that "1992" represents on the political front. it is always most satisfactory to see political action concentrated on moving in a forward direction. in addition, the attendant publicity is plainly providing the business world with a fresh motivation to seize the opportunities which they were originally given as far as the united kingdom was concerned in 1973. i find it very surpising that so many people, who really ought to know better, seem to regard "1992" as something totally new and as such something to be feared or welcomed according to their standpoint. it is as if a large part of the business world, and i have in mind, particularly but far from exclusively,american business, is reacting as if for the first time the existence of the european communities had been brought to its attention. "1992" concerns only the "internal market" as narrowly defined by the single european act and to complete what had already been in place long since, not to create something de n(jvo. as i tried to say at the beginning, the treaty of rome seeks to do much more than to create an internal market. the treaty is also concerned with community relations with the external world, on the one hand, and on the other "the social dimension", to use a jargon phrase. the "social dimension" is to be found in the problems of the migrant worker; his right to have his familyto reside with him, and in the right of himself and his children to benefit, in the host country, from a variety of "social advantages" to use the words of the relevant community regulation. scores of cases in the european court reports demonstrate how important these questions are and how they have been resolved. to give another example of the "social dimension", while education as such remains the preserve of the member states, when education impinges upon the right of access to employment, and it does so increasingly, community law, as interpreted by the court, has something, i trust constructive, to say on the matter. moreover, the court has interpreted widely the notion of the rendering of services and thus greatly extended the application of that chapter of the treaty of rome. community law thus governs the right to travel abroad in the interest of health or education or even tourism and for the practitioner the right to travel freely in the exercise of his skills. what the "1992" programme has done is to concentrate attention upon the ultimate goals of the european community. against the background of renewed legislative activity a further debate is beginning. the opening salvos have been 135 the denning law journal fired. in saying this i have in mind the speech given by the prime minister at the college d' europe in bruges in september oflast year and the reply, although it was not expressed as such, by m. delors in his address to the european parliament in january, 1989. the latter was a particularly important occasion since it marked the beginning of m. delors' second tour as president of the commission. both speeches are important for the years ahead and both deserve close attention. apart from an unfortunate reference to an "identikit european personality" a totally imaginary beast the phrase should really have been excised in draft by her script-writer much of what the prime minister had to say had a certain immediate attraction. deeds, not words, was her theme. she rightly stressed britain's role as a leader in abolishing restrictions on capital movements, exchange control and coastal shipping. the central argument, however, took shape in her "first guiding principle", viz. a "willing and active co-operation between independent sovereign states". in various colourful phrases she reacted strongly agains the notion of central control: "to try to suppress nationhood and concentrate power at the centre of a european conglomerate would be highly damaging and would jeopardise the objectives we seek to achieve." i pass over in silence the effective pejorative use of the word "conglomerate" except to point out that the european commission is staffed by fewer persons than the ministry of defence or, as i recently heard sir roy denman say most strikingly, less than half the los angeles municipal administration. to continue, however, with the prime minister's text. it was epitomised in the much-quoted sentence: "we have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in britain only to see them re-imposed at a european level with a european super-state exercising a new dominance from brussels." in short, she said, the object must be limited to "the removal of existing controls and a resolve that they should not be re-imposed in another form." these sentiments, as they were intended, create a responsive echo in most of us. i do not need to pray in aid the recent observation of the chancellor of the university of oxford that "the british react to the word 'sovereignty' with all the predictability of pavlov's dogs". i something much more simple. none of us likes constraint, least of all constraint from afar. m. delors' speech was cast in a very different mould although he matched mrs. thatcher's call for action. of" 1992" he had this to say: "decisions have already been taken on practically half the measures needed to create the single european market: and the route for the remainder has been clearly mapped out." 1. european diary 1977-1981(collins 1989), p.22. 136 brussels 1992 philadelphia 1787 there was what he regarded as a quantitive change: ... "there has been an immense leap forward with the harmonisation of technical regulations and standards, simple mutual recognition sometimes taking its place. substantial progress has been made on many fronts." m. oelors continued with his vision for the future: "europe will never be built if young people do not see it as a collective undertaking that will shape their future." in general, if imprecise, terms he stressed the need for research and protection of the environment. he then spoke of a "charter of fundamental social rights to give concrete form and life to the european mode of society."z above all, m. oelors stressed education: "co-operation between universities and firms under the comett programe and inter-university exchanges under the erasmus programme what better guarantee could there be of this newly-emerging european osmosis? how encouraging it is to see, as i have, the enthusiasm of students, teachers and businessmen who, as a result of the exchange schemes, have become active campaigners for a fifth freedom, the freedom to exchange ideas and experience." there was, of course, much more in m. oelors' address but it is impossible to precis that which is already succinct and in any case, i have probably quoted more than enough for my purpose. i said very recently that the two european voices were not irreconcilable. short-term projects can co-exist with a more long-term goal. i said then that i was reminded of hymns ancient and modern. compare newman's" ... i do not ask to see the distant scene; one step enough for me." with vaughan's magnificent invocation, "my soul there is a country far beyond the stars." both i observed were written to be sung in the same church. in case you think i have made a grievous oxford error may i remind you that 'lead kindly light' was written before cardinal newman transferred his allegiance to rome. nonetheless there is a notable divergence between the two voices. mrs. thatcher stresses the need for liberation, the sundering of shackles, the disappearance of regulation. leave aside for the moment the comment that even at his most laissez-faire adam smith recognised a place for state intervention he instances, if you remember, inter alia the taxing of spirits more harshly than ale in the interests of public health; leave aside the paradox that it requires a regulation to abolish a regulation and an even more complicated one if you only seek to amend -leave all this aside; although there is a passing reference to 'the quality of life'; mrs. thatcher's primary concern is for loss of sovereignty and a consequent loss of national identity. 2. it was presumably this idea which recently so infuriated the chancellor of the exchequer and led him to condemn what he called "social engineering". 137 the denning law journal m. delors, on the other hand, presents us with a vision of the future. righdy, in my view, whether or not you agree with his particular vision. the economic success of the european market avails us litde unless we have some vision of the europe we seek for the generations that follow us. . i am old enough to recall the sight of bombed london and the ashes of the ruhr. let it never be forgotten that whatever may be its shortcomings the existence of the european community has made sure that these days can never come again. all that we are doing now will be of little value if we cannot re-create for our children and our grandchildren the world of edmund burke, a world of which he said, "no citizen of europe could be altogether an exile in any part of it" and that "when a man travelled from his own country he never felt himself abroad". that surely must be our long-term aim. here may i digress for a moment? it has been said, and said correcdy, that the european community is a community founded upon law. community law is something sui generis. it is to be distinguished from classic intemationallaw which binds only the contracting states, in that community law confers rights (and may impose obligations) upon each and every one of the 320 million community citizens. that it is an effective system can be seen in the close and continued co-operation between the court of justice of the european communities and the national tribunals of all degrees in the member states. the result is there for those who see.kin the 50 or so substantial volumes of the european law reports and the even greater number of volumes of that remarkable publishing venture unique in europe the common market law reports. put crudely, law is about rule-making and rule-obeying. in community law, as i have already mentioned, one of the essential and basic rules, now for a long time accepted by the member states, with remarkably little difficulty all things considered, is that in a case of conflict between a national rule oflaw and a community rule the latter must prevail. this is sometimes referred to as the "supremacy" of community law, but i dislike the word "supremacy" as much as jean monnet disliked the word "supranational". the reason why the community rule must prevail is that the community cannot operate otherwise. let us suppose that in order to stabilise the market in some agricultural product a directive is enacted allowing member states to pay a subsidy of so much per tonne on specifically described goods in stock at the first of april. ruritania produces a domestic regulation making the subsidy payable on rather different goods and gives the date of payment as 1st march. the whole object of the regulation to stabilise the market is thereby defeated. there is here no question of community supremacy, of a command by the austenian superior, of liege-lord and lackey of de haut en bas or however you care to phrase it. the so-called supremacy of community law is no more than a rule founded on necessity. far from necessity knowing no law, necessity is the law. the community would fall to bits if it were otherwise. which, it may surprise you, leads me to "1787". in fact i need litde excuse for being led to the philadelphia convention of that year and the events which 138 brussels 1992 philadelphia 1787 preceded it and followed it. never in modern history have a free people been given, in little more than a decade, not one but three opportunities to design their destiny. nowhere in a country of little more than three million inhabitants has there been united such a constellati(;>nof talent. it is not my intention, however, to discourse at lar.ge on the making of the american constitution a spate of admirable new books have done that but to select one thread which seems to me to be relevant to what i have been trying to say so far. a minimum of background is, however, essential. the first constitution of the united states, the articles of confederation, was finally approved by the last state to do so, maryland, in march 1781. the war of independence was not yet over. indeed, the treaty of paris whereby great britain formally recognised the independence of the 13 colonies was not signed until 1783. in many ways the articles of confederation were the logical offspring of the declaration of independence although at one stage the order of events for example should confederation precede independence was a matter of bitter debate. all, at least, were agreed on three things independence, confederation and the need for foreign alliances. little was said about the machinery of government. indeed, article ii of the articles places in the forefront the 'sovereignty, freedom and independence' of the member states. paradoxically the constitutional viewpoint of the articles owed much to the picture of the british empire as seen through the eyes of the american colonists. the british parliament was not sovereign in the sense of being necessary for the good governance of the colonies they had for many years successfully managed to govern themselves. "not parliament but the king was the head and unifying force of the empire", to quote professor zuckart3 but the king was not an absolute monarch. it was the king and parliament in combination which were needed to do what the colonies could not satisfactorily do for themselves, in particular to see to their defence and to regulate their external trade. for the colonists the traditional view of sovereignty as dr. johnson put it, "in sovereignty there are no gradations" did not apply either in theory or as a matter of practical administration. what was required, so thought the newly emergent colonies, was a confederation which gave to congress no more than the powers which the colonists had been prepared to grant to their former monarch, essentially only those needed for the defence of the realm. funding was to be by levy upon the individual states who were the taxing authorities as, in the opinion of the former colonists, they alwayshad been. so limited in scope were the articles of confederation that they did not confer upon congress any power to regulate commerce, although the colonists, for the most part at least, had alwaysrecognised such a power in the british crown and had indeed benefitted from it. 3. the framing and ratijicatiol1 of ihe collstitlllion (macmillan, new york 1987), p.135. 139 the denning law journal the articles had scarcely been approved when their weakness became apparent. as has been succinctly put, again by professor zuckert: "lacking any enforcement powers the confederate government proved unable to carry out confederate policy. lacking a revenue power the articles government was constantly on the verge of bankruptcy. lacking the power to regulate commerce, the articles government stood by while some of the states waged commercial warfare against others.,,4 it was against this background that the constitutional convention met at philadelphia in may 1787. as might be expected in this bi-centenary period the meeting at philadelphia and the subsequent ratification debates have been the subject of voluminous re-appraisal. for me today, it is enough to say that the nature of the federation or confederation sought the words at that epoch were largely interchangeable varied greatly. for some it was enough that there should be a simple "society of societies" to use montesquieu's phrase. for others the states were to be replaced by a wholly national government. although he refrained from making a formal proposal to that effect, alexander hamilton went so far as to suggest that the best solution might be to extinguish state governments entirely. what, however, united federalist and anti-federalist alike was the recognition that independence alone would not suffice the emerging nation. a minimum of effective central control was required; congress had to be given powers of taxing, power to defend the nation, to enter into treaties, and to regulate commerce both external and inter-state. as a counter-part there had to be institutions capable of ensuring that constitutionally imposed limits were observed, particularly the limits between the domain of the state and the domain of central government. above all, institutionalised control was essential to ensure that such powers as the constitution conferred should not be subject to abuse. these requirements were brilliantly met by the constitution of 1787 when read along with the bill of rights amendments of 1791. that remarkable document remains virtually unchanged today. there have been only 16 subsequent amendments since 1791 and some of these were formal or have in their turn been superseded prohibition for example. what is the relevance to this to "1992"? first, may i avoid the semantic trap of trying to answer the question whether or not the european community is a federation. if, as has been suggested, the essence of a federation is to be found in the existence of a common foreign ministry, a common foreign policy and a common army the obvious answer is 'no' although we may be further along the road than we realise. after all, by the single european act we have :institutionalised political co-operation, the treaty of rome long ago provided for a common external commercial policy and, ireland and france (in theory at least) 4. federalism and the founding: toward a reinterpretation oj the constitutional conve/llionlthe review oj politics (1987), p.168. 140 brussels 1992 philadelphia 1787 apart, we are all members of n.a.t.o .. however i accept that in some quarters "federalism" is a dirty word. it is enough for my argument that the community is a "society of societies". the lesson of the years preceding 1787 is that you cannot have even the most skeletal "society of societies" without an effective central organisation endowed with the minimum necessary administrative and legislative powers. the more complex the society you seek to achieve, inevitably and regretfully if you will, the more complex and far-reaching those powers must become. this is a fact that the united states of america had to face two hundred years ago and which the members states of the european community have to face today. with this difference, moreover, that the problems of" 1992" are much more acute than the problems of 1787; while we, this side of the atlantic, too often overlook the considerable differences, geological and cultural, between the 13 colonies in the eighteenth century and which for that matter, persist to this day; they shared a predominantly agricultural and fishing economy and an anglo-saxon protestant background. life may have been hard but it was simpler and more leisurely. those engaged in giving effect to the "1992" programme have to contend with the pressures of a much more sophisticated and technologically orientated economy; they have to contend with diverse prejudices built up across the centuries; with the divisions which language still imposes. both" 1992" or as i would prefer to say the treaty of rome in its entirety and "1787" have this in common. both involve a partial surrender of sovereignty. it is more honest to say so clearly than to have recourse to euphemisms. in the twentieth century, absolute national sovereignty is a myth. every country has to give way before external constraints, political or contractual. let us not pretend that by joining the european community we have not transferred some of our national sovereignty to the community institutions. as i have tried to show such a transfer is inhen;nt in the whole concept, necessarily inherent as the philadelphia debate of 1787 has demonstrated. thus, and this is at the heart of what i have tried to say, it is not the existence of rule-making power in brussels that should concern us but the manner of its exercise, its modalitis to use an over-worked community jargon word. in each and every case the proper questions to be asked are, in the first place, do we need a rule at all? secondly, if so, who is to make the rule and, thirdly, what is to be its content? in the context of the european community there are certain basic principles to be kept in mind in answering these questions. they should be too obvious to require stating but experience often shows that they are forgotten. first, it must always be asked whether legislation is necessary at all or whether market forces and individual initiative will provide both the necessary momentum and balance. then it must be asked whether community action is necessary or whether, consistently with the objects of the community, the choice can be left to member states. in other words how essential is uniformity? finally, the content of any legislation must be clear as possible and of no greater width than is needed to 141 the denning law journal attain the end which is sought. that is to say, the doctrine of proportionality long applied by the court 'iq luxembourg in assessing the validity of a community regulation must always be heeded by the legislator. for all these reasons, it seems to me that the prime minister's resonant phrase about not having rolled back the frontiers of the state in britain only to see them imposed at a european level, while it may suffice for the hustings, is, at best, a dangerous simplification. after all, people frequently need rules, clear and precise rules, and, what is more, ask that they be introduced. i take two examples from the recent daily press. under the constraints imposed by a europen directive the electricity industry has at last been forced to initiate a vastly expensive programme to reduce sulphur dioxide emissions from coal fired power stations. the directive, however, does not deal with coke fired stations. according to the press reports the inhabitants of monkton near jarrow are lobbying the commission in brussels to extend the ambit of the directive to repair this omission. not for them is there any gain derived from rolling back the frontiers of the state. they are actively seeking to have restraints imposed at european level. not so dramatic, perhaps, but of concern to many, is the reaction of the council for the protection of rural england to a proposed directive dealing with the countryside and wildlife preservation. the comment of the minister of state at the department of the environment, again as reported in the press, was that "the brussels bureaucrat should be added to the official pest list." good knock-about stuff to get an easy headline, i suppose, but the council for the protection of rural england were not amused. they described the minister's hostile attitude as hard to believe. for them at least the need for rules was clear and, plainly, they at least had no objection to their being imposed by brussels. for the last time i return again to philadelphia in that hot summer of 1787. the principal meeting room in independence hall is not large and must have been unpleasantly stuffy when all fifty or so of the delegates and staff were present. to read again, however, the pages of farrand's records is to listen to a debate of the highest order; a debate correctly addressing itself to the fundamental problems of good government where power should reside, how it should be exercised, how it should be controlled. these are also the problems and the challenge presented by the european treaties as a whole and by their newest offspring" 1992". in no way do i suggest that the problems of today call for the same solutions as those found in 1787. nonetheless, and i say it once more, the american experience teaches us that even the loosest of confederations, even the most rudimentary 'society of societies' cannot function without certain fundamental powers being located at the centre. pace the prime minister, the european community demands more of its members than "willing and active co-operation between independent states". the latter approach is to ignore the express terms of the european treaties and can only lead to an impasse or, worse, to anarchy in the functioning of the community. the duty of the member states of the european 142 brussels 1992 philadelphia 1787 community is not to castrate the community institutions but to make sure that they function intelligently and well; this, in a nut-shell, is the american lesson. i began with john buchan's three hostages. let me end there. the character whom i quoted at the beginning continues to the effect that the reader is pleased with the 'ingenuity of the solution, for he doesn't realise that the author fixed upon the solution first and then invented a problem to suit it.' unlike the hypothetical author i hope that you feel i have not just been exercising my ingenuity in inventing a link between" 1992" and" 1787" but that the connection is truly evident. 143 lord denning and open government d. g. t. williams '-* in a judgment delivered less than a week before his retirement, lord denning spoke of the current demand for "open government" adding that it is something which "is voiced mainly by newsmen and critics and oppositions." i the tone of his remarks is at first sight surprising: for he, more than anyone else, had given judicial support for greater openness in government at alllcvc\s. this support had been evident in his ex officio work as chairman of the advisory council on public records, in several aspects of administrative law, in his response to purported extensions of criminal contempt of court, and most notably in his contribution to the developing law of "crown privilege" or public interest immunity. lord denning's pronouncements in such areas do not, to employ the words of one academic commentator, provide "a body of doctrine reflecting a coherent and consistent philosophy." 2 but it is difficult for any judge to develop a coherent and consistent philosophy in the volatile field of constitutional and administrative law. the institutions vary, the statutory contexts differ, and it is misleading in most circumstances to rely upon a straightforward regard for precedent. there are well-established assumptions or presumptions or general concepts, of course, but a critical component of a judge's approach on public law must be the instinctive reaction to events. james bradley thayer, writing about dicey, once spoke of the "strange contrivances" of the english constitution as "a marvellous outcome of instinct, of a singular sense and apprehension, feeling its sure way over centuries";3 and dicey himself, writing about federalism, described federal notions as "absolutely foreign to the historical and, so to speak, instinctive policy of english constitutionalists." 4 "rouse ball professor of english law and president of wolfson college, university of cambridge. i. air canada v. secrelary of slale for trade (no.2) [1983] 1 all e.r. 161, 172. 2. j. a. g. griffith, in an article ("a judge who was always his own man") written after the announcement of lord denning's impending resignation in 1982: the observer, 30 may 1982, at p. 8. on lord denning's resignation, see also hugo young ("why denning is irreplaceable') in the slind(jy times, 30 may 1982, at p. 15 and a leading article ("end of the denning era") in the times, 30 july 1982, at p. ii. a formal farewell ceremony in the court of appeal is reported in the times, 31 july 1982, at p. 2. 3. james bradley thayer, "dicey's law of the english constitution" (originally published 1885), reproduced in thayer, legal essays (1908), pp. 191-206 at p. 191. 4. a. v. dicey, bllrodllclion 10 ihe sllid), oj ihe colislillllion, 8th ed. (1915), at xc. 117 the denning law journal lord denning readily applied the historical and instinctive policy of english constitutionalists, working out the constitution "on purely practical grounds based on our own experience and on our own needs." 5 historical references abound in his judgments, with comments about distinguished lawyers of the past,6 about real or fictional cases of the past,? about famous sites or events,s and about his own experience.9 he was fascinated by historical by-roads, as in his account of the "delightful little treaty" of -1794 with the micmacs of new brunswick a treaty in which the king of england promised an indian king and his brother that he would provide for them and for the future generation "so long as the sun rises and river flows." 10 from his sense of the continuity of constitutional guidelines in english history, lord denning developed an instinctive appreciation of the balancing process inheren~ in matters of constitutional and administrative law. his historical references, obvious as many of them might seem, were utilised to reinforce both his constitutional assumptions of individual freedom and his view of the competing, changing demands of government and society. his constitutional assumptions favoured ordinary people ranging from "men who work at the smithy shoeing horses, at the mill grinding corn, or at the saw mills cutting up wood" ii to "self-employed and small shopkeepers, good men and true who pay 5. lord justice denning, "the independence of the judges" (presidential address of the holdsworth club of the faculty of law, university of birmingham, delivered on 16june 1950), reproduced in the lawyer and juslice (ed. brian w. harvey) (1978), pp. 55, 56. see geoffrey marshall, conslilulional theory (j 97 i), at pp. 86-90 (relating to lord denning's romanes lecture of 1959, from precedmllo precedml). 6. sir edward coke is often referred to (see, e.g., cimlamondv. brilishairportsaulhority [1980] 2 all e.r. 368, 370 linking the six carpenters to six car-hire drivers) and so are less well-known figures such as macmorron k.c. (referred to as"the acknowledged expert of his time on local government law") in r. v. clerk 10 lancashire police commillee, ex p. hook [1980] 2 all e.r. 353, 359. 7. the general warrant cases are given considerable prominence, not only in chic fashions (west wales) ltd. v.jones [1968] i all e.r. 229, 233 and ghani v.jones [1969] 3 all e.r. 1700,1703 but also in r. v. inland revenue commissioners, ex p. rossminsler ltd. [1979] 3 all e.r. 385, 398 (where lord denning compared the "military style operation" there to "that saturday, 30th april 1763, when the secretary of state issued a general warrant by which he authorised the king's messengers to arrest john wilkes and seize all his books and papers"). a fictional case injected into a comment about legal delays wasjarndycev.jarndyce from bleak house (see bulles gas and oil co. v. hammer (no.3) [1980] 3 all e.r. 475, 480). 8. see, for instance, lord denning's remarks about the pilgrim's way (haymn v. ke,u county council [1978] 2 all e.r. 97, 99-100), about george stephenson's engine l(111m v. gul/oil refining lid. [1979] 3 all e.r. 1008,1012) and about the peterloo massacre (hubbardv. pill [1975] 3 all e.r. 1, 10). 9. in citmamo/ld v. brilish airporls aulhority [1980] 2 all e.r. 368, 373 lord denning recalled the days when he drafted byelaws for the southern railway company; in r. v. greater london coullcil,ex p. blackbum [1976] 3 all e.r. 184, 186 he referred to the obscene publications act 1959: "i remember it well. i attended the debates, and took part." 1o. r. v. secrelary of stale jor foreign and commonwealth affairs, exp. indian associatio/iofa iberia [1982] 2 all e.r. 118, 124. ii. fawcell properlies ltd. v. buckingham collll1ycouncil [1960] 3 w.l.r. 831, 852-853 (h.l.). 12. r. v. bdand revenue commissio/lers, ex p. n.f.s.s.b. [1980] 2 all e.r. 378, 388. 118 lord denning and open government their taxes" 13 in their bewilderment with big organisations, governmental or otherwise; they favoured local self-government (which he saw as "an important part of our constitution" 13); they favoured freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, personal freedom, freedom of property, and contemporary ideas about privacy and the right to work.14 these and other assumptions are explicit or implicit in countless judgments delivered by lord denning from 1944 to 1982; but they were not applied in a vacuum and lord denning has recognised, as all judges in constitutional matters (not least those in the supreme court of the united statesls) have to recognise, that some assumptions may have to be displaced from time to time. in the area of public order, for instance, lord denning has eloquently spoken of "the right to meet together, to go in procession, to demonstrate and to protest on matters of public concern" as something which must be done "peaceably and in good order without threats or incitement to violence or obstruction to traffic." 16 the integrity of a man's home, based on chatham's claim that the "poorest man may in his cottage bid defiance to all the forces of the crown", is asserted: but exceptions are allowed in the public interest.17 open justice has to be measured against respect for privacy and confidentiality;18freedom of expression should not become a licence to publish pornography; 19freedom of association (especially the freedom to form trade unions) must be assessed against other values in society;2o and personal freedom must give way to a police officer's reasonable powers of restraint.21 the manner in which the balance was tilted was frequently controversial, so much so that one writer has described lord denning's championship of 'freedom' as "positively perverse",22 and few would wish to 13. norwich city council v. secretary of state for the environmmt [1982] 1 all e.r. 737, 745. see also, webb v. minister of housing and local governmmt [1965] 2 all e.r. 193, 203. 14. see generally, sir alfred denning, freedom tmder the law (hamlyn lectures, 1949); sir alfred denning, the road /0 justice (1955); lord denning, the due process of law (1980); lord denning, what next in the law? (1982). 15. see archibald cox, the role of the supreme court in american government (the chichele lectures, 1975) (1976). 16. hubbard v. pitt [1975] 3 all e.r. 1, 10. see also, kent v.metropolitan police commissioner, times l.r. for 14 may 1981 (the times, 15 may 1981, at p. 12) and r. v. chief constable of the devon alld cornwall constabulary, ex p. g.e.g.b. [1981j 3 all e.r. 826, 832. 17. chic fashiolls (west wales) ltd. v.jones [1968] 1 all e.r. 229, 233. see also, ghani v.jones [1969] 3 all e.r. 1700, 1705, where lord denning spoke of "the inierest of society at large in finding out wrongdoers and repressing crime." 18. home office v. hannan [1981j2 all e.r. 349, 363-364. 19. r. v. metropolitan police commissioner, ex p. blackburn (no.3) [1973] 1 all e.r. 324, 327-328; r. v. greater loniion council, ex p. blackburn [1976j 3 all e.r. 184, 188; r. v. metropolitan police commissioner, ex p. blackburn, the times, times l.r. for 6 march 1980 (the times, 7 march 1980, at p. 10). in the house of lords in 1959 (h.l., vol. 216, c. 503, 2june 1959) lord denning stated: "to write literature is the proper use of freedom: to indulge in pornography is the abuse of it." 20. for a statement of lord denning's views on trade union legislation, see bn'tish broadcasting corporation v. hearn [1978] 1 all e.r. 111, 115-116. 21. dal/ison v. caffery [1965] 1 qb. 348, 367. 22. patricia hewitt, the abuse of power (civil liberties in the united kingdom) (1982), at p. 243. see also, j. a. g. griffith, the politics of the judiciary, 3rd ed. (1985). 119 the denning law journal defend the former master of the rolls on all his rulings. indeed lord denning himself has confessed to second thoughts.23 one of the most troublesome balancing exercises occurs where issues of national security are at stake. the difficulties and, indeed, the temptation to tilt the balance in favour of the interests of the state24 have been explored at length, both in special inquiries and in the courts of law; and the legal complexities were explored by m. l. friedland in a study prepared for the mcdonald commission in canada a few years ago.zs judicial decisions since lord denning's retirement are a reminder of the difficulties.26 during his judicial career, lord denning, adopting what he took to be parliament's intention, gave considerable weight to arguments of national security in matters of deportation;27 and a background of security doubtless made him unsympathetic in litigation over journalists' sources of information relating to the vassall inquiry.28 the vassall inquiry was to be followed, incidentally, by lord denning's investigation of the circumstances leading to the resignation of the secretary of state for war. this investigation, the report of which appeared in september 1963,29 involved lord denning in effect acting "as detective, solicitor, counsel and judge"; and, given its "serious defects in procedure", the public acceptance of the report may according to the salmon commission "be regarded as a brilliant exception to what would normally occur when an inquiry is carried out under such conditions." 30 it might be added that hitherto few inquiries into matters of national security in this country have conformed with normal standards of procedure or publicity; and lord denning's extra-judicial venture was no exception. 23. see lord denning, what next in the law? (1982), at pp. 246-252, with reference to british steel corporation v. granada [1981] i all e.r. 417. 24. statement on the findings of the conference of privy councillors on security, cmd. 9715 of 1956, para. 16. 25. see m. l. friedland, national security: the legal dimensions (1979). see also, j. ll. j. edwards, ministerial responsibility for national secrm'ty (1980) and c. e. s. franks, parlial1le1ltand security matle" (1979). the 3-volume report of the mcdona]d commission of inquiry concerning certain activities of the royal canadian mounted police appeared in 1981. see, more recently, the report of the special comminee of the senate on the canadian security intelligence service (delicate balance: a security intelligence service in a democratic society) (onawa, november 1983). 26. see secretary of state for defence v. guardian newspapm ltd. [1984] ] all e.r. 453, (c.a.) (and the comments on national security at 458, 460 and 462); r. v. secretary of state jor the foreign and commonwealth office, exp. the co/meilof civil service unions, times l.r. for 6 august 1984 (the times, 7 august 1984, at p. 15). 27. see r. v. brixtol/ prison (govenlor), expo sob/ell [196213 all e.r. 641, 659 and r. v. secretary of state for the home departmellt, ex p. hosellball [1977] 3 all f.r. 452, 457. 28. attonu;y-general v. mulholland and foster [1963] 1 all e.r. 767. see generally, c. j. miller, contempt of court (1976), at pp. 58-61. the vassall inquiry was conducted by a tribunal of inquiry (under viscount radcliffe): its report was published in april 1963 (cmnd. 2009). 29. lord denning's report, cmnd. 2152 of 1963. lord denning referred to the investigation in r. v. clerk to lli1/cashire police committee, ex p. hook [1980] 2 all e.r. 353, 356 and in lonrho ltd. v. shell petroleum ltd. times l.r. for 12 march 1980 (the times, 13 march 1980, at p. 18). 30. report of the royal commission into tribunals of inquiry, cmnd. 312] of 1966, para. 21. see also, sir cyril salmon, tribltllals of iilqui,)' (lionel cohen lectures at the hebrew university of jerusalem, 14th series, 1967), at pp. 13-15. 120 lord denning and open government from 1962, when he became master of the rolls, lord denning became involved with the wider sphere of openness in government. his chairmanship of the advisory council on public records brought him into regular contact with the operation of what was then the fifty-year (and was soon to become the thirty-year) rule.31 the wilson committee on modern public records commented in 1981 on the initiative taken by the advisory council (under lord denning) in seeking a shortening of the basic closed period, and it was pointed out that the council's views "have also carried weight in urging that 75 years should be the normal maximum closure for personally sensitive papers." 32 perhaps his contact with the issues of closed files influenced lord denning's judicial approach in a case concerned with a local councillor's right of access to certain papers.33 lord denning's judicial approach towards all matters of secrecy was dictated by his own firm belief in freedom of the press, by his rejection of excessive assertions of power by governmental and other bodies, and by his determination to avoid technicalities and seek solutions on a case-by-case basis. where his attitude differed it was either in deference to parliamentary wishes (for lord denning, despite arguments about his style of statutory interpretation,34 regarded parliamentary sovereignty as "fundamental in our constitution" 35) or in response to conduct of which he disapproved. varying expressions of disapproval can be found over the securing or handling of confidential documents in particular circumstances.36 but it would be unfortunate if an assessment of lord denning's contribution to open government were to be significantly affected by a handful of 31. see report of the (grigg) committee on departmental records, cmnd. 9163 of 1954, paras. 125-128 (on the responsibility of the master of the rolls for public records); annual reports of the advisory council on public records (a body established by the public records act 1958); report of the (wilson) committee on modern public records (selection and access), cmnd. 8204 of 1981, paras. 292-328; and the government's response to the wilson report, modern public records, cmnd. 8531 of 1982, paras. 46-48. in an appendix to the 24th report of the annual council (hcio, 29 june 1983), a letter from lord denning and his colleagues (to the lord chancellor) comments on the wilson report and the government response. 32. cmnd. 8204, para. 303. see generally, colin holmes, "government files and privileged access", social his/ory vi. (1981), pp. 333-350 and margaret gowing, "modern public records: selection and access. the report of 'the wilson committee"', social his/or)' v. (1981), pp. 351-357. the well-documented article by colin holmes is, in his own words, a "brief excursion into the complex, chaotic and variable world of government files and the obscure and shadowy world of privileged access." see also, d. g. 1'. williams, "official secrecy in england", (1968) 3 federal l.r. 20, pp. 47-50. 33. r. v. clerk /0 larlcashire policeau/llori(y, ex p. hook [1980j 2 all e.r. 353 (dissenting judgment). see the later case of r. v. bimlingham ciry dis/rict council, ex p. 0, times l.r. for 23 february 1982 (the times, 23 february 1982, at p. 23). 34. see dupor/ s/eels lid. v. sirs [198011 all e.r. 529 (ca. and i-ll.) and, generally, lord denning, the disciplille of law (1979), ch. 2. 35. smi/n v. inner lorldolieducatioll authority [197811 all e.r. 411, 415. 36. bri/ish steel corpora/iorl v. granada television ltd. [1981] i all e.r. 417, 441-442; /-lome office v. harman [1981] 2 all e.r. 349, 363-364; and air canada v. secre/ai)' of slate for trade (no.2) [198311 all e.r. 151, 180-181. for a hint of disapproval of cheque-book journalism, see allowa)' v. phillips ([nspec/oroftaxes) [1980] 3 all e.r. 138, 143. 121 the denning law journal decisions where, rightly or wrongly, he allowed his judgments to be coloured by such sentiments. his belief in a free press has often been recorded, and in the granada case lord denning asserted that investigative journalism "has proved itself as a valuable adjunct of the freedom of the press. notably in the watergate exposure in the united states and the poulson exposure in this country.,,37 lord denning's vigorous approach to contempt of court is a classic reminder of his anxiety that investigations by the press should not be artificially hindered. an attempt to revitalise the law on scandalizing the court was brushed aside;38 he led the court of appeal in an unsuccessful attempt to discharge the injunction in the thalidomide case;39 the house of lords ultimately endorsed his instinctive reluctance tq extend the sanctions of contempt of court to the area of administrative tribunals;40 and the new time-limits in the contempt of court act 1981 help substantially to avoid the evils of "gagging writs" to which lord denning drew attention on more than one occasion.4\ lord denning's rejection of abuse of power is central to his influential role in the development of what he termed a "well-organised and comprehensive" system of adminstrative law.42 his judicial contributions can be seen in such areas as error of law on the face of the record, jurisdictional error, and natural justice. in the application of the principles of natural justice to the operation of big public local inquiries, lord denning's views (again doubtless influenced by the background of access to information) were to be rejected by a majority of the house of lords; but he articulated the views of many people in his assertion that there had "been a deplorable loss of confidence in these inquiries ... we must use our authority to see that inquiries are conducted fairly, in accordance with the requirements of natural justice."43 in the control of discretionary power, however, lord denning achieved some notable successes in the courts during the 1970s;44 though, as we shall see, his refusal to concede unfettered discretion even to ministers of the crown had already been demonstrated in his approach to governmental secrecy. 37. [1981] 1 all e.r. 417, 441. see the attitudes to investigative journalism adopted by lord wilberforce in the house of lords in the grallatta case ([1981] 1 all e.r. 417, 455) and by the court of appeal in blackshaw v. lord [1983] 2 all e.r. 311, 325, 336, 339. 38. r. v. metropolitan police commissioller, ex p. blackburn (no.2) [1968] 2 qb. iso. 39. altornry-general v. times newspapers ltd. [1973] i all e.r. 815. see now the contempt of court act 1981, s. 5 ("discussion of public affairs"). see, on the thalidomide decision in the court of appeal, a leading article ("in the public interest") in the times, 17 february 1973, at p. is: this stated that it "is good that the court of appeal has acknowledged that there may be occasions when the right to public comment is of supreme value." see generally, harold evans, good times, bad times (1984), ch. 4. 40. allornry-general v. british broadcasting corporatioll [1979] 3 all e.r. 45. 41. wallersteiner v. moir [1974] 3 all e.r. 217, 230. 42. o'reilly v. mackman [1982] 3 all e.r. 680,691. 43. the judgment of the court of appeal is discussed in peter levin, "public inquiries: the need for natural justice", new society, vol. 50 (is november 1979), at pp. 371-372. the decision of the house of lords is reported as bushell v. secretary of state for the environment [1981] a.c. 75. 44. see generally, lord denning, the discipline of law (1979), part two ("misuse of ministerial powers"); h. w. r. wade, constill/tiollal fll1ldamentals (hamlyn lectures, 1980), ch. 4. 122 lord denning and open government a rejection of technicalities save, perhaps, when technicalities can be used to bolster individual rights or freedoms45 is frequently found in lord denning's judgments.46 this approach is found from the outset in his attitude towards administrative law,47 and he recognised earlier than most "that adminstrative law is in a phase of active development and that the judges will adapt the rules ... to protect the rule of law." 48 lord denning's application of rules of locus standi4 accessed 21 july 2016, white v. burlington northern & santa fe railway company 364 f 3d 769 (6th cir, 2004), white v. burlington northern & santa fe railway company 310 f 3d 443 (6th cir, 2002), no 99-2733, 2000 us dist exis 22799 (wd tenn, aug 28, 2000). 10 135 s ct 1338 (2015) (no 12-1226). http://www.oez.org/cases/2000-2009/2005/2005_05_259 http://www.oez.org/cases/2000-2009/2005/2005_05_259 the denning law journal 153 ‘restrictions’ were advised her by her doctor and her pregnancy is not “high risk”, her job had involved delivering small, light packages, and throughout one of the successful pregnancies she’d lifted and carried a far heavier ‘package’ (her three-year-old son). because of the manager’s instruction, young’s doctor provides a note recommending young lift no more than 20 pounds. she is told ups policy means that her lifting restriction “being operative” she cannot continue working at all. “light duty” jobs are allocated to workers with “on-the-job injuries” – not pregnancy. she is told not to ‘come back in the building’ until no longer pregnant as she is ‘way too much of a liability’. in addition to analysing the cases and judgments, gillian thomas writes engagingly of each of the women who took on the establishment in the context of their respective workplaces – or places refusing to contract them as workers. she includes, also, information about the advocates who took on the clients and the cases to bring about resounding change. albeit a book for the lawyer – practising or academic – and written in concise terms explaining the law, its interpretation and its impact, because of sex is also a book for the interested general reader, bringing to life, as it does, each of these cases in content, context and human interest. the law should always be able to be understood by the non-lawyer, and thomas has worked to ensure this outcome. so much so, that readers today will be bemused at the need for women to fight these cases – when the answer seems so obvious from a 21st century perspective. yet arguments that today shock for their troglodyte perspective (no other adjective seems apt) were run in all seriousness – and judges accepted them, albeit fortunately for social advancement in the end the more enlightened view prevailed. the notion that sex discrimination could not include pregnancy discrimination or family responsibilities – because no man could be pregnant, and no man undertook childcare (of his young children) and hence there could be no application of a law founded in the notion that sex discrimination needed a male-female comparator – has a “sort of logic” whilst simultaneously being difficult to understand (ridiculous some may say – then and now). similarly the idea of bona fide occupational qualification (bfoq) applying to jobs which clearly women could do as well as men, or vice versa, yet traditional thinking could not contemplate much less accept. nevertheless judges not only “understood” these contentions but subscribed to them (this where a law of her own is essential – of that, more later). this is the tenor of martin marietta (1971) and united auto works (1991). questions by supreme court justices in the course of the martin marietta argument are notable for their time – although there can be no assurance that some of today’s judges in all common law book review 154 jurisdictions, at least, do not continue to subscribe to the same philosophy. as thomas says: “the notion that title vii had done away with distinctions between ‘men’s jobs’ and ‘women’s jobs’ seemed to confound some of the justices. ‘does the law require that the employer give the woman a job of digging ditches and things of that kind?’ justice hugo black asked … while justice harry blackmun [implored counsel for phillips] ‘educate me’ … (p 24)”. on, effectively, whether men could be nurses or not. what is instructive is the narrowness in the winning margin of all these cases – sometimes revealed by thomas’ including references to the justices’ discussions not appearing in the judgments. chief justice burger was outvoted by his brethren in martin marietta, his argument that (amongst other matters) a woman could never be a clerk (associate) to a supreme court justice because she “would have to leave work at 6 p.m. to go home and cook dinner for her husband …” fortunately failing. nonetheless, justice blackmun believed a hiring policy incorporating discrimination against any woman with pre-school age children had ‘“some rationality behind it” (p 29-30). sexual and sexist harassment loom large as an area where the supreme court grappled with legal argument making sex discrimination law applicable. meritor savings bank (1986), harris v. forklift systems (1993) and santa fe railway (2006) illustrate well the hostile environment confronting too many women in too many workplaces, particularly in workplaces, trades and professions dominated by men and seen as ‘male’ environs – and (purportedly) ‘rightly’ so. the notion that sexual and sexist harassment constitute ‘jokes’, are “what women simply have to put up with” or, being a consequence of women’s move into a male world (for some, an ‘invasion’), are women’s fault, hence not unlawful conduct, continues to find support in some offices, factories, workrooms, workshops – indeed, almost all (all?) places of work and some judicial outcomes. for forell and matthews, the way to address this and other limitations of the law in its duty to extend equal protection and rights to women, is by introducing the “reasonable woman” into the courtroom. against an acceptance that women and men are not ‘different’ in the sense of women’s being ‘fragile’ or requiring “special protection” so as to be equal, a law of her own contends that recognising women’s “viewpoints and experience in areas where women are primarily on the receiving end of violence aids in achieving equality”. this follows because “perceptions and conduct generally associated with women – gendered female – in our culture are simply better for everyone in addressing these the denning law journal 155 areas”. (p xxi) there is no sense, they say, in embracing an equality which applies a “male” standard to women and men: permitting women “to ‘equally’ injure, terrorise, and kill men” advantages no one. rather: “… holding everyone to a reasonable woman standard of behaviour when it comes to assessing violence against acquaintances and intimates could be transformative and foster meaningful and positive equality … (p xxi)”. forell and matthews advocate, therefore, “that everyone be held to this more respectful standard of conduct associated with, and expected of, women in our culture”. a law of her own points out that because society remains essentially patriarchal, where women’s and men’s interests conflict the tendency is to lean towards a male analysis or perception of what the law is or should be. this is simply a natural consequence rather than a conscious effort to privilege men over women, male over female. both male and female judges are likely to take this route unless explicit instructions are applied in the courtroom. the book canvasses the issues and their proposed standard through sections devoted to “the idea and the reality” of the reasonable person and the meaning of equality, ‘sexual harassment in the workplace’, ‘stalking’, ‘domestic homicide’, and ‘rape’. what would the ‘reasonable woman’ do in each of these settings or circumstance is the question that should be to the fore in legal analysis and application of laws. in the context of traditionally ‘male’ industries, where so many sex/gender discrimination and equal opportunity cases are fought, chapter 4 “how and why different perspectives matter in hostile environment and sexual harassment cases” is particularly apposite. as forell and matthews observe, sexual harassment cases frequently “arise in male-dominated workplaces such as heavy industry … and construction [where] women are clearly ‘the other’”. here, “at best” women are “ornamental”, or “at worst” are “intruders”: “antiwoman sentiment is deeply embedded in the culture of these workplaces [where] derision and disbelief often greet a female employee’s claim that she was sexually harassed [for] what she perceives as debilitating harassment her male coworkers and supervisors perceive as normal, acceptable behaviour. women … are seen as overly sensitive or vindictive – as troublemakers … (p 34)”. this influences judicial outcomes, for “what appears unreasonable and therefore unlawfully discriminatory from a woman’s perspective, based on book review 156 women’s experience, often looks harmless and lawful from a man’s perspective” or from the perspective of judges of whatever sex/gender, having been schooled in a traditional (that is, patriarchal) legal system. returning, then, to because of sex it becomes clear that the original trial in meritor savings bank, vinson v. taylor would not have been the rout it was, with a judge purportedly “inspired by the civil rights movement” determining there was no sexual harassment, that if there were any sexual relations between worker and boss they were voluntary, and that there was no connection between any alleged conduct and mechelle vinson’s retaining her job or being dismissed. this was “just another ‘inharmonious personal relationship’ caused by ‘personal proclivity, peculiarity of mannerism’, a ‘natural sex phenomenon’ that just ‘happened to occur in a corporate corridor rather than a back alley”. (p 93) in other words, teller trainee vinson was no more, no less than a prostitute. ultimately, on appeal, the supreme court in a unanimous judgment declared that when a supervisor sexually harasses a subordinate “because of the subordinate’s sex, that supervisor ‘discriminate[s]’ on the basis of sex”, with harassment causing “purely emotional or psychological harm [being] just as illegal as harassment [resulting] in tangible economic loss” (p 102). application of the reasonable woman standard from the outset would have seen vinson affirmed in her dislike of groping, exposure, ‘dick sucking’ comments and demands for ‘fucking’ (carried to fruition). requiring courts to apply this standard would enable a change in workplace culture, one in turn enabling women and men to get on with the job. in industries such as construction, engineering, road haulage, transportation, oil and gas, where conditions can be particularly dangerous, eradicating workplace harassment is not only a laudable but a necessary prerequisite – for women workers and male workers too. no one mindful of workplace safety, when working in conditions of danger, surely wishes the danger to be exacerbated. adopting a ‘reasonable man’ or (as presently constructed) ‘reasonable person’ standard runs the risk of maintaining conditions exacerbating the danger. a workplace where sexist and sexual harassment are endemic or even where they occur intermittently is one where risks of harm arising out of the conduct inflicted upon the woman worker are inevitable, adding to already existing risks founded in the industries themselves. apart from a readership in general, those working in male-dominated industries, particularly in human resources, would be well advise to read because of sex and a law of her own – to properly digest them, referring to and applying them in their work and workplaces. 1 denning law journal 2018 vol 30 special issue pp 1-14 editorial introduction in praise of comparative constitutional law: lessons from the commonwealth john hatchard jocelynne a. scutt 1 see below p 27. 2 see below p 30. for the anglophone african experience, see john hatchard, muna ndulo and peter slinn, comparative constitutionalism and good governance in the commonwealth: an eastern and southern african perspective (cambridge university press 2004) 13–19. constitutions come in all shapes and sizes. some provide for a federal or confederal structure whilst others adopt a unitary model. internal ethnic, religious or other factors may determine the structure and distribution of constitutional powers, issues that are often of less significance in a constitution written for a more homogenous population. the development of modern constitutions also varies considerably. as kirby points out, the ‘australian constitution is, historically, a product of an imperial statute enacted by the united kingdom parliament.’1 other documents have emerged as ‘the result of a long and bitter struggle, involving bloodshed, the imprisonment of many leaders and acrimony together with recriminations’: a point also noted by kirby in relation to india but certainly of more general application.2 in some cases, constitutions have emerged from fully representative constitution-making bodies and were carefully crafted to address past wrongs and to herald (it is hoped) a new era of constitutional and democratic government. the prime example here is the constitution of south africa 1996 which emerged from the building of a broad-based consensus on the terms of the new document. this included the establishment of a democratically elected constitutional assembly which was mandated to draw up and adopt the new constitution. this process has become increasingly common in constitution-making. again, the content of constitutions may vary considerably and what is included in the document may also depend on the time and place of its enactment. thus, as beck points out in his book that is reviewed in this special issue, henry higgins who was ‘a principal player in the formulation of the australian constitution, was editorial introduction 2 largely motivated by the desire to ensure that [the seventh day adventist church] along with others would support federation’. as a result, section 116 of the australian constitution provides for ‘religious freedom’. by way of contrast, in the drafting of the document, no account was taken of the rights of the indigenous peoples and as dodson and perrett put it: for countless generations before the current constitution was imagined, the continent of australia was subject to a complex and very different set of interlocking rules…. but colonialism proceeded in australia without acknowledgement of this ancient and ongoing legal heritage.3 as regards fundamental rights, some documents contain a ‘meagre collection of rights’4 whilst others include detailed provisions relating to the protection and promotion of such rights. in fact some recent constitutions have greatly expanded the scope of judiciable rights. for example, the bill of rights in the constitution of kenya 2010 includes detailed provisions relating to environmental rights; economic and social rights; and family rights and consumer rights.5 the australian constitution, albeit based on its us counterpart, contains no bill of rights and few rights provisions. these provisions are limited to religious freedom: section 116, trial by jury: section 80, acquisition of property on just terms: section 51 (xxxi), the right to vote: section 41 and prohibition of discrimination on the basis of state of residency: section 117.6 again, there are different views as to the legal effect (if any) of the preambular article which opens the fundamental rights chapter in many commonwealth constitutions.7 given these differences, amongst others, the merit of exploring ‘comparative constitutional law’ is worth considering. questions such as ‘why compare’ and ‘what are we comparing?’ spring to mind. it is hoped that this special issue of the denning law journal will provide some answers to such questions. 3 see below p 180. 4 a phrase used by kirby in comparing the australian constitutional provisions with the detailed fundamental rights provisions in the constitution of india: see below p 33. 5 see constitution of kenya 2010, chapter 4. 6 rights such as freedom of political expression have been ‘read in’ to the australian constitution on the basis that as it is a constitution for a democracy, such freedoms ‘must’ be contained within the provisions albeit not explicitly stated: australian capital television pty ltd v commonwealth [1992] 177 clr 106. 7 see for example newbold v commissioner of police [2014] lrc 684 (the bahamas); re br (adoption) [2014] lrc 347; masupha v senior magistrate [2014] lrc 433 (lesotho). editorial introduction 3 the commonwealth provides the key link here. twenty-three of the jurisdictions considered in this special issue are (or in the case of two, were) members of the commonwealth. these are australia, botswana, canada, ghana, india, kenya, lesotho, malawi, maldives, mauritius, namibia, nigeria, pakistan, seychelles, south africa, sri lanka, tanzania, trinidad and tobago, uganda, united kingdom, vanuatu, zambia and zimbabwe.8 as brewer and slinn point out9 the commonwealth is a voluntary association of fifty-three independent and equal sovereign states that is not formed by a binding treaty, but which has ‘consensus’ at its heart.10 this is reflected in the fact that all commonwealth member states share the fundamental political values as enshrined in the harare commonwealth declaration, i.e: • democracy: democratic processes and institutions which reflect national circumstances, the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary, just and honest government; • fundamental human rights: including equal rights and opportunities for all citizens regardless of race, colour, creed or political belief. the result is that in the constitutional and legal field, commonwealth member countries have much in common. i) common [legal] language whilst the people of the commonwealth speak many different languages, they communicate with each other through the shared english language. as a result, their constitutions, laws and the decisions of their superior courts are almost invariably written in english. this greatly facilitates the sharing and comparing of 8 zimbabwe and the maldives have withdrawn from the commonwealth, although in 2018 zimbabwe applied to re-join. the reasons for the withdrawal of the maldives are noted by brewer and slinn: see below p 112. 9 see below p 102. 10 the preamble to the charter of the commonwealth 2013 states that ‘the commonwealth is a voluntary association of independent and equal sovereign states, each responsible for its own policies, consulting and co-operating in the common interests of our peoples and in the promotion of international understanding and world peace, and influencing international society to the benefit of all through the pursuit of common principles’. it adds that the ‘special strength of the commonwealth lies in the combination of our diversity and our shared inheritance in language, culture and the rule of law; and bound together by shared history and tradition; by respect for all states and peoples; by shared values and principles and by concern for the vulnerable’. editorial introduction 4 constitutional principles and knowledge.11 at the same time, as scutt points out,12 the english language has inhibited women’s rights in judicial interpretation, with the word ‘person’ in the british north american act (now the constitution act) 1867 being classed by the supreme court of canada as denying women a role as senator, until the privy council stepped in. ii) common legal traditions the laws, legal system and legal traditions in the majority of commonwealth states are based on the english common law. for example, as kirby notes in relation to australia and india, many of their distinctive legal traditions are identical or similar including providing strong constitutional provisions protecting the tenure of superior judges.13 brewer and slinn also highlight the fact that the commonwealth (latimer house) principles outline the constitutional requirements that all commonwealth member states should have in place in order to uphold the independence of the judiciary.14 this is a point of particular significance given the fact that the judicial interpretation of a constitutional provision may have profound political repercussions: a point neatly demonstrated by the 2018 sri lankan crisis noted below. iii) common constitutional principles the colonial ‘heritage’ has also had a considerable influence on many constitutions. the french model was introduced into many former french colonies and often remains largely intact. likewise the westminster export model formed the basis for the independent constitutions of many commonwealth states, particularly those in the pacific, caribbean and africa.15 despite the many constitutional ups and downs over the years brought about by the introduction of the one-party state or the establishment of military rule, the model still forms the basis for numerous current documents. this provides an excellent basis upon which to compare critically constitutional provisions. the point is neatly illustrated in the article by hatchard in which he 11 see for example hatchard below on p 53. 12 see for example p 124. 13 see below p 24. 14 see below p 105. 15 it is worth noting that whilst the independence constitutions in anglophone african states were based on the westminster export model, the democratically elected nationalist leaders played a crucial role in shaping the documents in many instances, and indeed on some key issues their voices were decisive: see hatchard, ndulo and slinn (n 2) 15–19. editorial introduction 5 compares and contrasts the provisions relating to the office of the auditor general in nine anglophone african states. he notes that even where the original independence constitution has been replaced or significantly amended, many of its basic features remain, including those relating to the auditor general. however, the analysis highlights the fact that in several jurisdictions the office and officeholder are not provided with adequate protection against attempts to undermine their work and that there is a need to strengthen key provisions.16 the constitutional relationship between the president, the prime minister and the legislature is one that has raised considerable controversy in many commonwealth member states. a particularly difficult issue can arise in some jurisdictions where the president has the power to remove the prime minister from office. as kirby notes ‘the westminster system affords a swift and flexible means of terminating an incompetent, unpopular or misbehaving head of government’.17 however, in some situations this power may appear somewhat too ‘flexible’ and may well require the judiciary to enter the arena in order to protect the constitution. the 2018 constitutional crisis in sri lanka highlights the point. on 9 november 2018 the president of sri lanka dismissed the incumbent prime minister and purported to make a new appointment. the president also issued a proclamation dissolving parliament with immediate effect and requiring the holding of fresh parliamentary elections. this was at a time when the incumbent prime minister claimed to enjoy a majority in parliament. this provoked a major constitutional crisis.18 it was left to the supreme court of sri lanka to rapidly intervene by issuing an interim order on 14 november 2018 staying the operation of the proclamation pending a full hearing of the issues.19 on 12 december 2018 a full bench of the supreme court in sampantham v attorney general20 unanimously ruled that the presidential proclamation of 9 november 2018 which purported to dissolve parliament was in breach of article 70(1) of the constitution of sri lanka and thus the action of the president was null and void. the court added that ‘the constitution governs the nation. disregarding the constitution will cast our country into great peril and mortal danger. the court has a duty to uphold and enforce the constitution’.21 16 see below pp 51–77. 17 see below p 22. 18 see presidential proclamation 2076/70 of 9 november 2018 in which the president sought to exercise his powers under articles 33, 62, 70 of the constitution of sri lanka. 19 see sampantham v attorney general sc fr no 351/2018 (unreported 14 november 2018). 20 see applications 351/2018–361/2018 (unreported 12 december 2018). 21 ibid, 85. editorial introduction 6 iv) common interpretation of constitutional principles kirby has noted that ‘sometimes the interpretation of constitutional principles can take a wrong turning or a right turning’ bearing in mind that ‘constitutional texts and doctrine, being expressed in words, will often be ambiguous’. he goes on to point out that sometimes in making choices the judges’ ‘lesser angels will prevail’ whilst at other times their ‘better angels’ will gain the upper hand.22 herein lies the importance of developing common principles of constitutional interpretation and as slinn has noted: there has emerged a shared inheritance of judicial decisions in interpreting bills of rights which, despite the diversity of constitutional forms and governmental systems, have many provisions in common.23 a major contribution comes from the bangalore principles on the domestic application of universal human rights norms. these were adopted at a judicial colloquium in 1988 chaired by justice p n bhagwati and as kirby points out, these ‘suggested that, where there was ambiguity in the state of the law, a court should prefer the meaning or expression of the law that conformed to international human rights norms to one that did not’.24 as he later explains, he adopted this approach when invoking the ‘interpretative principle’ in the groundbreaking decision of mabo v queensland (no 2).25 a series of judicial colloquia followed the bangalore colloquium with paragraph 4 of the balliol statement of 199226 highlighting the importance of judges adopting a common approach to the interpretation of constitutional provisions: the general principles enunciated in the colloquia reflect the universality of human rights – inherent in humankind – and the vital duty of an independent and impartial judiciary in interpreting and applying national constitutions, ordinary legislation and the common law in the light of those principles. (emphasis added) 22 see below p 42. 23 peter slinn, ‘the commonwealth and the law’ in james mayall (ed), the contemporary commonwealth: an assessment 1965-2009 (routledge 2010) 39–40. 24 see below p 43. 25 see below p 45. 26 concluding statement from the judicial colloquium held at balliol college, oxford in september 1992. editorial introduction 7 in the light of the different constitutional orders in the commonwealth, the final words of paragraph 4 are also particularly relevant: these general principles are applicable in all countries but the means by which they become applicable may differ. the development of commonwealth-wide principles was greatly enhanced with the decision in r v big m drug mart ltd in which the supreme court of canada considered the interpretation of the canadian charter of rights and freedoms.27 here dickson j, giving the judgment of the court, noted: this court has already, in some measure, set out the basic approach to be taken in interpreting the charter. in hunter v southam inc [1984] 2 scr 145, this court expressed the view that the proper approach to the definition of the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the charter was a purposive one. the meaning of a right or freedom guaranteed by the charter was to be ascertained by an analysis of the purpose of such a guarantee; it was to be understood, in other words, in the light of the interests it was meant to protect. 28 (emphasis added) dickson j then went on to state: in my view this analysis is to be undertaken, and the purpose of the right or freedom in question is to be sought by reference to the character and larger objects of the charter itself, to the language chosen to articulate the specific right or freedom, to the historical origins of the concept enshrined, and where applicable, to the meaning and purpose of the other specific rights and freedoms with which it is associated within the text of the charter. the interpretation should be ... a generous rather than legalistic one, aimed at fulfilling the purpose of a guarantee and securing for individuals the full benefit of the charter’s protection.29 a further important point was made by lamer j in the canadian case of dubois v r: our constitutional charter must be construed as a system where every component contributes to the meaning as a whole and the whole gives meaning to its parts … the court must interpret each section of the charter in relation to the other.30 27 r v big m drug mart ltd [1985] 1 scr 295 18 dlr (4th) 321. 28 ibid [116]. 29 big m drug mart (n 27) [117]. 30 [1985] 2 scr 350, 356. editorial introduction 8 this approach to constitutional interpretation has ‘hugely enriched’ the jurisprudence of courts around the commonwealth.31 indeed the approach taken in the dubois case was adopted (along with numerous other indian and sri lankan cases) by the landmark decision in 2018 of the supreme court of sri lanka in sampantham and others v attorney general.32 even so, as bloch and rubenstein point out in their article on section 44(i) of the australian constitution,33 there may be considerable judicial disagreement on the interpretation of constitutional provisions and these can have lasting political consequences: in this instance disqualification from membership of the australian parliament due to dual citizenship.34 the authors neatly compare and contrast the differing approaches to the interpretation of section 44(i) taken by the court in australia including the extent to which judges should take into consideration the history of a specific constitutional provision. as they suggest: ‘where the history suggests that framers [of the constitution] drafted the text to meet a specific purpose, and that purpose no longer exists, the text in question can be rendered obsolete.’35 perhaps a consideration of the principles laid down in r v big m drug mart ltd and dubois v r, and the numerous similar commonwealth decisions might have assisted the court in interpreting the constitutional provision. v) common sharing and utilising of comparative commonwealth jurisprudence given the above, it is no coincidence that it is now commonplace for judges to make use of comparative commonwealth jurisprudence in determining constitutional matters. an outstanding example is found in the 2017 judgment of the supreme court of kenya in the important case of odinga and others v 31 slinn (n 23) p 40. 32 n 19. 33 see below p 80. 34 an interesting distinction between the australian constitution and the british north america act (now the constitution act) is that the canadian dual citizenship provision excluded a canadian citizen from becoming a senator if, having been appointed, he or she took up dual citizenship – not if he or she held it at that time of appointment: section 31 ‘the place of a senator shall become vacant in any of the following cases: (1) … (2) if he takes an oath or makes a declaration or acknowledgement of allegiance, obedience, or adherence to a foreign power, or does an act whereby he becomes a subject or citizen, or entitled to the rights or privileges of a subject or citizen, of a foreign power…’ 35 ibid p 89. editorial introduction 9 independent electoral and boundaries commission and others.36 the matter arose following the disputed 8 august 2017 presidential election in kenya. the petitioners asserted: … in the conduct of the presidential election, the [independent electoral and boundaries commission] … so flagrantly flouted the constitution and the written election law on elections that in the end it completely subverted the will of the electorate.37 one important issue raised in the case concerned the standard of proof applicable to election petitions. the supreme court of kenya, quoting from an article by the first author in an earlier issue of the denning law journal,38 noted that the courts in numerous commonwealth jurisdictions had adopted different approaches as to requisite standard of proof in such cases. thus in india, the criminal standard is applied, in england and mauritius it is the civil standard, whilst in zambia, as well as previous kenya decisions, the standard of proof is said to be higher than the balance of probabilities but lower than beyond reasonable doubt. to the disappointment of the first author, the court did not adopt his argument in the denning law journal that the standard of proof in election petitions is the balance of probabilities but maintained that it was the ‘intermediate standard of proof’. nevertheless the willingness of the court to review comparative constitutional approaches is commendable. even more commendable was the decision of the supreme court of kenya in the same case that the presidential election of august 2017 was not conducted in accordance with the principles laid down in the constitution of kenya and the electoral law. accordingly non-compliance with these principles ‘affected the process leading to the declaration of [uhuru kenyatta] as president elect in a very substantial and significant manner’ so as to render the declaration null and void and the election rendered invalid.39 the principled stance of the supreme court of kenya in so holding provides both an important constitutional precedent as well as reinforcing the importance of protecting and upholding the independence of the 36 presidential petition no 1 of 2017, [2017] eklr. 37 ibid [214], of the majority judgment, ojwang j dissenting. in particular, it was alleged that the electoral commission violated articles 81 and 86 of the constitution of kenya by failing to ensure that the conduct of the elections [of 8 august 2017] was simple, accurate, verifiable, secure and accountable: ibid. 38 john hatchard, ‘election petitions and the standard of proof’ (2015) 27 dlj 291. 39 odinga and others (n 36) [383] of the majority judgment. editorial introduction 10 judiciary. the december 2018 decision of the supreme court of sri lanka40 illustrates the same point. for legal researchers, comparative constitutional jurisprudence also provides a wealth of material, for a suitable precedent from a commonwealth country is seemingly never far away. for example, the presidential power of pardon has received some publicity, especially over the issue as to whether a president can pardon him/herself. this matter was explored in the, perhaps unlikely, jurisdiction of vanuatu (a commonwealth member state) where the constitution is based on the westminster export model. as is the case in numerous other commonwealth constitutions, section 38 provides that the president of the republic ‘may pardon, commute or reduce a sentence imposed on a person convicted of an offence’. in october 2015 marcellino pipite, the then speaker of parliament, and fourteen other mps (each of whom were members of the government) were convicted of corruption and the bribery of officials,41 the supreme court of vanuatu having found that they had accepted bribes from the opposition to support a vote of no confidence. at the time, the state president was out of the country and in his absence pipite was appointed acting president. in this capacity he proceeded to grant a presidential pardon to himself and ten of the other parliamentarians claiming it was to ‘maintain stability in the government of the republic of vanuatu’.42 in natuman v president of the republic of vanuatu43 the three applicants who were all members of parliament sought a declaration that the granting of a pardon to himself by mr pipite, the acting president of vanuatu was unconstitutional. it was claimed that the conduct of mr pipite in granting a pardon to himself and other government officials had breached his constitutional duties, amongst others, to act with integrity and avoid conflicts of interest. saksak j agreed, holding that mr pipite, as acting president, had exercised his powers of pardon ‘wrongly and unlawfully’ and his action was therefore ultra vires section 38 of the constitution. the pardon was therefore ‘unconstitutional, invalid and of no force or effect’.44 40 see n 19. 41 contrary to section 73 of the penal code. 42 pardon dated 10 october 2015 (gazette no 87). 43 [2015] vusc 148. 44 ‘conclusions’. editorial introduction 11 the court appeal of vanuatu in vohor v president of the republic of vanuatu45 upheld the decision of the lower court, lunabek cj, giving the judgment of the court, emphasising that the then acting president: [h]ad a duty to conduct himself so as not to place himself in a position in which he had or could have had a conflict of interest, or in which the fair exercise of his public duties might be compromised.46 the wednesbury principles therefore applied and the ostensible reason for the pardon, i.e. to maintain the stability in the government of vanuatu, was ‘plainly an irrelevant consideration’. the decision to pardon was also a clear misuse of public power and was ‘so outrageous in its defiance of logic [and] accepted moral standards that no sensible person who had applied his mind to the question to be decided could have arrived at it’.47 in essence, a self-pardon is a constitutional impossibility. whilst the president has the power to grant a pardon to ‘any person’ convicted of a criminal offence, the act is clearly open to judicial review and must be ruled unlawful. vi) common interest in protecting the rights of minorities the importance of providing effective constitutional protections for minorities is also discussed in this special issue. for example, in their insightful ‘comment’, dodson and perrett (both members of the australian parliament) highlight the fact that the rights of the indigenous peoples in australia (as in some other jurisdictions) remain a work in progress. the australian constitution, they observe, is imposed over what may be the most longstanding system of law without any recognition or acknowledgement of that reality – a reality not only for indigenous australia but for non-indigenous australia too. they posit that consistent with the recognition in the constitution of federal government responsibilities there should be a new ‘caring for country’ provision, which would incorporate indigenous australia’s stewardship of country and the need for environmental protection and promotion to preserve the integrity of the land or regain it where ravaged by mining corporations.48 they go beyond a simple ‘rights of minorities’ plea to one that promotes the principle that ‘we are in this together’: indigenous peoples and 45 [2015] vuca 40. 46 ibid [23]. 47 vohor (n 45) [31] adopting the words of lord diplock in ccsu v minister for the civil service [1985] ac 374. 48 see below p 185. editorial introduction 12 settlers, colonists or invaders have commonalities that, through recognising indigenous peoples’ law, can ensure that a constitution can reflect ancient past as well as common law. kirby also emphasises that it is often up to the courts to interpret constitutional provisions in support of the rights of minorities, as reflected in the approach of the courts in india and australia and in many other constitutional courts around the world especially on the issue of discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation.49 sometimes, as scutt points out,50 this requires constitutional amendment whether by interpretation of the original words of the constitution’s provisions, or by referendum or whatever ‘change’ mechanism is provided in the constitution to bring it into conformity with contemporary standards. in the case of same-sex marriage, following a plebiscite with an overwhelming majority supporting the proposition that ‘love is love’, hence encompassing the right to marry whatever the sex/gender of the parties, the australian parliament incorporated this into statute law. no constitutional change was necessary, the marriage power stating simply: the parliament shall … have power to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of the commonwealth with respect to: marriage … section 51 (xxi) thus marriage in australia now means a state-sanctified union between a woman and a man, a man and a man, or a woman and a woman.51 vii) common access to comparative constitutional materials the sharing of comparative constitutional jurisprudence has been greatly enhanced by ready access to relevant cases and materials. through the pioneering work of the law reports of the commonwealth, for example, judges, legal practitioners and law teachers can enjoy access to a wealth of constitutional decisions, complete 49 see below p 45. 50 see below p 140. 51 although see the discussion prior to the plebiscite drawing attention to the differing views of high court judges from 1908 through to 1999 on whether ‘marriage’ had a constitutional meaning (consistent with hyde v hyde and woodmansee [1866] lr 1 p&d 130, 133) unable to be re-defined by parliament: ian ireland, ‘the high court and the meaning of “marriage” in section 51(xxi) of the constitution’ (research note no 17, 2001–02) department of the parliamentary library, parliament of australia accessed 20 december 2018 editorial introduction 13 with detailed headnotes, spanning the commonwealth. more recently, the development of freely accessible on-line legal information institutes, and in particular the commonwealth legal information institute, has further facilitated access to commonwealth constitutional materials.52 for law teachers, legal education conferences can provide a platform for the sharing and exchange of comparative information and ideas. for example, in 1995 the commonwealth legal education association held a conference in durban, south africa. this was attended by law teachers from around the commonwealth including several eminent indian academics. one key session was on the new constitution of south africa in which several local speakers highlighted the challenges facing the constitutional court of south africa (ccsa) in interpreting some of its key provisions. remarkably, the indian participants almost invariably pointed out that the indian supreme court had already dealt with the particular issue in question. perhaps not surprisingly, the ccsa has made good use of this jurisprudence in several cases. viii) constitutional problems and the role of commonwealth associations: the sri lankan example in their article on the commonwealth principles, brewer and slinn highlight the key role played by the four commonwealth associations in helping to shape the commonwealth’s fundamental political values which have been endorsed by all commonwealth member states.53 regrettably, in practice some commonwealth member states have not always been prepared to uphold their commitments and as the authors point out, commonwealth associations continue to play an active role in drawing attention to any breaches of those fundamental values and attempting to hold governments to account through the ‘green channel’.54 much of this work is done through the issuing of joint statements drawing public and official attention to such breaches. the constitutional crisis in sri lanka, noted above, is of particular interest in that it highlights the importance of all commonwealth member states adhering to their commitments made in the commonwealth charter, the harare commonwealth declaration and the commonwealth principles and to abide by the terms of their national constitution. in response to the crisis, in november 2018 the four 52 available at accessed 20 november 2018. 53 the commonwealth lawyers association, commonwealth legal education association, commonwealth magistrates’ and judges’ association and commonwealth parliamentary association. 54 see below p 106. 14 editorial introduction associations issued a joint press release in which they expressed their ‘deep concern at the implications of the continuing political crisis for the rule of law in sri lanka’ and called upon the parties to observe scrupulously and in good faith the provisions of the constitution relating to the respective roles of the executive, parliament and the judiciary, together with the provisions of the commonwealth charter and the commonwealth (latimer house) principles on the three branches of government. they also highlighted ‘the references in the [commonwealth] charter to the responsibility of governments, political parties and civil society for ‘upholding and promoting democratic culture and practices and to the recognition of the importance of maintaining the integrity of the roles of the legislature, executive and judiciary’ and ‘the requirement in the latimer house principles that ‘parliamentarians must be able to carry out their legislative and constitutional functions in accordance with the constitution, free from unlawful interference’.’ overall, it is hoped that this special issue of the denning law review will help to highlight the importance and relevance of the study of comparative constitutional law, particularly in relation to commonwealth member states and that it has provided some answers to the questions as to the merits of undertaking such a study. it is further hoped that it will prove of interest and use to members of the judiciary and legal profession as well as legal researchers. similarly, that it will encourage teachers of public law to make use of the enormous resources available to help students understand and appreciate the importance of comparative constitutional law and how to make use of it effectively. finally, it is hoped that it will also reinforce to members of the executive and parliaments alike one constant and fundamental point. that is that the constitution is the supreme law of the state. to paraphrase the words of lord denning: ‘be you ever so high, the constitution is above you.’55 it follows that a court has a ‘sacred duty to uphold the integrity and supremacy of the constitution.56 professor john hatchard: john.hatchard@buckingham.ac.uk dr jocelynne a. scutt: jocelynne.scutt@buckingham.ac.uk 55 in gouriet v union of post office workers [1977] 1 qb 729, 762, lord denning quoted the words of thomas fuller: ‘be you ever so high, the law is above you.’ 56 sampantham and others v attorney general (n 19) 69. privatizing the family: the reform of child law stephen cretney* the ideology of domestic privacy was for long dominant in england. in victorian times the home was seen (in the words ofjohn ruskin)l as "the place of peace; the shelter, not only from all injury, but from all terror, doubt and division ... a vestal temple, a temple of the hearth watched over by household gods ... "; and this image was perhaps reinforced by the fact that, within the temple, parents wielded tremendous power. they had inevitably given their children their genetic inheritance ~ in most cases possibly more important than any other patrimony ~ and parental power was a real and well recognised legal concept; a parentz had virtually complete control over his child's upbringing and legally enforceable rights to his or her services. however, the foundation of the national society for the prevention of cruelty to children in 1889,3 and the well-publicised activities of dr barnado4, evidenced the sorry truth that cruelty and deprivation were all too often the reality for the victorian child; and the twentieth century has seen the enactment of what has been aptly described as a "cascade of legislation"s designed to protect children but in reality sometimes proving itself to be no more than a "bureaucrat's paradise and a citizen's nightmare". 6 in december 1988, the house of lords began consideration of a major children bill intended to make the relevant statute law "professor of law, university of bristol. this article was written on the basis of the bill as presented to parliament. 1. sesame and lilies (1865). 2. usually the father to the exclusion of the mother. for the development of the law in respect of equalising parental rights over the century after the introduction of judicial divorce by the matrimonial causes act 1857, see p. h. pettit in a century of family law, edited by r. h. graveson and f. r. crane (1957). 3. the society was incorporated by royal charter in 1895. 4. see, e.g., barnado v. ford [1892] a.c. 326 (h.l.). for the background, see g. wagner, barnam (1979), 13. the repeal of the custody of children act 1891 enacted to prevent unmeritorious habeas corpus applications by parents seeking to enforce their legal rights against bamado to be effected by the children bill in 1989 (see below) has a certain symbolic importance. 5. hever v. bryant [1970] 1 qb. 357, 371 6. ibid., 15 the denning law journal simpler, more accessible to those who work with it and more comprehensible.7 the lord chancellor rightly described the bill as "the most comprehensive and far reaching reform of child law which has come before parliament in living memory".8 the object of this essay is not to give a detailed commentary on the bill's provisions an undertaking which would be of little value not least because the government has shown itself commendably ready to listen to reasoned comment on its proposals, so that substantial changes on points of detail may well take place during the parliamentary debates on the biiibut rather to highlight some broad trends in the development of the law; and to seek to place the most recent changes in context. in particular, it is concerned with the underlying question of public policy: almost everyone would accept that there is a private realm of family life which the state cannot (or at least should not) seek to enter,9 yet how is the boundary of that realm to be defined? how far is the state to be entitled to impose its own preferred standards and thereby restrict the traditional freedom of parents? and when we talk about the state in this context, through what medium do we envisage that it should act is central government itself to be responsible, or is this another area in which local authorities are to be given effective power? in what circumstances do we think that such choices can and should be made or at least open to review by the courts? private law and public policy lawyers tend to concentrate their attention on legislation which gives rise to litigation, or at least to dispute; and it is therefore not surprising that the indirect effect on legal doctrine oflegislation which is primarily concerned to change social institutions is not usually given prominence by legal writers. and yet it is now something of a truism that the statute which has had the most dramatic impact on parental rights was the education act 1870. that act ensured that virtually all children were compulsorily removed from the domestic circle and subjected for a substantial proportion of their waking hours to the powerful influence of their teachers. classically it had been the family which was responsible for the socialization of children taming their impulses and instilling values, skills, and desires necessary to run societylo and this process inevitably conferred on the parents very wide freedom of choice betwen competing social and moral value systems. but since 1870, the family's own influence in this respect has inevitably been reduced; and the power of the state and its agents correspondingly increased. 7. official report (h.l.) 6 december 1988, vol. 502, col. 488. the bill (insofar as it is concerned with the private law of child custody) is based on the law commission's review of child law (law com. no. 172, 1988), and (in relation to changes in public law) on policy decisions set out in a white paper (the law an child care and family servi.es (1987) cmnd. 62) which were taken in the light of a thorough and extensive review afchild care law (1985). 8./bid .. 9. prince v. massachusetts (1944) 321 us 158, 166. 10. skolnick, family i,l trallsitioli (1971). 16 privatizing the family in 1857 it seemed self eviden~ that schools in new england should seek to inculcate the traditional protestant work ethic: "regularity, punctuality, constancy and industry" by means of a moral and religious instruction daily given.i] more than a century later, the united kingdom parliament enacted legislation requiring head teachers to "determine measures" with a view to promoting (amongst other, no doubt equally laudable, objectives) "self-discipline and proper regard for authority.,,12 the same act also requires that sex education be given in such a manner as to encourage pupils to have due regard to moral considerations and the value of family life13 and one looks in vain for a definition section which will explain what is meant by "family life" for this purpose. the point is not, of course, whether any particular values espoused in schools are desirable or not. it is simply that the acceptance by the state of responsibility in this field inevitably sharply restricts what was at one time seen as a major role for the family, and as a justification for the concept of parental authority. nevertheless, it must be accepted that state intervention in education and other matters vitally affecting the young raises questions which at least appear to be of a different order from those with which family lawyers have usually been concerned. thus the private lawyer has traditionally been concerned with the question: "when can the state intervene in the affairs of a particular family?" rather than with the question "to what extent is the state entitled to insist that all children be subjected to a particular method of upbringing?" the traditional view now embodied in the children and young persons act 1969 is that the state should only be entitled to intervene in the affairs of a particular family if certain, apparently restrictively defined, conditions for example, that the child's health is being avoidably impaired or neglected]4 are satisfied to the satisfaction of a court of law.is moreover, the court can only deprive the parent of his rights if that court, as a separate matter, is satisfied that the child is in need of care and control which he is unlikely to receive unless the court makes an order]6 and in any event the court which must have regard to the child's welfare17 retains an ultimate discretion not to make any order.]8 to this general rule, there has been one remarkable exception. it is that the 11. massachusetts superintendent of schools, as quoted in). m. pherson, baule cry of freedom (1988). 12. education (no 2) act 1986, s. 22. 13. education (no 2) act 1986, s. 46. 14. children and young persons act 1969, s. 1(2)(a). 15. as the law now stands, a local authority may acquire parental rights over a child by the administrative process of passing a parental rights resolution; but the legislation (child care act 1980, re-enacting provisions originating in the poor law and put into substantially their present form by the children act 1948) now effectively gives a parent a right of appeal: see per lord scarman, lewisham l.b.c. v. lewishamjuvenile court justices [1980] a.c. 273, 307. 16. children and young persons act 1969, s. 1(2). 17. children and young persons act 1933, s. 44(1). 18. res (.4 minor) (care order: education) [1978] qb. 120. 17 the denning law journal high court has a statutory powerl9 to commit a child to the care of a local authority if it considers that there are exceptional circumstances making it impracticable or undesirable for him to be or continue to be under the care of either of his parents or of any other individual. moreover, it has been held20 that the court has an inherent power to commit a ward of court to the care of the local authority whenever it considers that such a course of action would be in the child's best interests. thus, the court directed that a 17 year old girl who had stolen jewellery from her mother, had her hair shaved, been tattooed, and had run away from home on a number of occasions "after some of which she returned very much the worse for drink and showing clear signs of having indulged in sexual intercourse" should be committed to care and that if appropriate the court could give directions that she be accommodated in secure accommodation i.e. effectively completely deprived of her liberty. it may be, however, that there is a second exception to the general principle that direct state intervention into family matters is only to be justified in exceptional circumstances. divorce is, today, a common event affecting a significant proportion of all families; and yet the fact that divorce is contemplated is, under the law as it now stands, apparently considered of itself to be sufficient to justify state scrutiny of family parenting decisions. the origin of the relevant legislation is to be found in the report of the denning committee on procedure in matrimonial causes which reported in 1947.21 the committee expressed the view that the welfare of children in divorce proceedings was being wrongly subordinated to the interests of divorcing parents; and in 195822 legislation was enacted designed to ensure that parents gave full consideration to their children's future welfare, and to make the court's control over the welfare of children more effective. since the introduction of the so-called special procedure in divorce23 it has been possible for husband and wife to divorce without even seeing any kind of judicial officer; but if there are children a judge not a mere registrar will look into the proposed arrangements for their upbringing. 24 the children's appointment system constitutes a major exception to the general philosophy underlying the modem law of divorce as clearly articulated by the booth committee on matrimonial causes procedure.25 this is that agreement between the parties as to the manner in which their marriage should be terminated 19. family law reform act 1969, s. 7. there are similar powers available to the court in divorce and guardianship proceedings, and in matrimonial proceedings in the domestic court. 20. re sw viminor) (wardship: jurisdiction) [1986] 1 f.l.r. 24. 21. final report, cmnd. 7024, para. 31. 22. the matrimonial proceedings (children) act 1958 gave effect to detailed recommendations of the royal commission on marriage and divorce, cmnd. 9678. 23. for an account of the procedure, see s. m. cretney, principles of fami(y law 4th ed. (1984), pp. 183-88, 391-92. 24. matrimonial causes act 1973, s. 41. 25. report of the matrimonial causes procedure committee (1985), para. 2.3. 18 privatizing the family and as to all other aspects of their affairs, far from being a bar to the grant of a decree, is now positively encouraged. yet, the effect of the children's appointments system is that however much the parents may be in accord about the future upbringing of their children they are not to be allowed to give effect to that agreement unless the arrangements they propose have first been considered by a judge who, in practice, may have no professional or even personal knowledge of the upbringing of children, and who will usually lack any substantial body of factual evidence on the basis of which he might exercise his judgment. there is thus at best an ambiguity about the judge's role in performing what is basically not an adjudicative function. moreover, the making of the inquiry can be seen to smack of paternalism26 and indeed unnecessarily to stigmatise those involved in divorce. the booth committee27 clearly found the children's appointments system difficult to reconcile with the emphasis which the committee placed on the desirability of bringing home to the parties their primary decision-making responsibility in relation to the arrangements which should be made for the children and other consequences of the marital breakdown; but nevertheless concluded that the matter was of such general importance that the relevant statutory provisions should not be repealed. the committee contented itself with proposals for detailed changes intended to improve the operation of the children's appointments system. however, the children bill now accepts proposals made by the law commission which, in this as in other respects, mark a significant shift towards privatizing the consequences of family breakdown. the same philosophy can be seen in the provisions in the children bill relating to the ground for state intervention. before examining the proposed changes in these two areas it is necessary to consider the question of the agency through which state power is exercised. child of the state or of a local authority? it is a distinctive and important feature of english law that the primary responsibility for the provision of child care services rests on local authorities rather than on central government28 and those responsibilities are in practice exercised through the agency of a social services committee.29 central government exercises some control (financial and otherwise), and the department of health from time to time gives general guidance on the discharge of those responsibilities. there are, no doubt, important advantages in this division of responsibility; but it has the inevitable consequence that ideology and practice for example, on such fundamental issues as to the extent to which rehabilitation of the child with his birth parents should be pursued, or on the factors relevant to the selection of 26. report of the matrimonial causes procedure committee (1985), para 3.2. 27. ibid., para. 2.24. 28. see s. m. cretney, supra n.23, p. 484 and the sources there cited. 29. local authority social services act 1970. 19 the denning law journal prospective adopters for a non-caucasian child may vary quite sharply between different parts of the country. the effect of a care order under the legislation currently in force is to vest in the authority the same powers and duties with respect to the child as his parent or guardian would have had.3d to this general principle, there are certain exceptions: the authority has no power to give parental agreement to adoption (although it may place the child for adoption), nor may it change the child's religion. as a result of the decision of the house of lords ina. v. liverpool c. cy the child's parents or guardians may not invoke the wardship procedure in an attempt to question the exercise of the statutory discretions. in effect, therefore, it will seem to many parents whose children have been taken into care under a care order that they have no effective procedure for questioning decisions perhaps most clearly to place their child for adoption which strike at the whole basis of their legal and factual relationship with the child. in contrast, had the child been in care as a result of an order made by the wardship court, no important decision relating to the child's funire could be made by the authority without a hearing by a judge at which the parent would be entitled to put his or her case. it is this perception which accounts for litigation such as that which resulted in the decision of the house of lords in re d (a minor}.32 a child had been born suffering from drug withdrawal symptoms resulting from his drug addict mother's deliberate and excessive taking of hard drugs during pregnancy. he needed (and received) intensive hospital care; and from the moment of his birth received the best possible care in hospital and from temporary foster parents. however, both the mother and father remained addicted to hard drugs. although neither claimed to be at present fit persons to have the care of their child, the question whether the local authority had made out the grounds for a care order was fought up to the house of lords. the parents argued that in fact throughout his life the child had been well treated; and that the legislation did not entitle the court to make an order merely because damage to the child's health or development was apprehended in the future. the house of lords not without some evident difficulty held that the statutory condition was, on the facts, satisfied; whilst still asserting that no order could have been made merely on the basis of apprehension about risk to the child at a future time. the true issue in this case was not whether the child should be in the care of his birth parents. it was simply whether he should be in the care of the local authority as the result of a care order made by magistrates under the children and young persons act 1969, or as the result of a committal order by the high court in the exercise of its wardship jurisdiction. this was not a sterile procedural dispute. on the contrary, if the care order were allowed to stand the parents would 30. child care act 1980, s. 10(1). 31. [1982] a.c. 363. 32. [1987] a.c. 317. 20 privatizing the family have no standing to contest a decision to place their child for adoption; whereas if the child were warded, they would always have the right to put their case to the wardship judge whenever an important decision fell to be made. it is a major criticism of the present law that it places some parents who see themselves threatened by the exercise of local authority powers in such a weak position. it is true that they have the right to apply to a magistrates' court if a local authority decides to terminate their right of access to their child; it is true that they have the rights enjoyed by all affected by public law decisions to seek judicial review. but there is all the difference in the world between having to persuade the court that a local authority's decision is so unreasonable that no authority properly directing itself could reasonably have taken it which is broadly speaking the test applied in judicial review and having the whole issue examined at length from first principles by an experienced family judge. in some respects, therefore, the law as it now stands seems to place parents in a position of dependency and weakness: dependency in being required to leave decisions about the upbringing of their children to the discretion of the courts, weakness in questioning decisions taken by an all-powerful local authority social workers' bureaucracy. it is therefore appropriate to examine the likely impact in these areas of the children bill measures. the booth committee33 was the first official body to attack the culture of dependency in relation to the private law of parent and child: the primary decision-making responsibility should in the committee's view rest with the spouses themselves34 ,and their "continuing joint responsibility" should be emphasised.35 the law commission's report on guardianship and custody36 is based on similar assumptions; and the substance37 of the commission's proposals is to be embodied in the new children act. in passing, it may be noted that the new legislation also follows the commission's advice that parental status should be defined in terms of "parental responsibility", so that, potentially misleading references to "parental" rights could be avoided.38 enthusiasm for this reformulation may be somewhat muted, however, when it is noted that the draftsman has defined this concep29 as "all the rights ... powers and authority which by law a parent of a child has in relation to a child and his property" a definition which seems to mirror the definition of 33. report of the matrimonial causes procedure committee (1985), para. 3.2. 34. ibid .. 35. ibid., para. 2.24. 36. review of child law (law com. no. 172, 1988). 37. there are many fascinating differences of detail between the provisions of the draft clauses annexed to the law commission's report and the clauses of the children bill as introduced in the house of lords: see, e.g., the law commission's assertion that the welfare of the child should be the "only" concern of the court, and the comparable provision of the bill that welfare be the "paramount" consideration (a formulation which the law commission had said would do "nothing to resolve the earlier confusion": law com. no. 172, para. 3.14). see also the text to note 42,. infra. 38. see review of child law (law com, no. 172, 1988), para. 2.4 et seq.. 39. clause 3(1). 21 the denning law journal "parental rights and duties" originally contained in the children act 197540 and which so nearly led the courts astray in the gillick case.41 . the new philosophy possibly the most fundamental manifestation of the substantial change of legislative approach is that the bill directs the court not to make any order with respect to a child "unless it considers that doing so would be better for the child than making no order at all,,42wording which is perhaps not so emphatic as the law commission's directive that no court should make an order unless to do so would be "the most effective way of safeguarding or promoting the child's welfare".43 possibly ministers considered that the form of words favoured by the law commission made the very assumption i.e. that it was reasonable to suppose that court orders could have such positive effects which the commission had been concerned to deny. another significant indication of the new philosophy is the compromise adopted in relation to the children's appointments system. the new provisions are tucked away inappropriately, but possibly wisely from the tactical point of view amongst the "minor amendments" in schedule 8 of the children biii.44parents are still to be required to give details of the arrangements which are to be made for the children, and the form whereby this is to be done is to be "improved".45 the court is then to consider in the light of the general preference for non-intervention already stated whether it should exercise its powers to make an order relating to the child; but it is only to be in "exceptional circumstances" that it is to withold the making absolute of the parents' divorce.46in this as in many other respects, much will depend on the terms of regulations to be made under enabling powers contained in the primary legislation; but it seems reasonable to suppose that the children's appointments system as we now know it will disappear. it is also worth noting that the new legislation greatly extends the powers of . parents to make private contracts regulating their legal position in relation to 40. s. 85(1); see now interpretation act 1978, s. 5 and sched. 1. 41. gillick v. west norfolk and wisbech area health authority [1985] 2 f.l.r. 738 (ca), particularly per parker l.j. at p. 743, et seq.. it can be argued that the childrens bill as drafted fails to give sufficient weight to the significance of the house of lord's decision in the gillick case which can broadly be summarised as establishing the general principle that a child has the right to take his own decisions, to the exclusion of his parents' involvement, if he has sufficient understanding of the issues involved. 42. clause 1(4). (this and all other references to the children bill are to the text as ordered by the house of commons on 23 november, 1988 to be printed; and as debated on second reading in the house of lords on 6 december. 43. clause 1(7) of the draft bill in appendix 1 to the law commission's review of child law (law com. no. 172, 1988). 44. para. 19. it will be interesting to see how much parliamentary anention will be given to this provision: it is sometimes found that scheduled provisions escape substantial scrutiny and comment in debate. 45. the detailed policy to which this provision gives effect is fully explained in the law commission's review ofchi/d law, supra n. 43,para. 3.10. 46. matrimonial causes act 1973 as it would be amended by children act 1989 sched. 8, para. 19. 22 privatizing the family children. the most striking example of this trend is in relation to illegitimate children.47 the father of an illegitimate child has, under the existing law, no parental rights; but (under provisions of the family law reform act 198748 which have not yet been brought into force) the court would have power to confer on him full parental status. under the new legislation, it will be possible for mother and father to achieve the same result by private (albeit formal) agreement49 a significant departure from the view taken by the law commission in 198250 under the influence of serious concern then felt about the pressures to which possibly vulnerable mothers might be subjected. the new legislation is however somewhat half-hearted in its commitment to the ideology of private ordering in this sensitive area: it seems that any such agreement will have to be "made in a prescribed form", and "checked by a county court" in "a simple paper procedure with a small standard fee".51 there must be some risk that this formality will become an empty and meaningless ritual; and only time will tell how effective such a check will prove to be in practice. the children bill contains two groups of provisions which undoubtedly shift the balance of power between parent and state, although the extent and even perhaps the precise direction of that shift may seem to some to be a matter of some doubt. care orders first, the old specific grounds for the making of care orders are replaced by new and perhaps more open-textured grounds. it is provided52 that the court may only make a care order if it is satisfied "(a) that the child concerned has suffered significant harm, or is likely to suffer such harm; and (b) that the harm, or likelihood of harm, is attributable to (i) the standard of care given to the child, or likely to be given to the child if the order were not made, being below that which it would be reasonable to expect the parent of a similar child to give to him; or (ii) the child's being beyond parental contro!." 47. it seems clear that, notwithstanding the law commission's expressed wish to avoid attaching labels to children born outside marriage (second report on i//egitimary, law com. no 157, para. 2.5), the classification of "legitimate" and "illegitimate" is still correct, and its continued use inevitable. thus, the terms "legitimate" and "illegitimate" are used no less than thirteen times in the short explanatory note annexed to the first commencement order made under the family reform act 1987: see s.1. 425/1988. the writer sees no reason to conceal his view that it would have been less unsatisfactory had the law commission adhered to the proposal made in its first report on i//egitimary (law com. no 118,1982, para 4.51), whereby the terms "marital" and "non-marital" would have been embodied in the statute book in order to avoid any need to continue to use the expression "illegitimate" with its connotations of unlawfulness and illegality. 48. s. 4. 49. clause 4. 50. law com. no. 118, 1982, para. 4.39. 51. law com. no. 172, 1988, para. 2.19. 52. clause 26 (2). 23 the denning law journal it is clear that the new provisions will enable the court to make an order on the basis of (well-founded) apprehension of harm to the child. there should be no repetition of re d c4 minor).53 there should be less need for local authorities to wish to invoke wardship (and in fact, as we shall see, their ability to do so will under the proposed legislation be severely restricted). but the new provisions will inevitably spawn much litigation. the question of whether the evidence is such as to justify a finding of "likely harm" may cause difficulties, and perhaps more important cases are likely to be more protracted in order to permit examination and cross-examination of witnesses. moreover, it does not require much imagination to envisage strenuous legal argument about the interpretation to be given to such expressions as a "similar" child, or indeed as to the aspects of parenting and personality which are properly to be taken into account in deciding on the reasonableness or otherwise of the expectation of standards of care. for these and other reasons, the fact that it will be possible to bring proceedings in the county court and high court as well as before magistrates is much to be welcomed although once again much is to be left to rules yet to be made (and, in practice, unlikely to receive much effective parliamentary scrutiny). these rules may stipulate that (for example) specified classes of proceedings may be initiated only 'in county courts or magistrates' courts; and the lord chancellor has indicated that care proceedings will normally have to be initiated in magistrates' courts, but that there is to be a power to transfer cases to higher courts if appropriate.54 at the time of writing, however, no indication has been given of the procedure for deciding on the appropriateness of a transfer; and the level at which such a decision is to be taken is obviously crucially important. the second major change made by the legislation in this context is severely to restrict the availabilityof the wardship jurisdiction to local authorities. in the first place, local authorities are debarred from invoking the wardship jurisdiction without leave of the court, which may only be given in narrowly defined circumstances. 55 secondly, care orders are only to be made if the statutory condition set out above is made out: it will no longer be sufficient for the court in divorce or other proceedings to be satisfied that there are "exceptional circumstances".56 53. [1987] a.c. 317. 54. see official report (h.l.) vol. 502, col. 494 (per the lord chancellor), the relevant powers are contained in clause 69(2) of the bill, notwithstanding the somewhat delphic remarks of the lord chancellor on the subject(contrast official report (h,l.) vol. 502, col. 495 with official report (h.l.) vol. 502, col. 537-38). prospects for a truly unified family court in the sense in which that term has been used by many advocates for the concept seem to have receded almost to vanishing point, if anything, the bill seems gready to enhance the involvement of the magistrates in children cases a result which would not have been consistent with the views expressed in what is still the most powerfully argued case for a unified family court the report of the (finer) committee on one-parent families, cmnd. 5629, 1974. 55. clause 8(2). 56. supra. 24 privatizing the family these provisions are controversial; and it may be that they will not survive in their pristine form. in particular, the provisions as drafted seem likely to increase the proportion of cases in which children are effectively subject to the very wide discretions of local authorities rather than to discretion of the wardship court, exercised after a full and careful hearing. moreover, there is a danger that insofar as such decisions can be questioned in judicial proceedings, the only forum available will be the lowest court in the judicial hierarchy the magistrates, who may not always have the resources (human and otherwise) to deal with the burden of work likely to be involved. however, there seems certain to be informed and influential opposition to the proposals as drafted; and the cynical may suspect tha.t the original version has been drafted in a deliberately (and it may even be thought provocatively) extreme way so as to permit concessions to be made during the bill's passage through parliamentalthough it seems unlikely that those concessions will extend to allowing the wardship procedure to be used as extensively as some judges experienced in family work would have wished.57 the extent to which the provisions restricting the availability of wardship will effectively shift the balance between parents and state, however, depends in part on the interpretation given by the courts to the care order conditions and in part on the allocation of cases to different levels of the judicial hierarchy. controlling the local authority the most striking feature of the wardship proposals is that those authorities who would wish to entrust sensitive and difficult issues to the wardship court will no longer be able to do so. in that respect, therefore, the legislation extends the powers of local authorities paradoxically to a greater extent than some authorities would have wished. however, the new legislation does. also contain a number of important provisions more consistent with what had been generally assumed to be its underlying philosophy designed to strike a better balance between the need to protect children ff(i)mharm and the need to allow aggrieved parents some effective • means of challenging local authority decisions. (i) no more parental rights resolutions first, the parental rights resolution procedure is to be abolished. not only does this mean that all decisions vesting parental authority in a local authority will have to be taken by a court, it also means that the mere fact that a child has been in local authority care for three years will no longer by itself enable the authority to step into the parents' shoes. 58 this and other related provisions must be regarded 57. see, e.g., per latey], r. v. london borough of newham. ex parte mel. (note) [1988] 1 f.l.r. 416. the proposals contained in the bill also seem difficult to reconcile with the recommendations of the report of the inquiry into child abuse in cleveland 1987, cmnd. 412, 1988 see particularly at para. 16.57-65. 58. cf the provisions of child care act 1980, s. 3(i)(d) (originally enacted by the children act 1975). 25 the denning law journal as diminishing the power of the state to intervene in what a local authority believes to be a child's best interests little more than a decade after such provisions were considered necessary to avoid children being left unnecessarily to drift in local authority care. (ii) restriaing place of safety orders secondly, the powers of local authorities to remove children from their parents under place of safety orders will be limited: such orders will not be capable of enduring for more than eight days (with the possibility of extension for one further seven day period); and parents will have improved rights of access and challenge in the col.irts.59 (iii) presumption of reasonable access to child in care thirdly, the legislation embodies the principle that a local authority must allow a parent "reasonable contact" with his child. the court will be able to specifythe details of the contact. conversely, the court may permit the authority to refuse contact if "it is necessary to do so in order to safeguard or promote the child's welfare.,,6o it will be noted that the word "necessary" is a strong one: presumably the authority would have to be prepared to justifyits wish to terminate contact as a preliminary to an adoption placement, and this might not always be easy to do. conclusion the proposed legislation is of potentially great significance in redefining the limits of state intervention in the private domain of family life, although it will be some time before its significance in this respect can be adequately assessed not least because in some respects it seems to adopt somewhat inconsistent philosophies. however, the bill is certainly to be welcomed at the technical level of simplifyingand rationalising the statute book. 59. see the provisions of part v of the children bill. the use of place of safety orders was much highlighted by the events in cleveland in 1987, for which reference should be made to the report of the inquiry into child abuse in cleveland 1987, cmnd. 412,1988. the impact of those events on opinion and legislative policy would require (and merit) separate and extended treatment. 60. clause 29. 26 177 denning law journal 2020 vol 32 p 177-190 comment apologies and the legacy of an unlawful application of terra nullius in terra australis stephen pitt-walker* * e-mail: stephen.pitt-walker@live.com.au 1 joseph conrad, heart of darkness (amazon classics, seattle, 2019, originally published 1902) 6. 2 for a summary of how english law was received in australia, amongst other countries, see bh macpherson, ‘the reception of british law abroad’ (2007) supreme court of queensland library, in wilfrid prest, ‘the reception of british law’ (2008) 29(2) adelaide law review 381, 381–4. 3 the ‘national apology’, made on behalf of the australian government, was made by the then australian prime minister, kevin rudd. see, australian government, apology to australia’s indigenous peoples (13 february 2008) < https://www.australia.gov.au/aboutaustralia/our-country/our-people/apology-to-australias-indigenous-peoples>. 4 julie cassidy, ‘unhelpful and inappropriate? the question of genocide and the stolen generations’ (2009) 13(1) australian indigenous law review 114; julie cassidy, ‘the stolen generations – canada and australia: the legacy of assimilation’ (2006) 11(1) deakin law review 131. ‘the conquest of the earth, which mostly means the taking it away from those who have a different complexion or who have slightly flatter noses than ourselves, is not a pretty thing when you look into it too much.’1 introduction the use of the legal fiction, terra nullius, as it was erroneously applied to terra australis, australia, as a legal doctrine, supported the british colonial power’s right to settle that territory. since then, many unspoken (as well as acknowledged) acts of structural and direct violence have been perpetrated against the first nations population in australia via the imposition, and later ‘reception’,2 of the legal system and laws of england, as well as the dominant socio-political system, that represented the british crown. february 13, 2020, marked the 12th anniversary of the so-called ‘national apology’ to first nations citizens in australia.3 while the apology particularly focused on the stolen generations,4 whose lives had been devastated by past 178 comment government policies of forcible child removal and first nations assimilation, it was also more broadly inclusive of other first nations-related deprivations, insensitivities and discriminations, as well as often genocidal policies and actions.5 this prompts, and ought to prompt, a reconsideration of issues regarding the treatment and predicament of australia’s first nations’ citizens and whether the apology was of real, practical value to those aggrieved. apology in the age of political apologies in her article non-apology in the age of apology, aliza organick observes that australia, one of four settler states that originally opposed the united nations declaration on the rights of first nations people (the declaration), ultimately endorsed it approximately 18 months after its adoption.6 this was also approximately 14 months after the ‘national apology’ was delivered. she argues that although australia’s apology expressed a measure of regret for past wrongs (and although australia thereafter endorsed the declaration) the apology did not embody the requisite features of a formal apology.7 organick’s argument is compelling, and this article’s central argument aligns with her broad proposition and utilises the elements she proposes that define political apologies. political apologies have become much more common since the end of the second world war, to the extent that the period of the past 25 years has become known as ‘the age of apology’.8 among other names, political apology has been variously termed state apology, reconciliation apology and collective apology.9 although these all vary in precise scope, relying on eneko sanz conception, organick proposes that a political apology’s main identifying features are that they relate to a political issue and are delivered by an appropriate political 5 for examples of such policies and actions see, shireen morris, ‘the torment of our powerlessness: addressing indigenous constitutional vulnerability through the uluru statement’s call for a first nations voice in their affairs’ (2018) 41(3) unsw law journal 629; martin flynn, ‘aboriginal interaction with the criminal justice system of the northern territory: a human rights approach’ (1998) unsw law td2; martin flynn, ‘genocide: it’s a crime everywhere, but not in australia’ (2000) 29(1) university of western australia law review 59; fiona allison, ‘a limited right to equality: evaluating the effectiveness of racial discrimination law for indigenous australians through an access to justice lens’ (2013/2014) 17(2) australian indigenous law review 3. 6 aliza gail organick, ‘non-apology in the age of apology’ (2019) 31 denning law review 149, 155. 7 ibid 156–7. 8 organick (n 6) 151–5. 9 ibid 152. the denning law journal 179 agent, such as a head of state or head of government.10 on this understanding, australia’s ‘national apology’, delivered by the then australian prime minister, kevin rudd, fulfils these first criteria. however, further elements are required to be met before a political apology may claim legitimacy. these are that it must include compensation to the aggrieved party, responsiveness to specific requests of the community and a commitment to change past hurtful behaviours.11 as organick states, ‘an apology that lacks these essential details…[may be] defined as a non-apology…and deemed fundamentally flawed’.12 it is to these criteria that this article now turns its attention. given that, from a pragmatic perspective, the australian government and population tend to perceive the ‘national apology’ as a substantive apology, this article examines whether (even if it is perceived as a formal apology) such apologies of themselves provide effective redress at law, and/or, whether such apologies create normative consequences in either the domestic or international jurisdictions. the article advances the argument that, inter alia, without any accompanying appropriate compensation, putative formal apologies volunteered by nation-state governments (such as that made in australia) for the mistreatment of their first nations’ citizens fail to reach the threshold of adequacy as a remedy in either domestic or international law. on their own, apologies are inadequate to create normative legal or other consequences. further, it is proposed that apologies are arguably a way for governments to avoid compensating and/or including first nations’ peoples. the issues of first nations rights, rights law, treaty, land rights and first nations inclusion in the constitution of australia, while contiguous and relevantly connected, are not examined in detail in this article. several governments, including australia’s, have apologised to first nations persons for harms inflicted by the impost of colonialism. contrary to views that suggest otherwise, it is proposed here that, while imperfect, the preferable method of redress for past wrongs committed by states’ against first nations peoples is that adopted in countries such as canada and new zealand where tangible compensation has been paid in legal remediation of, and reparation for, the acknowledged wrong doing. in these jurisdictions, governments recognise not 10 eneko sanz, ‘national apologies: mapping the complexity of validity’ (the centre for peace and conflict studies, april 2012) 3, 7, cited in aliza gail organick, ‘non-apology in the age of apology’ (2019) 31 denning law review 149, 152. 11 ibid. 12 ibid 153. 180 comment only land rights but also provide pecuniary compensation13 for past violations of first nations rights.14 it is also suggested that, by parallel circumstance, the german bundes government appropriately and meaningfully made substantive and effective redress to holocaust victims beyond mere apologies through the payment of monetary compensation to oppressed persons or their heirs. in contrast to the german example, and rebutting a major counter perspective at law, it is proposed that merely saying ‘sorry’ to first nations australians has had little practical effect in providing them with redress. accordingly, it is submitted that apologies serve a negligible purpose in the development of international or municipal law and/or providing normative legal consequences in either jurisdiction. what role does apology play as a remedy? in new south wales (an australian jurisdiction), apology may be legally defined as ‘...an expression of sympathy or regret, or of a general sense of benevolence or compassion, in connection with any matter whether or not the apology admits or implies an admission of fault in connection with the matter’.15 prue vines argues that if an apology is tendered to an aggrieved person or persons, they are less likely to engage in litigation.16 generally, therefore, the normative (measurable or evaluative) consequence of apologies is that once an apology has been given, nothing more needs to be done, even if something more ‘ought’ to be done.17 as a matter of evidentiary value, this appears to be the principle upon which the 13 it is acknowledged that in the instances, such as with members of the stolen generations some compensation has been paid, see nsw government, aboriginal affairs, stolen generations reparations scheme and funeral assistance fund . 14 see for example, tsilhqot’in nation v british columbia [2014] scc 44. in new zealand, there is an office of treaty settlements which negotiates claims with maori. for a list of negotiated claims with pay-out values, see ministry of maori development, treaty settlements 2 . 15 civil liability act 2002 (nsw) s 68. 16 prue vines, ‘the apology in civil liability: underused and undervalued?’ (2013) 115 precedent 28. 17 here, i share the criticism of legal language used as normative discourse made by luis duarte d’almeida, ‘legal statements and normative language’ (2011) 30 law and philosophy 167, 173. the denning law journal 181 australian government has relied since its apology in 2008, after which little of real value has been delivered either in terms of compensation or policy reform. first nations and the efficacy, or otherwise, of apologies notwithstanding the popular rise of the political apology, many first nations’ people have refused to accept apologies, viewing them as governmental publicity opportunities.18 for example, the leading canadian first nations grand chief refused to join visiting british royalty at a symbolic event at which an apology was to be offered. the grand chief, leader of 115 canadian first nation tribes, described the event as an ‘empty-gesture’ ceremony.19 in denouncing this symbolic event, the chief opined, ‘[w]ith the deepening poverty of our communities, remembering the murdered first nations women, girls and the ongoing negligence of first nations child welfare policies across this country, in good conscience, i cannot participate in [this] ... ceremony’.20 it is apparent that the supreme court of canada, in line with the grand chief’s statement, equally does not support empty gestures, as it has recognised native title (known as aboriginal title in canada) in a series of cases.21 however, in support of the requirement for compensation rather than empty gestures, in haida nation v minister of forests,22 the canadian supreme court went further than the issue of land rights by recognising that there was indeed a broader crown obligation to first nations people; the ruling acknowledging that the obligation is sometimes perceived to be a generalised overarching fiduciary one.23 a reasonable reading of several other canadian legal authorities indicates that the fiduciary obligation to act honourably towards indigenous peoples, while unconventional, supports the central argument in this article by creating a requirement for far 18 gary foley, ‘duplicity and deceit: rudd’s apology to the stolen generations’ (2008) 36 melbourne historical journal 1 . 19 ashifa kassam, ‘canada first nations chief won’t join uk royals for “empty gesture” ceremony’, the guardian (international, 27 september 2016). 20 tony jones, ‘indigenous leader boycotts black rod event attended by prince william in protest of canadian government’, the independent (canadian edition) 27 september 2016. 21 these cases include guerin v r [1984] 2 scr 335 (supreme court of canada); r v sparrow [1990] 1 scr 1075 (supreme court of canada); delgamuukw v british columbia [1997] 3 scr 1010 (supreme court of canada). 22 [2002] 2 cnlr 212. 23 jamie dickson, the honour and dishonour of the crown: making sense of aboriginal law in canada (purich publishing limited, 2015). 182 comment greater recognition of the rights of dispossessed persons than a mere apology without any accompanying compensation.24 as already mentioned, several governmental apologies have been made to first nation peoples. for example, […] the new zealand government has made specific apologies on two different occasions, the canadian government has apologised for its role in the administration of special residential schools, the united states government has apologised for its overthrow of the kingdom of hawaii, and the norwegian king apologised for his state’s past policies....25 in respect of these apologies, however, it is proposed that, by example, the apologies made by the new zealand government would have been relatively ineffectual had they not been accompanied by the award of nz $175 million in fishing rights to the maori people, resulting from a commercial settlement reached after the treaty of waitangi (amendment) act 1985. that act was paramount in empowering the waitangi tribunal to hear claims of treaty breaches by the crown since 1840.26 this ensured that the apology was far more effective than words alone, as it provided compensation, accounted for community aspirations and sought to change past harmful policies. a more effective model notwithstanding the restoration of some degree of dignity that may be achieved through an apology, a better form of redress is reflected in that made by various german governments to victims of the holocaust and their families. this is represented in the conference on jewish material claims against germany. the total global allocations for 2019 from this tribunal are usd $564 million, and more than usd $70 billion has been paid in compensation since 1951. currently, 24 see guerin v r [1984] 2 scr 335 (supreme court of canada); r v sparrow [1990] 1 scr 1075 (supreme court of canada); delgamuukw v british columbia [1997] 3 scr 1010 (supreme court of canada). 25 coral dow and john gardiner-garden, indigenous affairs in australia, new zealand, canada, united states of america, norway and sweden (australian parliamentary library social policy group background paper 15, 6 april,1998) . 26 jason de santolo, ‘responses to the “sealord deal” – fishing for insights’ (2004) 4 journal of indigenous policy 49, 52. the denning law journal 183 this covers in-home care for frail aged persons and monthly pensions.27 compensation is made to both individuals and organisations that provide food, medicines and other services to survivors.28 unlike australia’s ‘national apology’, this german apology meets the major elements required to declare such an apology legitimate. it is also notable that most of the monies were paid before germany’s chancellor had delivered an apology to the jewish people in a speech in the israeli knesset in 2018. this signifies that redress is more substantively achieved by the payment of compensation than through the delivery of an apology in words alone.29 by comparison, the australian government’s apology to first nations persons demonstrates how an apology may be politicised, and by degree hijacked for the purposes of a political agenda, especially when it does not accompany any offer of compensation.30 in such circumstances there is no reason to believe that the apology is anything but an empty gesture. this is borne out in the australian case by the many failures to deliver meaningful improvement in first nations people’s circumstances through effective engagement and/or policy initiatives.31 consequently, such an apology does not reach the threshold of an effective remedy at law. it follows that, if an apology is not given in unqualified terms and backed by material compensation that provides a practical remedy, it is ineffective. lending support to this proposition, gary foley wrote at the time of the rudd government’s apology in australia, [t]he only thing that apologies do as far as i can see, is at the very most… [make admission of] a wrongdoing. which gives minimal comfort to the wronged. unless it’s accompanied by some sort of meaningful form of compensation or reparations for past wrongs that have been committed, then it is a farce.32 27 sarah levi, ‘claims conference to increase holocaust survivor funding by $87 million’ (the australian, 10 july 2018). 28 abc, ‘germany to compensate people who fled from the country as children to escape nazis’ (abc online, 17 december 2018) < https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-1217/germany-to-pay-compensation-to-children-who-fled-from-nazis/10628274>. 29 anshel pfeffer and shahar ilan, ‘speaking in german, merkel gets standing ovation in knesset haaretz’ (english edition, jerusalem) 19 march 2008. 30 foley (n 18). 31 for examples of failure to deliver policies and initiatives directed towards improving the circumstances of indigenous persons see organick (n 6) 156–7. 32 foley (n 18). 184 comment foley’s position also accords with organick’s view that an apology must contain the elements mentioned earlier in this article to be legitimate, otherwise it may be described as a non-apology.33 the ‘australian non-apology’ was followed in 2017 by the uluru statement,34 which called for constitutional and other forms of recognition, inclusion and policy change in respect of the circumstances of australia’s first nations peoples. the rationale for, and drivers of,35 this demand for more than a mere apology, resolved at a ‘constitutional convention’ by elders and leaders of australia’s first nations peoples, demonstrates that, absent accompanying compensation, the apology has been ineffective. this supports the central proposition of this article that apologies alone are ineffective and that they, without accompanying compensation, ought not create normative consequences at municipal or international law. why did the australian government apologise? foley argues that apologies often are made to avoid liability, or at least limit further liability.36 many apologies are actually made with an express disclaimer of liability, exemplified by the us case examined below.37 accordingly, while they may make good political pageantry, apologies (absent accompanying compensation and frameworks for implementation) are practically ineffective as a remedy. in the australian context, foley argues that the apology to the stolen generations was something that enabled the ‘australian people to pat themselves on the back and delude themselves into thinking that they’d done something significant for the aboriginal people, which in fact they [had not]’. he generally views apologies as a duplicitous means of appeasing consciences, while delivering little of real value to the aggrieved either domestically or internationally. apologies, he argues, give both domestic and international stakeholders further excuse for not having expressed concern or acted to remediate the circumstances of the aggrieved parties sooner. this position is echoed in similar terms by chiara lawry, who 33 organick (n 6) 156. 34 from the heart, ‘the uluru statement’ (2020). . 35 daniel mckay, uluru statement: a quick guide (research paper, parliamentary library, parliament of australia, 19 june 2017). . 36 organick (n 6) 156. 37 prue vines, ‘apologising to avoid liability: cynical civility or practical morality?’ (2005) 27(3) sydney law review 483, 485. the denning law journal 185 remonstrates at the lack of reparations paid to aggrieved first nations persons in australia.38 in support of the above argument, foley and lawry use the example of the us ‘apology’ (non-apology according to organick),39 secreted in s 8113 of the department of defense appropriations act 2010 (usa), to demonstrate the meaninglessness of apologies. this provision acknowledges ‘that there have been years of official depredations, ill-conceived policies, and the breaking of covenants... regarding indian tribes […together with] many instances of violence, maltreatment, and neglect inflicted on first nations people by citizens of the [usa]’. however, the same provision also contains a disclaimer that it neither ‘authorizes nor supports any claim against the [usa]’ by first nations persons for such acts.40 it is submitted that this apology both legislatively deprives the common law right of first nations people to justice by excluding liability or actions for compensation for acknowledged wrong doing, and, additionally, is an expression of disdain for the first nations people of the us that undermines the earlier-stated apology. besides the restoration of a modicum of dignity, the international law commission’s draft articles on state responsibility41 declare that, in addition to payments of compensation for an international wrong, a formal apology may also be offered as satisfaction. the implication being that, as in the above-mentioned german case of compensation being paid prior to an apology being offered to the jewish people generally and holocaust victims specifically, the apology ought to follow the payment of substantive compensation for it to reach the threshold of an effective remedy at law. following this line, george barrie posits that, pertaining to past wrongs, an apology can formally ‘set the record straight’ where a political acknowledgement is needed and serves as a starting point for new government policies, as evidenced in south africa post-apartheid.42 nonetheless, whichever follows which, barrie 38 chiara lawry, ‘moving beyond the apology: achieving full and effective reparations for the stolen generations’ (2010) 14(2) australian indigenous law review 83. 39 organick (n 6) 164. 40 department of defense appropriations act 2010 (usa) s 8113 (2)(b). 41 international law commission, draft articles on responsibility of states for internationally wrongful acts, 53rd sess, (23 april–1 june and 2 july–10 august 2001), supplement no. 10 (un doc a/56/10). 42 george barrie, ‘accepting state responsibility by means of an “apology”: the australian and south african experience’ (2013) 46(1) comparative and international law journal of southern africa 52; this is also referenced by organick (n 6) 156. 186 comment indicates that there is a need for compensation to accompany apologies for them to be effective as a remedy at law.43 as detailed below and noted by organick,44 the australian example demonstrates the likelihood that new, aspirational or remedial policies are often not pursued post-apology. therefore, on weight of evidence, the australian apology, and apologies in general, without accompanying compensation or policy-responsiveness to first nations community requests, are ineffective as a remedy. the first nations experience since the australian government’s apology the following examination of australia’s first nations incarceration rates provides a measure of the circumstances of australia’s first nations citizens over time, as well as a comparison to first nations incarceration rates in other jurisdictions. this affords some indicia by which the government may be judged, against its stated aim of improving the circumstances of first nations australians. in 1991, 16 years before the australian government’s apology, first nations australians were less than eight times more likely to be imprisoned than the non-first nations population. however, five years after the rudd government’s apology, on 30 june 2012, australian prisons held 29,383 inmates.45 first nations prisoners, at 27 per cent of that total, represented over 10 times their proportion of australia’s overall population.46 accordingly, the proportion of first nations prisoners to the overall population increased by around 30 per cent between 1991 and 2012,47 and 1.9 per cent of the entire australian first nations adult population was imprisoned.48 thalia anthony explains that the input of first nations elders into the sentencing process during the same period, at least in australia’s northern territory, was reduced to the point of virtual nonexistence. she proposes that this 43 ibid. 44 organick (n 6) 152. 45 australian national council on drugs, ‘an economic analysis for aboriginal and torres strait islander offenders: prison v residential treatment’ (australian national council on drugs, 2013) viii. 46 ibid. 47 robert tumeth, ‘is circle sentencing in the nsw criminal justice system a failure?’ aboriginal legal service (nsw/act) 7 june 2011. 48 chief magistrate hilary hannam, ‘aija indigenous justice conference current issues in delivering indigenous justice: challenges for the courts’, adelaide, 18–19 july 2013. the denning law journal 187 deliberate reduction in culturally disposed justice mechanisms contributed to increased rates of incarceration.49 elsewhere, anthony and co-author elena marchetti affirm that first nations canadians are over-represented at a nine times greater rate than the overall canadian population, and new zealand’s maori peoples are overrepresented by a factor of 3.5.50 compared to these states’ australia’s first nations population is the most over-represented incarcerated group. exacerbating this issue, the kinds of innovative approaches to sentencing51 discussed by kathleen daly and marchetti, published five years after the ‘national apology’, have not been implemented and little has been done to create restorative, diversionary paths to ameliorate first nations over-representation in australian prisons.52 this demonstrates that first nations australians are significantly worse off since the apology, as well as being worse off than many first nations counterparts in other jurisdictions. policy and funding dimensions intrinsically connected to the above issue is the failure of the australian government’s public policy and spending programs, designed to improve the circumstances of first nations australians. as a simple calculation, 27 per cent of the amount spent some eight years ago in australia’s northern territory prisons alone amounts to over aud $27.5 million.53 an investment of some part of this sum in more appropriately targeted early intervention and diversionary programs54 is likely to have delivered the sort of opportunities that relieve the disadvantages that 49 thalia anthony, ‘two laws: indigenous justice mechanisms in context’ (2015) 18(1) journal of australian indigenous issues 99, 110–1. 50 elena marchetti and thalia anthony, ‘sentencing indigenous offenders in canada, australia, and new zealand’, (2016) university of technology sydney law research series 27. 51 diversionary and alternative and/or dual cultural criminal sentencing and management methods. 52 kathleen daly and elena marchetti, ‘innovative justice processes: restorative justice, indigenous justice, and therapeutic jurisprudence’ in marinella marmo, willem de lint, and darren palmer (eds.), crime and justice: a guide to criminology (4th edn, lawbook co 2012) 9. 53 australian national council on drugs, (n 43). 54 this is foreshadowed by the national indigenous reform agreement, part of the intergovernmental agreement on federal financial relations between the commonwealth, the states and the territories [7]. 188 comment lead to poor parenting, domestic violence,55 unemployment56 and general poverty.57 these are all factors that contribute to the over-representation of first nations persons in the australian prison system. in this respect, the closing the gap report indicates that the amelioration of these difficulties necessitates more than a combination of an apology, un-targeted funding and/or imprisonment.58 australian first nations senator, patrick dodson, proposes that spending without any clear aims will not solve the above problems, and argues that multi-faceted first nations inclusion in the polity is required for the amelioration of their circumstances.59 this together with appropriate compensation and mechanisms for disbursement are required for a genuine resolution. the above cycle of disadvantage and ‘structural violence’60 is congruent with the arguments expounded by johan galtung and later by don weatherburn.61 extending these arguments, weatherburn argues that ‘[t]he cure for [disproportionately high first nations rates of] crime is not a rearrangement of the economic fabric of society alone’.62 rather, it will rely on a ‘rearrangement of 55 tara mcgee, rebecca wickes, jonathan corcoran, william bor and jake najman, ‘antisocial behaviour: an examination of individual, family, and neighbourhood factors’, trends & issues in crime and criminal justice, research paper no. 410 (australian institute of criminology, 2011). 56 john braithwaite bruce chapman cezary a kapuscinski, ‘unemployment and crime: resolving the paradox’, final report to the criminology research council (australian national university, 1992) 57 this is what weatherburn and lind call ‘economic stress’ in don weatherburn and bronwyn lind, ‘poverty, parenting, peers and crime-prone neighbourhoods’, trends & issues in crime and criminal justice, research paper no. 85 (australian institute of criminology, 1998); diane smith, ‘redfern works: the policy and community challenges of an urban cdep scheme’, caepr discussion paper no. 99 (centre for aboriginal economic policy research, 1995). 58 national indigenous reform agreement, (n 52). 59 patrick dodson, launch of the aboriginal and torres strait islander social justice commissioner’s: social justice and native title reports for 2001 (australian human rights commission 2002). 60 david p barash, introduction to peace studies (wadsworth publishing 1991) 8–9. 61 don weatherburn, economic adversity and crime, trends & issues in crime and criminal justice, research paper no. 40 (australian institute of criminology, 1992); don weatherburn and bronwyn lind, poverty, parenting, peers and crime-prone neighbourhoods, trends & issues in crime and criminal justice, research paper no. 85 (australian institute of criminology, 1998). 62 ibid. the denning law journal 189 the thinking of potential offenders’, disrupting the above cycle by investing in early intervention. the statistical analysis above demonstrates that a mere apology has been insufficient to achieve the kinds of early intervention that would have very likely led to a reduction in the proportion of first nations persons in australian prisons. in weatherburn’s parlance, this could have been achieved through a ‘rearrangement’ in the thinking of australia’s first nations population, via appropriate engagement, early intervention and targeted spending. native title rights as compensation in australia, native title rights which might be perceived by some as an extended form of apology,63 do not, and cannot, constitute compensation. this is because, unlike in canada,64 in australia, they are not a recognised form of property in the blackstonian sense. this is despite that compensation can now be awarded for the extinguishment of native title on a case-by-case basis.65 the concept of property was defined in milirrpum v nabalco,66 as including the owner’s ‘... right to exclude others and the right to alienate’; apropos native title does not give an individual the right to exclude or alienate others. furthermore, the native title act 1993 does not allow an individual to exercise non-commercial rights.67 as such, these features of native title in australia deny first nations persons effective compensation. it is also worthy of note that some researchers also reject treaties as mechanisms for preserving first nations rights and access to compensation, arguing that ‘treaties, deeds of settlement and agreements (or even clear judicial pronouncements) do not hold secure the rights of first nations peoples when such rights remain subject to the [will] of parliament’.68 63 shireen morris, ‘re-evaluating mabo: the case for native title reform to remove discrimination and promote economic opportunity’ (2012) 5(3) land, rights, laws: issues of native title 1. 64 tsilhqot’in nation v british columbia [2014] scc 44. 65 northern territory v mr a. griffiths (deceased) and lorraine jones on behalf of the ngaliwurru and nungali peoples [2019] hca 7 (13 march 2019) (kiefel cj, bell, gageler, keane, nettle, gordon and edelman jj). 66 (1971) 17 flr 141, 171. 67 yanner v eaton (1999) 201 clr 351. 68 jason de santolo, ‘responses to the “sealord deal” – fishing for insights’ (2004) 4 journal of indigenous policy 49, 62; michael dillon, policy implications of the timber creek decision, centre for aboriginal economic policy research anu college of arts & social sciences caepr working paper 128/2019. 190 comment conclusion in this article it is contended that only measures that help achieve a ‘rearrangement of the thinking’ (raising the dignity, pride, independence and self-belief) in first nations people through the payment of effective compensation will aid in the reduction of the relative disadvantage caused by the damage inflicted by forced colonial subjugation. the notion that any substantive advantage is delivered through ceremonies at which apologies alone are delivered by inheritors of a colonial power structure is rejected. additionally, policies, treaties and settlements that lack an appropriate framework for implementation, first nations engagement and involvement in policy making, even when aimed at providing a better family life and socio-economic outcomes for first nations persons, provide insufficient remedy for those dispossessed by colonialism. based on the evidence of the decline in the circumstances of australia’s first nations peoples, especially when compared to other first nations peoples experiences from outside australia, it is all but impossible to believe that apologies proffered without accompanying targeted and substantive compensation packages will have anything but negligible practical effect. specifically, in relation to australia’s ‘national apology’, they in fact arguably mislead first nations and non-first nations citizens to the perception that something of practical and legal value has been delivered by their government when in fact it has not. ultimately, because apologies without any accompanying targeted compensation are ineffective, they should not be regarded as a remedy in municipal or international law, nor do they create normative consequences in the australian (or international) jurisdiction. the question begging is one of great significance for the australian political and legal systems, government, electorate and society. will australia’s heart of darkness prevail, or will the nation’s conscience prove dr martin luther king jr’s dictum that in the long run the arc of history bends towards justice? domestic contribution and constructive trusts: the canadian perspective mary welstead* early in november 1986, rosa becker, the respondent in pettkus v. becker, 1 committed suicide after a twelve year legal battle.2 after six years oflitigation the supreme court of canada, in 1980, had awarded her $150,000 under a constructive trust. she never received payment because the appellant lothar pettkus claimed that he did not accept the supreme court's ruling. he proceeded to "use every legal tree in the forest of law,,3 to evade rosa becker's attempts to enforce her constructive trust. on november 5th 1986 she finally gave up her fight. this article commemorates rosa becker. she may only have won a pyhrric victory for herself but she succeeded in changing the law of trusts of property, in the familial context, in canada. in so doing, she prepared the way for the recognition of domestic contribution as giving rise to a remedial constructive trust. no other commonwealth jurisdiction has accepted domestic contribution a/one as grounding a successful plea of a constructive trust.4 the acceptance by the canadian courts of the relevance of domestic contribution in trusts of property in the familial contexts has developed over a period of some thirteen years.6 the origins of this development are to be found in the dissenting judgement of laskin j. in murdoch v. murdoch.7 laskin j.'s views were approved of by dickson j. in diaa, in rathwell v. rathwell.8 it was not, however, until pettkus v. becker9 that the canadian supreme court was able to • 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. of the school of law, university of buckingham. pettkus v. becker 117 d.l.r. (3d) 257. the montreal gazette, 11th november 1986, p.1 col.i. ibid. per gerald langlois, rosa becker's lawyer. see bums v. bums [1984]1 all e.r. 244. domestic contribution might be accepted as a relevant detriment if an express oral agreement exists and in that sense may give rise to a constructive trust: see grant v. edwards [1986] 2 all e.r. 426, at p.437 per sir nicholas browne-wilkinson v.c.. see also n.18, infra. the term familial is used to include all relationships involving emotional, financial and practical interdependancy; see [1979] 31 fam. law 244; [1980] g.l.j. 31. john l. dewar, [1982] 60 can. bar rev. 265. murdoch v. murdoch 41 d.l.r. (3d) 367, at p.377. rathwe// v. rathwe// 83 d.l.r. (3d) 289, at p.305. supra n.1. 151 the denning law journal escape from the confines of the intention based resulting trust and hold that the concept of the constructive trust based on the principle of unjust enrichment was accepted law in canada. five years later, the supreme court in sorochan v. sorochan1o held that the principle of unjust enrichment extended to domestic contributions. the intention based resulting trust prior to the decision of the supreme court in pettkus v. becker] 1 the canadian courts had adopted an artificially extended form of the purchase money resulting trust in the resolution of familial property disputes. in a strict sense this category of resulting trust does not require intention at all; it arises by operation oflaw.12 the principle upon which the purchase money resulting trust is based was stated in dyer v. dyerl3 by eyre c. b .. he accepted that, "the clear result of all the cases, without a single exception, is that the trust of a legal estate, whether freehold, copyhold, or leasehold; whether taken in the names of the purchasers and others jointly, or in the names of others without that of the purchaser; whether jointly or successive, results to the man who advances the purchase money.,,14 this resulting trust arises out of equity's presumption that bargains rather than gifts are intended in such circumstances. the person advancing the purchase money is presumed to have intended that the legal title holder should hold the beneficial title on trust for him. the presumption is rebuttable by evidence of a contrary intention. the purchase money resulting trust was extended to post acquisition payments provided that the payments were referable to the property. in gissing v. gissing, ]5 lord diplock recognised that it would be unreasonably legalistic to restrict the purchase money resulting trust to contributions made at the time of the acquisition of the property. he accepted that later financial contributions referable to the property could also lead to a resulting trust. a retrospective inference could be made from these financial contributions that the parties had intended to share the beneficial interest from the time of acquisition. 16 professor donovan waters has observed that this retrospective inference was, in fact, " ... a constructive trust approach masquerading as a resulting trust approach.,,17 he stressed the absence of a common intention, in the majority of cases, at the time the property was acquired. professor waters argued that the courts' discovery of an implied common intention from financial contributions was frequently a means of giving the wife a just and equitable share in the disputed asset. 10. sorochall v. sorochall 29 d.l.r. (4th) 1, at p.6. 11. supra n.1. 12. donovan waters, (1970) 16mcgi/l l.joum. 188; donovan waters, (1975) 53 call. bar rev. 366. 13. dyer v. dyer (1788) 2 cox eq. cas. 92, at p.93. 14. ibid. 15. gissillg v. gissillg [1971] a.c. 886. 16. ibid., at p.908 17. (1975) 53 call. bar rev. 366, at p.368. 152 domestic contribution and constructive trusts inevitably attempts were made to extend the resulting trust still further and include within its boundaries fact-situations in which a labour contribution or a contribution to general household expenditure had been made. the courts showed a marked reluctance to accept that these contributions could lead to an inference of a resulting trust. 18 if there was a separate agreement by the parties to share the beneficial interest in property the courts were prepared to accept that this type of contribution could give rise to a resulting trust. lord diplock in gissing v. gissini9 accepted that in circumstances of express oral agreements, "it has been assumed sub silentio that they provide for the spouse in whom the legal estate in the matrimonial home is not vested to do something to facilitate its acquisition, by contributing to the purchase price or to the deposit or the mortgage instalments when it is purchased upon mortgage or to make some other material sacrifice by way of contribution to or economy in the general family expenditure.,,2o the canadian courts claimed to follow the approach of lord diplock towards resulting trusts as formulated in gissing v. gissing.21 an examination of the case law prior to pettkus v. becke?2 suggests that this was not so. substantial labour contributions were accepted as giving rise to an inference of intention where there was no separate express agreement to share the beneficial interest. the majority decision in murdoch v. murdoch. it fell to the supreme court in murdoch v. murdoch23 to decide whether to extend the intention based resulting trust to contributions of non-domestic labour in the absence of a separate express agreement to share the beneficial interest in the property. the appellant wife, mrs murdoch, had lived and worked with the respondent, mr murdoch, for twenty-one years. during the greater part of that time they lived on ranches which were purchased in the sole name of mr murdoch. there was no express common intention on their part to share the beneficial interest. nor was there any substantial financial contribution at the time the disputed property was purchased from which such an intention could be inferred. the supreme court was prevented from accepting mrs murdoch's financial contribution as leading to an inference of a common intention because the trial judge had held that her contribution was a loan.24 mrs murdoch claimed that her substantial contribution of labour led to the inference that a common 18. see gissing v. gissing [1971] a.c. 886; pet/ill v. pettitt [1970] a.c. 777; burns v. burns [1984] 1 all e.r. 244; cf nixon v. nixon [1969] 1 w.l.r. 1676. 19. supra n.1s. 20. ibid., at p.90s; see also mcfarlane v.mcfarlane [1972] n.!. 59. it has been suggested that this type of trust is not a resulting trust but a failed express trust given effect by means of estoppel: see c. harpum, (1982) 2 oxfordjo. leg. stud. 277, at p.279, sir nicholas browne-wilkinson v.c., in grant v. edwards [1986] 2 all e.r. 426, at p.437, referred to such a trust as a constructive trust 21. supra n.1s. 22. supra n.1. 23. murdoch v. murdoch 41 d.l.r. (3d) 367. see also jacobsen, (1974) 20 mcgill l. journ. 308. 24. murdoch v. murdoch 41 d.l.r. (3d) 367, at p.380. 153 http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0143-6503(1982)2l.277[aid=7379171] http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0143-6503(1982)2l.277[aid=7379171] http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0143-6503(1982)2l.277[aid=7379171] the denning law journal intention existed between her and her husband that they should share the beneficial interest of the property. she relied on the judgment of the alberta court of appeal in trueman v. trueman.25 in that case it was accepted that substantial labour by a wife, which would have normally been done by hired hands or her husband, could give rise to a resulting trust of the family homestead. mrs murdoch's labour contribution would have appeared, to most people, to be substantial. she described her work as "haying, raking, swathing, mowing, driving trucks, and tractors and teams, quietening horses, taking cattle back and forth to the reserve, deworming, vaccinating, branding, anything that was to be done. i worked outside with him, just as a man would ... ,,26 mr murdoch had claimed that such labour was, "just about what the ordinary rancher's wife does".27 this view was shared by the majority of the supreme court. in the absence of a finding of a substantial labour contribution mrs murdoch's claim failed. by accepting that mrs murdoch's labour was that of an ordinary rancher's wife, the supreme court was able to distinguish the trueman case. the claim in trueman was for a share in the family homestead. the labour of the wife in that case was accepted as substantial and could therefore give rise to an inference of an intention to share in the beneficial interest of that homestead. in murdoch the interest claimed was a one-half share in all the property of a more substantial commercial enterprise. there was a marked reluctance by the supreme court to extend the resulting trust concept to commercial assets even where the family home was part of those assets. counsel for the respondent in murdoch had contended that in the light of the supreme court decision in thompson v. thompson28 the trueman case was wrongly decided. mardand j., giving the majority decision in murdoch, impliedly accepted that judson j. in thompson had left open the possibility that a substantial labour contribution could give rise to a resulting trust. judson j. had held that, in the absence of a financial contribution or other attributes of matrimonial partnership, there could be no resulting trust. it was thus open to the canadian supreme court at some future date to infer an intention to share the beneficial interest in property from other attributes of matrimonial partnership such as a substantial contribution of labour. the dissenting judgment of laskin j. in murdoch v. murdoch laskin j. in murdoch v. murdoch29 did not share the trial judge's appreciation of normalcy. he thought that mrs murdoch's labour could be characterised as nothing less than extraordinary. as such, it should be treated as no less significant than substantial financial contributions. however, to do that within the framework 25. trueman v. trueman 18 d.l.r. (3d) 109. see also smith v. ahone 56 d.l.r. (3d) 454. 26. murdoch v. murdoch 41 d.l.r. (3d), at p.380. 27. ibid. 28. thompson v. thompson 26 d.l.r. (2d) 1. 29. murdoch v. murdoch 41 d.l.r. (3d) 367, at p.377. see also re spears v. levy 52 d.l.r. (3d) 146. 154 domestic contribution and constructive trusts of resulting trusts was, according to laskin ]., quite artificial. he found it unnecessary to manipulate the resulting trust doctrine any further. he argued forcefully that the doctrine of constructive trusts based on unjust enrichment was to be preferred. this doctrine had neither been pleaded nor argued by the parties. the majority in murdoch did not respond to laskin ].'s views. his dissenting judgment was grounded on the supreme court decision in deglman v. guaranty trust co. of canada and constantineau30 which recognised the principle of unjust enrichment, for the first time, as good law in canada, in the context of quasi-contractual restitutionary claims. laskin]. held that mr murdoch had been unjustly enriched by mrs murdoch's substantial contribution of non-domestic labour. a constructive trust arose in these circumstances. laskin j. was not prepared to extend this principle to purely domestic labour. such labour might be said to be, "merely a reflection of the marriage bond,,3! and could not be translated easily into money's worth as could other types of labour. he was not prepared to view domestic activity as equal to strenuous physical labour. laskin ].'s judgment served the purpose of averting attention to the mythical nature of the intention based resulting trust in circumstances where the claimant's contribution took the form of substantial labour. the majority decision in rathwell v. rathwell a differently constituted supreme court in rathwell v. rathwelp2 considered, once again, the applicability of resulting trust principles in the familial context. until the breakdown of their marriage mr and mrs rathwell had worked together in a joint farming enterprise. when their relationship came to an end, mrs rathwell claimed a half-share in the property, the title of which was in the sole name of mr rathwell. there was the fortuitous distinction between murdoch v. murdoch33 and the rathwell case that mrs rathwell had made a limited financial contribution to the property. this contribution was made from the rathwell's joint account into which they had placed their wartime savings. in those circumstances the court was prepared to extend resulting trust principles to a fact-situation where the major contribution of the wife was substantial farm labour and domestic labour, albeit in a farm context. it recognised that mrs rathwell, "in addition to what might be called ordinary household tasks, took meals to the fields, helped move machinery, raised poultry, acted as back up driver for the bus contract, milked cows, grew a garden and did chores ... in the grain belt the kitchen was considered to be just as much an integral part of the operation as was the feed lot or the machine shed.,,34 the financial contributions 30. deglman v. guaranty trust co. of canada and c01lstantineau 3 d.l.r. 785. 31. murdoch v. murdoch 41 d.l.r. (3d) 367, at p.389. 32. rathwell v. rathwell 83 d.l.r. (3d) 289. 33. supra n.1. 34. rathwell v. rathwell 83 d.l.r. (3d) 289 at p.292. 155 the denning law journal alone would not have been sufficient evidence of an intention to share the beneficial interest. when both financial and labour contributions were taken together, the supreme court was prepared to infer that an intention to share the beneficial interest in the property had existed from the moment the rathwell family enterprise began. the judgment of dickson j. in rathwell v. rathwell dickson]. concurred in the judgment in rathwell v. rathwe1l35 based on resulting trust principles. however he seized the opportunity to elaborate the principles of constructive trusts based on unjust enrichment. relying on the view expressed by laskin]., in his dissent in murdoch, dickson]. maintained that this doctrine was as equally applicable as the doctrine of resulting trusts to the facts of rathwell. he declined to accept the criticism of the constructive trust approach expressed by the majority of the supreme court in rathwell. this part of dickson j.'s judgment was of course obiter. however it was an important stage in the development of the acceptance of the constructive trust based on unjust enrichment in canada. dickson j. recognised the inherent difficulties in finding an agreement between parties in familial circumstances. he explained that, "the property is acquired during a period where there is marital accord. when this gives way to discord, problems arise in respect of property division. there is seldom prior express agreement. there is rarely implied agreement or common intention, apart from the general intention of building life together. it is not in the nature of things for young married people to contemplate the break-up of their marriage and the division, in that event, of assets acquired by common effort during wedlock.,,36 the charge had been made against the intention based resulting trust as involving "a meaningless ritual in searching for a phantom intent.,,37 dickson j. accepted this charge. he then attempted to liberate the law from that meaningless ritual. he expressed the view that the doctrine of the constructive trust based on the concept of unjust enrichment was a more flexible doctrine than the intention based resulting trust. he explained that, "the hallmark of the constructive trust is that it is imposed irrespective of intention; indeed, it is imposed quite against the wishes of the constructive trustee. ,,38 dickson j. was not prepared to impose such a trust without a principled base. he maintained that three requirements were required for the doctrine of unjust enrichment to apply and elaborated them. first, there must be an unjust enrichment. second, there must be a corresponding deprivation to the claimant of the constructive trust. third, there must be an absence of any juristic reason such as a contract or disposition of law for the 35. rathwell v. rathwell 83 d.l.r. (3d) 289, at p.297. see also frank bates, (1979) nlj 288; mccamus and taman, (1978) 16 osgoodehall l. journ. 741; (1981) 2. 279 supreme court l. rev. 316. 36. ibid., at p.294. see also dwyerv. luve 67 d.l.r. (3d) 550. 37. rathwell v. rathwell 83 d.l.r. (3d) 289, at p.301. 38. ibid., at p.305. 156 domestic contribution and constructive trusts enrichment. if these requirements' were fulfilled, a constructive trust could be imposed, providing that a causal relationship could be shown between the disputed property and the unjust enrichment. dickson j. accepted that a causal relationship did exist in rathwell. he rejected the argument that the causal connection existed only between mr rathwell's unjust enrichment and a small portion of mr rathwell's property, including the family homestead. he reasoned that, "the rathwells worked and operated all of the lands as one farm, a family farm in which husband and wife shared control and operating responsibilities. although the causal connection may be clearer when the couples save money to buy the house in which they reside, there is no reason on the authorities, or in principle, why the application of a constructive trust should be confined to a homestead, or to a matrimonial home. the outcome in a matrimonial property case should not depend upon the nature of the property in dispute.,,40 the decision in pettkus v. becker constructive trusts based on unjust enrichment less than a decade after it was suggested that the adoption by the canadian courts of constructive trusts based on unjust enrichment could not happen the supreme court, in pettkus v. becker,41 imposed such a trust. a majority of the supreme court finally buried the resulting trust based on the artificial extension of the presumed resulting trust.42 dickson]., givingjudgment on behalf of s~ of the nine members of the supreme court, firmly established the doctrine of constructive trust based on unjust enrichment as part of the common law of canada. lothar pettkus, the appellant, was a bee keeper. he had lived with the respondent, rosa becker, for almost 20 years. they had lived frugally. rosa becker paid the rent, bought the food and clothing and paid for other living expenses. lothar pettkus was thus enabled to save his earnings. he eventually purchased a farm in his sole name, using those savings. he established a bee keeping business. rosa becker worked hard in this enterprise for 14 years but received no remuneration for her efforts. further properties were purchased in the name of lothar pettkus using moneys from the bee keeping business. after a deterioration in the relationship, rosa becker departed. lothar pettkus gave her $3,000, the car and 10% of the bee hives. she returned three months later and returned the gifts. it was agreed that they would resume their relationship, that a joint bank account would be opened and all receipts from the sale of honey could be deposited in that account. the parties built a new house on land previously purchased in lothar pettkus' name. 39. ibid.; c.f ruffv. sirobel86 d.l.r. (3d) 284. 40. ralhwell v. ralhwell 83 d.l.r. (3d) 289, at p.308. 41. peukus v. becker 117 d.l.r. (3d) 257. see also a. j. mclean, (1982) 16 u.b.c. l. rev. iss; (1982) 3. 361 supreme court l. rev.; bradley, (1982) fam. law 21. 42. ibid. 157 the denning law journal the cost of construction was paid for by moneys from the bee keeping business. the relationship between the parties did not survive. rosa becker finally departed the property. she claimed a half share in all the properties held in lothar pettkus' name. the ontario court of appeal varied the judgment at trial. it imposed a constructive trust on the respondent. rosa becker was to receive a half share in lothar pettkus' lands and the bee keeping business. he appealed to the supreme court. dickson j. was given the opportunity he had awaited since rathwell. he wished to end the judicial quest for that fugitive common intention which had so far been essential to found a resulting trust. the parties to the dispute in pettkus v. becker43 had no express common intention. the trial judge had found that rosa becker's contribution to the household expenses prior to the acquisition of the first property, "was in the nature of risk capital invested in the hope of seducing a younger defendant into marriage.,,44 dickson j. found this statement somewhat lacking in gallantry. ritchie j., in stronger terms, declared it to be gratuitously insulting. the ontario court of appeal had upheld the finding at trial that there was no common intention. ritchie j. was prepared to disregard that finding. in a majority judgment, he held that a resulting trust had arisen on the facts.45 but dickson j. was not prepared to overrule the finding of the trial judge and the ontario court of appeal. . there could not have been a more opportune moment for the introduction of the doctrine of unjust enrichment into familial property disputes. the fact-situation clearly demanded a remedy. the evidence was such that a resulting trust based on an inferred common intention from financial contributions, could have been imposed had it not been for the earlier findings of the trial judge and the ontario court of appeal.46 dickson j. reiterated the principles of unjust enrichment which he had laid down in diaa in rathwell. three requirements had to be satisfied to find an unjust enrichment, an enrichment, a corresponding deprivation and the absence of any juristic reason for the enrichment. for the court to impose the remedy of a constructive trust based on unjust enrichment there must be a casual relationship between the unjust enrichment and the disputed property.47 lothar pettkus had been enriched by rosa becker's nineteen years of unpaid labour. she had been correspondingly deprived during that time. the third requirement was fulfilled, according to dickson j., if "one person in a relationship tantamount to spousal prejudices herself in the reasonable expectation of receiving an interest in the property and the other person in the relationship freely accepts benefits conferred 43. ibid. 44. ibid. 45. ibid. 46. ibid. 47. ibid. see also d. waters, law oftmsts of callada, 2nd. ed. (1984). 158 domestic contribution and constructive trusts by the first person in circumstances where he knows or ought to have known of that reasonable expectation. ,,48 this third requirement implies that once a reasonable expectation comes to the knowledge of the legal title holder he is under a duty to refuse the contribution of the claimant. if he accepts it, he has acquiesced in the claimant's expectation and must give effect to it. the language in which the third requirement is couched is reminiscent of the english concept of proprietary estoppel. 49 it can reasonably be questioned whether this third requirement is little more than "common intention" by another name. if the claimant must have a reasonable expectation that she would receive an interest in the legal title holder's property and the latter must know or ought to have known of that expectation, there would appear to be a requirement of an implied common intention. for if the title holder does not reject the contribution he is implying that he shares the claimant's expectation concerning his property. the canadian courts have not accepted such an interpretation. a liberal view of this third requirement has been taken. the burden of proof is on the legal title holder to demonstrate that his enrichment, at the expense of the claimant, was without knowledge of the claimant's expectation.50 if he cannot satisfy this burden of proof the courts have been prepared to impute the necessary reasonable expectation even where the claimant has clearly not given any thought as to what was her expectation.51 by imposing a principled basis for the constructive trust, dickson j. was able to evade the accusations of administering palm tree justice which were levelled at lord denning m.r.'s attempts to impose constructive trusts where justice, equity and good conscience required it.52 once the concept of a constructive trust based on unjust enrichment had become accepted law in canada, the way was opened for the recognition of domestic contribution as unjust enrichment. the recognition of domestic contribution as unjust enrichment in sorochan v. sorochan the supreme court in sorochan v. sorochan53 finally recognised that domestic contribution could equally unjustly enrich a legal title holder as financial contributions. the parties in sorochan, mary and alex sorochan, had lived 48. pettklls v. becker 117 d.l.r. (3d) 257. if the relationship is of short duration the courts have not been prepared to grant a constructive trust remedy: see neiderberger v. met/mook 130 d.l.r. (3d) 353. where the relationship is actually spousal the parties are more likely to use matrimonial legislation (see r.sa 1980 c.152) but there remain circumstances where spouses may need to plead a constructive trust: see rankin, (1984) 17.72 duawa l. rev. 79. 49. a comparison of the doctrine of proprietary estoppel and the doctrine of unjust enrichment has been made in an unpublished thesis by the author of this article. 50. see girard, (1983) 28 mcgill l. jollm. 977, at p.l000. 51. this was indeed the case in pettklls v. becker itself. 52. see hodkinson, (1983) 47 conv. (n.s.) 420. 53. sorochan v. sorochan 29 d.l.r. (4th) 1. 159 the denning law journal together in a de ftao relationship for 42 years. they worked the family farm together and produced six children. mary sorochan did all the domestic labour associated with running the household and caring for the children. she also laboured long hours alone on the family farm whilst her defacto husband worked as a travelling salesman. the alberta court of appeal had reversed the trial judge's finding of a constructive trust in favour of the appellant. it held that there was no casual connection between her contribution of labour and the acquisition of the property by the respondent. judgment in the supreme court was given by dickson c. j. c. he did not differentiate between the appellant's domestic contribution to the household and her labour on the farm. he held that the respondent had derived a benefit from both types oflabour. according to dickson c. j. c., this benefit included valuable savings from having essential farm services and domestic work performed by the appellant without having to provide remuneration. dickson c. j. c. was reinforced in his refusal to differentiate between domestic contribution and other types of labour by the judgment of the alberta court of queen's bench in hennan v. smith.54 this case concerned a claim of a constructive trust based on a contribution of domestic labour alone. the alberta court held that the rendering of normal spousal services, by the woman, amounted to a valuable service which resulted in an enrichment to the man and a corresponding deprivation to the woman. in the sorochan case mary sorochan was equally held to have enriched her de faao husband to her corresponding deprivation. there was no juristic reason for the enrichment. the supreme court held that there was no obligation contractual or otherwise by mary sorochan to perform domestic or other labour. she had a reasonable expectation of receiving some benefit in return for her 42 years of labour. she had asked alex sorochan to marry her and to place property in her name. these two incidents convinced dickson c. j. c. that alex sorochan ought to have known that his defaao wife had a reasonable expectation of obtaining a share in the land. alex sorochan already owned the disputed land when mary sorochan went to live with him. it was, therefore, argued by counsel for the respondent, that there could be no causal relationship between her contribution of domestic and farm labour and his acquisition of the property. the supreme court rejected this narrow view as treating "a particular manifestation of the rule as the rule itself.,,55 it articulated a more general causal connection test. there should merely be a clear link between the contribution and the disputed asset. the courts must ask whether the contribution is sufficiently substantial and direct to entitle the plaintiff to a share of the property in question. cary j. a., in murray v. roty,56 a decision of the ontario court of appeal, had already employed the general causal connection 54. herman v. smith (198+) alta l.r. 2nd 90. see also lawrence v. lilulsey (1982) 21 alta l.r. (2nd) 141. 55. sorochan v. sorochan 29 d.l.r. 4th 1, at p.8. 56. murray v. roty 147 d.l.r. (3d) 438, at p.445. 160 domestic contribution and constructive trusts test. he explained that domestic activity maintains and preserves the property. in that sense it is substantial and direct. it also releases the legal tide holder from having to pay for domestic help, or from having to do it himself. the money or time saved permits him to improve and maintain his property either by payments to another, using the money saved, or by his own efforts, using the time saved.57 it would seem from the sorochan case that the principle of unjust enrichment has been broadened. will there be any relationship involving joint participation in a communal, familial venture which will be able to evade the imposition of a constructive trust? conclusion the canadian supreme court has finally recognized that domestic contribution is of equal value as financial contribution in trusts of property in the familial context. it is a realistic acknowledgement that living in a familial relationship is a common enterprise; each member contributes according to his abilities and to the needs of the other members of the household. if the common enterprise breaks down, its property will be distributed in accordance with those contributions; financial contributions will not be valued more highly than domestic contributions. lord simon of glaisdale, at one time president of the family division of the english high court, had already recognised, in an address to the holdsworth club of birmingham university, more than 20 years ago, that "men can only earn their incomes and accumulate capital by virtue of the division of labour between themselves and their wives. the wife spends her youth and early middle age in bearing and rearing children and in tending the home; the husband is thus freed for his economic activities. unless the wife plays her part the husband cannot play his. the cock bird can feather his nest precisely because he is not required to spend most of his time sitting on it. ,,58 the canadian supreme court has acknowledged the truth of lord simon's view of the co-operative nature of the familial enterprise. will other commonwealth jurisdictions be prepared to adopt the canadian approach to the constructive trust in the familial context?59 such an adoption would be a fitting memorial to the death of rosa becker on the legal battle ground of the family home. 57. cf a.j. oosterhoff, (1979) 58 can. bar rev. 356, at p.370. 58. "with all my worldly goods ... " (address to the holdsworth club, university of birmingham, 20th march 1964), p.32. 59. the new zealand court of appeal, in hayward v. giordani [1983] n.z.l.r. 140, at p.153 per mcmullin j., accepted that the canadian approach had much to commend it. it was able to find a constructive trust based on an express common intention and therefore found it unnecessary to consider whether the doctrine of unjust enrichment should be given a place in the law of new zealand. see also easton, (1982) 12 v.u. w.l.r. 159; goff and jones, the law of restitution, 3rd ed. (1986); (1983) conv. (n.s.) 420. 161 the denning law journal 199 denning law journal 2019 vol 31 pp 199-205 the standard of proof in disciplinary proceedings: solicitors regulation authority v sharif (2019) john hatchard* * professor of law, buckingham law school, and co-director of the university of buckingham centre for extractive energy studies. 1 solicitors regulation authority v sharif case 11805-2018 (solicitors disciplinary tribunal, 2019). 2 see p 194. the january 2019 ruling of the solicitors disciplinary tribunal in solicitors regulation authority v sharif1 highlighted the care that legal practitioners must take in order to satisfy their anti-money laundering obligations and the serious consequences of any failure to do so. this is the subject of a separate note in this issue of the denning law journal.2 however, the solicitors disciplinary tribunal applied the criminal standard of proof in the case. the question as to whether this is now the appropriate approach is the subject of this note. solicitors and the standard of proof at disciplinary hearings the current framework for dealing with disciplinary matters involving solicitors is as follows. in the case of less serious allegations, the solicitors regulation authority (sra) enjoys its own disciplinary powers and can impose a range of administrative penalties. the solicitors disciplinary tribunal acts as an appellate body. where its powers are considered insufficient, the sra brings the case to the solicitors disciplinary tribunal. thus, the tribunal acts as the first instance decision-maker in cases involving the most serious allegations relating to alleged professional misconduct against individual solicitors and firms. the tribunal has wide sanctioning powers including issuing a reprimand, imposing an unlimited fine or ordering the removal of an individual solicitor from practice. given the serious nature of the allegations against mr sharif concerning the failure to comply with his anti-money laundering obligations, the sra brought the case to the tribunal. as regards the standard of proof in disciplinary cases involving solicitors, there is a ‘mixed’ approach. in cases heard and determined by the sra, the civil 200 the standard of proof in disciplinary proceedings: solicitors regulation authority v sharif (2019) standard of proof (balance of probabilities) is applied. as regards the tribunal, section 46 of the solicitors act 1974 provides it with a wide discretion to regulate its own procedure. the longstanding position of the law society of england and wales (the law society) is that the tribunal should apply the criminal standard of proof (beyond reasonable doubt), a key reason for doing so being the ‘significant impact that adverse decisions can have on individuals subject to tribunal proceedings’.3 accordingly, the tribunal ruled that the sra was required to prove the allegations against mr sharif beyond reasonable doubt.4 this mixed approach can lead to a curious situation as illustrated by the case of solicitors regulation authority v solicitors disciplinary tribunal.5 here huseyin arslan was the subject of disciplinary proceedings before the sra. applying the civil standard of proof, the sra adjudicator found allegations of misconduct proved against mr arslan and ordered that a sanction be imposed. mr arslan then applied to the tribunal for a review of the decision of the adjudicator. in considering the matter, the tribunal applied the criminal standard of proof and on the facts revoked the order. in the high court, the sra sought to challenge the ruling of the tribunal, arguing, inter alia, that ‘the tribunal erred in law in holding that the criminal standard of proof should be applied’.6 leggatt j agreed with this submission. the court was then invited to give an opinion on the standard of proof to be applied by the tribunal when acting as a first instance decision-maker. leggatt j noted that ‘the climate and approach to professional regulation’7 had changed since the high court decision in re a solicitor8 and the privy council decision in campbell v hamlet (trinidad and tobago).9 in the former, lord lane in the divisional court held that the criminal standard was applicable where ‘what is alleged is tantamount to a criminal offence’.10 in campbell, a case also involving a legal practitioner, the privy council went further and held that ‘the criminal 3 the law society, ‘the standard of proof applied by the solicitors disciplinary tribunal’ (the law society, 2017) accessed 10 june 2019, para 2.3. 4 ibid., para 12. 5 solicitors regulation authority v solicitors disciplinary tribunal [2016] ewhc 2862 (admin). 6 ibid., para 23. 7 ibid., para 49. 8 in re a solicitor [1993] qb 69. 9 campbell v hamlet (trinidad and tobago) [2005] ukpc 19. 10 re a solicitor (n 9) para 81. accessed 15 april 2019, p 4. 15 bar standards board, ‘review of the standard of proof applied in professional misconduct proceedings: consultation paper’ (bar standards board, may 2017) accessed 15 april 2019. 16 disciplinary tribunal regulations 2014, regulation e143. https://www.mpts-uk.org/-/media/mpts-documents/dc11585-resource-for-doctors-medical-practitioners-tribunals_pdf-76539010.pdf https://www.mpts-uk.org/-/media/mpts-documents/dc11585-resource-for-doctors-medical-practitioners-tribunals_pdf-76539010.pdf https://www.barstandardsboard.org.uk/media/1830289/sop_consultation_paper.pdf https://www.barstandardsboard.org.uk/media/1830289/sop_consultation_paper.pdf 202 following the consultation, the bsb issued a response that carefully reviewed the issue of the appropriate standard of proof. the bsb concluded that: overall, we take the view, as expressed by some in favour of change, that it is self-evident that the civil standard provides better public protection given that it allows for sanctions to be imposed where it is more likely than not there has been a serious breach of an individual’s professional obligations. in principle, it seems difficult to argue against this without a clear justification for saying that the criminal standard provides better protection. we do not consider that such a clear justification exists.17 in november 2017, the bsb announced that it had decided to change the standard of proof in all cases to the civil standard with the chair of the bsb noting that this would be ‘an important step forward in the bsb’s ongoing work to modernise the regulation of the bar in the public interest’18 (emphasis added). accordingly, as from 1 april 2019 the bsb applies the civil standard of proof rather than the criminal standard in cases where barristers, and others regulated by the bsb, face disciplinary proceedings for professional misconduct.19 in 2017, the law society issued its own consultation paper20 seeking the views of solicitors on the subject. it recognised there was an inherent difficulty in classifying disciplinary proceedings as being civil or criminal in nature and noted 17 bar standards board, ‘bsb standard of proof consultation – bsb response’ (bar standards board, july 2017) accessed 15 april 2019, para 38. 18 bar standards board, ‘civil standard of proof set to be adopted for professional misconduct proceedings for barristers’ (bar standards board, 24 november 2017) accessed 10 june 2019. 19 somewhat confusingly in the case of veterinary surgeons, the royal college of veterinary surgeons disciplinary committee procedure guidance states that the standard of proof to be applied by the disciplinary committee is that specified in the (procedure and evidence rules) order of council 2004. see royal college of veterinary surgeons, ‘disciplinary committee procedure guidance’ (rcvs, 27 september 2013) accessed 10 june 2019, para 13: ‘the standard [of proof] is that the disciplinary committee should be “satisfied to the highest civil standard of proof, so that it is sure” (which is tantamount to applying the “criminal standard”)’ (emphasis in the original). 20 the law society (n 4). the standard of proof in disciplinary proceedings: solicitors regulation authority v sharif (2019) https://www.barstandardsboard.org.uk/media/1923922/standard_of_proof_consultation_-_bsb_response_-_final.pdf https://www.barstandardsboard.org.uk/media/1923922/standard_of_proof_consultation_-_bsb_response_-_final.pdf https://www.barstandardsboard.org.uk/media-centre/press-releases-and-news/civil-standard-of-proof-set-to-be-adopted-for-professional-misconduct-proceedings-for-barristers/ https://www.barstandardsboard.org.uk/media-centre/press-releases-and-news/civil-standard-of-proof-set-to-be-adopted-for-professional-misconduct-proceedings-for-barristers/ https://www.barstandardsboard.org.uk/media-centre/press-releases-and-news/civil-standard-of-proof-set-to-be-adopted-for-professional-misconduct-proceedings-for-barristers/ https://www.rcvs.org.uk/document-library/disciplinary-committee-procedure-guidance/ https://www.rcvs.org.uk/document-library/disciplinary-committee-procedure-guidance/ the denning law journal 203 that the european court of justice has viewed such proceedings as being of a hybrid nature.21 indeed, in the consultation paper, the law society not only explored the arguments for and against the criminal and the civil standard but also noted possible ‘hybrid’ options. one option based on the american bar association model rules for lawyer disciplinary enforcement was to introduce an intermediate standard, i.e. requiring ‘clear and convincing evidence’.22 the use of a ‘sliding scale approach’23 was also noted. this is used by several international sports disciplinary bodies and provides for a flexible approach to the standard of proof depending on the seriousness of the allegation.24 in the event, the result of the consultation was that 90% of solicitors responding were in favour of maintaining the status quo and this remains the position. towards a common approach to the standard of proof? given that the standard of proof in disciplinary proceedings of other professional bodies is overwhelmingly the civil standard, the solicitors disciplinary tribunal is placed in an anomalous position. as leggatt j noted in solicitors regulation authority v solicitors disciplinary tribunal ‘the present situation in which the tribunal, when acting as a primary fact-finder applies a different standard of proof from that which the sra applies when carrying out that role is unsatisfactory and illogical’.25 given its wide-ranging disciplinary powers there is rightly concern over the need to ensure a suitably high standard of proof in cases where there is an allegation of criminal conduct or where a solicitor’s livelihood is at stake. however, 21 albert and le compte v belgium [1983] 5 ehrr 533. 22 an intermediate standard has been favoured by several courts in the commonwealth when considering the appropriate standard of proof in election petition cases: see in particular the supreme court of kenya decision in odinga v independent electoral and boundaries commission [2017] eklr. see also the discussion in john hatchard, ‘election petitions and the standard of proof’ (2015) 27 denning law journal 291. 23 the law society (n 4) para 2.5. 24 for example, rule 17 of the rules of procedure of the international association of athletics federations’ ethics commission provides that ‘the standard of proof in all cases shall be determined on a sliding scale from, at minimum, a mere balance of probability (for the least serious violation) up to proof beyond a reasonable doubt (for the most serious violation). the panel shall determine the applicable standard of proof in each case’. see international association of athletics federations, ‘code of ethics’ (iaaf, january 2015) accessed 10 june 2019. 25 solicitors regulation authority v solicitors disciplinary tribunal (n 6) para 49. https://www.iaafethicsboard.org/content/downloads/iaafcode-of-ethics-eng.pdf https://www.iaafethicsboard.org/content/downloads/iaafcode-of-ethics-eng.pdf 204 arguably, even in such cases, this does not require the adoption of the criminal standard. the views expressed in the arslan case (noted earlier) that the ‘climate and approach to professional regulation has changed’26 and that there is a need for ‘a re-evaluation of the approach to disciplinary measures intended to protect the public’27 emphasise the point. further, in the sharif case itself, the solicitors disciplinary tribunal emphasised that ‘maintaining public confidence in the profession remains of paramount importance’.28 the failure of mr sharif to comply with his anti-money laundering obligations highlights the concern. given these strong statements, it is difficult to justify the retention of the criminal standard of proof in disciplinary cases before the solicitors disciplinary tribunal. the solution does not lie in the adoption of an intermediate standard. instead, while emphasising that there is a single civil standard of proof, the english courts have supported a ‘flexible’ application of that standard. thus in in re cd (original respondent and cross-appellant) (northern ireland)29 lord carswell opined that the proposition neatly expressed by richards lj in r (n) v mental health review tribunal (northern region)30 ‘effectively states in concise terms the proper state of the law on this topic’:31 although there is a single civil standard of proof on the balance of probabilities, it is flexible in its application. in particular, the more serious the allegation or the more serious the consequences if the allegation is proved, the stronger must be the evidence before a court will find the allegation proved on the balance of probabilities. thus the flexibility of the standard lies not in any adjustment to the degree of probability required for an allegation to be proved (such that a more serious allegation has to be proved to a higher degree of probability), but in the strength or quality of the evidence that will in practice be required for an allegation to be proved on the balance of probabilities.32 26 solicitors regulation authority v solicitors disciplinary tribunal (n 6) para 49. 27 ibid., para 73. 28 solicitors regulation authority v sharif (n 2) para 29. 29 in re cd (original respondent and cross-appellant) (northern ireland) [2008] ukhl 33. 30 r (n) v mental health review tribunal (northern region) [2005] ewca civ 1605, para 62. 31 in re cd (original respondent and cross-appellant) (northern ireland) (n 30) para 27. 32 ibid. the standard of proof in disciplinary proceedings: solicitors regulation authority v sharif (2019) the denning law journal 205 lord carswell further noted ‘that in some contexts a court or tribunal has to look at the facts more critically or more anxiously than in others before it can be satisfied to the requisite standard…’.33 thus situations ‘which make such heightened examination necessary may be the inherent unlikelihood of the occurrence taking place…, the seriousness of the allegation to be proved or, in some cases, the consequences which could follow from acceptance of proof of the relevant fact’.34 this is surely the correct approach. thus in cases before both the solicitors regulation authority and the solicitors disciplinary tribunal, the civil standard of proof should be applied. however in cases before the tribunal in which there are very serious allegations of misconduct which, if proved, could subject the solicitor to the possibility of an unlimited fine or removal from practice, the tribunal must require more cogent evidence to support the allegations. this would protect both the public interest and the interest of the individual solicitor. it is now up to the law society to follow the lead of the bar standards board. 33 ibid., para 28. 34 ibid. lord carswell gave a useful illustration which might also apply to the position of a solicitor: ‘the seriousness of consequences is another facet of the same proposition: if it is alleged that a bank manager has committed a minor peculation, that could entail very serious consequences for his career, so making it the less likely that he would risk doing such a thing’: ibid. see also the views of the privy council in hearing on the report of the chief justice of gibraltar [2009] ukpc 43 esp pp 15–17. artificial intelligence, expert systems and law richard e susskind* this paper introduces and explains the various branches of artificial intelligence and law, summarises past and present activities within both europe and the rest of the world and, on a practical level, considers the feasibility and the benefits of these systems as well as the problems to which they give rise. it then points to the keys to successful development. i artificial intelligence and law artificial intelligence (ai) is concerned with the design, development and implementation of computer systems that can perform tasks and solve problems of a sort for which human intelligence is normally thought to be required. for example, ai programs have been written to understand the spoken word, to translate from one language into another, and to recognise images and objects in the physical world. artificial intelligence as applied in the legal field can be sub-divided into two categories: expert systems and knowledge-based systems; and enhancements to legal information retrieval systems. expert systems and knowledge-based systems the broadly agreed goal of workers in the fields of expert systems and knowledge-based systems is to use computer technology to make scarce expertise and knowledge more widely available and easily accessible. expert and knowledge-based systems are therefore computer applications that contain knowledge and expertise which they can apply much as a human expert does in solving problems, offering advice and undertaking a variety of other tasks. in law, these systems should be able to apply their legal knowledge in guiding users • this paper is based on a report submitted to the council of europe in january 1990, entitled "systems based on artificial intelligence in the legal field". richard e. susskind is special advisor on law and information technology at masons solicitors, london. he is visiting professor at strathclyde university's centre for law, computers and technology and is chairman of the society for computers and law. 105 the denning law journal through complex legal issues; in identifying solutions to problems; in planning tasks; compiling documents and managing the flow of cases; and in offering advice and making specific recommendations. if there is any distinction at all between expert systems and knowledge-based systems, it is that the former are more powerful than (and are a subset of) the latter in that the former hold expertise and not just knowledge. there is a more fundamental set of distinctions, however, and that is between types of expert systems (the term hereafter used to refer both to expert systems and knowledgebased systems). there are currently five identifiable classes of expert systems as applied in law. i. diagnostic systems these systems offer specific solutions to problems presented to them. from the facts of any particular case, as elicited by such a system, it will analyse the details and draw conclusions, usually after some kind of interactive consultation. these systems are analogous to the medical diagnostic systems which make diagnoses on the basis of symptoms presented to them. an example of a diagnostic system in law would be a taxation system that could pinpoint the extent to which and why a person is liable to pay tax, doing so on the basis of a mass of details provided to it. 2. planning systems in a sense, planning systems reason in reverse. for these systems are instructed as to a desired solution or outcome and their purpose is to identify scenarios, involving both factual and legal premises, that justify the preferred conclusion. in tax law, a planning system could recommend how best a taxpayer should arrange his affairs so as to minimise his exposure to liability. the knowledge held within planning systems can be very similar to that held within diagnostic systems; what . is quite different is the way that that knowledge is applied. 3. procedural guides many complex tasks facing legal professionals require extensive expertise and knowledge that is in fact procedural in nature. expert systems as procedural guides take their users through such complex and extended procedures, ensuring that all matters are attended to and done within any prescribed time periods. an example of such a system would be one that managed the flow of a complex tax evasion case, providing detailed guidance and support from inception through to final disposal. 4. the intelligent checklist this category of system assists in auditing or reviewing compliance with legal regulations. compliance reviews must be undertaken with relentless attention to detail and extensive reference to large bodies of regulations. intelligent checklists provide a technique for performing such reviews. they formalise the process. in 106 artificial intelligence, expert systems and law taxation, an intelligent checklist approach could be used to assist in the review of a company's compliance with corporation tax. 5. document modelling systems these systems also referred to as document assembly systems store templates set up by legal experts. these templates contain fixed portions of text together with precise indications as to the conditions under which given extracts should be used. in operation, such a system will elicit from its user all the details relevant to a proposed document. this is done by the user answering questions, responding to prompts and providing information. on the basis of the user's input, the system will automatically generate a customised and polished document on the basis of its knowledge of how its text should be used. enhancements to legal information retrieval systems although legal information retrieval systems such as lexis have dominated the field of computers in law, these systems nevertheless have serious shortcomings. often they retrieve an excess of irrelevant documents, or alternatively not all pertinent documents within the data-base are located during every consultation. there is much more to legal problem-solving than searching for the occurrence of words within documents and, in recognition of this, researchers have sought to improve the performance of legal information retrieval systems by using ai techniques. two approaches can be adopted here: the introduction of a "frontend"; and the deployment of conceptual retrieval techniques. 1.front-ends the idea here is that guidance on the use of an interactive system is offered to users before searching within the database commences. such a front-end system will help the user actually formulate his search request. it will ask the user questions, help to pinpoint relevant terms and concepts, and help ensure that all but only the relevant documents are retrieved. front-ends can be built using classical "knowledge engineering" iai techniques they can embody the knowledge of experts in the use of legal information retrieval systems and make that expertise available to others. 2. conceptual retrieval those who argue that there is more to legal problem-solving than ,searching for keywords will often suggest that legal reasoning and research involves familiarity and manipulation of legal concepts. accordingly, researchers have developed methods of augmenting the traditional approach with conceptual retrieval techniques which will allow users to search through massive bodies of legal data, not just on the basis of the occurrence of keywords but in terms of the fundamental 107 the denning law journal concepts relating to any problem at hand. this could mean, for example, that systems will search not only for words expressly articulated by the user, but also for terms conceptually implicit in such requests. the above analysis focuses on the functions of ai systems in law but says little of the enabling technologies. in developing expert systems or enhanced legal information retrieval systems, researchers have drawn and will continue to draw on a wide range of ai techniques. over and above the techniques and methods normally associated with expert systems, workers in artificial intelligence and law increasingly make use, in particular, of natural language processing and neural computing. ii historical analysis the purpose of this section of the paper is to put the field of ai and law in historical context. it proposes a four stage model in terms of which activities in the field can be analysed and classified. the four stages of evolution in the field of ai and law activities in the field of law and ai tend to progress through four key stages: negligible activity; preliminary research; extensive research and development; and commercial exploitation. although these stages overlap, each has characteristics unique to it. 1. stage 1 negligible activity during this stage, there are no sustained attempts to carry out serious scientific investigations into the topic. nevertheless, and even in the days prior to the coming of the computer, in this first stage there may still be considerable speculation about what might be called the mechanisation of the legal problem solving process. some contributions in this connection may be no more than fictional, but others show remarkable foresight of the potential and the dangers of computerising legal reasoning. 2. stage 2 preliminary research eventually, speculation and fiction give way to the desire to inquire into the field more thoroughly and rigorously. in this second stage, the preliminary research will lay the foundations for later and larger initiatives, but at this stage work is confined largely to exploring ai and law from a theoretical perspective. researchers may be from law as well as from the world of computing. perhaps surprisingly, stage 2 is often dominated by the latter tradition it is computer scientists' basic research that will establish the technical feasibility of building ai systems in law and will stimulate lawyers into further inquiry. 108 artificial intelligence, expert systems and law 3. stage 3 extensive research and development the potential of the field having been established during stage 2, there will follow a period of great activity, involving many research projects, largely devoted to the development of prototype systems and demonstrators. at the same time, fundamental, theoretical research will continue and will have direct impact on the research and development projects. in this stage, as in the previous two, work will largely be confined to academic establishments. the findings of stage 3 will progress ai in law from the research laboratory into the marketplace. 4. stage 4 commercial exploitation in this final stage, commercial organisations explore the technology with a view to profitable development. these organisations will draw heavily from stage 3 activities, not simply in borrowing ideas but also in recruiting staff. the stage of commercial exploitation itself can be subdivided into several phases, each representing varying degrees of success and financial gain. the key feature of stage 4 activities is their commercial orientation there is little concern for theory, although it must be stressed that stage 3 research and development will still continue (at increasingly advanced levels) in parallel with stage 4 activity. a brief history of artificial intelligence and law the four stage model set out above can be used in analysing the worldwide history of the field. stage 1 would correspond to the time period before 1970. during that period, visionaries, science fiction writers, and technologically oriented lawyers wrote on the topic of computers engaging in legal reasoning and even replacing judges. interesting though these contributions were, they were often detached from the technical realities and from the nature of the legal process. it was not until 1970 that work began in earnest. this was the beginning of about five years' preliminary research stage 2 activity. buchanan and headrick, a computer scientist and lawyer from stanford university, published the first detailed analysis of the field in 1970. shortly afterwards, a man who is now considered to be the father of the field, thorne mccarty, began his taxman project, which was to run well into the 1980s. other key projects during that period were carried out by meldman in the united states, popp and schlink in germany, sprowl in the united states and stamper in england. collectively, these workers and a few others, undertook the preliminary research that has served as the foundation for more ambitious work over the last fifteen years. during the decade between the mid-1970s and the mid-1980s there emerged about 30 sustained research and development projects throughout the world. these projects built upon the stage 2 work, lending further credence to it by developing operational systems that demonstrated the potential of the field so much more clearly than abstract reports could ever have done. important projects 109 the denning law journal during this stage were conducted at the rand corporation in california, imperial college in london, the norwegian research centre for computers and law in oslo, and in england's open university and oxford university. it is interesting to note that the work of these projects during the world's stage 3emanated more from institutions than from individuals. the findings and products of these research and development programs attracted interest not only within the computing and legal communities but also in the popular press. in turn, the commercial world began to take greater interest. from 1985onwards, stage 4 commercial exploitation came about. the findings of earlier research projects were combined with the teachings of traditional data processing and constrained by the pragmatic demands of profit-making organisations. it must be stressed, however, that even on a world-wide basis, commercial exploitation of ai in the legal field is still, in 1990, at a very early phase, for returns on investments so far have been low (with the exception of the use of document modelling systems in the united states). it should be said, finally, in this brief history of ai and law, that there have now emerged, quite clearly, two types of worker in the field. on the one hand, there is the 'pragmatist' whose overriding aim is to develop and implement commercial systems that can actually assist in the solving ofiegal problems. on the other hand, there is the 'purist', for whom completion even of modest prototypes is not always necessary for success. the major goals of the purist are to clarify the nature oflega! reasoning, of human and artificial intelligence and of computational models oflaw. live systems are not necessary for this. generally, pragmatists operate in the commercial world, while purists can be found in research establishments. pragmatists are at stage 4 of the evolutionary path outlined earlier; while purists remain at stage 3, often with no intention of being involved in stage 4 activities. in assessing contributions to the field of ai and law, it is important to bear in mind this distinction between pragmatist and purist approaches. it is crucial to appreciate that workers in these camps have in mind quite different goals and their orientations often diverge radically. there must be room in the world of ai and law for both pragmatists and purists. indeed it is essential that contributions emerge from both camps. equally crucial is that neither claims superiority over the other. above all, perhaps, collaboration between the two is desirable. iii practical issues this section seeks to offer answers to four questions often asked by persons interested in exploiting the potential that ai and expert systems techniques offer for the law. (note that hereinafter the term "expert system" is often used in place of "ai" as it is this branch of ai that is attracting the greatest commercial interest.) the four questions are as follows: is it feasible to build artificially intelligent systems in the legal domain? 110 artificial intelligence, expert systems and law what are the benefits of this approach? what problems are there for workers in this field? what are the keys to success? this section deals with each of these questions in tum. questions of feasibility people unfamiliar with the field will often say that it is not possible or not feasible to build expert systems in law. careful analysis of this essertion, however, reveals that there are really five dimensions to this feasibility issue; that there are really five questions to be answered. these questions ask whether building expert systems in law is technically possible, jurisprudentially sound, commercially via~le, organisationally suitable and strategically appropriate. 1. technical possibility the key issue here is whether hardware and software in the field of ai has developed to such an extent that sound, reliable and robust systems can be designed, developed, implemented, tested and maintained. it is now widely accepted that expert systems have matured to such an extent that technologies and techniques are indeed now available, in 1990,to support the development at least of what might be termed 'first generation' systems. generally, such systems will be stand-alone, will operate in small problem domains, will not be capable of solving all problems that human experts can, but nevertheless will deliver appreciable business benefits. 2. jurisprudential soundness any expert system in law necessarily makes assumptions about the nature of law and of legal reasoning. accordingly, there is a growing literature on the philosophical implications and presuppositions of building such systems. some theorists have suggested that building such systems is to misrepresent, distort and oversimplify the legal problem-solving process. others have argued there to be a direct match between what the computer can do and what legal reasoning is all about. however, the view that has been most widely supported, and is now gaining even greater acceptance, is that there are no fundamental objections from the point of view of legal philo~ophy to building expert systems in law of limited scope. these limitations in scope refer to the category of proper user (the lawyer or legally informed person); the way in which such a system should be used (as an 'intelligent assistant' and not a replacement for a legal expert); and the limitations of solving .problems on the basis only of legal rules (so that these systems currently cannot reason on the basis of legal principle, policy or purpose). iii the denning law journal 3. organisational suitability even if it is technically possible and jurisprudentially proper to build these systems, it must always be asked whether such a system could actually function effectively in any target organisation. some users of the systems might feel de-skilled; others may feel uncomfortable about interacting with computer systems rather than human beings; while still others will lack the confidence to operate any computer system of whatever sort. this question offeasibility is often overlooked by enthusiasts and champions of the field. yet, from a purely practical point of view, many systems of the future will be regarded as failures precisely because they will not have been integrated with and accepted by the organisation for which they were developed. 4. commercial viability the costs associated with developing expert systems in law are considerable. not only are skilled computer professionals required, but if possible extensive time, effort and therefore cost of human experts will also be expended. for an expert system in law to succeed in the commercial world, the benefits that accrue from its deployment must outweigh these substantial outlays. a major difficulty here, however, is the notorious difficulty of quantifying the benefits of this technology: for many ofthe benefits, as shall be seen from the next part of this report, are of an intangible sort. a major challenge for this field, therefore, is to provide guidance on the compilation of cost/benefit analyses of systems. 5. strategic relevance complete commitment to this emerging technology may be further inhibited by a perception that even if these systems can be built, their operation would not sit comfortably with the nature of the organisation for which they are being developed. it may be, for instance, that a firm of solicitors decides not to be heavily involved with any sort of technology, but to offer a distinctively 'human' service. for such a firm, even if systems could profitably be developed, they may be deemed to be strategically inappropriate. the strategic question associated with these syste~s is, therefore, whether their use supports the wider strategic and business objectives of the organisation considering their introduction. significantly, since 1987, the first two questions about technical and jurisprudential feasibilityhave been asked less frequently. operational systems have themselves, in effect, responded positively. these two questions are the key concerns of those in stage 3 of the evolutionary path. in the world arena, the focus now is on the third and fourth questions whether these systems can offer sufficient p'ayback and fit into organisations considering their introduction. frankly, it is too early to be able to answer these questions with confidence. early indications of stage 4 are very encouraging; so what seems certain is that further investment and investigation is necessary. the fifth question, the one relating to strategy, will be the dominant question of the midto late 1990s. 112 artificial intelligence, expert systems and law the benefits there are two main categories of benefits. first, there is the benefit from a human resource perspective. second, there is the impact on quality. 1. human resources the central idea of expert systems technology is to allow human knowledge and expertise to be distributed more effectively and efficiently. this dissemination of scarce expertise will give rise to a range of improvements in the way human resources can be managed. using the technology, complex tasks, which in the past would have required the attention of experts, can now be reliably delegated to less experienced persons. these users will benefit from access to first-rate expertise that would have been possible previously only through direct interaction with human experts (whose time would inevitably have been limited). this possibility of delegating tasks and activities could go some way to overcoming the anticipated skills shortages that are likely to prevail in the 1990s. there are training implications here too: in operating these systems, users will gain considerable insight into the knowledge and techniques necessary and sufficient for first class performance in the legal problem-solving arena. additionally, expert systems will allow the expertise of many experts to be synthesised and preserved. more than this, they will also perform a liberating function. for it is likely that expert systems will be used largely to assist in the performance of many tasks that for experts are mundane or routine, although in the past required their attention. if expert systems can assist in such tasks, then they will free experts to focus on what they do best and what are likely to be beyond the scope of computer systems for some time yet namely, the tackling and solving of problems that are complex and difficult even for experts. 2. quality expert systems will also enhance the quality of legal work. by preserving and making widely available scarce legal expertise and in essentially codifying that knowledge, the technology can promote a uniformity of approach to similar problems, a consistency of disposal, and an in-built quality control regime. moreover, computer systems will not suffer from "off-days" that so often inhibit the performance of human beings. it is difficult to quantify with precision the human resource and qualitative benefits just noted. nevertheless, the major dimensions of financial benefit can easily be identified. for the profit oriented organisation, expert systems will allow greater leverage, that is, a higher proportion of lower paid to higher paid employees, while retaining the same quality and quantity (at least) of workload. the technology will also facilitate "value-billing", whereby the charge for legal services will be based not on the time spent on a task multiplied by some hourly rate; rather, the task itself will have been automated and so undertaken far more 113 the denning law journal quickly or at far lower cost. value-billing gives rise to charges equivalent to those that would be incurred under conventional billing systems. yet the task for which the charge is being made will have incurred far less cost for the provider. for the public service based organisation, such as a government legal department, the financial benefits of using the technology result from the possibility of substantially reducing the cost of the services delivered by the department. the technology will allow tasks to be undertaken by less costly staff in fewer hours while increasing the quality of the work. while it is easy to identify the sources of profit derived from expert systems generally, it is far more difficult to quantify these benefits in particular cases. as mentioned earlier, a key challenge for those involved with the commercial exploitation of ai and law is the articulation of techniques for precisely analysing the financial costs and benefits of building systems. problems and obstacles a number of problems and obstacles have faced and will continue to confront those wishing to build expert systems in the legal area. six major problems deserve mention. 1. lack of knowledge engineers the person whose task it is to "mine the jewels" from human experts' heads, then articulate that knowledge and finally embody it in a computer system, is known as the "knowledge engineer". to be effective in this task, the know lege engineer must have considerable knowledge both of computer technology and of the law. unfortunately, there are few people with training in both these disciplines. this lack of potential knowledge engineers will continue to inhibit the number of systems that are developed. 2. lack of domain experts the source of knowledge and expertise for any expert system is the human expert himself. this domain expert must work closely with the knowledge engineer and this is a very time consuming process. it is not easy to convince an expert to devote extensive periods of time that could otherwise be used for chargeable work or more direct legal service. yet, without the commitment of the expert to a project, no system can be developed. understandably, few experts so far have shown the degree of commitment required. 3. lack of method modern data processing is characterised by the use of so-called "methodologies"; that detailed sets of carefully and clearly formulated standard practices and procedures to guide those developing systems. in contrast, no such methodology exists for the development of expert systems in the legal area and so designers of 114 artificial intelligence, expert systems and law these systems are required to face the same obstacles and hurdles that others have faced and overcome in the past. 4. lack of tools other than for the development of document modelling systems, there are, as yet, no commercially available software packages devoted to the development of expert systems in law. today, designers of systems are compelled to use tools not ideally suited to the task and inefficiency and inaccuracy inevitably result. 5. quality controldifficulties a major problem facing the ai community generally is the difficulty of controlling the quality of systems under development. it is enormously difficult to test the reliability and accuracy of the knowledge held within these systems, to test the soundness of the underlying code and to audit their performance. a fully articulated methodology, of course, would address this issue of quality control. 6. legal implications there can be no doubt that some reluctance to develop fully operational systems has its roots in concern over the legal implications of expert systems in law giving rise to loss. the expert system as a source of information and advice seems to sit somewhere between the professional adviser on the one hand and the text book on the other. however, there have been no decided cases on the issue ofiiability for expert systems, and while this uncertainty prevails, so too will some reluctance to develop the technology further. keys to success the fourth and final question often asked of expert systems in law looks for guidance on the successful development of systems. drawing on international findings, there follows a listing of ten keys to success. there must be a management or business problem requiring a solution too often expert systems are 'solutions looking for problems'. a rigorous feasibility study must be undertaken prior to any major development project. quick, inexpensive prototyping of systems can, at an early stage, greatly enhance the understanding of management, experts, and projected users. where possible, existing expert systems developments, methods and techniques should be used rather than inventing new ones. it is crucial for the purposes of development and maintenance, to record and document the knowledge held within a system in some schematic form, usually as "knowledge base maps". conventional data processing skills can and should be regularly used in the lis the denning law journal course of developing expert systems in law. a fundamental, theoretical, jurisprudential understanding of the law on the part of developers greatly increases the likelihood of the development of reliable systems. once in operation, the performance and organisation fit of systems must frequently be monitored. the expectations of management, experts and users must be managed most carefully and developers must not fall foul of 'the fallacy of the successful first step'. a system will only be used profitably if there is the commitment of senior management, of domain experts and of the end users. in conclusion, it is generally anticipated that the 1990swill be the decade during which artificial intelligence technologies begin to deliver substantial business benefits. given careful and sufficient investment, the administration of the lawboth in the public and private sectors is an area of particular promise. the public administration of the law and the provision of private legal services is inherently knowledge based and so is especially amenable to ai and expert systems treatment; for these technologies strive precisely to support and enhance knowledge processing tasks. 116 unincorporated associations: property holding, charitable purposes and dissolution 303 denning law journal 2015 vol 27 pp 303-322 case commentary does the judgment of the cjeu in gazprom bring about clarity on the grant of anti-suit injunctions under the brussels i regulation? gazprom oao v republic of lithuania (case c-536/13) [2015] wlr (d) 212 jae sundaram 1. introduction on 13 may 2015 the cjeu delivered the much anticipated judgment in gazprom oao v republic of lithuania. 1 the cjeu had before it issues relating to the grant of anti-suit injunctions by member state courts/arbitral tribunals to enforce arbitration agreements, and also, most importantly if the brussels i regulation would apply to the case at hand. the case gains in significance, as the advocate general (ag) had in december 2014, while giving his opinion on the matter had proceeded to apply a “future law” on a matter pending before the courts, strongly recommended that the cjeu reconsider its judgment handed down in allianz v west tankers (the front comor). 2 earlier, in the west tankers case the cjeu ruled that it was incompatible with the brussels regulation for the court of a eu member state to grant an injunction restraining a party from commencing or continuing court proceedings brought in breach of an arbitration agreement. in reaching this decision, the cjeu held that if proceedings were to come within the scope of the brussels i regulation, then a preliminary issue concerning the validity of an arbitration agreement also came within the scope of the regulation. on 10 january 2015 the recast brussels regulation, 3 which was aimed at clarifying the position on the application of the brussels senior lecturer in law, law school, university of buckingham. 1 gazprom oao v republic of lithuania (case c-536/13) [2015] wlr (d) 212. 2 allianz spa v west tankers inc (the front comor) (c-185/07) [2009] 1 all er (comm) 435. 3 the recast brussels regulation repealed and replaced the brussels i regulation in respect of proceedings commenced in the eu on or after 10 january 2015. the case commentary 304 convention to arbitral agreements, came into force in the european union. in the lead up to the cjeu‟s judgment in the gazprom case, it became important for uk practitioners and those actively engaged in cross-border commerce to know if the english courts will in future be allowed to grant anti-suit injunctions to enforce english arbitration agreements, and thereby uphold the principle of freedom of contract within the eu. did the cjeu deliver? was the recast brussels regulation applied to the case at hand, especially when the ag had proceeded to base his opinion using the recast brussels regulation? is there clarity on the position of granting anti-suit injunctions to enforce agreements within the eu? this article will firstly, analyse the opinion expressed by the ag in the matter, secondly analyse the judgement of the cjeu in the gazprom case, briefly touch upon the relevant provisions of the recast brussels regulation, and seek answers to the questions posed above. 2. facts in gazprom oao v republic of lithuania in 1999, gazprom, a russian company entered into a long-term agreement with the lithuanian company lietuvos dujos ab (lietuvos) for the supply of gas to the lithuanian state. lietuvos was later privatised, where gazprom, e.on ruhrgas and the republic of lithuania took equity stakes in accordance with a shareholders agreement. under the terms of the shareholders agreement, from 2004, the parties were obligated to maintain “fair prices” following the formula set out in the long-term supply agreement. the lithuanian ministry of energy (moe) was of the view that it was being overcharged by gazprom, much higher than the prevailing prices in the eu. suspecting collusion between members of the board of directors, the moe commenced proceedings in march 2011 against lietuvos and the gazprom appointees. the legal action was brought in vilnius, under lithuanian laws, seeking a direction from the regional courts requiring lietuvos to enter into renegotiations to fix a revised price for the gas supplied. the moe also sought to initiate an investigation under lithuanian domestic laws. primary objective of the recast brussels regulation is to remedy some of the perceived defects in the brussels i regulation (ec 44/2001). while some provision of the brussels i regulation remain (rule on domicile), key changes have been made to rules relating to jurisdiction agreements, to related actions (lis pendens), third state (non-eu states) matters, an enhanced arbitration exclusion, etc. the denning law journal 305 the shareholders agreement between the three principal parties also contained an arbitration clause, which provided for stockholm chamber of commerce arbitration with the seat in stockholm. invoking the above arbitration clause, gazprom, in august 2011 initiated proceedings before the arbitration institute of the stockholm chamber of commerce. one of the reliefs sought for was the immediate withdrawal of the legal proceedings brought by the lithuanian moe before the national courts in vilnius in breach of the arbitration agreement. following a hearing, in july 2012 the stockholm tribunal declared that the arbitration clause in the shareholders agreement was breached and directed the lithuanian moe to withdraw such legal proceedings brought before the courts in vilnius. gazprom duly applied to the lithuanian court of appeal for the recognition and enforcement of the arbitral award of july 2012 under the new york convention on the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards 1958 (new york convention 1958). the lithuanian moe took the stance that recognition of the arbitral tribunal‟s award would be contrary to regulation 44/2001. in december 2012, the court of appeal rejecting gazprom‟s application held that the stockholm arbitral tribunal did not have the power to rule on an issue sub judice before the court in vilnius, while observing that the arbitral award had the effect of limiting the lithuanian moe‟s capacity to initiate proceedings which was contrary to public policy. shortly thereafter, the regional court in vilnius in the proceedings initiated by the lithuanian moe held that investigative measures sought for in the proceedings were clearly within its own jurisdiction and not arbitrable. lietuvos and the board of directors appointed by gazprom appealed the above decision of the vilnius court. the court of appeal dismissed lietuvos‟ appeal on the ground that an arbitral award limiting the lithuanian moe/government‟s powers was incompatible with the lithuanian constitution. needless to say lietuvos and gazprom challenged the appeal court‟s decision before the supreme court of lithuania. in the proceedings before it, the lithuanian supreme court identified the stockholm arbitral award to an anti-suit injunction, as it directed the moe to withdraw some of its claims brought before its domestic courts. the supreme court of lithuania referred the following questions to the cjeu: i. where an arbitral tribunal issues an anti-suit injunction and thereby prohibits a party from bringing certain claims before a court of a member state, which under the rules on jurisdiction in [regulation no 44/2001] has jurisdiction to hear the civil case as case commentary 306 to the substance, does the court of a member state have the right to refuse to recognise such an award of the arbitral tribunal because it restricts the court‟s right to determine itself whether it has jurisdiction to hear the case under the rules on jurisdiction in [regulation no 44/2001]? ii. should the first question be answered in the affirmative, does the same also apply where the anti-suit injunction issued by the arbitral tribunal orders a party to the proceedings to limit his claims in a case which is being heard in another member state and the court of that member state has jurisdiction to hear that case under the rules on jurisdiction in [regulation no 44/2001]? iii. can a national court, seeking to safeguard the primacy of eu law and the full effectiveness of [regulation no 44/2001], refuse to recognise an award of an arbitral tribunal if such an award restricts the right of the national court to decide on its own jurisdiction and powers in a case which falls within the jurisdiction of [regulation no 44/2001]? after receipt of the opinion from the ag, and hearing the arguments of parties to the dispute, the cjeu delivered its judgement on the matter on 13 may 2015. it is also to be noted that in the interregnum, on 10 january 2015 the recast brussels regulation 4 came into force in the eu. the advocate general’s opinion in december 2014, advocate general wathelet 5 presented his opinion in response to the three questions referred to the cjeu by the supreme court of lithuania, in the gazprom case. the advocate general 6 (herein 4 council regulation (ec) 1215/2012 of 12 december 2012. 5 advocate general, melchior wathelet was a judge of the ecj between the years 1995 and 2003. 6 the functions of the advocate general is set out in article 166 eec treaty, as follows: it shall be the duty of the advocate-general, acting with complete impartiality and independence, to make, in open court, reasoned submissions on cases brought before the court of justice, in order to assist the court in the performance of the task assigned to it in article 164. see jw bridge, „the court of justice of the european communities and the prospects for international adjudication‟ in mw janis (ed.) international courts for the twenty first the denning law journal 307 after ag) in his opinion to the cjeu, sought to strike a right balance between the brussels i regulation and the new york arbitration convention 1958 in matters relating to recognition of awards passed by arbitral tribunals which are in the nature of anti-suit injunctions. although not binding, the ag‟s opinion is seldom rejected by the cjeu in practice. 7 the three questions referred to the cjeu by the supreme court of lithuania, and the opinion of the ag can be summarised as follows: question 1: the first question “whether a eu member state court can refuse to recognise an arbitral award on the grounds that it would restrict its right to determine itself if it has jurisdiction to hear the case under the regulation no 44/2001” required an analysis of whether under the scheme of the brussels i regulation it was permissible to enforce an arbitral award. the ag was not in agreement with the lithuanian supreme court‟s reliance on article 71 8 of the regulation, which gives the century‟ (kluwer 1992) 87-104, 96. the ag‟s office is an institution modeled on french legal procedure with the ag having a function in relation to the ecj, similar to that of the commissaire du gouvernement to the counseil d‟ etat. most importantly, an ag is expected to possess the same professional qualifications as the judges and is appointed by common accord of the governments of the member states on the same terms as the judges. 7 the key function of the ag, in practice, is to assist the judges of the ecj by offering a reasoned opinion on the case before it. the ag‟s opinion is purely personal and does not represent the views of the community, the member states, or the court. further, the court is not obliged to follow the opinion of the ag and can disregard them. see dac freestone & js davidson, the institutional framework of the european communities (routledge 2005) 135-136. the authors also point out that the office of ag has had a significant impact upon the style of the ecj, and the opinions presented by the ags have proved to be a fruitful source for the development of the court‟s jurisprudence. see also jw bridge (n 6). the ag acts as a defender of law and justice in the context of the community treaties. the author points out that the ag‟s professional competence, and the nature of the opinions submitted before the courts, makes the office comparable to that of a judge of the first instance, whose opinions are never binding but are always subject to review by the ecj. 8 article 71 of council regulation 44/2001 reads as follows: 1. this regulation shall not affect any conventions to which the member states are parties and which in relation to particular matters, govern jurisdiction or the recognition or enforcement of judgments. 2. with a view to its uniform interpretation, paragraph 1 shall be applied in the following manner: (a) this regulation shall not prevent a court of a member state, which is a party case commentary 308 member states the freedom to assume jurisdiction according to another international convention to which it is a party to, even where the defendant is domiciled in a member state, which is not a party to that convention. in this case the “other convention” was the new york convention 1958, which was incorporated into the agreement by the parties. also in the opinion of the ag, article 71(2) was not applicable, as the award under question cannot be considered a “judgement” within the definition of the regulation. in the ag‟s opinion, recognition and enforcement of the arbitral award should only be governed by the 1958 convention, as arbitration was clearly excluded from the scope of the brussels i regulation. in his opinion, the position of the lithuanian courts was comparable to that of the english courts in the west tankers case, 9 as it was seised of a matter, which was outside the scope of the regulation. also, the brussels regulation excluded arbitration from its ambit, and that any recognition of an arbitral award should be subject to the 1958 new york convention. the ag opined that on a proper interpretation of the brussels regulation, the courts of a member state could not be compelled to refuse to recognise and enforce an anti-suit injunction awarded by an arbitral tribunal. while concluding as above, the ag had applied the provisions of the recast brussels regulation, which was only to come into force on 10 january 2015. this was a peculiar view, as the recast brussels regulation can apply neither retrospectively, nor to any pending matters before a to a convention on a particular matter, from assuming jurisdiction in accordance with that convention, even where the defendant is domiciled in another member state which is not a party to that convention. the court hearing the action shall, in any event, apply article 26 of this regulation; (b) judgments given in a member state by a court in the exercise of jurisdiction provided for in a convention on a particular matter shall be recognised and enforced in the other member states in accordance with this regulation. where a convention on a particular matter to which both the member state of origin and the member state addressed are parties lays down conditions for the recognition or enforcement of judgments, those conditions shall apply. in any event, the provisions of this regulation which concern the procedure for recognition and enforcement of judgments may be applied. 9 allianz spa v west tankers inc (west tankers case) (n 2). in the ag‟s opinion, had the west tankers case been subject to the recast brussels regulation, the outcome would have been different, with the validity of the arbitration agreement being excluded as an „incidental question‟ by virtue of recital 12, while the antisuit injunction which formed the subject matter of the dispute being viewed as incompatible with the brussels regulation. the denning law journal 309 court of law. 10 the particular provision of the recast brussels regulation, which the ag based his opinion on, is to be found in recital 12. 11 the relevant provision in principle lays down that the regulation should not apply to arbitration. question 2: the second question in effect raised the more thorny issue of anti-suit injunctions, which had been plaguing the law courts in eu for some time, and was cast as “can a eu member state court refuse to enforce an arbitral award that contained an anti-suit injunction, and which also further restricts the party to limit their claims in another eu 10 the ag‟s justification to apply the recast brussels regulation to a pending matter is to be found in paragraph 91 of his opinion which runs as, „…the main novelty of that regulation, which continues to exclude arbitration from its scope, lies not so much in its actual provisions but rather in recital 12 in its preamble, which in reality, somewhat in the manner of a retroactive interpretative law, explains how that exclusion must be and always should have been interpreted.‟ see infra (n 37). 11 recital 12 of the recast brussels regulation provides as follows: “this regulation should not apply to arbitration. nothing in this regulation should prevent the courts of a member state, when seised of an action in a matter in respect of which the parties have entered into an arbitration agreement, from referring the parties to arbitration, from staying or dismissing the proceedings, or from examining whether the arbitration agreement is null and void, inoperative or incapable of being performed, in accordance with their national law. a ruling given by a court of a member state as to whether or not an arbitration agreement is null and void, inoperative or incapable of being performed should not be subject to the rules of recognition and enforcement laid down in this regulation, regardless of whether the court decided on this as a principal issue or as an incidental question. on the other hand, where a court of a member state, exercising jurisdiction under this regulation or under national law, has determined that an arbitration agreement is null and void, inoperative or incapable of being performed, this should not preclude that court‟s judgment on the substance of the matter from being recognised or, as the case may be, enforced in accordance with this regulation. this should be without prejudice to the competence of the courts of the member states to decide on the recognition and enforcement of arbitral awards in accordance with the convention on the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards, done at new york on 10 june 1958 („the 1958 new york convention‟), which takes precedence over this regulation. this regulation should not apply to any action or ancillary proceedings relating to, in particular, the establishment of an arbitral tribunal, the powers of arbitrators, the conduct of an arbitration procedure or any other aspects.” case commentary 310 member state court?” drawing from the earlier conclusion to question 1, that a court of a eu member state cannot refuse to recognise and enforce an arbitral anti-suit injunction, the ag felt it unnecessary to analyse this question. question 3: the third question, similar to the second one, involved the grant of anti-suit injunctions by arbitral tribunals and their recognition by eu courts, and was worded as “can a eu member state court refuse to recognise an arbitral award that limits the right of the national court to rule on its own jurisdiction, while seeking to safeguard the primacy of the eu law and full effectiveness of the regulation no 44/2001?” article v.2(b) 12 of the 1958 new york convention permits a state‟s domestic court to refuse recognition and enforcement of an arbitral award where it to be viewed as being contrary to public policy to recognise or enforce the award. in the ag‟s view, the fact that an arbitral award contained an antisuit injunction did not constitute sufficient grounds for refusing to recognise and enforce it on the basis of article v.2(b) of the 1958 convention, as the provisions of the regulation were not essentially the provisions of the eu law to warrant elevation to the status of public policy provisions. as mentioned earlier, the ag‟s opinion takes into account the recast brussels regulation, even though it was not in force at the time the opinion was presented to the cjeu, and was only to come into force on 10 january 2015. for those engaged in cross-border commerce, and commercial legal practice, the decision of the cjeu in the west tankers case presented an unwanted conflict of law situation in international commercial arbitration and spelled the death knell of the anti-suit injunctions within the eu. in the ag‟s view, the recast brussels regulation goes a long way to correct some of the wrongs of the decision in the west tankers case. it was also the ag‟s view that the incidental question of the validity of an arbitration agreement is outside the scope of the recast brussels regulation. he also was of the opinion that until a court of a member state has decided on the issue of the validity of the arbitration agreement, it is not seised of the substantial matters of the dispute, which falls within the scope of the recast brussels regulation. in 12 article v.2(b) of the new york convention 1958 reads as follows: 2. recognition and enforcement of an arbitral award may also be refused if the competent authority in the country where recognition and enforcement is sought finds that: (a) ….; or (b) the recognition or enforcement of the award would be contrary to the public policy of that country. the denning law journal 311 the ag‟s opinion, an anti-suit injunction granted by an arbitral tribunal did not compare to a similar order granted by a court of a member state. the ag‟s opinion can be clearly viewed as an attempt to warn the cjeu to avoid a repeat of the west tankers case situation under the recast brussels regulation. it will not be an understatement to conclude that the ag‟s opinion in this matter reopened the debate on the grant of anti-suit injunctions by arbitral tribunals to restrain proceedings before member state courts. 3. gazprom judgment and analysis besides presenting some crucial questions on the validity of granting anti-suit injunctions by arbitrators to uphold arbitration agreements under the brussels i regulation, the setting of the case before the cjeu also became politically charged, as the russian state had a majority stake in gazprom. in order to understand the importance of the gazprom judgment, one will have to visit earlier decisions of the cjeu on the subject of anti-suit injunctions, the differing approaches to the grant of anti-suit injunctions in the uk and continental europe, and what exactly does the brussels regulation exclude when it states “this regulation shall not apply to…. arbitration?” 13 the brussels convention 1968, the precursor to the brussels regulation, also containing similar provisions, excluded arbitration from its operation, as it was thought that the united nations convention on recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards (the new york convention) 14 and the 1961 european convention on international commercial arbitration 15 had already regulated 13 article 1(2)(d) in both brussels regulation 2000, and the recast brussels regulation 2012 state the same. see, tc hartley, „the brussels i regulation and arbitration‟ (2014) 63 iclq 843. 14 the convention on the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards, also known as the new york convention 1958, was adopted by a united nations diplomatic conference on 10 june 1958 and entered into force on 7 june 1959. the new york convention, which is viewed as a key instrument for international arbitration, requires the courts of contracting states to give effect to private agreements to arbitrate, and to recognize and enforce arbitration awards made in other contracting states. 15 the 1961 geneva convention on international commercial arbitration (geneva convention), which was concluded in geneva on 21 april 1961 under the aegis of the trade development committee of the un economic commission of europe. the convention applies to international arbitrations to settle trade disputes between parties from different states, whether european or not. see a case commentary 312 international arbitration. in this regard, the jenard report from 1968 16 identified two potential reasons for the exclusion of arbitration from the ambit of the brussels convention, viz., the existence of other international agreements on international arbitration and the preparation of a european convention providing for a uniform law on arbitration and a protocol on recognition and enforcement of arbitral awards. when the uk became a party to the convention, a report on the accession to the convention was tabled by professor schlosser, 17 which covered the arbitration exception in more detail. 18 schlosser identified the view put forward by the uk in the negotiations, which was that the exclusion covered court proceedings concerning any dispute that the parties agreed would be settled through arbitration. he also identified the view held by the original member states, which was that the exclusion covered court proceedings only if they relate to arbitration proceedings. 19 i) earlier outings of the cjeu on the exclusion of arbitration: for a period of over two decades, there had been a number of occasions (under different circumstances) where references have been made by the courts of the member states to the cjeu requisitioning for redfern and m hunter, law and practice of international arbitration (sweet & maxwell 2005) 69-70. the authors opine that the 1961 geneva convention did not live up to its expectations, as its approach was more theoretical rather than practical. also it did deal with the recognition and enforcement of awards, which was left for other conventions such as the 1958 new york convention to deal with. 16 the report on the convention on jurisdiction and the recognition and enforcement of judgments in civil and commercial matters 1968 [oj no c 59, 5.3.1979]. the jenard report further quotes that the brussels convention does not apply to the recognition and enforcement of arbitral awards, to the jurisdiction of courts in respect of litigation relating to the arbitration (for example proceedings to set aside an arbitral award) and to the recognition of judgments given in such proceedings. see also k svobodova, „arbitration exception in the regulation brussels i‟ (2008) accessed 18 july 2015. 17 the schlosser report 1978 [oj no c 59, 5.3.1979]. 18 in schlosser‟s view the convention did not cover court proceedings ancillary to arbitration proceedings, and also did not cover court proceedings to determine the validity of an arbitration agreement. see hartley (n 13). 19 interestingly for schlosser, the convention in no way restricted the freedom of parities to submit their disputes to arbitration. see hartley (n 13). the denning law journal 313 an interpretation of article 1(2)(d) of the brussels regulation. one of the earliest references to the cjeu from the english court was the marc rich 20 case, where the court of appeal referred the matter to the cjeu, with the question “if article 1(2)(d) must be interpreted in such manner that the exclusion provided for therein extended to proceedings pending before a national court concerning the appointment of an arbitrator and, if so, whether that exclusion also applied where in those proceedings a preliminary issue was raised as to whether an arbitration agreement existed or was valid.” the cjeu ruled that the proceedings before the english courts were outside the scope of the brussels convention, as they were ancillary to arbitration proceedings, 21 and observed that “in order to determine whether a dispute falls within the scope of the convention, reference must be made solely to the subject-matter of the dispute. if, by virtue of its subject-matter, such as the appointment of an arbitrator, a dispute falls outside the scope of the convention, the existence of a preliminary issue which the court must resolve in order to determine the dispute cannot, whatever that issue may be, justify application of the convention.” the judgment to a certain degree shed some light on the meaning of article 1(4) of the brussels convention, by determining that it applied not only to arbitration proceedings but also to court proceedings where the subject matter is arbitration. the effect of the cjeu‟s ruling was that the english court proceedings were not barred by the lis pendens rule, and that in determining whether a matter falls within the scope of the convention, regard must be had solely to the subject matter of the 20 marc rich and co v società italiana impianti (the atlantic emperor) case c190/89, [1992] 1 lloyds rep 342 (ecj). the matter arose out of a contract for sale of crude oil between a swiss buyer (marc rich) and an italian seller (impianti). marc rich sought to introduce, besides other clauses, an english choice-of-law clause and an english arbitration clause into the contract through a telex message, but impianti did not respond to the same. upon receipt of the cargo, marc rich claimed serious contamination, which led to impianti bringing proceedings before a court in genoa, italy, for a declaration that it was not liable to marc rich. needless to say, marc rich challenged the jurisdiction of the genoese court on the basis of the london arbitration clause, and also duly commenced arbitration proceeding in london. impianti maintained that the arbitration clause was not part of the contract. the english high court held that the brussels convention did not apply to the matter. 21 this establishes, as stated in the jenard and schlosser reports that court proceedings ancillary to arbitration proceedings are outside the scope of the convention. see hartley (n 13). case commentary 314 proceedings, and not to any incidental question raised by either of the parties. 22 in turner v grovit, 23 a case which involved an anti-suit injunction (and did not involve an arbitration agreement), the cjeu held that a court of one contracting state cannot restrain proceedings brought before another contracting state as the brussels convention does not allow for subjecting the court of one contracting state to be reviewed by the court of another contracting state, and that as a result, any anti-suit injunction granted by the court of a contracting state was an unacceptable interference with the jurisdiction of a foreign court and was incompatible with the convention. on the above reasoning the cjeu proceeded to observe that the brussels convention “...is to be interpreted as precluding the grant of an injunction whereby a court of a contracting state prohibits a party to proceedings pending before it from commencing or continuing legal proceedings before a court of another contracting state, even where that party is acting in bad faith,” and proceeded to set aside the anti-suit injunction granted by the english court of appeal. it should not be forgotten that the turner v grovit case was yet another instance of the “italian torpedo” action. 24 this decision of the cjeu in turner v 22 hartley (n 13). it is also to be noted that when the english proceedings resumed, marc riche‟s application for an anti-suit injunction to preclude impianti from taking further steps in the italian proceeding was rejected on the grounds that by pleading to the merits of the case before the genoese court in italy, it had submitted to the genoese court‟s jurisdiction. this decision of the high court was upheld on appeal. 23 turner v grovit (case c-159/02) [2005] 1 ac 101. turner was an employee of chequepoint (an english company), which operated bureaux de change. it also had a spanish sister concern called changepoint, which operated in spain, and another company called harada. as requested, turner was transferred to spain (changepoint) in 1997. this transfer was to last for a very short period, as he was yet again transferred to harada in the same year. turner brought a claim before the employment tribunal in london against mr grovit (the director of all three companies) claiming constructive dismissal, and also for being made to engage in illegal conduct whilst working in spain. around the same time the spanish company, changepoint, commenced proceedings against turner in spain alleging professional misconduct. against this background, turner applied to the english courts for an anti-suit injunction, pleading that the spanish proceedings had been brought in bad faith with a view to obstructing the claim brought by him before the employment tribunal in london. 24 maro franzosi first coined the expression „italian torpedo‟ in the late 1990s in an article that highlighted the „torpedo‟ litigation strategy, which originated in the denning law journal 315 grovit, in effect, took away the ability of a party to enforce a contractual clause to submit disputes to a chosen court through the mechanism of antisuit injunctions. in his reference in the west tankers 25 case, lord hoffman highlighted that the cjeu had in its two previous decisions, 26 demonstrated a strong aversion to one contracting state‟s court restricting in any way the jurisdiction of another contracting sate. 27 for lord hoffman the anti-suit intellectual property actions brought before courts in italy to delay proceedings. see m franzosi, „worldwide patent litigation and the italian torpedo‟ european ip rev, vol. 19 [1997] 382-385. 25 allianz spa v west tankers inc (the front comor) (n 2). in august 2000, the front comor a vessel chartered to erg petroli spa (erg) and owned by west tankers collided with a jetty at erg‟s refinery. erg‟s insurers ras riunione adriatica di sicurta (ras) paid approximately €15.5 million under the insurance policy for the damage suffered to the jetty. erg commenced arbitration proceedings in london against west tankers for the uninsured loss. ras subrogating for erg brought proceedings against west tankers before the tribunale di siracusa (italy) to recover €15.5 million paid to erg under the policy of insurance, making it the court „first seised‟ of the matter under the convention. west tankers objected to the proceedings in london on the basis of the existence of the arbitration agreement contained in the charterparty contract. west tankers also sought for a declaration before the high court in london that the dispute between the parties was subject to an arbitration clause. the english high court granted an anti-suit injunction against the insurers as regards the proceedings in italy. the insurers appealed. in spite of its point of view that arbitration was completely excluded from the scope of regulation no 44/2001 by virtue of article 1(2) (d) thereof, the house of lords stayed the proceedings and referred a question to the ecj, requisitioning a preliminary ruling. 26 gasser gmbh v misat srl (case c/116/02) [2004] 1 lloyd‟s rep 222; turner v grovit (case c-159/02) [2005] 1 ac 101. 27 according to lord hoffman, going by the decision of the ecj in marc rich and co v società italiana impianti (the atlantic emperor) case c-190/89, [1992] 1 lloyds rep 342 (ecj), and van uden maritime bv v kommanditgesellschaft in firma deco-line (case c-391/95) [1999] 2 wlr 1181, arbitration was altogether excluded from the scope of the brussels regulation by article 1(2)(d). for lord hoffman, the van uden case provided a strong basis for the legality of anti-suit injunctions to enforce arbitration agreements, as it held that in a proceeding intended to protect the parties‟ choice to have a dispute settled by arbitration, arbitration is the subject matter. for a discussion on west tankers case and its impact on parties‟ choice of seat of arbitration, see d rainier, „the impact of west tankers on parties‟ choice of a seat of arbitration‟ (2010) 95 cornell l rev 431. case commentary 316 injunctions served as an important weapon to promote legal certainty and help reduce the possibility of conflict between the arbitration award and the judgment of a national court. 28 the question that was referred to the cjeu by the house of lords was whether a contracting state court could grant an injunction against a person bound by an arbitration agreement to restrain them from commencing or pursuing proceedings in the courts of another contracting state in breach of the arbitral agreement. in response, the cjeu held that granting anti-suit injunctions on the grounds that such proceedings would be contrary to an arbitration agreement was incompatible with the regulation 44/2001. this decision had come under severe criticism, with some writers even expressing the view that the cjeu in the west tankers case had sacrificed anti-suit injunctions in the name of mutual trust, 29 while forgetting its importance in bringing about certainty in commercial matters through the freedom of choice of law and forum. the judgement of the cjeu in the west tankers case, to a certain degree, put at risk the reputation of the english arbitral forum, as without the safeguards of an anti-suit injunction, parties may not be inclined to choose england as their seat of arbitration. 30 ii) recast brussels regulation and the gazprom decision: there have been concerns about certain aspects of the application of the brussels i regulation, particularly in relation to its lis pendens provisions. article 27 of the brussels i regulation 31 provides that in the 28 lord hoffman was also apprehensive that london could fast lose its attractiveness as a seat of international commercial arbitration if the ecj were to lose sight of the fact that the courts are there to serve the business community rather than the other way round. he further pointed to new york, singapore and bermuda as jurisdictions willing and prepared to issue such anti-suit injunctions to preserve arbitration agreements. see also rainier (n 27) 440. 29 see rainier (n 27) 460. 30 although this argument is not substantiated by statistical evidence some authors have opined that the judgement of the ecj could make the english arbitral proceedings less attractive. see rainier (n 27) 436. the author observes that following the ecj‟s decision in the west tankers case the us could potentially become more attractive as a seat of arbitration for international commercial arbitration. see also m moses, „arbitration/litigation interface: the european debate,‟ nw j int‟l l & bus vol.35, no. 1 (2014) 1-47, 12-13. the author notes that there was a negative reaction to the decision of the ecj in the west tankers case, particularly amongst the english arbitration community. 31 article 27 of the brussels i regulation reads as follows: the denning law journal 317 event proceedings involving the same cause of action and between the same parties are brought in the courts of different contracting states, the court second seised of the matter must stay its proceedings until the court first seised has determined whether it has jurisdiction to hear the claim. it is well known that article 27(1) 32 of the brussels i regulation had been repeatedly exploited by debtors to commence proceedings in courts of jurisdictions with slow moving judiciary to protract proceedings in violation of jurisdiction (and arbitral) agreements. 33 as discussed earlier, it was also widely thought that the decision in the west tankers case would render a london arbitration agreement vulnerable to “torpedo” actions and make it worthless. responding to such apprehensions the european parliament and the european commission in december 2010, published proposals for reform of the brussels i regulation primarily aimed at improving judicial co-operation within the eu and enhancing the autonomy of arbitration. the recast brussels regulation 34 seeks to address a number of concerns raised by member states, including the above. following a detailed consultation, the uk opted into the recast brussels regulation, which came into force on 10 january 2015. it is accepted that the brussels i regulation under article 1(2)(d) excludes arbitration from its scope. but a lack of clarity on how this exclusion is to apply in practice by national courts in support of arbitration 1. where proceedings involving the same cause of action and between the same parties are brought in the courts of different member states, any court other than the court first seized shall by its own motion stay its proceedings until such time as the jurisdiction of the court first seized is established. 2. where the jurisdiction of the court first seized is established, any court other than the court first seized shall decline jurisdiction in favour of that court. 32 article 27 (1) of the brussels regulation reads as follows: where proceedings involving the same cause of action and between the same parties are brought in the courts of different member states, any court other than the court first seised shall of its own motion stay its proceedings until such time as the jurisdiction of the court first seised is established. 33 see m aquilina, „lawsuits in the european union: disarming the „italian torpedo with the recast brussels regulation‟ business lawyer (26 june 2015) (accessed 29 july 2015). gasser gmbh v misat srl (case c/116/02) [2004] 1 lloyd‟s rep 222; turner v grovit (case c-159/02) [2005] 1 ac 101; and allianz spa v west tankers inc (the front comor) (c-185/07) [2009] 1 all er (comm) 435, can all be seen as instances of „italian torpedo‟ action. 34 recast brussels regulation (n 3). case commentary 318 clause, and their jurisdiction to act under the brussels regulation have made the application of the provision extremely difficult, resulting in unnecessarily protracted parallel litigation. unfortunately, the cjeu‟s judgment in the west tankers case failed to bring about any clarity and only succeeded in muddying the waters further. as discussed earlier, the ag in his opinion on the gazprom case referred to the provisions of the recast brussels regulation, although the said regulations would not have applied to a pending case before the cjeu. this article briefly touches upon one of the areas covered under the recast brussels regulation, namely, the arbitration exception covered under recital 12. the changes made to the regulation is referred to as the recast brussels regulation, which came into effect in january 2015, while the gazprom case was still pending before the cjeu. recital 12 seeks to clarify the arbitration exception contained in article 1(2)(d) of the brussels i regulation. paragraph 1 of recital 12 35 states that the recast brussels regulation should not apply to arbitration, and should not prevent courts of member states from referring parties to arbitration, or from staying or dismissing proceedings in favour of arbitration. it also recognises the courts powers to determine if the arbitration agreement is valid and enforceable under domestic laws. paragraph 2 of recital 12 36 provide that a ruling given by a court of a member state as regards the validity of an arbitration agreement should not be subject to the rules of recognition and enforcement laid down in the recast brussels regulation, regardless of whether the court decided on this as a principal issue or as an incidental question. paragraph 3, recital 12 37 provides that a decision of a member state court not to recognise an 35 paragraph 1, recital 12 reads as follows: “this regulation should not apply to arbitration. nothing in this regulation should prevent the courts of a member state, when seised of an action in a matter in respect of which the parties have entered into an arbitration agreement, from referring the parties to arbitration, from staying or dismissing the proceedings, or from examining whether the arbitration agreement is null and void, inoperative or incapable of being performed, in accordance with their national law. 36 paragraph 2, recital 12 reads as follows: a ruling given by a court of a member state as to whether or not an arbitration agreement is null and void, inoperative or incapable of being performed should not be subject to the rules of recognition and enforcement laid down in this regulation, regardless of whether the court decided on this as a principal issue or as an incidental question. 37 paragraph 3, recital 12 reads as follows: on the other hand, where a court of a member state, exercising jurisdiction under this regulation or under national law, has determined that an arbitration agreement is null and void, inoperative the denning law journal 319 arbitration agreement should not preclude that court‟s judgment on the substance of the matter from being recognised or, as the case may be, enforced in accordance with the recast brussels regulation. it is worth noting that the recast brussels regulation does not expressly deal with anti-suit injunctions. under the recast brussels regulation the parties will have little or no incentive to bring proceedings in a member state with a view to obtaining an order that their arbitration agreement is invalid, as such an order will not be recognised in another member state. in short it almost manages to outlaw the “torpedo” actions. 4. is there clarity after gazprom as regards anti-suit injunctions? due to the cjeu‟s earlier decisions, and “torpedo” actions, the english courts have been constrained to adopt a dual policy with regards to the grant of anti-suit injunctions one inward facing towards continental europe where it was almost taboo to issue an anti-suit injunction, and the other outward facing, towards the international community outside eu, where it may issue an anti-suit injunction to protect the rights of a party relying on an english law arbitration agreement. all along, the central philosophy of the cjeu had been couched on the continental-european tradition – i.e., taking a public law approach to issues relating to “freedom of contract,” which is a commercial/private law matter. the common law, as opposed to the continental-european traditions takes a very pragmatic approach 38 to such or incapable of being performed, this should not preclude that court‟s judgment on the substance of the matter from being recognised or, as the case may be, enforced in accordance with this regulation. this should be without prejudice to the competence of the courts of the member states to decide on the recognition and enforcement of arbitral awards in accordance with the convention on the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards, done at new york on 10 june 1958 („the 1958 new york convention‟), which takes precedence over this regulation. 38 see j harris, „the brussels i regulation and the re-emergence of the english common law,‟ (2008) 4 the european legal forum (e) 181-189. the author observes that anyone defending „…the english methodology would describe it as being pragmatic, flexible and designed to ensure that litigation is expedient, efficient and conducted in good faith.‟ the author, commenting on the decisions of the ecj including gasser gmbh v misat srl; and turner v grovit, notes that the ecj‟s interpretations of the regulation have been consistently literalistic, case commentary 320 commercial matters and seeks to uphold the sanctity of freedom of contract, 39 and in this instance the agreement to arbitrate in stockholm. in the gazprom case, one notices that based on the reasoning that arbitration and arbitral tribunals fall outside the scope of brussels regulation, the cjeu has held that the regulations do not prevent an eu member‟s court from recognizing and enforcing an anti-suit injunction granted by arbitrators. the cjeu has failed to clearly consider the most important aspect that had come to haunt cross-border commerce within the eu and the legal practitioners in some parts of the eu, whether the prohibition of anti-suit injunction issued by member‟s courts as regards parallel proceedings within the eu should remain or lifted. this question gains in significance, especially with the coming into force of the “recast” brussels regulation from 10 january 2015. the cjeu confined itself to an analysis of the compatibility of regulation 44/2001 to anti-suit injunctions ordered by arbitral tribunals. the english law position is simple and clear in this regard. in the event a party to the contract, in breach of an exclusive english law jurisdiction agreement were to commence court proceedings in a foreign jurisdiction, the aggrieved party may lodge an objection before the foreign court, where the proceedings have been so commenced. if in the event the foreign court were to go into the merits of the case, as opposed to first answering its competence to entertain the case, the defendant will be entitled to damages for any losses suffered. 40 the other with very little evidence of the common law‟s role being preserved under the regulation, and failing to protect the sanctity of commercial agreement. 39 tc hartley, „the european union and the systematic dismantling of the common law of conflict of laws‟ (2005) 54 iclq 813, 814. the author notes that lawyers with „civil law‟ background are more concerned with the structure of the law, as opposed to lawyers with „common law‟ training who are more concerned with its operation. 40 swissmarine services v. gupta oil [2015] ewhc 265 (comm). here, the contract of affreightment entered into between the parties contained an exclusive english law and jurisdiction clause, and the defendant in violation of the above clause had brought proceedings before the courts in nagpur, india for defamation and an anti-suit injunction. the proceedings before the indian court was dismissed on the grounds of absence of jurisdiction, which was confirmed on appeal before the mumbai high court, india in may 2014. in the proceedings brought before the english courts by the claimants, it was held that the costs the claimant incurred in relation to the indian proceedings, and those incurred in relation to the anti-suit injunction in england, were losses they had suffered as a the denning law journal 321 option available to the innocent party would be to approach the english court for an anti-suit injunction, seeking to restrain the party in breach of the exclusive jurisdiction agreement from continuing with the foreign proceedings. here, the jurisdiction agreement would also include arbitration agreement. as discussed earlier, in recent years the powers of the english courts with regard to the grant of anti-suit injunctions within the eu have come to be undermined. this again raises the question, if the cjeu missed the chance by not having considered the validity of its judgement in west tankers case? the ag in the gazprom case expressed the opinion that if only west tankers were to be decided under the recast brussels regulation the result would have been significantly different. 41 in his view, application for anti-suit injunctions in support of arbitration agreements would have fallen within the “ancillary proceedings” permitted by recital 12 of the recast brussels regulation. in the gazprom case, an arbitration tribunal had handed down an anti-suit injunction against the claimants who had commenced an action before the lithuanian courts in breach of a london arbitral agreement. as the opinion of the ag is non-binding, the cjeu in the gazprom case did not consider it necessary to clarify the above issue while delivering the judgment. the cjeu was able to hold that recognition of an arbitral anti-suit injunction fell outside the recast brussels regulation, without the need to clarify whether or not the same would have been said had a court in a member state issued the anti-suit injunction. the cjeu noted that an anti-suit injunction issued by an arbitral tribunal does not give rise to issues regarding conflict of jurisdictions as between the courts of member states, and as a result the mutual trust upon which the regulation 44/2001 is based will not apply. the cjeu also noted that any anti-suit injunction issued by an arbitral tribunal will not fall within the scope of the regulation 44/2001, and any recognition and enforcement by a court of a member state of an anti-suit injunction will result from the applicable rules under the new york convention 1958. it is to be noted here that a similar, if not the same conclusion would have been reached if the recast brussels regulation had been applied to the gazprom case. result of the breach of the english jurisdiction clause, and was recoverable as damages. 41 the recast brussels regulation will not apply to the gazprom case as per article 66(1), which runs as follows: „this regulation shall apply only to legal proceedings instituted, to authentic instruments formally drawn up or registered and to court settlements approved or concluded on or after 10 january 2015.‟ case commentary 322 in summary the decision of the cjeu in the gazprom case makes it clear that i) arbitration is outside the brussels i regulation, that ii) an arbitral tribunal‟s powers to issue anti-suit injunctions is unfettered by the brussels i regulation, and that iii) the courts of the member states while dealing with the recognition and/or the enforceability of an arbitral award are to do so with reference to their domestic laws, which in most cases would be the new york convention 1958. as mentioned earlier, the cjeu did not consider one of the important questions, whether the prohibition of anti-suit injunction issued by member‟s courts as regards parallel proceedings within the eu should remain in place or lifted. one can also conclude from the above that arbitration is not only outside the brussels i regulation but also outside the recast brussels regulation. interestingly, the cjeu was not keen on embarking on a round of discussions on the west tankers judgment and made no reference to the ag‟s opinion on the matter. human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 178 denning law journal 2015 vol 27 pp 178-203 “defending an englishman’s castle” can i sell my house but continue living in it? the north-east property buyers litigation robert pearce introduction the maxim “an englishman‟s home is his castle” has its roots in magna carta. english land law has developed from a feudal system which emphasised the authority of the lord: in times long ago most occupiers of land were beholden in some way to their lord for their rights to the land, being obliged to give services in return for their landholding, and to demonstrate loyalty or fealty to their lord. the lords themselves had similar obligations to their lords, and ultimately to the king. hence, it used to be said that all land in england was held directly or indirectly from the crown. magna carta did not undermine the feudal foundations of landholding – that has happened progressively over the years to the point where it now no longer has any real significance. however, it did make it clear that the rights of the king were not absolute. king john had been compelled by his barons to reach the agreement with them which was recorded in the first magna carta (or, to give it its english title, the great charter) signed and sealed at runnymede in 1215. not only did the king need to heed his barons, magna carta importantly established the subsequently developed principle that no person is above the law and that “no free man shall be ... stripped of his rights or possessions ... except by the lawful judgement of his equals or by the law of the land.” it is in congruity with this that it was held in semayne’s case at the start of the seventeenth century that not even agents of the crown may enter a person‟s house without lawful authority. 1 we can trace the maxim that an englishman‟s home is his robert pearce, bcl, ma, hon lld, frsa, professor of law, university of buckingham law school. 1 see semayne’s case (1604) 5 coke rep 91. the denning law journal 179 castle back to this case. 2 even if an englishman‟s home did not have a motte and bailey, or other fortified defences, it would be protected by the force of the law. this does not mean that landowners have unfettered and unqualified rights to their home. a homeowner is no more above the law than the king (or the barons) and must comply with the laws of the land. landowners cannot hide from the process of law for criminal acts committed within the boundaries of their property; homeowners have legal duties for the safety of visitors (even uninvited visitors); they are restricted in how they use or develop the property by planning laws; most importantly in this context they may find that their security in their own home is compromised if they have used it to secure a loan which they are unable to repay. although the proportion of houses bought for cash has increased to over a third in recent years, 3 the majority of house purchases continue to be financed with the aid of a mortgage. originally mortgages worked by a landowner transferring away legal ownership as security for the loan, but with a right to recover full ownership on repayment of the loan. the surrender of legal ownership made it clear that the castle defences had been breached and that the owner was vulnerable if the loan was not repaid. the anachronistic means of using a transfer of title as the means of granting security for a loan has now been clumsily abolished, 4 but the risk of losing the home if the loan is not repaid remains. as secured loan advertisements remind us: “your home may be repossessed if you do not keep up repayments on your mortgage.” 5 equity release schemes it is not just when a house is purchased that a mortgage may be taken out. rising house prices have meant that some people are asset rich but income poor. it is tempting for a person in this position to seek to access 2 for a more recent invocation of the maxim, see malik v fassenfelt [2013] ewca civ 798. 3 see hamptons international news release 27 march 2014: „buoyant first time and cash buying puts pressure on supply.‟ 4 see stevens and pearce, land law (london, 5 th ed, sweet and maxwell 2013) paras 17.13-17.15 and 17.25-17.28. 5 this is the warning currently given by mortgage lenders and on comparison websites such as money super market: http://www.moneysupermarket.com/mortgages/. can i sell my house but continue living in it? 180 their capital to improve their standard of living. alternatively, the equity in a house arising from progressively increasing house prices may be seen as a source of refinancing debt, or even repaying debt. the north east property buyers (nepb) litigation concerns one way in which this could be done: through a sale and lease back. this kind of arrangement has been common for years in the commercial sector. the owner of property sells it to a finance or property management company. this releases some or most of the capital value in the property. the purchasing company then rents the property back to the seller. in this way the seller retains the use of the property, albeit in return for continuing rental payments. of course, if the rent is not paid, then the seller will lose the use of the property. sale and lease back with mortgage however, as the nepb litigation demonstrates, a failure by the seller to pay rent is not the only risk. if the company purchasing the property has taken out a mortgage to finance the acquisition, then the seller may be at risk if the buyer fails to make the mortgage repayments. this is exactly what happened in the nepb litigation. the nepb litigation nepb operated a scheme under which it bought houses, often from people who had run into debt through illness or unemployment, and offered them the chance to continue living there, often at a substantially discounted rent. it financed the purchases through mortgage loans secured on the properties purchasee. nepb defaulted on the mortgages and the lenders, who were unaware of the arrangements with the sellers, sought possession of the properties from the sellers in order to sell them and redeem the mortgage. press reports suggested that there could be around 2,000 people in danger of eviction. 6 according to detective chief inspector jim mcall, of northumbria police: “if proven, and if it is on the scale alleged, it will probably be one of the biggest property frauds in the country.” 7 6 the journal (newcastle upon tyne) 19 september 2013. http://www.thejournal.co.uk/news/north-east-news/police-cuts-could-damagenorth-6062049. 7 northern echo „arrests in darlington, newton aycliffe and barnard castle‟ tuesday 2 march 2010. the denning law journal 181 were the mortgage companies entitled to evict sellers who had been promised a home for life? nine 8 cases were selected as test cases, and were heard at first instance by judge behrens, sitting as a judge of the high court in leeds. 9 he decided in favour of the lenders. some of the cases were settled, but others were appealed to the court of appeal, which again decided in favour of the lenders. 10 one, involving mrs rosemary scott, went to the supreme court, which also found in favour of the lenders. 11 mrs scott’s case although there were some differences between the facts in some of the cases, most followed the same pattern, and mrs scott‟s case is representative of them all. only the facts of this case are therefore described. rosemary scott and her former husband had bought their house, 23 goathland avenue, forest hill, from north tyneside borough council in 1999 under the government‟s right to buy scheme, which allowed them, as secure tenants, to buy at a discount below open market value. they took out a mortgage from cheltenham and gloucester plc to finance the purchase. a few years later the couple divorced and by 2005 mrs scott, who remained in the house, was in financial difficulties. she owed £70,000 on the mortgage. 12 she advertised the house for sale at £156,000, but was unsuccessful at securing a sale close to this price. she was indirectly introduced to a mr foster, who was connected to nepb. he proposed a deal under which nepb would pay off her cheltenham and gloucester mortgage, and give her £24,000 in cash. she would be allowed to remain in the house indefinitely for £250 per month rent. nepb would charge a fee of £40,000 for this arrangement (this was later 8 lord clarke in scott refers to ten cases [3] but only nine were involved in the first instance hearing before judge behrens. 9 various mortgagors v various mortgagees [2010] ewhc 2991 (judge behrens). 10 cook v the mortgage business plc [2012] ewca civ 17 (cook). 11 scott v southern pacific mortgages ltd [2014] uksc 52 (scott). 12 we do not know how much was paid when the property was purchased from the council, but it was almost certainly significantly less than this: an online search shows that a similar house next door was purchased for £37,500 in 2002. the amount of the mortgage may have been increased after the purchase either to pay for improvements or to buy out mr scott‟s share of the property. there may also have been accrued arrears of interest. can i sell my house but continue living in it? 182 directed to be paid to uk property buyers). if mrs scott remained a tenant for ten years, she would be paid a further £15,000 as a loyalty bonus. if anything happened to her, she was told, her son richard would be able to take over her rights. 13 the offer may have seemed like an answer to her prayers: she would pay off her mortgage, have lower monthly charges, and have cash in hand. mrs scott agreed to this deal, and so the property was sold in 2005 to a ms wilkinson (acting as a nominee or agent for nepb). the sale price recorded was £135,000 and completion took place on 12 august. ms wilkinson obtained a buy-to-let interest-only mortgage for £115,000 from southern pacific mortgages ltd 14 which did not know that mrs scott was living in the house and that she had been made a promise that she could continue living there. it is worth noting in this context that because the rights of a person living at the property are often enforceable against a buyer as overriding interests, it is the expected normal practice for the buyer to inspect the property and to make enquiries of any occupier. if the occupier fails to disclose any rights when asked, those rights will normally cease to be enforceable; it is also possible for the buyer to obtain a written waiver from the occupier. mortgage companies rarely conduct their own enquiries, and rely upon the enquiries made by the buyer and by any valuer. that was the case here. this practice offers little protection to a mortgage company where the buyer (and perhaps also the valuer) is participating in a fraud, or where (as is sometimes the case) the valuer is asked for a “drive-by” valuation which does not involve a visit to the property. on 16 august mrs scott was given a letter confirming the terms of the sale. she was also granted (by uk property buyers acting as agents for ms wilkinson) a two-year assured shorthold tenancy which stated that at the end of the fixed term it would become a monthly periodic tenancy terminable on not less than two months‟ notice in writing. this was in breach of the mortgage which contained terms under which only tenancies of up to a year could be granted. at this stage mrs scott did not know that the property had been mortgaged. the sale and mortgage were registered on 16 september. 13 see the appendix to judge behrens‟ decision which sets out the promises which were made to the occupiers in all the test cases. it is not normally possible for a tenant under a private tenancy to pass a tenancy on to another family member. 14 if this mortgage had borne the relatively low interest rate of 3% the interest payments would have been £287 per month. a more likely interest rate of 5% would have required monthly interest payments of £479. it will be noted that these payments would have substantially exceeded the agreed monthly rent. the denning law journal 183 it was only in august 2008 that mrs scott discovered that there might be a mortgage on the property when she received a letter from north east property lettings “suggesting that there had been teething problems following an office move and that some tenants had been receiving letters from mortgage companies stating that the account was in arrears, which, the letter assured mrs scott, was incorrect.” 15 in 2009, six months later, mrs scott accidentally opened a letter addressed to ms wilkinson at the house. she learnt from this that, without her knowledge, a possession order had been made on march 17, 2009. she subsequently received a warrant for possession due to be executed on may 20, 2009. this warrant was suspended while mrs scott argued her case. buy-to-let fraud although fraud was not proved in this case, the circumstances pointed very strongly to the arrangement being a scam from the outset, and criminal charges were pending at the date of the trial. 16 the arrangements involved a complex web of parties, including nepb (of which lord neuberger in the court of appeal said, “it is unclear what nepb is or comprises.”), 17 uk property buyers, north east property lettings, and a number of other individuals including michael foster and amee wilkinson. there had been some unusual omissions or entries in the mortgage application forms and contract documentation and no visit to the property had been made by the mortgage company. the solicitors advising mrs scott or other victims had not all acted professionally, and may have been dishonest, and some of the solicitors in this or similar cases were subject to disciplinary proceedings. 18 it is very hard to see how the arrangement could have made any commercial sense to nepb if it had operated as intended. mrs scott’s argument the argument for mrs scott was relatively straightforward. she was at all material times living in the house. the proprietary rights of an occupier are normally overriding interests binding a buyer even if those rights have not been protected by an entry on the register at the land registry, 15 scott [22]. 16 at the time of writing this article the trials, which were expected to last several months, were in progress but were subject to reporting restrictions. 17 cook [8]. 18 scott [3] and [24]. can i sell my house but continue living in it? 184 provided that the rights have not been surrendered or waived as part of the sale. mrs scott therefore argued that her rights to the house were overriding interests: she was living in the house when it was sold, and any person acquiring a right in the house did so subject to whatever rights she had. 19 she could not claim a right to the freehold (since she had agreed to sell it). however, her main argument went, the promise to allow her to remain living in the house for the rest of her life gave her a proprietary interest in the home, and since this was in existence when the mortgage was executed or registered, her interest bound southern pacific, the mortgage company. 20 mrs scott loses her case the supreme court considered that mrs scott‟s case was not made out. under the land registration act 2002 section 29 the registration of a mortgage gives it priority over all earlier rights except either those recorded on the register or those which constitute overriding interests. 21 only proprietary rights can be overriding interests, and to be protected as an overriding interest the proprietary right must be in existence when the mortgage is created. in the view of the supreme court, before the sale took place neither nepb nor its agents had any power to grant a proprietary right to mrs scott. until the date of the sale, she therefore had no proprietary right based on their promises to her. applying abbey national building society v cann 22 the sale and mortgage should be treated as taking effect at the same instant, and therefore it could not be said that her rights came into existence before the mortgage. it followed that the mortgage took priority over the promises to mrs scott and the lease in her favour. the mortgage company was accordingly entitled to the order for possession. 19 see land registration act 2002, s 29 and schedule 3. 20 if mrs scott could claim only a tenancy (a recognised proprietary interest), her rights could be terminated by notice bringing the tenancy to an end. she therefore needed to claim that her rights included the promise that she would be secure in the home so long as she paid the agreed rent. 21 the ordinary rule is that rights take effect in the order in which they are created. the effect of s 29 is that certain rights (such as a registered transfer of ownership or a registered mortgage) operate like a trump card to give precedence over certain (unprotected) earlier rights. 22 abbey national building society v cann [1991] 1 ac 56 (cann). the denning law journal 185 abbey national bs v cann at one level the scott case is a straightforward application of the principles set out in the cann case. that, however, was a very different case from scott. mrs cann had helped to pay for a house, 7 hillview, which was being acquired by her son, george, for them both to live in. she knew that he was taking out a mortgage to finance the purchase, but when he failed to keep up the mortgage payments she claimed that she could not be evicted because she had an overriding interest based on her occupation of the property. it was accepted that her financial contribution was sufficient to give her a proprietary interest. 23 the house of lords, however, rejected her argument that she was already living in the house when the registered mortgage was made. although she was in occupation when the mortgage was registered, the house of lords considered that she needed to be in actual occupation before the mortgage was created, which was when the purchase was completed. 24 mrs cann was not at that point living in the house, and it was not enough that she had started to move her belongings in a few hours before completion. in any event, her proprietary interest could only arise when her son had sufficient title to the house, and that did not happen until completion. however, since in the view of the house of lords the mortgage took effect at the very same moment that he acquired title, there was no period before the mortgage was created that he could have given her the rights she claimed. 25 in any event, mrs cann knew that the purchase was to be subject to a mortgage, and impliedly authorised or consented to it. mrs scott, unlike mrs cann, had no knowledge of the mortgage to southern pacific and could not be said to have authorised it or to have agreed to it. equally, it was indisputable that she was in actual occupation 23 on the basis of proprietary estoppel, given an assurance by george that she would always have a roof over her head. the same conclusion would probably now be reached on the basis of constructive trust: see jones v kernott [2011] uksc 53 and stack v dowden [2007] ukhl 17. 24 lord collins (scott [47]) suggests that this part of the decision is confirmed by land registration act 2002, schedule 3, paragraph 2 which refers to „the time of the disposition.‟ with respect the language of the act does not lead inexorably to this conclusion, since the act also states that a disposition does not operate at law until it has been registered. a different view would, however, be inconvenient. 25 the house of lords rejected the argument that there was a momentary fraction of time between george acquiring ownership and the mortgage taking effect. it had been argued that this „scintilla temporis‟ allowed mrs cann‟s rights to arise (or to be „fed‟) before the mortgage took effect. can i sell my house but continue living in it? 186 at the relevant date, whatever it was, since she was in actual occupation throughout. an interest created before completion? it was argued for mrs scott that she had an interest in 23 goathland avenue even before completion. it was said that the contract for sale in favour of amee wilkinson, on behalf of nepb, gave her a sufficient interest in the house to enable her to grant rights to mrs scott. there is long authority that as from the date of exchange of contracts for the sale of land, the seller holds on constructive trust for the buyer. 26 if this gives the buyer an equitable interest, 27 then surely this should be sufficient to enable to buyer to make commitments which bind the land, subject to any registration requirements. in response to this, lord collins pointed out that the constructive trust was of a distinctive kind, and after a careful review of the authorities (a number of which had been concerned with the purported grant of leases by a buyer prior to completion), came to the conclusion that prior to acquiring the legal estate the buyer could create nothing more than personally enforceable contractual rights. 28 mrs scott therefore had no proprietary interest capable of binding southern pacific. a subsidiary argument based on the notion that mrs scott made only a partial grant to ms wilkinson since she reserved rights for herself was rejected because the court viewed the transaction as a sale and leaseback rather than a grant of only the reversion on the lease. 29 the indivisibility of the contract in the view of lord collins, with whom lord sumption agreed, even if equitable rights could arise between contract and conveyance, the logic 26 lloyds bank plc v carrick [1996] 4 all er 630; lysaght v edwards (1876) 2 ch d 499. in ireland the existence of this trust has been confirmed by the land and conveyancing law reform act 2009 s 52 resolving a doubt created by the irish supreme court decision in tempany v hynes [1976] ir 101. see pearce and mee land law (3 rd ed, round hall press, dublin 2011)133-135. 27 in gordon hill trust ltd v segall [1941] 2 all er 379 the court of appeal thought that a contract of sale was sufficient to enable the purchaser to describe himself as the „owner‟ in a contract to sell the property on prior to completion. 28 lady hale agreed with this, so the supreme court was unanimous on this point. 29 scott [77]-[78]. another argument, that mrs scott‟s rights were akin to an unpaid vendor‟s lien, was also rejected. ibid [76]. the denning law journal 187 of cann, supported by other authorities, was that in relation to priorities, the contract could not be treated as distinct for legal purposes from completion: “the contract of sale does, of course, have separate legal effects, but it would be wholly unrealistic to treat the contract for present purposes as a divisible element in this process.” 30 lady hale and lords wilson and reed disagreed with this rather startling conclusion. it might hold true in a case 31 where contract, mortgage and completion were all completed on the same day, it could not be treated as “a general proposition applicable to all ordinary domestic conveyancing transactions.” 32 key issues there were two crucial findings in scott. the first was that a buyer could not, before completion, create any equitable rights capable of binding the land. this was implicit in cann. the second, directly adopted from cann, was that completion was indivisible: the purchase and the mortgage were so interconnected that both took effect at the very same moment; each was subject to the other, and neither had priority. 33 we should not doubt for a moment that these are policy decisions rather than decisions driven by ineluctable logic. most of the legal debate in cann centred on four cases in the early 1950s dealing with whether a lease granted by a buyer after contract but before completion was binding on a mortgagee which had helped to finance the purchase. in the following discussion these are called “the four cases.” 34 30 scott [87]. 31 such as nationwide anglia building society v ahmed and balakrishnan (1995) 70 p & cr 381. 32 scott [120] [121] and [123]. 33 see scott [48]. 34 the cases are coventry permanent economic building society v jones [1951] 1 all er 901 (jones); universal permanent building society v cooke [1952] ch 95 (ca) (cooke); woolwich equitable building society v marshall [1952] ch 1 (marshall) and church of england building society v piskor [1954] ch 553 (ca) (piskor). can i sell my house but continue living in it? 188 creation of rights prior to completion in regard to the inability to create proprietary rights prior to completion, it does not follow that because, prior to completion, it is impossible for a buyer to create a legal right out of a legal estate he does not have, that it is impossible for him to create an equitable right. it is clear beyond peradventure that a person with an equitable interest under a trust has the power to deal with it. this is explicitly recognised in the law of property act 1925. 35 a person with only an equitable interest in land is able to create a valid charge, as has been recognised where one of two coowners purports to create a legal charge by forging the signature of the other co-owner. the charge takes effect as an equitable charge binding the share of the person who executed it. 36 if a contract for sale confers an equitable interest on the purchaser, and there is substantial authority that it does (even though the constructive trust is an unusual one 37 ), there is no reason in principle why the equitable owner cannot carve rights out of it. 38 in jones, the first of the four cases, 39 harman j, a very distinguished chancery judge, thought that a lease entered into by a buyer prior to completion created an effective equitable lease. 40 lord collins says in scott that in jones “the tenants only had personal rights against the purchaser” but he omits to mention that this was because harman j held that the equitable lease, being based on a contract to grant a legal lease, constituted an estate contract, and as such (the property concerned being unregistered land) it was registrable as a class c(iv)land charge under the land charges act 1925; the failure to register it meant that it was void as against a purchaser for money or money‟s worth. 41 35 section 53(1) (c). see pearce and stevens, trusts and equitable obligations (6 th ed, oxford university press 2015) 198-209. 36 thames guaranty ltd v campbell [1985] qb 210 and mortgage corporation v shaire [2000] ewhc ch 452. see stevens and pearce (n 4) para 17.33. 37 lloyds bank plc v carrick [1996] 4 all er 630 at 637g where morritt lj described it as a trusteeship „of a peculiar kind.‟ 38 see gordon hill trust ltd v segall [1941] 2 all er 379. 39 coventry permanent economic building society v jones [1951] 1 all er 901, 903. 40 this is a straightforward application of the rule in walsh v lonsdale (1882) 21 ch d 9. 41 coventry permanent economic building society v jones [1951] 1 all er 901, 903-904. the denning law journal 189 only one other of the four cases picks up the question of whether a buyer can create an equitable lease before completion. this is cooke. 42 the trial judge had held that an orally created lease made by a buyer prior to completion was binding on the building society which had helped to finance the purchase, and he considered that the lease did not require registration under the land charges act. the tenant succeeded on appeal on a different point, but jenkins lj pointed out that the trial judge was wrong on the issue of registration because the land charges act did not confine the need to register estate contracts to those made in writing. 43 by making this point he appears to confirm the view, argued by counsel, that the lease took effect in equity prior to completion. evershed mr, in rebutting the argument that the lease could not be treated as a tenancy by estoppel capable of being enlarged into a legal lease once the buyer received the legal estate, pointed out that the buyer could not confer the privilege of possession on the purported tenant because, prior to completion, she had herself no right to possession. 44 this remark should be considered in its context and it need not be interpreted as an obstacle in a case like scott where mrs scott was already lawfully in possession and the grant of an equitable lease would simply confirm that she had a continuing right to possession. moreover, the difficulty identified by sir raymond evershed would not apply to other types of equitable grant, such as a constructive trust based on a financial contribution or a buyer entering into a sub-contract to sell the land. 45 the indivisibility of completion the four cases all dealt with the question of whether the completion of a purchase and the completion of a mortgage used to finance it were indivisible. the mortgage and the formal deed of transfer are separate documents which are separately executed and separately registered. the 42 universal permanent building society v cooke [1952] ch 95 (ca). 43 cooke [1952] ch 95,104. 44 cooke [1952] ch 95,103. the same proposition was made by judge behrens: various mortgagors v various mortgagees [2010] ewhc 2991 [54]. 45 it is not uncommon for a buyer, particularly of commercial property, to enter into a contract prior to completion to sell the property being purchased to a new buyer (see gordon hill trust ltd v segall [1941] 2 all er 379). such subpurchasers in the past have been able to protect their rights by the registration of a notice on the registered title. if scott is correct in holding that a buyer can create only personal rights prior to completion, such a sub-contract can create personal rights only and therefore cannot be protected by the registration of a notice. can i sell my house but continue living in it? 190 main argument for indivisibility is that, despite these elements of separation, the two transactions are so closely interlinked and interdependent that they should be treated as if they were a single operation. 46 the main argument against indivisibility is that it is only once the buyer has acquired title that it is possible to grant a mortgage. jones 47 was the only one of these cases to conclude that the two transactions were indivisible, and that there was therefore no moment at which the buyer of a property subject to a mortgage acquired a legal title free from the mortgage. in marshall 48 danckwerts j held that the mortgagee could not rely on this argument because the mortgage deed explicitly acknowledged that the mortgagor had title to the estate. in cooke 49 the court of appeal took the same view because the dates of the relevant deeds disclosed that the purchase had been completed a day before the mortgage was signed. in piskor 50 the court of appeal went further and held that, as a matter of general principle, there would always be a gap (a “scintilla temporis”) between the completion of the purchase and the grant of the mortgage. in cann in the house of lords there was some discussion of the process by which mortgage advances are agreed and implemented – inevitably where a purchase is subject to a mortgage the borrower will have agreed the mortgage some time before completion, or even frequently before exchange of contracts. in the end the conclusion was that the purchase and the mortgage should be treated as taking effect simultaneously, because they were so interdependent. the house of lords in cann considered that piskor and marshall were wrongly decided, 51 the former because it flew in the face of reality to suggest that a purchase which was dependent upon a mortgage could be treated as divisible from it, the latter because it placed too much emphasis upon the recitals in a deed. 52 46 even if electronic conveyancing is introduced, eliminating the gap between the execution of a transaction and its registration, the question whether a mortgage and transfer are indivisible remains since the two transactions would still involve different parties and would still not form part of a single operation (unless the system is programmed in a way which produces this effect). 47 coventry permanent economic building society v jones [1951] 1 all er 901. 48 woolwich equitable building society v marshall [1952] ch 1. 49 cooke [1952] ch 95. 50 church of england building society v piskor [1954] ch 553 (ca). 51 cann [1990] ukhl 3, 18 and 27-28. 52 lady hale in scott [110] notes that the separation of the dates of completion and mortgage in cooke mean that the case may have been correctly decided if the sale and mortgage were not interdependent. the denning law journal 191 it is very true that george cann could not have bought 7 hillview without the aid of the mortgage loan. to that extent the mortgage and the purchase were inextricably linked. but equally, he could not have bought 7 hillview without the financial contribution from his mother. 53 why could it not be said that her rights arose at the very same moment as the completion of the sale and the mortgage? lord collins in scott identified statements of lord oliver and lord jauncey in cann which suggested that mrs cann had no rights to 7 hillview prior to completion because until then george had no power to grant them, but those observations would have applied equally to george‟s power to create a mortgage in favour of the abbey national. if the building society‟s rights came into operation at the very instant of completion, why does the same logic not apply to the rights of mrs cann? 54 similarly in scott, even if the purchase and the mortgage were inextricably linked (despite mrs scott not knowing that the purchase would be financed by a mortgage, the purchase and the promise to mrs scott were also inextricably linked. the reality of the situation is that the transfer to amee wilkinson on behalf of nepb would not have taken place were it not for the promises that had been made to mrs scott. if the purchase of 23 goathland avenue was subject from the instant of completion to a mortgage to southern pacific, could it not also be treated as subject from the same instant to the right of mrs scott to live there for as long as she wanted at the discounted rent? instead, and rather illogically, the supreme court appears to treat the finding that the mortgage and completion are simultaneous as meaning inevitably that mrs scott‟s rights must have come into existence only after the mortgage. finding that the rights of mrs cann or mrs scott arose at the same instant as the mortgage would give rise to an interesting question of priority. the normal rule is that priority is governed by the order of creation of rights. 55 the registration of a charge or mortgage gives it 53 a contribution which arose from the sale of the house in which they were previously living. 54 the objection that the purchaser cannot grant rights binding the estate until registration applies equally to the mortgage. lady hale recognises that, notwithstanding that legal title has not vested in the purchaser; the purchaser‟s position is different after completion: scott [113]. 55 this is the normal rule for equitable rights and is confirmed by the land registration act 2002 s 28 which states that „the priority of an interest affecting a registered estate or charge is not affected by a disposition of the estate or charge.‟ there are special rules which apply to registered charges, if there is more than one (s 48), but these are not relevant in this context. can i sell my house but continue living in it? 192 priority over “any interest affecting the estate immediately before the disposition whose priority is not protected” as an overriding interest or by virtue of an entry on the register. 56 if the rights of mrs cann or of mrs scott only came into existence at the same instant as the sale and mortgage took effect, then none of these three interests would have come into existence before the other, not even momentarily. the impact of this on priorities will be considered later. the decision of the supreme court was the supreme court wrong? the conclusion in cann and scott that the coincidence of the transfer of title and the mortgage means that the rights of the occupier in each case can have arisen only after the creation of the mortgage is therefore not a logical conclusion, but a policy decision that the mortgage should have priority. that does not mean that the decision is wrong. there are some good arguments why mortgages should have priority in a situation like this. lord collins said that “there is ... an important public interest in the security of registered transactions.” 57 nearly two thirds of all house purchases are financed with the aid of a mortgage. if mortgage lending were made more difficult or risky, it might make mortgages harder to obtain or more expensive. on the other hand, the supreme court said in scott that “the court‟s duty is to apply the law irrespective of an unexpected impact on conveyancing practice and an adverse effect on the risks of secured lending.” 58 lady hale’s reservations baroness hale reluctantly agreed with the decision on the grounds that ms wilkinson could not grant anything other than personal rights on mrs scott up until the date of completion. she had, however, some concern about the harshness of the result. having earlier 59 noted that the court had been asked “to distinguish cann but not to bury it,” she confessed to uneasiness with confirming the decision. 56 land registration act 2002 s 29. 57 scott [25]. 58 scott [88]. 59 scott [114]. the denning law journal 193 “first, cann was not a case in which the vendor had been deceived in any way or been made promises which the purchaser could not keep. should there not come a point when a vendor who has been tricked out of her property can assert her rights even against a subsequent purchaser or mortgagee? second, cann was not a case in which the lenders could be accused of acting irresponsibly in any way. should there not come a point when the claims of lenders who have failed to heed the obvious warning signs that would have told them that this borrower was not a good risk are postponed to those of vendors who have been made promises that the borrowers cannot keep? innocence is a comparative concept. there ought to be some middle way between the “all or nothing” approach of the present law.” 60 she welcomed the fact that the law commission had announced that it intended to review the land registration act 2002 including the impact of fraud. were lady hale’s reservations justified? baroness hale was right to have reservations. although there was no explicit finding of fraud in the case, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that mrs scott was made promises that could not be kept. she may have exercised a lack of caution about the arrangement, but she was short of money and used apparently reputable solicitors, 61 although they were chosen and paid for by nepb. she must have signed the contract for sale which lord collins said provided that the sale would be with vacant possession 62 although the alternative provision in the conditions of sale stating that the sale was subject to specified tenancies had neither been deleted nor completed. 63 she should also have seen the requisitions on title which said that arrangements should be made with her about the time at which vacant possession would be given and for arrangements for handing over the keys. 64 but if there was a degree of fault on her part, southern pacific could not avoid all responsibility. the failure to complete or delete the alternatives in the contract should have been 60 scott [122]. 61 the author confesses to a personal interest. the firm acting for mrs scott also acted as his solicitors for his first house purchase. 62 scott [78]. 63 scott [19]. 64 scott [18]. can i sell my house but continue living in it? 194 noticed by them or their solicitors; even though this was a buy-to-let mortgage, neither they nor their agent visited the property, nor was mrs scott asked if she had any continuing rights. in this respect southern pacific relied on the honesty and candour of the purchaser. the solicitors acting for mrs scott also informed southern pacific‟s solicitors that the lenders needed to be informed that part of the proceeds of the sale were being paid to uk property buyers, which indicated that this was not a normal outright sale. 65 baroness hale may have been overstating her concern that an irresponsible lender could never be affected by the right of a vendor who was duped into selling by having been given unenforceable promises. there are equitable doctrines which may enable some lenders to be bound. on the principle that “fraud unravels all”, a mortgagee who knowingly participates in a fraud will not be able to rely on the mortgage security. 66 the equitable wrong of knowing receipt of trust property in breach of trust applies to misappropriated property, and the supreme court has suggested that it will operate where a bank receiving the proceeds of a dishonest dealing should have been aware from the circumstances that the transaction served no commercial purpose. 67 judge behrens at first instance 68 correctly thought that the equitable doctrine of notice had no application in registered land 69 and so rejected the possibility that the mortgagee‟s priority could be affected by notice of an adverse right. there was no appeal against that finding, which the court of appeal thought meant that mrs scott was precluded from making the argument that the mortgagees were estopped from enforcing their security if it was established that they had knowledge or notice of the promises made to 65 scott [91]. 66 see quennell v maltby [1979] 1 wlr 318 (mortgage used as a device to avoid rent acts protection); pearce, [1979] clj 257. it should be borne in mind, however, that in midland bank trust co ltd v green [1981] ac 513 the house of lords held that relying on one‟s legal rights to defeat the rights of another does not, in itself, constitute fraud. there would therefore need to be something more than knowledge of an adverse right to constitute fraud. 67 credit agricole corporation and investment bank v papadimitriou [2015] 2 all er 974 [33]. 68 judge behrens [2010] ewhc 2991. 69 judge behrens [64] applying a statement of lord wilberforce in barclays bank v boland [1981] ac 487 at 584. see also the law commission‟s criticism of peffer v rigg [1978] 3 aer 745 law com no. 158 (1987) para 4.15. the denning law journal 195 mrs scott. 70 with respect there is a significant difference between this and knowledge or notice of the impropriety of a transaction. equal priorities is it possible to have equal priorities? the idea that priorities can be equal is a novel concept in land law. judge behrens at first instance thought that this was not possible. in his view “there cannot in law be a „dead heat‟ between two mutually inconsistent and competing interests over a legal estate in land. there must be a priority as between them.” 71 however, a dead heat indeed appears to be the outcome of the conclusion that rights which a purchaser purports to create between contract and completion can only take effect at the moment of completion. the house of lords in cann concluded that this meant that the mortgage had priority, but it has already argued that there is no a priori reason why it should have been given this preference. to explore this further, consider this scenario. if p buys a house with money stolen from b, b can assert a claim to an equitable interest in or charge over the house. this claim cannot take effect prior to completion, because of the rule derived from scott and cann that a purchaser cannot create rights binding an estate prior to completion and also because until that stage none of the money has been invested in the purchase. the equitable interest or charge will arise at the moment of completion. but suppose that the purchase is also supported by money raised on mortgage. the mortgagee‟s claim to the property also arises at the moment of completion. apart from the effect of registering the charge, it is hard to see how the priorities could be anything other than equal. registering the charge, however, makes no difference to priorities, because registering a charge only confers priority over unprotected rights affecting the estate “immediately before the disposition.” 72 it would require a stretch of purposive interpretation to interpret that phrase as describing rights which came into existence only at the same time. in consequence, there would be two rights with equal priority. the same consequence would arise if a dishonest purchaser funds a purchase with money stolen from two or more sources. 73 70 cook [2012] ewca civ 17 [66]. 71 judge behrens [2010] ewhc 2991 [52]. 72 land registration act 2002 s 29. 73 the financial advantage to the fraudster in this situation could arise either through collusion with the vendor or because the purchase is from another entity can i sell my house but continue living in it? 196 priorities involving registrable dispositions there are a number of ways in which potentially equal priorities can be addressed. it is often assumed that where a priority issue arises between interests that require registration as registrable dispositions, the normal order of priority is the order in which they are registered. 74 that order will normally follow the date and time of receipt of the registrable disposition (subject to any priority notice), but where applications are deemed to have been received at the same time 75 the order of priority is as the parties agree, 76 with the land registrar having tie-breaking power. however, “where one transaction is dependent upon another the registrar must assume (unless the contrary appears) that the applicants have specified that the applications will have priority so as to give effect to the sequence of the documents effecting the transactions.” 77 since the creation of a mortgage is dependent upon the grantor having an estate which can be charged, this would appear potentially to be at odds with the ruling in cann and scott, although of course that ruling was based on both purchase and mortgage being mutually interdependent, a situation not envisaged in this clause. priorities involving dispositions which are not both registrable where a question of priorities arises between rights which are not both registrable dispositions, two equitable maxims may be relevant. the first is that where equities are equal, the first in time prevails. that will be of no assistance where the priorities issue arises because the rights arise at the same moment. the second is that where equities are equal, the law prevails. that would confirm the outcome in cann and scott provided that under the control of the fraudster: compare target holdings v redferns [1995] ukhl 10. 74 this is in part because the priority rule in land registration act 2002 s 29 gives registered dispositions priority over earlier unprotected interests. in relation to mortgages the rule used to be that the date of registration (not of creation) governed priority between mortgages (land registration act 1925 s 29). the 2002 act is less explicit, but the land registration act 2002 s 48 and land registration rules 2003 rule 102 in combination have the same effect. 75 under land registration rules 2003 rule 15 this can happen where there is a delay in recording the time of receipt. 76 land registration rules 2003 rule 55. 77 land registration rules 2003 rule 55(7). the denning law journal 197 the equities are, indeed, equal. however, where the equities are not equal, for instance, borrowing lady hale‟s observation, because the parties are not equally innocent, a different outcome would be justified, and the court can give the more innocent party priority. in addition, it should not be overlooked that there can be situations where the courts have to resolve equal priorities. where a trustee has misappropriated and mixed funds from two different sources, for instance where the author of a ponzi scheme has taken investments from a range of different individuals and put them in a common fund, the preferred judicial solution is that the defrauded individuals should share the fund proportionately to their contribution to it. 78 it may be objected that the principle of share and share alike can apply only to financial contributions, and so could have no application to a situation like scott, where mrs scott‟s claim was primarily to a right to live in the house for a discounted rent. 79 however, rights of residence are capable of actuarial valuation, 80 and where the interest claimed arises from an estoppel equity, the courts have long asserted a right to assess appropriate compensation rather than conferring a right in specie. 81 finally, there appears to be no reason in principle why the courts should not be able to use principles of equitable accounting to resolve competing rights having equal priority. they have long done so in unravelling the affairs of co-owners whose relationship has broken down. 82 the impact on the parties mrs scott the decision of the supreme court in scott left mrs scott at risk of losing her home of many years. however, her financial loss may not have been as great as might at first sight appear. she had put her house on the market for £156,000 and, if the promises from nepb on the sale were not enforceable, received just £94,000 for it. that may make it seem that she could have lost as much as £62,000 compared with the open market value 78 see barlow clowes international ltd v vaughan [1992] 4 all er 22. see the discussion in pearce and stevens, trusts and equitable obligations (6 th ed, oup 2015) 978-983. 79 she had also been promised a further payment of £15,000 after ten years. 80 see bracken v byrne [2006] ilrm 91. 81 dodsworth v dodsworth (1973) 228 eg 1115. see the discussion in stevens and pearce (n 4) 734-746. 82 stevens and pearce (n 4) 411-420. can i sell my house but continue living in it? 198 of her house. however, most or all of the houses in goathland avenue were former council houses built at the same time and to a similar specification, and none has ever sold for anything close to the price which mrs scott was asking. according to land registry data, the immediately neighbouring property on one side (number 21) sold for £130,000 in 2009 and the immediate next door property on the other side (number 25) sold for £112,000 in 2014. even the price of £135,000 for which the land registry records mrs scott‟s sale as having taken place in 2005 may have been high 83 unless 23 goathland avenue was a particularly attractive property compared with its neighbours. 84 a better estimate of the extent to which mrs scott personally received less than full open market value is therefore that it was probably less than the £40,000 which nepb had identified as its “cut”. if the property was being sold on the open market subject to mrs scott‟s right to remain at a rent of £250 per month, then this would have reduced the market value of the house subject to her tenancy by around 25% or more, and might not have been enough even to redeem her mortgage. a more cautious person than mrs scott might have realised that the deal was too good to be true. mrs scott knew when she struck her deal with mr foster that she would cease to own her own home. however, she did expect to be able to stay on as a tenant for £250 per month, and that represented a substantial benefit compared with normal market rents, which at usual rates of return on rental properties 85 is likely to have been in the order of £500 to £650 per calendar month. mrs scott gained some benefit from that discounted rent since at least three and a half years elapsed before she was served with the order for possession. that represents a saving of around £11,000 in rent. 83 since nepb was „retaining‟ £40,000 of this price, the real sale price was £95,000. the price may have been inflated in order to enable a higher mortgage loan to be obtained. see the law society description of equity release fraud in its practice note on mortgage fraud para 2.4.1 http://www.lawsociety.org.uk/support-services/advice/practice-notes/mortgagefraud/ accessed june 2015. 84 rightmove data suggests that average house prices in the ne12 area rose by about 10% from 2005 to 2008, with relatively little movement over the period 2006-2014, apart from a modest peak in 2008. see http://www.rightmove.co.uk/house-prices-in-myarea/markettrendstotalpropertiessoldandaverageprice.html?searchlocation=ne 12+8ha&sellerspriceguide=start+search accessed june 2015. 85 typically this is a gross rent of 5% of the property value, although there are significant variations from this average. the denning law journal 199 north east property buyers nepb appears to have set up this kind of arrangement for at least 100 properties, and possibly very considerably more. it might seem that nepb stood to benefit by £40,000 on 23 goathland avenue – the fee that it was claiming for the deal – but its actual “turn” is likely to have been far less than this because the sale price of £135,000 was never paid. ms wilkinson, on nepb‟s behalf, took out a mortgage of £115,000 (£113,000 after fees), which is the only money that nepb ever received on this property. out of this it discharged mrs scott‟s mortgage and paid her £24,000. this left a balance of £19,000 less expenses, plus any rent which mrs scott paid. against this, it incurred mortgage interest charges (which cannot have been paid in full) which would have amounted over three and a half years to about £15,000 to £20,000, exceeding the rent which mrs scott paid, and wiping out a significant proportion of the capital it received. furthermore, if nepb met the terms of its bargain, it would not be able to sell the property with vacant possession while mrs scott or her son wished to live in the house, and it also had a liability to pay her a further £15,000 after ten years. it could only make a profit from this arrangement if it was fraudulent and it did not meet its obligations. southern pacific mortgages ltd southern pacific lent ms wilkinson £115,000. if the property was genuinely worth £135,000 at the time of the mortgage, it had good security for the loan, but there is a strong possibility that the price of the property was inflated in order to enable nepb to obtain a higher loan than would otherwise have been the case. by the time of trial, it is likely that the mortgage debt would have increased greatly in consequence of accumulated arrears of interest and legal fees. southern pacific would therefore be unlikely to repay the debt in full even from a sale of the property with vacant possession. the supreme court did ask the mortgagee to show mercy. lord collins said „i express the hope that the lenders will, before finally enforcing their security, consider whether they are able to mitigate any hardship which may be caused to the vendors.‟ 86 as at june 2015 (eight months after the judgment) there was no indication from publicly available records that 23 goathland avenue had been sold or was actively being marketed for sale. there is therefore a strong possibility that southern pacific have agreed to defer enforcing their 86 scott [94]. can i sell my house but continue living in it? 200 security on terms that mrs scott makes periodical payments towards mortgage interest. what might have happened if there was full disclosure? southern pacific would not have agreed to a mortgage based on full open market value if it knew that it was purchasing a property which was subject to a tenancy at a discounted rent, since this would significantly have depressed the value of the property. they were prepared to lend on a buy to let basis, but the mortgage terms envisaged that ms wilkinson could grant only assured shorthold tenancies with a maximum duration of six months before becoming period tenancies determinable on two months‟ notice. a tenancy of this duration would not have given mrs scott the rights she was expecting. the lease which was actually granted to mrs scott was for a fixed two year term, thereafter determinable by two months notice. even if this had been binding on southern pacific, it would have given mrs scott negligible protection because by the time possession proceedings began the two year fixed term had long expired. mrs scott had, however, been led to believe that she could stay in 23 goathland avenue as long as she wanted. it is not actually possible in law to grant a tenancy which cannot be terminated by the landlord so long as the tenant wishes to remain in possession, since the supreme court has affirmed the rule that leases must have a fixed duration. 87 there are some drafting techniques which can avoid this rule, such as granting a lease for 99 years with a provision allowing notice to be given by the landlord only after mrs scott‟s death, but of course nothing like this was drafted by nepb. 88 it is also possible for an agreement intended to create a tenancy for an uncertain term which cannot be terminated during the lifetime of the tenant to be treated as a lease for life which will be converted automatically by statute into a lease for 90 years determinable on the death of the tenant, 89 but again this was inconsistent with the documentation drafted by nepb. the promise to allow mrs scott to remain in 23 goathland avenue for as long as she wished could be treated as a contractual licence, 90 but this would be enforceable only between mrs scott and nepb, and would not create any interest binding on southern pacific. it therefore seems that, 87 berrisford v mexfield housing co-operative ltd [2011] uksc 52. 88 provision could also be made to allow mrs scott‟s son to succeed to the tenancy. 89 berrisford v mexfield housing co-operative ltd [2011] uksc 52. 90 southward housing co-operative ltd v walker [2015] ewhc 1615 [95]. the denning law journal 201 even if southern pacific had been fully aware of the circumstances, the relatively vague and informal promises to mrs scott would have meant that only an interest arising by proprietary estoppel could have been asserted with any prospect of success. it is unlikely that any lender would want to advance funds knowing that it was bound by promises like those made to mrs scott. since nepb required mortgage funding for its model, it follows that the deal with nepb could not have been executed. absent a white knight, the only option left to mrs scott would have been to reduce substantially the asking price she was seeking for her house, to sell, and to move into rented accommodation for which she would have to pay the full market rent. she might have had a little more capital (depending upon the sale price she was able to obtain), but her overall position would not have been vastly different from that she found herself in as a result of the failure by nepb to honour its promises. conclusion implications for the future lord collins claimed that the kind of arrangement examined in scott was now relatively rare. he explained that sale and leaseback arrangements had become very popular in the early part of the century, but they came within the regulatory authority of the financial services authority in 2009, and by february 2012 the fsa reported that in practice the entire market had shut down. 91 with respect, while it may indeed be true that sale and leaseback arrangements can no longer legitimately be marketed, it does not follow that they are not offered illegitimately by unscrupulous operators. ponzi schemes are illegal, but almost every year a new example comes to light. mrs scott‟s real problem was not that she entered into a sale and leaseback scheme, but that she was induced to sell her home by promises which could never have been honoured, and which were probably never intended to be honoured. she was almost certainly the victim of fraud, and fraud is, regrettably, only too common. lord collins is therefore wrong to dismiss rosemary scott‟s case as an isolated example which is unlikely again to occur. the implications of the case have far wider implications than just for the several score cases which were awaiting the outcome of the supreme court decision. 91 scott [1][2]. can i sell my house but continue living in it? 202 magna carta and the rule of law the primary motivation of the barons when they compelled king john to accede to the great charter was undoubtedly the protection of their own privileges and freedoms. however, magna carta has proved to be the bedrock on which have been laid those great cornerstones of our constitution, the principles of democracy and the rule of law. freedom from the arbitrary or capricious depredations of the crown – an aspect of the rule of law directly traceable to magna carta – has given real substance to the maxim that an englishman‟s home is his castle. what the north east property buyers litigation demonstrates is that this protection is not enough to keep a person secure in their own home. the litigation shows that the defences of the englishman‟s castle are not absolute, and that the castle walls may come tumbling down from attacks from other quarters. the source of that attack may not be obvious. donald rumsfeld famously said: “there are known knowns; there are things we know we know. we also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. but there are also unknown unknowns, the ones we don‟t know we don‟t know.” 92 mrs scott would have known that if she did not pay her mortgage before the deal with nepb, or her rent thereafter, that her home might be repossessed. she probably knew that she did not know how she would be able to finance her own mortgage if she had been unable to find a buyer and the offer from nepb had not been made. but what she almost certainly did not know that she did not know was that the promises which nepb had made were in practice worthless, that it had used a mortgage to finance the transaction, and that if it did not keep up the mortgage payments her home might be repossessed. tenants know that if they do not pay the rent they are likely to lose their home; very few of them will be aware that if their landlord has a mortgage which remains unpaid, they may also face repossession. 92 donald rumsfeld, us secretary of state, on 12 february, 2002, answering a question at a press conference about the evidence showing iraq‟s possession of weapons of mass destruction. the denning law journal 203 the personal impact fraud – which was almost certainly involved in this case – has a shattering upon its victims. few are likely to cry for the mortgage company, which although impacted, has relatively broad shoulders and can amortise the effect of the fraud across other parts of its portfolio. the effect upon the householders who have been deluded by unenforceable promises is much more stark. paula harris, who was the lead solicitor acting for the tenants in the north east property buyers litigation has said of the supreme court decision: “the judgment is a devastating disappointment for the tenants.... the supreme court has made it very clear that the tenants are innocent victims in this matter, but the current law does not give those tenants a right which takes priority over a mortgage company. however, the law commission is currently consulting on reforms which we hope will protect tenants in similar situations in future. sadly, this will not be in time to help those unfortunate, innocent tenants of nepb.” 93 93 see http://www.davidgray.co.uk/2014/10/north-east-property-buyers-litigationthe-supreme-court-gives-judgment/ accessed june 2015. the discretion of the judge the right hon. lord justice bingham* a judge of my acquaintance once told me that when, in the course of trying a case, he encountered any problem of unusual difficulty, it was his practice to glower at counsel in his most forbidding manner and demand "is this not a matter within my discretion?" on counsel agreeing that it was which it seems they readily did he would sink back in his chair with relief, relaxed in the knowledge that no matter what he decided his decision would be immune from successful challenge on appeal. the complaisance of counsel may seem surprising, given the consequence for their clients of a decision being regarded as discretionary. but judges and practitioners have, i think, habitually used the expression "judicial discretion" in a variety of senses, and academic writers have used it in a different sense again. this lack of consensus is also surprising. since at latest 1581, iauthoritative voices on both sides of the atlantic, coke2, mansfield3 and marsha1l4 among them, have urged that the discretionary powers of judges and justices be strictly limited and controlled by the law to avoid the arbitrariness of an unpredictable personal decision. right down to this century, strong language has been used. "to remit the maintenance of constitutional right to the region of judicial discretion", said lord shaw of dunfermline in 1913, "is to shift the foundations of freedom from the rock to the sand."5 or as justice william douglas put it, "absolute discretion, like corruption, marks the beginning of the end of liberty."6 lord simon of glaisdale expressed the traditional view when he said, speaking on the judicial discretion to admit or exclude evidence, "and if it comes to the forensic crunch ... it must be law, not discretion, which is in command."7 • the royal bank of scotland lecture, oxford universiry, printed by arrangement with lord justice bingham, and the royal bank of scotland. i. lambarde, eirenarcha, 58. 2. prohibitions del roy (1607) co. rep. 63, at 64-65. 3. r. v. wilkes (1779) 4 burr. 2527, at p.2539. 4. osborn v. the bank of the united states (1824) 22 u.s. 738, at p.866. 5. scott v. scott [1913] a.c. 417, at p.477. 6. state of new york v. united states (1951) 342 us 822, at p.884. 7.d. v.nspcc [1978] a.c. 171, at p.239 g. 27 the denning law journal any lack of certainty as to what judicial discretion is may also be thought undesirable. for if, as these warnings suggest, judicial discretions are dangerous as capable of leading to arbitrariness, it is as well judges should be quite clear when they are exercising a discretion and when not, and if the exercise of a discretion is a barrier (whether or not surmountable) to an appeal then appellate judges should similarly recognise when the barrier exists and when it does not. i am vividly aware that he who defines invites scholarly refutation, and to attempt the task in this forum may reasonably be thought foolhardy. i shall nonetheless proffer a definition, and briefly defend it. on the assumption that my definition is broadly acceptable, i shall then suggest that the role of judicial discretion is now narrowly confined. i shall further suggest, with appropriate apologies to mr dunning, as he then was, that its role has decreased, is decreasing and need not in general be much further diminished. the dragon of arbitrary discretion has not been slain, but it has been domesticated and put on a short leash. according to my definition, an issue falls within a judge's discretion if, being governed by no rule of law, its resolution depends on the individual judge's assessment (within such boundaries as have been laid down) of what it is fair and just to do in the particular case. he has no discretion in making his findings of fact. he has no discretion in his rulings on the law. but when, having made any necessary finding of fact and any necessary ruling oflaw, he has to choose between different courses of action, orders, penalties or remedies he then exercises a discretion. it is only when he reaches the stage of asking himself what is the fair and just thing to do or order in the instant case that he embarks on the exercise of a discretion. i believe this definition to be broadly consistent with the usage adopted in statutes. there are of course numerous statutes which confer a discretion on the court, describing it as such; many of these relate to the award of costs, the imposition of criminal penalties and the exercise of procedural powers, all of them pre-eminently discretionary fields. to some examples i shall return. but often a discretion is conferred although not so described: " ... may, in accordance with the rules of court, extend any such period to such extent and on such conditions as it thinks fit ... ";8 "may order that such party be at liberty to inspect and take copies of any entries in a banker's book ... ";9 "may ... as it thinks fit", "may ... as the court thinks just"; "may impose such other condition as it thinks fit";lo "on an application under this section the court may make or refuse to make the declaration asked for ... ";11 and so on, almost ad infinitum. a discretion is conferred whichever form of words is used. while my exploration of the statute book is far from comprehensive, i have encountered only two provisions which are inconsistent with my suggested 8. maritime conventions act 1911, s.8. 9. bankers' books evidence act 1879, s.7. 10. housing act 1988, s.9(1)(2)(3). ii. local government finance act 1982, s.19. 28 the discretion of the judge definition. the first is in section 2 of fox's libel act 1792 which provides "that, on every such trial, the court or judge before whom such indictment or information shall be tried, shall, according to their or his discretion, give their or his opinion and directions to the jury on the matter in issue between the king and the defendant or defendants, in like manner as in other criminal cases." i would have to admit that the direction which a judge gives to a criminal jury on the law is not now a matter of discretion within my definition. but the next section uses the term in my sense: it provides that nothing shall "prevent the jury from finding a special verdict, in their discretion, as in other criminal cases." the second exception occurs in section 25 of the children and young persons act 1933, the product of an age happily innocent of teenage pop-stars and tennis prodigies. it forbids anyone having the custody of a person under 18 to cause or permit such person to go abroad for the purpose of singing, playing, performing or being exhibited for profit without a licence from a police magistrate. the magistrate may vary or revoke such a licence "for any cause which he, in his discretion, considers sufficient."12 now i would have no quarrel if the magistrate were given power in his discretion to vary or revoke for sufficient cause, and that may be what the sub-section means, but i could not accept that a cause could be sufficient simply because the magistrate considered it so. the sub-section may, however, only be intended to provide that the police magistrate's judgment on sufficiency should be final, not an unusual provision when decisions are entrusted to administrators. these exceptions may scratch the paintwork of my definition; they do not, i think, hole it below the water-line. it might be thought unnecessary to stress that the judge has no discretion in making findings of fact. but judges do sometimes describe fact-finding as discretionary. that learned and accurate judge, the late sir brian mac kenna (who resembled gibbon in nothing save his account of what he owed the university of oxford), referred to "the judge's other great discretionary power, that of finding the facts when he tries a case alone." 13lord brightman referred to the existence or non-existence of a fact as being left to the judgment and discretion of a public body.l4 justice barak of the israel supreme court has written "the first area of judicial discretion deals with deciding the facts."15 now it is one thing to say that the responsibility of finding the facts is entrusted to a particular person or body, be he judge, arbitrator, official or public authority, and that such finding is to be treated as conclusive or virtually so. but it is quite another to describe that function as discretionary. it is, i suggest, nothing ofthe kind. in finding the facts the judge's job is to consider all the conflicting evidence this way and that and decide as best he can where the truth lies. it is very much the task performed, for instance, by the historian or the journalist as part of his stock in trade. the judge is 12. s. 25 (5)(a). 13. "discretion", the irish jun'st , vol. ix (new series) i, at p.9. 14. r. v. hi/lingdon london borough council, ex p. pulhofer [1986] a.c. 484, at p.518. 15.judicial discretion (1989), at p.l3. 29 the denning law journal of course constricted by formalities and rules of evidence which do not afflict them. on the other hand, he has powers of compelling testimony which they would envy. it is nonetheless essentially the same function. yet to say of a historian or a journalist that he exercised a discretion in reaching conclusions of fact would, i suggest, be regarded as libellous. the judge must exercise judgment, not discretion, in finding the facts, and it is usually the most difficult and often the most exacting task which the civil trial judge has to undertake. it calls for a degree of rigour which is disguised by references to choosing between competing accounts of a disputed event or preferring the evidence of one witness to that of another, and to speak of discretion in this context is to open the door to potentially dangerous habits of thought. it can lead to such absurdities as assessing expert evidence on the demeanour of the expert or such errors as finding a fact to be established because it has been denied by a witness held to be unreliable. it can encourage excessive reliance on the judge's hunch and intuition, neither of them an invariably safe basis for decision. 16the judge must decide, in as objective a manner as the materials permit, which version of a disputed event (if either) he accepts as the more convincing; once he has done so he has no choice, whether that conclusion makes the overall resolution of the case more difficult or less so. when reference is made to the trial judge's discretion to decide the facts, what is really meant is that appellate courts will usually be reluctant to interfere with his findings because he, having seen and heard the witnesses, is in a better position to decide whose evidence is reliable than anyone else. in cases turning largely on oral evidence, this is doubtless very often true: the trial judge's immediate contact with the witnesses and the unfolding drama of litigation gives him insights denied to those who come later. it is the advantage which the journalist on the scene at the time enjoys over the historian. and even if the judge may be wrong, no one else can be sure of being right. but it is well, even in this class of case, to preserve a measure of scepticism. as lord wilberforce has recently observed: "english judges entertain the belief that they can tell if a man or even a woman is speaking the truth. this is a palladium: and it has comforting consequences: 'the judge saw the witness in the box observed his demeanour'. 'he was disbelieved by the judge or the jury'. 'we (the appeal court) cannot interfere'. but there is not much scientific basis for this. such studies, as i know of, show that liars are believed as often as truth-tellers are disbelieved. and one can test it with multiple tribunals e.g. arbitrations, whether all british or from different nations. i can give several instances where exactly opposite views as to credibility were confidently given by members of such tribunals a fact which encourages people to avoid oral evidence before them. indeed, one often finds foreign arbitrators irritated with the english style of examination and cross-examination it is not a good way of getting at the truth or persuading the tribunal."17 16. and seecurrem legal problems (1985) 1, at p.7. 17. 5 arbitration imernational (1989), at p.349. 30 the discretion of the judge further, the very implediacy of the trial judge's impressions can sometimes cloud his judgment. there are, i thjnk, more cases than is generally acknowledged, particularly those largely dependent on documentary or expert evidence, in which the insights of the trial judge are less reliable than the more detached reflection of an appellate court as those of the journalist sometimes are than those of the historian. i fear i have digressed, but i would wish firmly to exclude the notion of discretion from the very important area of factual decision. in boldly asserting that a judge does not exercise discretion in giving his rulings on the law i have, i appreciate, side-stepped a very high level philosophical debate conducted by professors hart, dworkin, maccormick, raz and others. 18 i fear that my offering on the sergeant directed to take his five most experienced men on patrol would be of small value anyway, but it is plain that decisions on the law fall well outside my definition of judicial discretion. this is not in any way to criticise the usage of others; the english language is a rich pasture open to all. but on this point at least i think i can rely on the invariable usage of the practising profession in this country. it is a distinction regularly drawn when leave is sought to appeal against an interlocutory decision, the judge's usual practice being to grant leave if he has decided a question of law and to refuse it if he conceives himself to have exercised a discretion. there may well be uncertainty where discretion begins and ends but there is unanimity that it falls short of legal rulings. i would, however, offer one observation prompted by the philosophical debate. there are occasions when judges think that they are required to elect between different legal solutions and, in effect, create new law. usually, even in cases that turn on the law, the question is whether the given case falls within an established principle or which of two established principles governs it. but there are occasions when existing lines of authority fall short of the given case and the question is whether they should be extended to cover it. donoghue v. stevenson19 is perhaps the most obvious example; hence, no doubt, the divergence of opinion in that case. there are other, rarer, occasions when a problem seems to occur in an authoritative desert, where the usual aids principle, precedent, dicta and the opinions of learned authors are virtually absent. the judge cannot then simply extend the line on an existing graph of authority because there is none. it is surely true that when judges buttress their conclusions with references to public policy, commercial good sense, certainty, good industrial relations and so on it is because they are conscious of making a choice and are, quite properly, concerned to justify the choice that they have made. the role of discretion in the balancing exercises which the courts are, it seems increasingly, invited to carry out is not altogether easy to determine. for instance, in balancing the public interest in withholding official documents against the public interest in the administration of justice,2° or in weighing the competing 18. see,e.g. , h. l.a. hart, the concept of law (1961); r. dworkin, taking rights sen'ously (1977); n. maccormick,legal reasoning and legal theory (1978); j. raz, the authority of law (1979); a. barak, judicial discretion (1989). 19. [1932] a.c. 562. 20. conway v. rimmer [1968] a.c. 910, at p.952 a. 31 the denning law journal public interests in disclosure and non-disclosure,21 or for and against publication22 or in the maintenance of confidence against disclosure,23 or between maintaining professional confidences and protecting the public against possible violence,24 is the judge exercising a discretion and if so to what extent? some would, i think, regard this exercise as largely if not wholly discretionary.25 but i do not think the factors to be put into the scales are the subject matter of discretion. they are matters established, or held to be established, by evidence, or more rarely matters of which judicial notice may be taken. discretion has nothing to do with that, as i have already suggested. in the english spycatcher26 litigation, for instance, detailed evidence was adduced to show why publication would damage national security; the trial judge discounted most of this, but in doing so he was not, at least in my terms, exercising a discretion. in assessing the weight to be given to various factors for and against any decision, much must of course turn on the judgment of the individual assessor, and for this reason an appeal court will be slow to interfere with a value judgment on which reasonable minds could differ. strictly, however, i think it is probably only at the last stage of striking a balance and granting or refusing relief that one moves into the realm of pure discretion. for this view, i hope i may enlist the aid of lord diplock. in birkett v. james,27 speaking of interlocutory decisions, he said: "they are decisions which involve balancing against one another a variety of relevant considerations upon which opinions of individual judges may reasonably differ as to their relative weight in a particular case. that is why they are said to involve the exercise by the judge of his 'discretion' ... when leave is granted, an appellate court ought not to substitute its own 'discretion' for that of the judge merely because its members would themselves have regarded the balance as tipped against the way in which he had decided the matter . . ." that may sound like somewhat doubtful aid. but on both occasions when lord diplock, a stickler for accurate usage, spoke of discretion in that passage he put the expression in inverted commas, to indicate, as i infer, that he was not referring to an exercise of discretion properly so called. the role of judicial discretion today is, i suggest, subject to one exception, fairly narrowly confined. for that proposition i summon up the weighty support of sir wilfred greene mr: 21.d. v.nspcc[1978] a.c.171,atp.219c. 22. british steel corporation ltd. v. granada television ltd. [1981] a.c. 1096, at p.1202 c. 23. a.g. v. guardian newspapers (no.2) [1990] a.c. 109, at p.282. 24. w. v. egdell [1990] 2 w.l.r. 471, at p.491 a. 25. e.g., barak,judicial discretion (1989), at p.68. 26. a.g. v. guardian newspapers (no 2)[ 1990] a.c. 109. 27. [1978] a.c. 297, p.317 d. 32 the discretion of the judge "in all discretionary remedies it is well known and settled that in certain circumstances i will not say in all of them, but in a great many of them the court, although nominally it has a discretion, if it is to act according to the ordinary principles upon which judicial discretion is exercised, must exercise that discretion in a particular way, and if a judge at a trial refuses to do so, then the court of appeal will set the matter right."28 that was said 50 years ago, but it is even truer today, as can (i think) be demonstrated by reference to the areas in which discretion is most obviously exercised. i start with the award of costs. a series of statutes entrusts this to the discretion of the court or arbitrator.29 notably, section 51 of the supreme court act 1981 provides that costs shall be in the discretion of the court which "shall have full power to determine by whom and to what extent the costs are to be paid." so special is this discretion that rights of appeal are specifically restricted,30 and its width has been recently emphasised by the house of lords.31 it is nevertheless universally recognised as the primary principle governing courts and arbitrators in the exercise of their discretion that costs should follow the event32 and to depart from that rule without showing sufficient reason is to raise a rebuttable presumption of error. 33it is of course necessary to identify the event, which in a tangle of claims and cross-claims may not be straightforward, but a party's entitlement to receive costs or responsibility to pay them is first to be judged by reference to his success or failure in the litigation.34 this primary principle may not be applied in its full rigour, for example where a party's conduct in the litigation35 justifies a departure or where the successful party recovers less than had earlier been offered or paid into court,36 but a well-established body of authority37 shows that a judge is by no means free to indulge his personal whims or prejudices when awarding costs. the reality is revealed by the traditional exchange between the court and counsel for the unsuccessful party when the victor asks for costs. "you can't resist that, can you, mr x?" to which the answer, much more often than not, is "no" although, at least in the court of appeal, he usually adds "but i have an application to make." a discretion exists, but within a compass which is well understood and has, i think, shrunk over the years. the field sir wilfred greene had in mind in the passage quoted was that of 28. r. v. stafford justices [1940] 2 k.b. 33, at p.43. 29. e.g., arbitration act 1950, s.18; magistrates courts act 1980, s.64; highways act 1980, s.209; county courts act 1984, s.45; agricultural holdings act 1986, sched. ii, para 23. 30. supreme court act 1981, s.18(1)(i). 31. aiden shipping co. ltd. v. interbulk ltd. [1986] a.c. 965, at pp.975, 979 d. 32. the erich scroeder [1984] i lloyd's rep. 192, at p.194. 33. tramountana armadora sa v. atlantic shipping co. sa [1978] i lloyd's rep. 391, at p.394. 34. archital luxfer ltd. v. henry boot construction ltd. [1981] i lloyd's rep. 642, at p.650. 35. ibid., at p.650; video box office ltd. v. gst holdings ltd., [1990] the independent, 27 april. 36. the los i [1987] i lloyd's rep. 321. 37. see supreme court practice (1988) voll, 6212/l0et seq. 33 the denning law journal remedies, and it is elementary that equitable remedies are discretionary and not a matter of right. but over a century has now passed since lord blackburn said:38 "the jurisdiction of the court of equity to enforce the specific performance, or to grant an injunction to prevent the breach of a covenant, is no doubt a discretionary jurisdiction, but i perfectly agree with the view expressed by your lordships that the discretion is not one to be exercised according to the fancy of whoever is to exercise the jurisdiction of equity, but is a discretion to be exercised according to the rules which have been established by a long series of decisions, and which are now settled to be the proper guide to judges in courts of equity." even earlier lord kingsdown had said:39 "the rule i take to be clearly this: if a plaintiff applies for an injunction to restrain a violation of a common law right, if either the existence of the right or the fact of its violation be disputed, he must establish the right at law; but when he has established his right at law, i apprehend that unless there be something special in the case, he is entitled as of course to an injunction to prevent the recurrence of that violation." the circumstances which may deprive a plaintiff of his remedy are well established: there is no likelihood of repetition; damages will be an adequate remedy; the plaintiff has acquiesced in the defendant's conduct; the plaintifps conduct has disentitled him from seeking relief; and so on. whether these impediments exist may involve an exercise of judgment, or findings of fact which an appeal court may be slow to disturb, but will not involve an exercise of discretion. if they do not exist, whether the remedy be injunction or any other equitable remedy, there is virtually no ground for refusing relief. if they do, an exercise of discretion will be called for but usually within a strictly confined area and it will be readily reviewable. the recently developed field of mareva injunctions illustrates the point very clearly: the conditions for granting such an injunction have been clearly laid down;40 where the affidavit evidence shows the conditions to be met, the judge is almost bound to grant relief. many a judge, instinctively reluctant to grant this draconian relief, has in practice found it almost impossible on a reasonably well-prepared application to find grounds for refusing to do so. at this point the well-informed schoolboy would doubtless interject that remedies in public law at least must be truly discretionary, because the judges are 38. doherry v.allman (1878) 3 app. cas. 709, at p.728. 39. imperial gas light & coke co. v. broadbent (1859) 7 h.l.e. 600, at p.612. see also fullwood v. fullwood (1878) ch. d. 176, at p.179. 40. see gee, mareva injunctions & anton piller relief, 2nd ed. (1990), at pp.10-11. 34 the discretion of the judge always saying so. he would be right. they are. and the judges are right too. it is therefore possible, as professor wade says,41"that the court may find some act to be unlawful but nevertheless decline to intervene." but there is a wide gap between the rhetoric and the reality. the constraints of time and the limitations of my own research do not enable me to discuss the subject in detail or pronounce with authority. i have, however, a very strong hunch that in the decade since the crown office list became a boom town there would turn out to be no more than a handful of cases in which excess or abuse of power had been established but a remedy refused. in these few cases, the reason for the refusal of relief would (i suspect) usually turn out to be that the applicant had disentitled himself to relief by his own conduct, that the illegality was of a technical nature,42 that delay in application had made relieffutile or impracticable, or that the public authority was willing to give effect to the decision without the formality of an order against it. the much trumpeted principle that an applicant for judicial review must first exhaust his other remedies43does not seem often in practice to have led to a denial of relief. in the procedural field at least one might expect the judge, as master of proceedings in his court, to exercise an almost unfettered discretion. many statutes and rules of court confer apparently wide discretions, but each is quickly confined between banks of practice and authority. the court may extend the validity of a writ, says the rule;44but only for good reason say the cases,45which also give guidance on what may and may not be a good reason.46 if certain conditions are satisfied, the court may order the plaintiff to give such security for the defendant's costs as it thinks just if having regard to all the circumstances of the case it thinks it just to do so;47but the principles on which the discretion is exercised are in general so well understood that contests save as to amount are relatively unusual. 48the court may stay an action on grounds of forum non conveniens, but authoritative guidance on the exercise of the discretion is now found in the spiliada.49 if certain conditions are satisfied, the court may if it thinks fit make an order for interim payment of such amount as it thinks just;50but experience shows the mortality rate among such orders to be high.51the court may, if of opinion that in the circumstances of the case undue hardship would otherwise be caused, and on such terms if any as the justice of the case may require, 41. wade, administrative law 6th ed. (1988), p.709. 42. e.g., r. v. governors of bacon's school, ex p. ilea [1990] the independent, 29th march. 43. wade, supra n. 41, at p.714. 44. rsc o. 6 r. 8(2). 45. in panicular,kleinwort benson ltd. v.barorak ltd. [1987] a.c. 597. 46. see generally, supreme coun practice 1988, 6th cum. supp., p.9, para. 6/8/3. 47. rsc o. 23 r. 1(1). 48. the advent of the european community has, however, raised new questions: porzelack kg v. porzelack (uk) ltd. [1987] i w.l.r. 420; de bry v. fitzgerald [1990] i all e.r. 560. 49. [1987] a.c. 460. 50. rsc o. 29 r. ii, 12. 51. see, e.g. ,british & commonwealth holdings p.l.c. v. quadrex holdings inc. [1989] q.b. 842. 35 the denning law journal extend the time for commencing arbitration proceedings;52 but the judge called upon to exercise this jurisdiction is well advised to have regard to the guidance given by mr justice brandon in the jocelyne53 which earned the approval of lord justice brandon in the aspen trader.54 perhaps no clearer example of how practice develops can be found than in section 69 of the supreme court act 1981 which requires certain specified causes of action to be tried by a jury and provides that any other action shall be tried without a jury "unless the court in its discretion orders it to be tried with a jury." here, one might think, was a generously framed discretion, capable of being exercised in favour of jury trial for a difficult personal injury case. so, it would seem, the master and the judge thought in ward v. james,55 decided under the section's predecessor. yet, said lord denning mr:56 "it is of the first importance that some guidance should be given else you would find one judge ordering a jury, the next refusing it, and no one would know where he stood. it might make all the difference to the ultimate result of the case. this would give rise to much dissatisfaction. it is an essential attribute of justice in a community that similar decisions should be given in similar cases, and this applies as much to mode of trial as anything else. the only way of achieving this is for the courts to set out the considerations which should guide the judges in the normal exercise of their discretion. and that is what has been done in scores of cases where a discretion has been entrusted to the judges." so guidance was given, and jury trials save in the specified cases have vanished from the civil scene, it would seem likely for ever.57 recent experience prompts me to mention an example, drawn from quite a different field, of an apparently wide discretion legislated almost out of existence by judicial decision and finally overtaken by statute itself. section 30 of the law of property act 1925 permits the trustee in bankruptcy of a bankrupt husband to apply to the court for an order that property owned jointly by husband and wife be sold, and the court may make such order as it thinks fit. this again would have seemed to give the court a very wide discretion to do what seemed right to reflect the respective interests of the creditors on the one hand and the wife and children on the other. but a long line of cases held that the trustee was ordinarily entitled to an order for sale in the absence of "very special circumstances" or "good reas'ons" 52. arbitration act 1950, s. 27. 53. [1977] 2 lloyd's rep. 121. 54. [1981] i lloyd's rep. 273. 55. [1966] i q.b. 273. 56. ibid , at p.293. 57. my own personal impression is confirmed by the experience of master warren qc, the senior master of the queen's bench division, who knows of no such case since ward v.james except hodges v. harland & wolff lrd. [1965] i all e.r. 1086, decided some 3 weeks later. and see, most recently singh v. london underground lrd. [1990] the independenr, 25th april. 36 the discretion of the judge or "a substantial case of hardship" or, finally, "exceptional circumstances". 58and now the opportunity to question whether a test of exceptional circumstances does not unreasonably constrict the language of the act has passed, for it has been woven into the 1986 insolvency act.59 i suppose most of us would today regard the criminal trial as the real sanctuary of judicial discretion. this has a large measure of truth, although even an experienced criminal judge, on reading rosemary pattenden's book the judge, discretion and the criminal trial, would (i think) be surprised at the wealth of his (or her) endowment.6o the reason is not far to seek: during the trial the court's management decisions are to a large extent immune from challenge; and once the trial is over, all but the most obviously wrong exercises of discretion tend to be superseded by the verdict of the jury. pattenden, however, observes61 that over the course of this century the attitude of the courts has changed and the court's reluctance to interfere with an exercise of discretion has waned. a glance at the more recent case law quite apart from the recent decision concerning the irish conspirators to murder mr tom king bears her out. 62thus over the last few months alone the court has interfered with discretionary decisions to allow committal proceedings to continue,63 not to stop a case going to the jury,64 not to discharge a jury,65 to accede to a jury's request to be supplied with scales,66 to interrupt excessively,67 not to direct the jury that previous convictions for dishonesty were relevant only to credibility68 and, on many occasions, to admit admissible but prejudicial evidence. one recalls that twenty years ago the court of appeal (criminal division) declined to interfere when a chairman of quarter sessions had on repeated occasions during a defendant's case observed in a loud voice "oh, god", and then laid his head across his arm and made groaning and sighing noises. counsel had not, the court held, been positively and actively obstructed in the doing of his work and the chairman's conduct, if it might be regarded as discourteous and as showing signs of impatience, disparaged only the defendant's counsel, not his case.69 i do not think this decision was found convincing even at the time, at any rate by advocates with personal experience of the chairman in question, but i am quite confident that the judge's discretion to conduct a criminal trial as he wishes would today be much more rigorously scrutinised. 58. re holliday [1981] ch 405, at pp.419 g, 420 b, e 415 f, 424 c, 425 h;relowrie [1981] 3 all e.r. 353, at p .355 j. 59. s. 356 (5). 60. op. cit., appendix, at p. i83. 61. op. cit., at pp.21, 22. 62. r. v. cullen and others [1990] the independent, 1 may. 63. r. v. sunderland magistrates court, ex p. z. [1989] crim.l.r. 56. 64.r. v.morley [1989] crim.l.r. 566. 65. r. v.jaquith, emode [1989] crim.l.r. 563. 66. r. v. stewart sapplelon [1989] crim.l.r. 653. 67.r. v.renshaw[1989]crim.l.r. 811. 68. r. v. prince [1990] crim.l.r. 49. 69.r. v.hircock, farmer, leggett [1970] 1 q.b. 67. 37 the denning law journal the accelerating tendency towards a narrowing of discretion is nowhere better illustrated than in the field of sentencing. as long ago as 1361 justices of the peace were empowered to punish offenders "according to that which to them shall seem best to do by their discretions and good advisement", 70and in later centuries the sentencing discretion was often described in statutes as such.71 interestingly, in view of the new (and to my mind obnoxious) american practice of prescribing maximum and minimum penalties within a very narrow band, one may note that the slave trade act 1824 imposed as the penalty for dealing in slaves, transportation for a term not exceeding 14 years or hard labour for a term not exceeding 5 years nor less than 3 years at the discretion of the court. the practice of prescribing minimum sentences did not, happily, catch on. it does, however, seem almost incredible, looking back, that there should for so many centuries have been no effective judicial means of challenging the exercise of the sentencing discretion on the ground that a penalty, though lawful, was excessive. the first statutory step towards controlling the discretion of course came with the establishment of the court of criminal appeal in 1907, which could substitute such sentence as it thought should have been passed at the trial (whether more or less severe).72 but the court got off to a slow start: such was the respect felt for the sentencer's discretion that in 1908, when the act was in operation for nine months, only 14 sentences were reduced73 roughly the tally today on an average week-day morning. it might be objected that giving a right of appeal against sentence was merely to substitute the discretion of three judges for that of one, but any appellate court is in particular constrained to build up a body of precedent and seek to achieve a reasonable level of consistency, so that the clear result was progressively to narrow the sentencer's discretion. but i think it is really only in relatively recent times that the judge's discretion in passing sentence has been subjected to the degree of discipline familiar in other fields. to this a number of causes have contributed. one, without doubt, has been the entry into the field of distinguished academic analysts, particularly dr david thomas, but also others. linked with that is the systematic reporting of decisions on sentence. another cause is the work of the criminal division itself. when, twenty years ago, widgery lj spoke of the well-known duty of the criminal division "to lay down principles and guidelines to assist sentencers of all grades in the application of the discretion which the imposition of sentence requires", 74he was speaking no less than the truth. but it is over the last decade that, for the first time, a serious attempt has been made to provide detailed guidance on sentencing in a systematic, rational and explicit way. 70. justices of the peace act 1361. 71. e.g., offences against the person act 1861; foreign enlistment act 1870. 72. the criminal appeal act 1907, s.4(3). 73. holdsworth, history of english law, vol. i, at p.218. 74. r. v. newsome and browne (1970) 54 cr. app. rep. 485, at p.490. 38 the discretion of the judge one thinks of the landmark decisions in such fi~lds as rape,75 the importation of drugs,76 theft in breach of trust, 77serious disorder,78 killing by dangerous driving,79 and others. for years it was customary to challenge sentences as being wrong in principle but it was often far from easy to identify any principle. the introduction of principle into this field will, i think, be seen as the enduring and in many ways personal achievement of the present lord chief justice. this is a development to be whole-heartedly welcomed. without explicit guidelines there can be no informed public debate on sentencing practice, and the appropriate punishment of offenders against society is a proper matter for consideration by society (if for purposes of argument one assumes there to be such a thing). such consideration is no more an encroachment on the judges' independence than the prescription of maximum penalties by statute, which has always of course been accepted. it is absurd to suppose that the judges could properly have a sentencing policy of their own independently of the society of which they form part. another cause contributing to the narrowing of discretion has been vocal public dissatisfaction with a sentencing -regime which has been frequently portrayed, on occasion fairly, as arbitrary, even whimsical, and inadequately controlled. this dissatisfaction has not in the main arisen from sentences seen as unduly severe, which have after all been amenable to review on appeal, and the cases show that the criminal division has been willing (often to the fury of sentencers) to make quite minor adjustments of sentence when it felt that justice required them. the real clamour has concerned sentences seen as unduly lenient and the new power to refer such sentences to the court80 must be understood both as a response to that body of opinion and as a guarantee of the judicial guidelines. the upshot of all these developments is certainly not that the sentencer has lost his discretion. he has not. the guideline cases are only guidelines. the facts of two cases and the personal circumstances of two defendants are never the same. the primary responsibility of passing the appropriate sentence remains with the sentencer, whose decision in the vast majority of cases is never the subject of appeal. but i think it is undoubtedly true that this discretion has become _ much more judicial in the sense that it is exercised in a much more structured framework and is subject to much narrower constraints and is much more readily reviewable than it ever used to be. in a quite different corner of the criminal field, i think we have a golden opportunity to observe the organic development of a somewhat novel discretion in something approaching laboratory conditions. the criminal judge has long enjoyed a discretion to exclude evidence of which the prejudicial effect is thought likely to outweigh the probative value. but the police and criminal evidence act 1984 moved the goalposts: it provided for the issuing of codes governing such 75. r. v. bil/am (1986) cr. app. r.(s) 48. 76. r. v.aramah (1982) 4 cr. app. r.(s)'407;r. v. martinez (1984) 6 cr. app. r.(s) 364. 77.r. v.barrick (1985) 81 cr. app. r. 78. 78. r. v. keys (1986) 8 cr. app. r. (s) 444. 79. r. v.boswell (1984) 6 cr. app. r. (s) 257. 80. criminal justice act 1988, s. 36(1). 39 the denning law journal matters as the questioning of suspects,81 provided that the codes should be taken into account in determining any question in proceedings to which they were relevant,82 gave suspects a right under section 58 (albeit qualified) to take legal advice and (relevant for present purposes) conferred a discretion on the court under section 78(1) to "refuse to allow evidence on which the prosecution proposes to rely to be given if it appears to the court that, having regard to all the circumstances, including the circumstances in which the evidence was obtained, the admission of the evidence would have such an adverse effect on the fairness of the proceedings that the court ought not to admit it." how was this discretion to be exercised? as was observed in a recent case, with some degree of under-statement, "when the act came into force the effect which the courts would give to this section was in doubt."83 one view, although not so crudely put, was that the proceedings did not become unfair if evidence was admitted which led to the conviction of a guilty defendant, whether or not a breach of the non-binding codes had occurred. this was not much different from the approach previously taken to breaches of the judges' rules. the other view was that since parliament had intended a defendant to enjoy certain safeguards the proceedings became unfair if he was denied them and was convicted as a result. plainly the risk existed that different judges would adopt highly divergent practices, with the unacceptable consequence that a decision of possibly crucial importance to the criminal defendant would turn on the predilections of the individual decision-maker. one could not, i think, claim that any wholly coherent approach to this very wide discretion has yet been formulated, but if one looks at the cases where section 58 or the codes have been breached and reliance is placed on section 78, in the relatively very short period since the 1st january 1986 when the section came into force, the elements of such an approach may perhaps be discerned. it has been repeatedly stated that a breach of section 58 or the codes does not of itself require evidence of a confession to be excluded,84 but there has nevertheless been a growing and possibly even exaggerated tendency to exclude. in the cases where evidence has been held to be rightly admitted, despite breaches, the reason has been given that the defendant was well aware of his rights and access to a solicitor would not have improved his position85 or more generally that in all the circumstances of the particular case the breaches did not affect the fairness of the proceedings. 86but in most of the cases where breaches have been established evidence has been excluded or it has been held that it should have been. the right to legal advice has been described as fundamental. 87 in a case where there had been wholesale 81. s. 66. 82. s. 67(1 i). 83. r. v. keenan (1989) 90 cr. app. r. i, at p.6. 84.r. v.keenan (1990) 90 cr. app. r. 1, at p.12;r. v. walsh {1989] crim.l.r. 822, at p.823;r. v. matthews {199o] crim.l.r. 190. 85. r. v. alladice (1988) 87 cr. app. r. 380;r. v.dunford {1990] thelndependent, 30th march. 86. r. v. waters {1989] crim.l.r. 62;r. v. mauhews [1990] crim.l.r. 190. 87. r. v. samuel [1988] q.b. 615, at p.630;r. v. beycan [1990] crim.l.r. 185, at p.186. 40 the discretion of the judge breaches it was said that to admit the evidence would be to condone flouting of the provisions designed to protect against confessions which were not genuine. 88 but it is now clear that in the ordinary way evidence will only be excluded if the breaches are significant and substantialb9 and the crucial consideration has usually been whether, because of the breaches, the defendant gave answers he might not have given90 or has otherwise been prejudiced in resisting the charge.91 it may be that the pendulum has swung too far towards exclusion upon breaches being shown, without adequate consideration of the effect on the fairness of the proceedings which the act requires.92 my point, however, is that within about five years of the act coming into force one sees a discretion drawn in very wide terms being defined and regulated so that the lines upon which judges should exercise it are likely quite soon to become clear and well-understood. while prediction is hazardous, the general shape of the rule seems likely to be that the judge should ordinarily exclude prosecution evidence if there have been significant and substantial breaches of section 58 or the codes and the defendant has as a result given damaging answers which he would not otherwise have given or has been substantially prejudiced in resisting the charge. if this were the broad shape of the rule, difficult borderline cases would no doubt arise, but in the great mass of cases it would be obvious to judges and practitioners how the discretion should and would be exercised. one would also expect that as the consequences of failure to comply with these highly detailed provisions were increasingly borne in upon police forces, the incidence of significant and substantial breaches would sharply decline. perhaps the last real stronghold of almost unreviewable discretion is where the care and custody of children are concerned. this is not because demonstrable errors in the judge's balancing exercise in this field will not be corrected: authority shows that they can and should.93 it is because, first and most importantly, the evidence is likely to be entirely oral and the issue is likely to turn on the judge's assessment of the personal qualities and motives of the competing parents and other members of the extended family whose capacity as carers is in question. in the absence of some striking mis-judgment it will be almost impossible to show that his conclusion is wrong. and the judge's discretionary decision enjoys a rare inviolability, secondly, because there is in this field usually no satisfactory solution and it is thus impossible for an appellate court to be confident that its view of the less unsatisfactory solution, if different from that of the judge, is superior.94 the 88. r. v.ismail [1990] crim.l.r. 109, at p.1i0. 89.r. v.absolam [1989] cr. app. r. 232, at p.337;r. v.keenan (1990) 90 cr. app. r. i. at p.13;r. v . . mauhews [1990] crim.l.r. 10, at p.191. 90. r. v. samuel [1988] q.b. 615, at p.630;r. v. absolam (1989) 88 cr. app. r. 332, at p.337;r. v. delaney (1989) 88 cr. app. r. 338;r. v.quayson [1989] crim.l.r. 218;r. v. walsh [1989] crim.l.r. 822;r. v.beycan [1990] crim.l.r. 190. 91.r. v.parris (1989) 89 cr. app. r. 68;r. v.keenan (1990) 90 cr. app. r. i;r. v.fennelley [1989] crim.l.r. 142;r. v.britton [1989] crim.l.r. 144;r. v.ladlow [1989] crim.l.r. 219. 92. r. v. williams [1989] crim.l.r. 66;r. v. fogah [1989] crim.l.r. 141. 93. re f (a minor) (wardship: appeal) [1976] fam. 238; g. v. g. [1985] 2 all e.r. 225. 94. clarke-hunt v. newcombe (1982) 4 f.l.r. 482, at p.488; g. v. g., supra n. 93, at p.228 b. 41 the denning law journal result is, that since the house of lords endorsed this general approach in g v. g,95 challenges by the aggrieved parent to the trial judge's exercise of discretion have almost always failed. it is not perhaps very happy that an unfettered right of appeal should be effectively abrogated by judicial decision, nor that, in a field where judicial decisions have a unique capacity to cause lasting misery, the trial judge's decision should be effectively final. on the other hand, it would be very hard indeed to suggest any guideline to govern the exercise of this discretion which was not either so obvious or so heavily qualified as to be futile. it would seem that in this limited field, for better or worse, reliance must be placed on the trial judge to show the wisdom, sensitivity and insight of solomon, although lacking the latter's extra-judicial powers. may i, in conclusion, touch much too briefly on the important issues raised by professor atiyah and professor treitel in their inaugural lectures respectively twelve and ten years ago?96 atiyah, it will be recalled, drew attention to the movement over the last century from clear, sharp-edged principles beloved of our victorian forbears to judgmental discretionary rules thought to be better fitted for dispensing individualised ad hoc justice case by case. treitel considered this development further with particular reference to the law of contract, showing how certain old rules had been diversified and qualified to cater for hard cases, but suggesting that in the contractual field discretions had not, on the whole, up to then operated so as to create an unacceptable degree of uncertainty. now certain of the instances discussed by the professors are certainly discretions within my suggested meaning: for example, the rules relating to matrimonial property97 or the provision in section 49(2) of the law of property act 1925 enabling the court to order the return of a deposit paid under a contract for the sale ofland. 98but other instances, although posing judgmental tests, do not involve the exercise of any discretion in my sense: for example, the pervading test of reasonableness in the law oftort,99 the closest connection test in determining the proper law of a contract, i the test of merchantability now contained in section 14(6) of the sale of goods act 1979,2 any test based on the intention of the parties,3 the new test of common law duress,4 or departure from the rule that damages for breach of contract are invariably to be assessed by reference to the time of breach. 5 none of these permits the judge to apply a simple rule of thumb test. most require evidence followed by an exercise of judgment, the correctness of which may give rise to differences of 95. supra, n. 93. 96. p.s. atiyah,from principlestopragmarism, 17th feb. 1978;g.h. treitel,docrrine and discrerion in rhe law of con/racr, 7th march 1980. 97. atiyah,op. cir., at p.ll. 98. treitel,op. cir., at p.15. 99. atiyah,op. cir., at p.ll. i. atiyah,op. cir., at p.13. 2. atiyah,op. cir., at p.14. 3. treitel,op. cir., at p.4. 4. treitel, op. cir., at p.5. 5. treitel,op. cir., at p.9. 42 the discretion of the judge opinion. i share to the full the professors' distrust of undirected and unreviewable discretions, but most of the powers they discuss are not, i think, undirected nor, even more importantly, are they unreviewable. we may perhaps take comfort in the fact that even the new zealand illegal contracts act 1970,which may fairly be regarded as the ultimate in conferment of wide, undefined discretions, is now said,6 despite gloomy earlier prognostications,7 to have produced a coherent body of decisions. so i, with treitel, would view the present situation, if not with complacency, at least with a reasonable degree of optimism and confidence.8 it is, i think, a deeply rooted instinct of any responsible body, whether a company, a college, a club, a body of trustees, a trade union or anything else, however wide its powers, to endeavour to act with a reasonable measure of consistency. so the tendency to subject a wide discretion to more or less restrictive rules is not a specifically legal phenomenon. nor, certainly, is it an english phenomenon: a discretion conferred by the new zealand matrimonial property act 1963 was so mechanically applied by the judges as, in the views of some, to subvert the object of the legislation altogether.9 but it is, as shown by that example and others i have discussed, a very marked feature of judicial practice. i do not, therefore, think that whether discretion is understood in my sense or as embracing also the judgmental open-textured rules discussed by the professors there is in general any ground for concern that arbitrary uncontrolled discretion is likely to run riot at the expense of clear discernible principle. nor do i think that any approach less responsive to the circumstances of particular cases would in general be acceptable to the public as consumers of the judicial product in an age when the public is more inclined to see the law as an ass than as the embodiment of everything that's excellent. but this is, i am conscious, a predictable view from one on the bureaucratic side of the counter. after all, the lord chancellor of former days no doubt considered the length of his foot a very convenient, reliable and serviceable measure, happily free of what would now be called resource implications. 6. a beck, "illegality and the court's discretion: the new zealand illegal contracts act in action", (1989) 13n.z.u.l.r. 389. 7. m.p. furmston, "the illegal contracts act 1970an english view", 1972,5 n.z. u.l.r. 151. 8. op. cit., at p.20. 9. see markesinis, "comparative law a subject in search of an audience", (i990) 53m.l.r. i, at pp.12-13. 43 human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 77 denning law journal 2015 vol 27 pp 77-105 magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings the hon mr justice mostyn introduction we had a surprise in january 2012 when a practising qc was parachuted straight into the supreme court (as the judicial committee of the house of lords became in 2009). but if there were expressions of discontent they were definitely sub rosa since the man in question, jonathan sumption qc, was then, and has since proved himself to be, preeminently qualified for the position. he is one of our foremost medieval historians, a fellow of magdalen college who taught history, before leaving to pursue a career at the bar, where he rose to dizzy heights. his as yet uncompleted history of the hundred years‟ war has received the highest praise. so it perhaps was not surprising that in this octocentenial year he should have been asked by the friends of the british library (an audience i warrant as challenging as this) to speak to them about magna carta on 9 march 2015. if i may say so, his address “magna carta then and now” 1 is a masterpiece. it completes the destruction of the hermeneutical myth originated by sir edward coke which had been commenced by william mckechnie in his landmark essay published in 1905. in his speech lord sumption began by saying: “it is impossible to say anything new about magna carta, unless you say something mad. in fact, even if you say something mad, the likelihood is that it will have been said before, probably quite recently.” lecture delivered to the national access to justice and pro bono conference, sydney 18-19 june 2015. the hon mr justice mostyn, judge of the high court of justice, family division. 1 lord sumption, „magna carta then and now‟ (supreme court, 9 march 2015) accessed 26 august 2015. magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 78 i will not presume to say anything new about magna carta. in fact my principal subject matter – the withdrawal of legal aid from private law family cases – has nothing to do with magna carta except in the extended mythic sense with which sir edward coke and others have since clothed it. indeed i am supremely unqualified to talk about it. until comparatively recently my knowledge of it was confined to my childhood reading. at age six i read the nursery history of england 2 which told me that: “the signing of the great charter at last all the people in the country were so angry with john that the chief men-said they would fight against him if he did not promise to do better. the new archbishop, stephen langton, was very anxious to make the king better to his people. at last they wrote down a great many promises, and they made john say he would keep them, and he had to put a mark under the writing to show that it was a solemn promise. king john never meant to keep his promises, and after he had signed the “great charter,” as the writing was called, he threw himself upon the ground and kicked and groaned in anger. he died soon afterwards.” at age 10 i read (and have regularly re-read) that magnificent piece of nonsense 1066 and all that. 3 this is what it told me: “the barons compelled john to sign the magna charter, which said: 1. that no one was to be put to death, save for some reason – (except the common people). 2. that everyone should be free (except the common people). 3. that everything should be of the same weight and measure throughout the realm (except the common people). 2 elizabeth o‟neill, nursery history of england (tc and ec jack ltd 1877). 3 w sellar and r yeatman, 1066 and all that (methuen and co 1930). the denning law journal 79 4. that the courts should be stationary, instead of following a very tiresome medieval official known as the king‟s person all over the country. 5. that “no person should be fined to his utter ruin” (except the king‟s person). 6. that the barons should not be tried except by a special jury of other barons who would understand. magna charter was therefore the chief cause of democracy in england, and thus a good thing for everyone (except the common people). after this king john hadn‟t a leg to stand on and was therefore known as „john lackshanks.‟” as we will see, this was a remarkably perceptive analysis of the charter. the authors had earlier referred to pope innocent iii thus: “john was so bad that the pope decided to put the whole country under an interdict, i.e. he gave orders that no one was to be born or die or marry (except in church porches). but john was still not cured of his badness; so the pope sent a bull to england to excommunicate john himself. in spite of the king‟s efforts to prevent it the bull succeeded in landing and gave orders that john himself was not to be born or marry or die (except in church porches); that no one was to obey him or stand him a drink or tell him the right time or the answer to the irish question or anything nice. so at last john gave way and he and his subjects began once more to be born and to marry and to die, etc. etc.” and we all know that this same bullish pope annulled the charter within 10 weeks of john sealing it. he denounced it as “not only shameful and base but illegal and unjust”. for the purposes of this address i have consulted a number of sources. among many others i have read sir matthew hale‟s history of the common law of england (published posthumously in 1716 – he died in 1676); sir william blackstone‟s commentaries on the laws of england (12th edition, 1795 – he died in 1780); and sir william holdsworth‟s a history of english law (3rd edition 1922) to see what past commentators, other than the hierarch sir edward coke, had to say about the charter. magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 80 for hale the only true source of law was that made by the judges, the common law. he seemed to regard royal charters or acts of parliament as little better than distractions from the true development of the law at the hands and minds of the judges. and who am i to criticise that? inasmuch as praise was to be bestowed on john‟s royal laws, hale seems more impressed by what he described as laws which allowed “mulcts [to be] imposed for barbarous and disorderly pleading” he observing that at that time “proceedings in his courts were rude, imperfect and defective to what they were in the ensuing time of edward i”. however, he did go this far: “but the great charter, and the charter of the forest, did not expire so; for in 1253, they were again sealed and published: and because after the battle of evesham, the king had wholly subdued the barons, and thereby a jealousie might grow, that he again meant to infringe it; in the parliament at marlbridge they are again confirm‟d. and thus we have the great settlement of the laws and liberties of the kingdom established in this king‟s time (he means henry iii): the charters themselves are not every word the same with those of king john, but they differ very little in substance. this great charter and the charta de foresta was the great basis upon which this settlement of the english laws stood in this king and his son; there were also additional laws of this king yet extant which much polished the common law viz the statutes of merton and marlbridge, and some others.” blackstone acknowledges that the first source of the absolute rights of every englishman is “the great charter of liberties, which was obtained, sword in hand, from king john, and afterwards, with some alterations, confirmed in parliament by king henry iii his son.” however, he goes on to say: “which charter contained very few new grants; but as sir edward coke observes, was for the most part declaratory of the principal grounds of the fundamental laws of england.” as far as blackstone was concerned the real hero in the promulgation and securing of these rights was edward i, who he wrote “hath justly been stiled our english justinian”. he passed a statute in 1297 (25 edw i, c1) entitled “confirmatio cartarum de libertatibus angliæ et forest” which stated that “the great charter is directed to be allowed as the common law; the denning law journal 81 all judgments contrary to it are declared void; copies of it are to be sent to all cathedral churches, and read twice a year to the people….”. it threatened excommunication to those who denounced it. 4 his grandson edward iii went further and in his reign in 1369 parliament (which had arrived as a recognisable body in 1258 – the earliest statute roll begins in 1278 and the earliest parliamentary roll is of the year 1290) passed a statute that rendered void any statute which infringed its provisions (42 edw iii, c1). it stated: “that the great charter and the charter of the forest be holden and kept in all points; and that if there be any statute made to the contrary, it shall be holden for none”. which was perhaps the nearest we ever got to an entrenched constitution. at all events the charter was confirmed and reissued by henry iii in 1225 in a revised form (9 hen iii), and, as we have seen, entered the statute roll in 1297 (25 edw i, c1). 5 and of this sections 1 (confirmation of liberties), 9 (liberties of london, &c), and 29 (imprisonment &c contrary to law. administration of justice) remain in force. (this latter clause, the most famous of all, was divided between the thirty-ninth and fortieth clauses in the version sealed by john). in all it was confirmed some thirty times in the middle ages. you will have noticed my references to the parallel charter of the forest. 6 this mitigated and regulated the laws concerning hunting in the forest. blackstone explained the context: “richard the first, a brave and magnanimous prince, was a sportsman as well as a soldier; and therefore enforced the forest 4 henry iii in 1253 threatened excommunication against all who took even the humblest part in infringing or altering its clauses: clam vel palam facto, verbo, vel consilio. 5 the original of this copy of the charter hangs in parliament house in canberra. the mother of a friend of mine found another 1297 copy in her attic at deene park in northamptonshire in the 1970s. they had no idea how it got there. it appears to have been at deene park from at least the early 1600s. only 17 copies of the charter from the 13th century are known to survive; the brudenells‟ example was the only one in private hands, and one of only five still carrying a royal seal. in 1983 it was sold privately to ross perot. it was sold again in december 2007 for more than us$21 million, and is on display in the national archives in washington, dc, alongside the declaration of independence and the united states constitution: see „marian brudenell‟ (the telegraph, 6 september 2013) accessed 26 august 2015. 6 this was originally part of the charter sealed in 1215 but was separated out into its own berth in 1217 after the death of john in 1216. magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 82 laws with some vigour; which occasioned many discontents among his people, though he repealed the penalties of castration, loss of eyes, and cutting off of hands and feet, before inflicted on such as transgressed, in hunting; probably finding that their severity prevented prosecutions.” i have not researched what the new penalties were but i suspect they were more severe than those prescribed in the hunting act 2004 (which banned the hunting of (some but not all) mammals with (more than two) “dogs” (but not by any other means)).7 holdsworth supplies some fascinating historical context. he bases many of his views on mckechnie‟s essay, which is, plainly a, if not the, prime source for students of the charter. he explains how this particular charter of liberties can be traced back, through the charters of liberties granted by henry ii, stephen and henry i on their coronations, to king cnut‟s charter of liberties. cnut‟s charter is the direct linear ancestor of magna carta. so magna carta was not brand new; and was certainly not the bombshell that the later myth-makers have made it out to be. however, it did mark a watershed, at least up to a point. holdsworth‟s view was this: “though, therefore, we can trace its form back to anglo-saxon times, though we can trace the genesis of some of its clauses to that charter of henry i which stephen langton brought to the notice of the barons as a precedent for the demands which they were about to make upon the king, the great charter differs fundamentally from any preceding charter in the manner in which it was secured, in its contents, and in its historical importance. it was secured by a combination of the landowners, the church, and the merchants; and therefore it contained clauses dealing specifically with their particular grievances. since the time when the charter of henry i had been issued, a centralized administrative and judicial system had been created and elaborated. the charter therefore necessarily contained many clauses which related to the working of that system. the granting of the charter, and the success of the barons in maintaining it, opened a new chapter in 7 in order to force through this vitally important piece of legislation the blair government required parliament to spend over 700 hours debating the issue (more than 10 times it spent discussing the iraq war) and had to invoke the parliament acts 1911 and 1949 to override the house of lords for only the fourth time since 1949. the denning law journal 83 english history, which ended by establishing a system of constitutional government, of which the charter was regarded as the pledge and the symbol.” lord bingham, in his essay magna carta 8 goes even further in the direction of the hagiographers. he writes: “conditioned as we are today by our own knowledge of political and constitutional development over the last nine centuries, it calls for the exercise of real historical imagination to appreciate the enormity, the grandeur of what was done at runnymede. king john entered the meadow as a ruler acknowledging no secular superior, whose word was law. he left the meadow as a ruler who had acknowledged, in the most solemn manner imaginable, that there were some things even he could not do, at any rate without breaking his promise. this, then, is the enduring legacy of magna carta: the lesson that no power is absolute; that all power, however elevated, is subject to constraint; that, as was to be said by dr thomas fuller some centuries later, „be you never so high, the law is above you‟.” needless to say, lord sumption douses these views with cold water. he explains pitilessly that it is not true that magna carta was the origin of the principle of the rule of law. the english kings had broken the law quite frequently before magna carta, and they continued to break it afterwards. but the idea that the king was subject to law had for a very long time been part of the orthodoxy of medieval constitutional thought both in england and elsewhere. the barons did not invent it at runnymede. their object was to define what the law was. no one doubted that whatever it was, the king was subject to it. one thing is certain. the charter did not benefit the common people one whit, and sellar and yeatman were quite right when they wrote their amusement in 1930. although coke attempted to argue that the famous clause 39 extended to all people it is clear that this was not so. 9 as holdsworth explains: 8 tom bingham, lives of the law (oup 2011). 9 blackstone also commits the same solecism writing that “it protected every individual of the nation in the free enjoyment of his life, his liberty, and his property, unless declared to be forfeited by the judgment of his peers or the law of the land”. in a footnote he references chapter 29 of the charter which is of course not the same as clause 39 of the version sealed by john (q.v.). magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 84 “it does not legislate for englishmen generally, but attempts to safeguard the rights of different classes according to their different needs. churchmen, lords, tenants, and merchants are separately provided for. but there are some clauses of the charter, notably the famous section 39, in which rights are conferred upon all „liberi homines.‟ the phrase liberi homines is clearly not confined to tenants in chief; but did it include the villeins, or were they excluded from the benefits conferred? … it is fairly certain that they were not considered to be thus included in 1215. it is true that they seem to be provided for in section 20, which provides that a villein shall be amerced „saving his contenement and his wainage.‟ but it is fairly clear that they were thus protected, not because it was intended to confer any rights upon them, but because they were the property of their lords, and excessive amercements would diminish their value. when the charter was reissued in 1216, this intention was made quite clear by a slight alteration in wording. it was provided that a villein other than the king‟s villein was not to be thus amerced. thus, although the charter was comprehensive in its scope it did not embrace all englishmen.” in her excellent speech in 2011 entitled “equal access to justice in the big society” lady hale put it more pithily: “i doubt whether the medieval barons gave any thought to the poor and vulnerable in their society, still less to the women”. it was not until the statute of edward iii in 1331 (5 edw iii, c9) that clause 39 of the 1215 version (clause 29 of the version of 1225) was extended to all men whatever their status. and it was not until 1354 (28 edw iii, c3) that “due process” 10 was formally extended to all men. whatever magna carta was, it was not a universal declaration of human rights. clause 40 of the 1215 charter famously provides that “we will sell to no man, we will not deny or defer to any man either justice or right”. 11 again, as lord sumption explains, the notion that the proscription on “selling” justice means that the state is obliged to provide free justice is 10 “no man, of what estate or condition that he be, shall be put out of land or tenement, nor taken, nor imprisoned, nor disinherited, nor be put to death, without being brought in answer by due process of law”. so far as i can tell this is the origin of the mystical phrase “due process of law”. the original norman french is “saunz estre mesne en respons par due proces de lei”. 11 now part of clause 29 of the 1225 charter in force. the denning law journal 85 much misunderstood. at the time the king had a personal judicial jurisdiction over his “tenants-in-chief”, essentially the baronage and the richer knights. he had a habit of adjudicating disputes personally rather than delegating them to his justices. and he demanded large sums, known as “proffers”, for access to his court. this is what clause 40 was aimed at. for run-of-the-mill litigants access to the general courts required payment of fees for writs and subpoenas. clause 40 did not affect these fees one jot. in 1495, during the reign of henry vii, parliament passed a statute (11 hen 7, c12) “to admit such persons as are poor to sue in forma pauperis”. 12 this provided that every poor person might issue “writ or writs original and writs of subpoena … nothing paying to your highness for the seals of the same, nor to any person for the writing of the same” and that the justices “shall assign to the same poor person … counsel learned, by their discretions, which shall give their counsels, taking nothing for the same”. 13 it might be thought that here lies the origin of legal aid in england and wales, but again, that would be wrong, for, as tindall cj pointed out in brunt v. wardle: 14 “but, after all, is the 11 hen 7, c12, any thing more than confirmatory of the common law? in the learned report of the serjeants‟ case by my brother manning, p. 41, note (d), a case is referred to that occurred in the 15 ed. 4, twenty years before the passing of that act, from which it appears that at common law if a party would swear that he could not pay for entering his pleadings, the officer was bound to enter them gratis; and that in this court there was a presignator pur les poers.” so, the common law had, at the latest by 1475 in the reign of edward iv, in the midst of the war of the roses, invented a procedure of relief from court fees and costs. of course, this had nothing to do with magna 12 this statute was cited in the supreme court of canada by mclachlin cj in trial lawyers association of british columbia v. british columbia (attorney general) [2014] scc 59 [48] where she referred to the “long tradition in the common law of providing exemptions for classes of people who might be prevented from accessing the courts a tradition that goes back to the statute of henry vii”. 13 a statute had been passed in scotland in 1424 which provided for free legal assistance for “poor creatures” who could not pay costs on account of “default of cunning or means”. 14 (1841) 3 man. & g. 534. magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 86 carta. it appears that the liability of the loser to pay the costs of the winner did not arise until 1531, during the reign of henry viii, when parliament passed a statute intituled “an act that the defendant shall recover costs against the plaintiff, if the plaintiff be nonsuited, or if the verdict pass against him”. this initially limited the power to make an order for costs to certain specific suits but was extended in the reign of james i (4 jac i, c3) to “any action whatsoever”. in her excellent speech lady hale stated: “a statute of henry viii in 1531 even provided that they should be relieved of having to pay the other side‟s costs if they lost – but they had to suffer some other punishment instead, such as being whipped or pilloried.” in fact the statute did not say that, but rather that they “shall suffer other punishment, as by the discretion of the judge or justices, afore whom such suits shall depend, shall be thought reasonable”, and i can find no evidence that whipping or pillorying was ordered against unsuccessful pauper litigants, however reasonable that might have been then (or even now). holdsworth and lord sumption ruthlessly hunt down and put to death a number of other persistent and obstinate canards. sir edward coke suggested that clauses 39 and 40 embodied the principles of habeas corpus and trial by jury. as holdsworth says “it is not difficult to show that taken literally, these interpretations are false. trial by jury was as yet in its infancy. the writ of habeas corpus was not yet invented; and as we shall see, it was long after it was invented that is was applied to protect the liberty of the subject.” it is noteworthy that as time passed and the middle ages evolved into the renaissance, and with the stability and national independence provided by the tudor regime following the defeat of (the recently reburied) richard iii at bosworth in 1485, magna carta receded from public and legal consciousness, almost into oblivion. by the time of reign of elizabeth i, gloriana, it had almost disappeared from view, so much so that when shakespeare, her chief propagandist, wrote king john in 1596, five years before her death, he did not mention it, or the events surrounding it, at all. 15 on the contrary the whole play concerns the dispute about the right to the crown between king john and france‟s philip ii (and later his son louis viii “the lion”) who supported john‟s nephew arthur. the nearest one gets to baronial disaffection is where they 15 inevitably, this is being performed today at the globe theatre in london. the denning law journal 87 support louis (for a while) when he mounts a (now almost totally forgotten) invasion. they later revert to their true loyalties; louis is seen off; john is poisoned by a treacherous monk; and on his death-bed his nobles gather around him. dr goebbels would have been proud of this falsification of history. the principal themes of the play were the familiar fare dished out to the groundlings at that time: that the french are bad, and catholic monks are worse; and english kings, even if enduring a “troublesome reign”, are top dogs and the real thing (provided they were not plantagenets like richard iii). lord sumption explains that coke‟s elevation of magna carta into a sacred, numinous, text only arose after his dismissal by james i in 1616 as chief justice of the king‟s bench as a result of his protests against the king‟s interference with the workings of the courts. 16 in his retirement he transformed it “from a somewhat technical catalogue of feudal regulations, into the foundation document of the english constitution, a status which it has enjoyed ever since among the large community of commentators who have never actually read it.” 17 for this the americans bear a heavy responsibility. they adored magna carta and relied on it in spades to justify their rebellion against the government of george iii. its very language is incorporated into the constitutions of about 30 of the individual states. but when he held office even coke did not reach for magna carta when making his momentous decisions. one of the most famous is the proclamations’ case. 18 coke, then chief justice of the common pleas was asked by the lord chancellor and the lord treasurer whether king james i could by mere proclamation prohibit new buildings in london (an early town and country planning measure?) or the making of starch from wheat (food standards?). after consulting the chief justice of the king‟s bench and the chief baron of the exchequer coke held: 16 following his dismissal in 1616 coke re-entered politics and was returned as mp for liskeard in 1620. on 11 december 1621 parliament issued a remonstrance to the king authored by coke, in which they restated their liberties and right to discuss matters of state. james retaliated by dissolving parliament and imprisoning coke in the tower for 9 months. he died in 1634. 17 it is worth reflecting on the various things that magna carta regulated. for example, widows were not to be forced to remarry, although if they did they needed to ask the king‟s or their lord‟s consent. all fishweirs were to be removed from the thames and elsewhere. no-one was to be forced to build bridges across rivers. alien knights and crossbowmen were to be sent home. all forests which had been afforested in john‟s reign were to be deforested. see i judge and a arlidge, magna carta uncovered (hart publishing 2014). 18 (1611) 12 co rep 74; 2 state tr 723. magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 88 “the king by his proclamation cannot create any offence which was not an offence before, for then he may alter the law of the land by his proclamation in a high point; for if he may create an offence where none is, upon that ensues fine and imprisonment: also the law of england is divided into three parts, common law, statute law, and custom; but the king‟s proclamation is none of them: also malum aut est malum in se, aut prohibitum, that which is against common law is malum in se, malum prohibitum is such an offence as is prohibited by act of parliament, and not by proclamation. also it was resolved, that the king hath no prerogative, but that which the law of the land allows him.” no mention of magna carta there. in citing this case in the appeal in council of civil service unions and others v minister for the civil service 19 (the gchq case) lord fraser stated that “the royal prerogative has always been regarded as part of the common law ... and subject to the common law”. no mention there of magna carta either. in the earlier case of prohibitions del roy 20 james i (supported by the archbishop of canterbury) had claimed to possess the power to determine issues of law in ecclesiastical causes: “the king himself may decide it in his royal person; and that the judges are but the delegates of the king, and that the king may take what causes he shall please to determine, from the determination of the judges, and may determine them himself.” the archbishop said “that this was clear in divinity, that such authority belongs to the king by the word of god in the scripture.” coke was having none of it. he held that “the king in his own person cannot adjudge any case, either criminal or betwixt party and party; but it ought to be determined and adjudged in some court of justice, according to the law and custom of england. the king may sit in the king‟s bench, but the court gives the judgment. no king after the conquest assumed to himself to give any judgment in any cause whatsoever which concerned the administration of justice, within the realm; but these causes were solely determined in the courts of justice. the king cannot arrest any man.” and he ended his judgment by citing henry de bracton: rex non debet esse sub homine, sed sub deo et lege. again, no mention of magna carta there. 19 [1985] ac 374. 20 (1607) 12 co rep 63. the denning law journal 89 so, we see what magna carta does not furnish. it does not newly restrain the power of the monarch. it does not establish separation of powers. it does not create a representative parliament. it does not invent trial by jury. it does not create habeas corpus. it does not provide a forerunner for legal aid (which was not in fact invented in the uk in its current form until 1949). in a withering passage lord sumption derides david cameron who “armed with a copy of an edwardian illustrated textbook for children, has called it the document that paved the way for democracy, equality and the rule of law, the „foundation of all our laws and liberties‟”. this sort of claim is, he says, “high-minded tosh...the worst kind of ahistorical whiggism”. lord sumption ends his paper by asking and answering these two questions which reflect his status as a historian of rigour: “so when we commemorate magna carta, perhaps the first question that we should ask ourselves is this: do we really need the force of myth to sustain our belief in democracy? do we need to derive our belief in democracy and the rule of law from a group of muscular conservative millionaires from the north of england, who thought in french, knew no latin or english, and died more than three quarters of a millennium ago? i rather hope not.” but plainly magna carta does represent something. lord sumption‟s view is this: “yet magna carta matters, if not for the reasons commonly put forward. some documents are less important for what they say than for what people wrongly think that they say. some legislation has a symbolic significance quite distinct from any principle which it actually enacts. thus it is with magna carta. it has become part of the rhetoric of a libertarian tradition based on the rule of law that represents a precocious and distinctively english contribution to western political theory. the point is that we have to stop thinking about it just as a medieval document. it is really a chapter in the constitutional history of seventeenth century england and eighteenth century america.” and, indeed, australia also. holdsworth also sees it as a milestone on the road to freedom. he says that “the historian may prove that there is no strict agnatic relationship [between trial by jury or the writ of habeas corpus and magna carta]; he must admit that there is a natural – a cognatic – link”. blackstone too sees magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 90 it as important but not necessarily as the second coming. for him there is a steady progression in the promulgation of just laws, the administration of justice, and the relationship between the rulers and the ruled. he charts a progress from henry i and the creation of the grand assize and itinerant justices of eyre travelling out on circuit to hear cases; to magna carta; to the summoning of knights, citizens and burgesses to parliament in the reign of henry iii; to the massive programme of law reform instituted by edward i (including reform of the laws of king alfred for preserving the public peace and preventing robberies). for him “the very scheme and model of the administration of common justice between party and party, was entirely settled by this king; and has continued nearly the same, in all succeeding ages, to this day; abating some few alterations, which the humour or necessity of subsequent times has occasioned” and “more was done in the first thirteen years of his reign to settle and establish the distributive justice of the kingdom, than in all the ages since that time put together”. he then marks a “long interval” until the petition of right, assented to by charles i; the habeas corpus act, passed under charles ii in 1679 (31 cha 2, c2) (new style dating, 21 as will be all dates hereafter); and the declaration of rights presented to the prince and princess of orange in february 1689 and enacted in december of that year as the bill of rights following the glorious revolution (1 gul & mar sess 2 c2). ironically, the myth took firm hold in the minds of the common people, from whom the benefits of the charter were withheld by design for over 100 years. in the famous meditation on the rule of law at the end of “whigs and hunters” 22 (his well known book about the black act of 1723 (9 geo 1, c22)) the polemical historian, socialist and peacenik e.p. thompson wrote: “turn where you will, the rhetoric of eighteenth century england is saturated with law. royal absolutism was placed behind a high hedge of law … and the rulers were, in serious senses, whether willingly or unwillingly, the prisoners of their own rhetoric; they 21 the calendar (new style) act 1750 (otherwise chesterfield‟s act) not only adopted the gregorian calendar (and thus abolished the dates 3 – 13 september 1752) but also fixed the start day of the year as 1 january rather than lady day (25 march). thus the habeas corpus act 1679, which was passed between 6 and 25 march, is dated 1678 in the statutes at large. the 1750 act also means that the correct date for the octocentenary, in terms of exact circumsolar orbits, is 26 june 2015 not 15 june 2015. 22 edward thompson, whigs and hunters (allen lane 1975) 263-264; (breviary stuff publications 2013) 206, 208. the denning law journal 91 played the games of power according to rules that suited them, but they could not break those rules or the whole game would be thrown away. and, finally, so far from the ruled shrugging off this rhetoric as a hypocrisy, some part of it at least was taken over as part of the rhetoric of the plebeian crowd, of the free-born englishman with his inviolable privacy, his habeas corpus, his equality before the law. if this rhetoric was a mask, it was a mask which john wilkes was to borrow, at the head of ten thousand masked supporters. … if the rhetoric was a mask, it was a mask which ghandi and nehru were to borrow, at the head of a million masked supporters.” 23 magna carta was referenced by the felon, agitator and minor poet john grant who was sentenced to death, but at the last moment reprieved and transported for life to the penal colony of new south wales in 1804, for shooting at a family solicitor who frustrated his attempts to woo the daughter of an aristocrat. 24 in a (not very good) piece of verse he wrote: “ye captains to a monarch lov‟d rever‟d draw on his head and yours disgrace down! the „magna charta‟ our forefather‟s rear‟d that brightest jewel in the british crown ye trample on *! – tho‟ britons rule the waves great george‟s subjects (britons!) here are slaves. o country beauteous! climate healthful! mild! o george belov‟d (unlike some kings) abus‟d! o people into slavery beguil‟d! o rulers guilty of a power misus‟d when shall all cry „britannia rules the waves and freeborn britons are no longer slaves‟?” 25 and so, recognising that magna carta is important, but not nearly as important as some commentators make out, but equally recognising it as 23 but he did not mention magna carta in the book. 24 he was later pardoned by macquarie and returned to england in 1811. 25 david neal, the rule of law in a penal colony: law and politics in early new south wales (cup 1990) 61. magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 92 the mythical fons et origo of the rhetoric of a libertarian evolution based on the rule of law i turn, at last, to the subject matter of this address. 26 in ashby v white 27 ashby, a burgess of aylesbury, was entitled under the borough charter to vote at parliamentary elections. white, a returning officer, maliciously refused to allow him to vote. ashby thereupon sued white. lord chief justice holt (dissenting, but later vindicated by the house of lords) said: “if the plaintiff has a right he must of necessity have a means to vindicate and maintain it, and a remedy if he is injured in the exercise or enjoyment of it; and indeed it is a vain thing to imagine a right without a remedy for want of a right and want of remedy are reciprocal. … my brother powell indeed thinks that an action upon the case is not maintainable, because there is no hurt or damage to the plaintiff: but surely every injury imports a damage though it does not cost the party one farthing, and it is impossible to prove the contrary; for a damage is not merely pecuniary, but an injury imports a damage, when a man is thereby hindred of his right. as in an action for slanderous words, though a man does not lose a penny by reason of the speaking them, yet he shall have an action. so if a man gives another a cuff on the ear, though it cost him nothing, no not so much as a little diachylon, 28 yet he shall have his action, for it is a personal injury ... but in the principal case my brother says, we cannot judge of this matter, because it is a parliamentary thing. o! by all means be very tender of that. besides it is intricate, and there may be contrariety of opinions.” 29 26 holdsworth says that “we may compare it to the twelve tables [of the roman republic]. in the same sense as they were regarded as the „fons et origo juris civilis’ magna carta is the fount and source of our constitutional law”. 27 (1702) 2 ld raymond 938. 28 an 18th c homeopathic medicine made of the juices of several plants (thus its name). 29 this case roused intense feeling in the commons, who imagined that the courts were infringing their privileges. they caused ashby and his counsel to be imprisoned, and when these sued out a writ of habeas corpus, they sent the sergeant-at-arms to arrest lechmere (afterwards attorney-general), who had acted in the habeas corpus proceedings. the officer reported that lechmere had evaded him: “he got out of his chamber in the temple, two pairs of stairs high, at the back window, by the help of his sheets and a rope”. queen anne was forced to end the dispute by proroguing parliament. the denning law journal 93 a remedy can only mean a remedy granted by a court, and that entails meaningful access to the court. that right to access to justice has long been recognised by the common law (even if for centuries the costs of doing so have been prohibitive, and the delays intolerable 30 ). in r (witham) v lord chancellor laws lj stated: 31 “…the common law provides no lesser protection of the right of access to the queen‟s courts than might be vindicated in strasbourg. … indeed, the right to a fair trial, which of necessity imports the right of access to the court, is as near to an absolute right as any which i can envisage.” his reference to strasbourg was, of course to article 6 of the european convention on human rights (1950) which provides: “in the determination of his civil rights and liabilities or of any criminal charge against him, everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an impartial tribunal established by law.” we have seen some early measures designed to alleviate the lot of indigent litigants seeking to exercise the right of access to the courts. there were further efforts by philanthropic organisations to provide “poor man‟s lawyers” during the 19th century but large areas of unmet need were left. it was not until the period of the second world war (when beveridge was beginning his work on the formation of the welfare state) that refugee scholars from europe, with experience of continental systems where better provision was made, began to make a compelling case for a comprehensive system of legal aid. in his outstanding book the rule of law, 32 lord bingham cited dr ej cohn‟s paper legal aid for the poor: a study of comparative law and legal reform 33 where he (cohn) stated: “legal aid is a service which the modern state owes to its citizens as a matter of principle. . . . just as the modern state tries to protect the poorer classes against the common dangers of life, such 30 as to which see dickens‟s accurate descriptions in bleak house. when delivering his famous “to be or not to be” soliloquy hamlet cited “the law‟s delay” as one of many good reasons for killing himself. 31 [1998] qb 575, 585-586 (laws lj). 32 tom bingham, the rule of law (allen lane 2010) 87. 33 (1943) 59 lqr 250, 253. magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 94 as unemployment, disease, old age, social oppression, etc, so it should protect them when legal difficulties arise. indeed the case for such protection is stronger than the case for any other form of protection. the state is not responsible for the outbreak of epidemics, for old age or economic crises. but the state is responsible for the law.” these and many other arguments were considered by lord rushcliffe‟s committee which reported in 1945, and led to the introduction of near universal civil legal aid by the legal aid and advice act 1949. it did not apply to defamation proceedings or to some peculiar archaic family proceedings, now long abolished (breach of promise; loss of services of a woman as a result of seduction; inducement of a spouse to leave another). but routine private family law proceedings, whether concerning divorce, money or children were within scope. from the start this entitlement was subject to means testing. section 2 provided that it should be available to any person whose disposable income did not exceed £400 per annum (a very large sum then), but that it may be refused if the person had disposable capital of more than £500. legal aid has been described as the fourth pillar of the welfare state, the others being health, education and social security. initially over 80% of the population satisfied the means test for civil legal aid; this fell progressively so that by 2007 only 27% did. the right to legal aid in private law family proceedings was preserved in the legal aid act 1988 and in the access to justice act 1999. in 2005 the state funded about 45,000 such cases at a cost of about £130m. i have mentioned above art 6(1) of the european convention on human rights. there have been decisions from the strasbourg court which have interpreted that provision to say that in some complex, exceptional, cases this requires the grant of legal aid, even if no scheme exists for the matter in hand: see, for example, airey v ireland 34 (no legal aid was available for judicial separation proceedings in the republic of ireland) and steel and morris v united kingdom 35 (the “mclibel” case, where no legal aid was available in the uk for defamation proceedings). in the latter case the strasbourg court found at para 72 that the denial of legal aid to the applicants deprived them of the opportunity to present their case effectively before the court and contributed to an unacceptable inequality of arms. the human right to legal aid has been taken further by the charter of fundamental rights of the european union (30 march 34 (1979-80) 2 ehrr 305. 35 (2005) 41 ehrr 22. the denning law journal 95 2010), which certainly applies in the uk where eu law is in play, and may well apply more generally. 36 art 47 provides: “right to an effective remedy and to a fair trial everyone whose rights and freedoms guaranteed by the law of the union are violated has the right to an effective remedy before a tribunal in compliance with the conditions laid down in this article. everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal previously established by law. everyone shall have the possibility of being advised, defended and represented. legal aid shall be made available to those who lack sufficient resources in so far as such aid is necessary to ensure effective access to justice.” unfortunately, the cost of the legal aid scheme was its undoing. by 1997 it was the fastest rising item of government expenditure. it was inevitable that following the crash of 2008 and with the election of the new austerity-driven coalition government in 2010 that serious curbs on the scheme would be imposed. what no-one anticipated was the savagery of the cuts, with private family law proceedings, save in certain very limited circumstances, being taken out of scope altogether. in november 2010 the new coalition government published its consultation paper proposals for the reform of legal aid in england and wales. in its foreword the then lord chancellor wrote of “achieving substantial savings” to reduce the fiscal deficit and to return the country‟s economy to stability and growth. in its body the government wrote about making “tough decisions about where best to target resources”. it stated at para 4.67 its belief that “legal aid is not routinely justified for ancillary relief proceedings and private law family and children proceeding”. in para 4.207 it stated: “while we understand that those going through relationship breakdown may be dealing with a difficult situation, both emotionally and often practically too, we do not consider that this 36 the scope of the applicability of the charter is legally complex and is beyond the remit of this paper. magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 96 means that the parents bringing these cases are always likely to be particularly vulnerable (compared with detained mental health patients, or elderly care home residents, for example), or that their emotional involvement in the case will necessarily mean that they are unable to present it themselves. there is no reason to believe that such cases will be routinely legally complex.” the government‟s own equality impact statement accepted that the proposals would have a disproportionate impact upon women, ethnic minorities and people with disabilities. they said that it was justifiable because they are disproportionate users of the service in these areas. this led the legal action group to suggest that “this would lead to an underclass of people disenfranchised from civil justice and indifferent to the rule of law”. notwithstanding these objections the government‟s proposals were enacted with very few changes in the legal aid, sentencing and punishment of offenders act 2012 (laspo), which came into force on 1 april 2013. it removed legal aid from private law children proceedings save in those exceptional cases where domestic violence is a central feature. in such a case the alleged victim, but not the alleged perpetrator, might receive legal aid. otherwise, at a stroke, 63 years of state funding of private family law cases was swept away. since then the courts have been flooded with litigants in person. lists of 12 cases which used to be completed in a day are now a far gone memory. in my own decision of mg & jg v jf 37 i set out, with as much selfrestraint as i could muster, the catalogue of cases that had arisen where the judges had commented on the gross injustice being meted out as a result of these reforms. i stated (and i do not apologise for a rather extensive quotation): “15. since the reforms have taken effect there have been an appreciable number of cases which have demonstrated that the blithe assumption in the consultation paper (that the parties‟ emotional involvement in the case will not necessarily mean that they are unable to present it themselves, and that there is no reason to believe that such cases will be routinely legally complex) is unfounded. this was entirely predictable. the cases are kinderis v kineriene [2013] ewhc 4139 (fam) (18 december 2013, holman j); re b (a child) (private law fact finding unrepresented father) [2014] ewhc 700 (fam) (27 january 2014, judge wildblood qc); q v q [2014] ewfc 7 (21 may 2014, the 37 [2015] ewhc 564 (fam). the denning law journal 97 president); q v q (no. 2), re b, re c [2014] ewfc 31 (6 august 2014, the president); re h [2014] ewfc b127 (14 august 2014, judge hallam); re d (a child) [2014] ewfc 39 (31 october 2014, the president); cd v ed [2014] ewfc b153 (14 november 2014, judge hudson); re d (a child) (no. 2) [2015] ewfc 2 (7 january 2015, the president); and re k & h (children: unrepresented father: cross-examination of child) [2015] ewfc 1 (5 january 2015, judge bellamy). this is a formidable catalogue. each case focussed on the gross unfairness meted out to a parent in private law proceedings by the denial of legal aid. i do not think it would be right to say that these were examples of the operation of the law of unintended consequences since, as i say, the problems were so entirely predictable.” i went on to say: 18. i need only cite a few of the judicial observations. in kinderis v kineriene holman j described the position in which the unrepresented mother in hague proceedings found herself as follows: “the present procedure operates in a way which is unjust, contrary to the welfare of particularly vulnerable children at a time of great upheaval in their lives, incompatible with the obligations of this state under article 11(3) of the [b2r] regulation, and ultimately counter-productive in that it merely wastes taxpayers‟ funds” in re h judge hallam was dealing with an unrepresented mother with speech, hearing and learning difficulties. an official of the legal aid agency stated that there would be no breach of convention rights were she to remain unfunded. judge hallam stated “i find that statement astounding”. in re d the unrepresented father, who lacked capacity, had made an application to revoke a care order; the local authority had applied for a placement (for adoption) order. after heavy pressure from the president some legal aid was eventually awarded. at para 31(vi) of his first judgment the president stated: “thus far the state has simply washed its hands of the problem, leaving the solution to the problem which the state itself has created – for the state has brought the proceedings but declined all responsibility for ensuring that the parents are able to participate magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 98 effectively in the proceedings it has brought – to the goodwill, the charity, of the legal profession. this is, it might be thought, both unprincipled and unconscionable. why should the state leave it to private individuals to ensure that the state is not in breach of the state‟s – the united kingdom‟s – obligations under the convention?” at para 21 of his second judgment he stated that “the parents can be forgiven for thinking that they are trapped in a system which is neither compassionate nor even humane”. 19. in lindner v rawlins [2015] ewca civ 61 at para 34 aikens lj stated: “yet again, the court was without any legal assistance and had to spend time researching the law for itself then attempting to apply it to the relevant facts in order to arrive at the correct legal answer. to do the latter exercise meant that the court itself had to trawl through a large amount of documents in the file. all this involves an expensive use of judicial time, which is in short supply as it is. money may have been saved from the legal aid funds, but an equal amount of expense, if not more, has been incurred in terms of the costs of judges‟ and court time. the result is that there is, in fact, no economy at all. worse, this way of dealing with cases runs the risk that a correct result will not be reached because the court does not have the legal assistance of counsel that it should have and the court has no other legal assistance available to it.” 20. these are powerful criticisms. the president suggested that if the legal aid agency would not award legal aid to an unrepresented parent facing serious allegations then the court might have to do so from its own budget. in re k & h that was the course proposed. the lord chancellor instructed leading counsel who bravely argued that the president‟s analysis of the existence of this power was „plainly wrong‟. judge bellamy disagreed and awarded representation from the court budget. the lord chancellor is appealing that decision. it can safely be assumed that the criticisms i have recounted have fallen on deaf ears. based on the decisions i have cited, including no fewer than four from the president himself, it can be said that in the field of private children law the principle of individual justice has had to be sacrificed on the altar of the public debt. and based on the observation of aikens lj, it can reasonably be predicted that the phenomenon of the massive increase in self-representation will give rise to the the denning law journal 99 serious risk of the court reaching incorrect, and therefore unjust, decisions.” i think that my views can be clearly gathered from what i have said in that judgment. the most acute problems arise in the situation illustrated by the cases of q v q (no. 2); re b; re c, 38 and re k & h. 39 in each case the unrepresented father, who was seeking contact to his child(ren), was accused in private law proceedings of terrible sexual misconduct. for example, in re b and re c he was accused of raping the mother and in re k & h he was accused of sexually molesting his 17 year old stepdaughter. obviously findings in relation to these allegations would be central to any determination of the contact issue. in the absence of legal aid the court faced the prospect of the unrepresented father crossexamining the complainant directly. that would be unthinkable in a criminal case (although not in the usa where the old right to confront your accusers is embedded in the sixth amendment to the constitution), and could not happen in a public law (i.e. child protection) case where non merits based, non means tested legal aid is still afforded. the president held, obiter, that in such a circumstance the court itself could award legal representation to the accused father from its own budget and such an order was actually made in re k & h, although it has very recently been overturned on appeal (22 may 2015). lord dyson mr held: 40 “i do not consider that it is possible to interpret either section 1 of the courts act 2003 or section 31g(6) of matrimonial and family proceedings act 1984 as giving the court the power to require the lord chancellor to provide funding for legal representation in circumstances where such funding is not available under a scheme as detailed and comprehensive as that which has been set up under laspo. the court must respect the boundaries drawn by parliament for public funding of legal representation. in my view, the interpretation adopted by the judge is impermissible: it amounts to judicial legislation.” the master of the rolls held that it was perfectly acceptable for a judge to act as crossexaminer where a party is unrepresented (see paras 58 – 60). however, he accepted at para 62 that a case might arise where there were complex facts or issues of expert evidence (unlike the case in hand 38 [2014] ewfc 31. 39 [2015] ewfc 1. 40 [2015] ewca civ 543 [31] (lord dyson). magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 100 which he described as “fairly straightforward”) where a breach of articles 6 and/or 8 of the echr might arise were representation not to be made available; and he suggested that legislation be passed to remedy the problem. he left tantalisingly open the position were legislation not to be passed and such complexities to arise in a future case (as they surely will). parliamentarians have also been strongly critical of the legal aid cuts. the report of the house of commons justice select committee dated 12 march 2015 41 on the impact of changes to civil legal aid under laspo regretted the government‟s failure to carry out adequate research into the legal aid system before introducing the reforms. it recorded that the ministry of justice “is on track to exceed spending reduction forecasts by £32 million because, following the reforms, the legal aid agency is funding fewer matters than it had anticipated”. it found that the exceptional cases funding scheme has not done the job parliament intended namely “protecting access to justice for the most vulnerable people in our society”. it heard ample evidence that legal aid is not reaching many of those eligible for it. it found that the rise in litigants in person constitutes at least some people who struggle to present their cases effectively, whether due to inarticulacy, poor education, lack of confidence, learning difficulties or other barriers to successful engagement with the court process. the evidence showed that the legal aid changes focused disproportionately on the crisis point of some cases and failed to appreciate the costs saving inherent in resolving disputes before they arrive at court. its fundamental conclusion was that the faulty implementation of the legal aid changes contained in laspo has harmed access to justice for some litigants. similarly critical was the report of the parliamentary human rights joint committee dated 24 march 2015 42 on the uk‟s compliance with the un convention on the rights of the child. it recorded a national audit office report on the impact of laspo on civil legal aid changes which found a 22% rise in the number of private family law cases involving children where neither party was represented and a corresponding fall in 41 house of commons justice committee, „impact of changes to civil legal aid under part 1 of the legal aid, sentencing and punishment of offenders act 2012‟ hc (2014-15) accessed 26 august 2015. 42 joint committee on human rights, „the uk‟s compliance with the un convention on the rights of the child‟ hl (2014-15); hc (2014-15) accessed 26 august 2015. the denning law journal 101 those where both were represented. it stated that “on the basis that cases involving litigants in person take an average of 50% longer, it estimates an additional £3 million cost in family court cases had resulted from laspo”. it concluded: “the government‟s reforms to legal aid have been a significant black mark on its human rights record during the second half of this parliament” (upper case in original). senior retired judges have also joined the chorus of criticism. in a speech to legal aid lawyers on 22 april 2015, delivered shortly before the general election on 7 may 2015, sir alan moses, the former court of appeal judge, stated: “no one seems to care about the plight of those who have neither the ability to protect themselves in a legal sense and cannot afford a lawyer (sic). that [people] are deprived of the chance of legal aid seems to figure at the very bottom of concern in this election. no one thinks they are ever going to be faced with circumstances that require someone to hold their hand and safeguard them in the frightening and alienating circumstances of a court of law. who cares about the prisoner whose rights are abused and needs legal advice and assistance? who cares about the immigrant who asserts they are a genuine refugee? those who cannot afford access to the courts are often the unpopular minorities and there are no votes in helping them.” 43 the retired appeal judge sir anthony hooper went even further at the meeting, stating (probably unscripted and ex tempore): 43 owen bowcott, „senior judge: politicians are ignoring harm caused by cuts to legal system‟ (the guardian, 23 april 2015) accessed 26 august 2015. the report says that sir alan said he was sorry that serving judges felt inhibited and had not spoken out about the effect of cuts to the legal system. he said: “it‟s a great disappointment that they have been brought up in a tradition of protecting their independence and not commenting on these things. they always say they can do something by speaking in the background but we never know what‟s been said. i‟m confident that the judges are very concerned about cuts to legal aid – and that it‟s very inefficient.” magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 102 “i‟m completely depressed. i started out in the legal profession 30odd years ago when we had as rolls-royce a system as you possibly could have. this has been destroyed gradually and then quickly over the past few years. whatever we have said it‟s not made any difference at all. if the conservatives come back into power, it‟s revolution time. we have to stop helping them and stop working. the bar council are not going to do anything. the law society is not going to do anything. the judges are not going to do anything. unless you [lawyers] are prepared to withdraw your labour you have no hope. if the tories get back in, they haven‟t even started on us.” sir alan and sir anthony, along with a further 136 prominent peers, lawyers and doctors working in the civil and criminal justice systems signed an open letter to the guardian on 1 may 2015 calling on the incoming government to restore legal aid to prevent “widespread miscarriages of justice”. 44 in it they pointed out that in 2010, annual expenditure for the civil and criminal justice system stood at approximately £2bn per annum, which equates to the cost of running the nhs for a fortnight. spending was falling and was not spiralling out of control. now the level of spending is down to approximately £1.5bn per annum. the effect of the cuts is reflected in “eye-watering statistics”. from 2012-13 to 2013-14, funded debt cases fell from 81,792 to 2,423; in clinical negligence from 2,859 to 114; in employment law from 16,154 to six. funding in family law cases dropped by 60%, causing a predicted rise in unrepresented defendants, a trend now also starting to be seen in the criminal courts. they went on to say: “what the figures do not convey is the sheer human misery of being unable to get legal advice. … with cuts and debilitating 44 other signatories included retired appeal court judge sir stephen sedley, visiting professor at oxford university; lord ramsbotham, the army general who became hm chief inspector of prisons; lord carlile qc, the former liberal democrat mp and one-time independent reviewer of terrorist legislation; baroness ruth lister, professor of social policy at loughborough university; frances crook, chief executive of the howard league for penal reform; shami chakrabarti, director of liberty; baroness helena kennedy qc; sir geoffrey bindman qc; and michael mansfield qc. see „legal aid cuts threaten our very democracy‟ (the guardian, 1 may 2015) accessed 26 august 2015. the denning law journal 103 restructuring comes the spectre of advice deserts, widespread miscarriages of justice, hundreds of thousands denied redress and the draining of the talent pool of future lawyers and judges as young people increasingly choose a career away from civil and criminal law. … politicians speak about access to justice as an optional extra that we simply cannot afford. but the introduction of legal aid, replacing the ad hoc „poor law‟ scheme of the 1920s and 1930s, came during a period of true austerity in the wake of the second world war. access to justice is more than just a public good which we can choose to fund generously when we are told our economic fortunes allow. without access to justice for all, inequalities take on a more dangerous edge which threatens the legitimacy of not just the justice system but our democracy.” they called on the new government to restore legal help to the many currently without redress and to establish a royal commission to investigate the current crisis regarding the diminution of access to justice. even allowing for the need to make cuts in order to reduce the fiscal deficit i do not accept that in the critically important area of private family law it has been necessary to sacrifice individual justice on the altar of the public debt, at least not to the extent that has happened. it is not clear to me why this particular pillar of the welfare state has had to fall. i have yet to hear a convincing riposte to dr cohn‟s argument cited above, which has, until recently, been part of the bedrock of the post-war settlement. the prediction of the legal action group is slowly but surely being fulfilled. is this the legacy that we wish to leave future generations? sadly it looks as though that will be so, and there will be no respite from further cuts. apart from the greens no party included a reversal or mitigation of the legal aid cuts in its election manifesto. the unexpected victory and attainment of an absolute majority by the conservatives on 7 may 2015 surely means that there is no prospect of reversal of these cuts, and that more are in prospect. thus far my address has been exclusively anglo-centric, for which i apologise. i gather that things here in australia are no better. i am indebted to dr david neal sc and david hillard who have educated me on the position here, but i would not presume to dilate on it, let alone to criticise it. you know the position far better than i do. it is perhaps an irony that for many years australian legal aid campaigners held up the uk legal aid system as a model. from inception it was a system which provided aid across the board in criminal, family and civil matters at rates which made it economically viable for lawyers to work on legally aided cases. as i have shown, the uk government, until magna carta and access to justice in family proceedings 104 the arrival of the coalition in 2010, had been committed to providing levels of funding which reflected a genuine commitment to the principle of equality before the law. i am told that the modern era of legal aid in australia – which dates from the whitlam government of 1972 has never seen either the breadth of coverage or the level of funding to match the uk legal aid system. 45 the first decade of the 2000s saw legal aid commissions progressively reduce grants of legal aid in order to stay within their tightly constrained budgets. they have increasingly imposed means tests, merits tests, quotas, and have taken legal areas out of scope. david hillard tells me that now legal aid funding is $20m p.a. less than it was in 1997. 46 i gather that in five of the eight states and territories, the means test for a grant of legal aid excludes some people who fall below the commonly accepted “henderson poverty line”. 47 i gather that in this state the income limit is 52.4% of the minimum weekly wage. i gather that only 8% of households would qualify for contribution free legal aid and that only a further 3% would qualify for a grant with a contribution. based on research done by pricewaterhousecoopers in 2009, total australian government spending on legal aid commissions came to $28 per capita. by contrast, the uk government spent $86 on legal aid. 48 by 2012, the uk figure had dropped back to $60 per capita. 49 i gather that in victoria a parent in a private family law residence and contact dispute will not be granted legal aid for representation unless the other party has a lawyer. that is bad, but at least it is an improvement on what is happening now in england and wales. i gather that children under 10 will no longer have someone to represent them in child protection cases even when the court says they should. that is even worse than the position in england and wales. 50 i gather that a recent agreement thrashed out in canberra concerning the funding of community legal centres will impose further 45 david neal, „law and power: livin‟ in the „70s‟ (2013) 29 law in context 99. 46 this figure has not been adjusted for inflation. you have $20m less in 1997 dollars. 47 pricewaterhouse coopers, legal aid funding: current challenges and the opportunities of cooperative federalism (2009) 36. 48 ibid 59-60. 49 european commission for the efficiency of justice (cepej), „report on european judicial systems – edition 2014 (2012 data): efficiency and quality of justice‟ accessed 26 august 2015, 46. 50 „legal aid matters‟ (law institute victoria) accessed 26 august 2015. the denning law journal 105 swinging cuts: it will fall from $42m annually to $30m. a depressing harbinger indeed. although australia has not yet suffered the full extent of the dramatic cuts imposed in 2013 in the uk, the writing is clearly on the wall here. the declining commitment of governments in both countries to genuine equality before the law and to the cluster of rule of law concepts – of which magna carta forms a significant part – should put a brake on meretricious rhetoric and produce calls for fidelity to the ideals which they both claim. let me end with the words of sir alan moses in the speech from which i have already quoted: “so let me suggest a measurement for the success of our society and democracy, so happily ignored by those who seek majority support. it is how we deal with and protect our unpopular minorities. democracy even during an election is not about the will of the majority but about how the voiceless minority those who are unprotected and without legal assistance – are protected against power: the power of the majority and the power of those who govern us.” 404 not found human rights, 'arranged' marriages and nullity law: when do 'force', parental 109 denning law journal 2016 vol 28 special issue pp 109-137 combating the bribery of foreign public officials and the “art of persuasion”: the case of alstom and the energy sector john hatchard abstract this article explores some of the developing strategies designed to tackle the supply side of transnational corruption through the “art of persuasion” i.e. how to “persuade” commercial organisations, no matter how powerful, to commit to good governance and integrity in their business. in doing so, it uses alstom sa (hereinafter alstom) as a case study. the article is divided into three parts. part 1 explores some of “persuasive” techniques designed to combat the bribery of foreign public officials and to enhance corporate good governance and integrity. part 2 explores some of the lessons and challenges from the alstom case whilst part 3 contains a conclusion which re-visits the “art of persuasion”. key words: corruption; bribery of foreign public officials; ‘art of persuasion’; debarment; alstom; bribery act 2010; foreign corrupt practices act; world bank procurement guidelines. the challenge combating corruption and enhancing good governance are neither the sole preserve of the public sector nor simply national issues. today the private sector wields immense economic power and political influence both nationally and internationally and it is in those sectors where the professor of law, buckingham law school; co-director, university of buckingham centre for extractive energy studies (ubcees). this is an updated and expanded version of a paper given at a ubcees conference. e-mail: john.hatchard@buckingham.ac.uk combating foreign bribery 110 state and the private sector interact and intersect that are often characterised by corrupt practices.1 this is particularly the case in the energy and related sectors. for example, some 3.5 billion people live in countries rich in oil, gas or minerals. as the world bank has emphasised, “with good governance and transparent management, the revenues from extractive industries can have a transformational impact on reducing poverty and boosting shared prosperity, while respecting community needs and the environment”.2 oil and gas producers also pay governments huge sums for contracts as well as licence fees and taxes. yet this wealth is often not translated into social and economic development in many of the resource-rich states for the considerable revenues that these produce are often the root cause of both grand corruption and the bribery of foreign public officials by transnational corporations.3 as the commission for africa has put it: “it is not only the politicians and public officials who create the problem: it is also the corporations, bankers, the lawyers and the accountants, and the engineers working on public contracts”.4 given this reality, in seeking to address bribery on the supply side, new strategies are required. as slapper puts it: “this is a world in which the power and reach of transnational corporations is something that requires the development of a 1 in this context, the “private sector” is defined as “the sector of a national economy under private ownership in which the allocation of productive resources is controlled by market forces, rather than public authorities and other sectors of the economy not under the public sector or government”, article 1, african union convention on the prevention and combating of corruption. 2 according to the world bank, non-renewable mineral resources play a dominant role in 81 countries, which collectively account for a quarter of world gdp, half of the world’s population, and nearly 70% of those in extreme poverty. africa is home to about 30% of the world’s mineral reserves, 10% of the world’s oil, and 8% of the world’s natural gas: see accessed 1 july 2016. 3 revenue watch institute/transparency international, promoting revenue transparency: 2011 report on oil and gas companies (2011) 5. 4 commission for africa, our common interest (commission for africa 2005) 150. the denning law journal 111 jurisprudence different from that which emerged in an earlier era...”5 this article explores some of the developing strategies designed to tackle the supply side of transnational corruption through the “art of persuasion” i.e. how to “persuade” commercial organisations, no matter how powerful, to commit to good governance and integrity in their business.6 in doing so, it uses alstom sa (hereinafter alstom) as a case study. alstom is headquartered in france and is involved in the engineering and, until recently, the energy sector.7 it operates via a series of subsidiaries through which it bids to secure contracts on projects around the world, some of which are funded by the world bank and other international financial institutions. it has some 110,000 employees in over seventy countries.8 the article is divided into three parts. part 1 explores some of “persuasive” techniques designed to combat the bribery of foreign public officials and to enhance corporate good governance and integrity. part 2 explores some of the lessons and challenges from the alstom case whilst part 3 contains a conclusion which re-visits the “art of persuasion”. part 1: the “art of persuasion” given their economic and political muscle, “persuading” commercial organisations, including even the most powerful transnational corporate entities (and however reluctantly), to act with integrity and to implement effective anti-bribery measures in their business activities is potentially extremely challenging.9 5 gary slapper, “violent corporate crime, corporate social responsibility and human rights” in aurora voiculescu and helen yanacopulos (eds), the business of human rights: an evolving agenda for corporate responsibility (zed books 2010) 81. 6 the term “commercial organisations” is used in the uk bribery act 2010 with reference to foreign bribery offences: see s 7(5)(c). in general, in this article it covers corporate entities and partnerships which carry on a trade, business or profession. 7 as noted below, the proposed sale of its energy business to ge was put in jeopardy due to alstom’s involvement in a series of global bribery scandals. 8 the information is drawn from the statement of facts contained in alstom’s plea agreement with the us department of justice in 2014: see united states v alstom sa case 3:14-cr-00246-jba. 9 kpmg, anti-bribery and corruption: rising to the challenge in the age of globalization (kpmg 2015) 7. combating foreign bribery 112 in practice the challenge is to “persuade” such entities, whether they want to or not, to i. take effective steps to prevent the bribery of foreign public officials in their business activities; and ii. reveal everything about any past involvement in such bribery. there are a series of persuasive strategies that suggest that some progress can be, and is being, made in this regard. in essence these strategies consist of: a. moral persuasion: persuading commercial organisations to develop and implement effective internal ethics and compliance mechanisms; b. gentle persuasion: persuading commercial organisations to adhere to international standards on corporate good governance and integrity; c. forceful persuasion: prosecuting those commercial organisations and their officials for their involvement in foreign bribery; d. persuasive threats: encouraging commercial organisations to selfreport their wrongdoing backed up by threats if this is not done.10 a. moral persuasion: persuading commercial organisations to develop and implement internal ethics and compliance mechanisms commercial organisations are increasingly concerned about their potential for exposure to reputational and litigation risks for a failure to prevent bribery within their global operations. in practice many have developed their own a code of ethics and anti-bribery programmes.11 this finds support in the united nations convention against corruption (uncac) which highlights the importance of: “promoting the development of standards and procedures designed to safeguard the integrity of relevant private entities, including codes of conduct for the correct, honourable and proper 10 for a general discussion see john hatchard, combating corruption: legal approaches to supporting good governance and integrity in africa (edward elgar, 2014) 335-345. 11 in this context a “programme” represents “the enterprise’s anti-bribery efforts including values, code of conduct, detailed policies and procedures, risk management, internal and external communication, training and guidance, internal controls, oversight, monitoring and assurance”: transparency international, business principles for countering bribery (2013) principle 2. the denning law journal 113 performance of the activities of business … and for the promotion of good commercial practices among businesses and in the contractual relations of businesses with the state”.12 the publication of such codes and programmes highlights a public commitment on the part of the commercial organisation to corporate good governance. a good example is provided by alstom itself: “our code of ethics is essential and all employees, in their day-today work, need to share the same clear values and observe the same rules of personal and collective conduct that define alstom as an ethical company”.13 in practice, the value of such codes and programmes is questionable and, as transparency international (ti) has observed: “[a]t their worst, corporate responsibility programmes may be mere window-dressing exercises. at their best, these initiatives represent genuine attempts by companies working with stakeholders to address the great environmental, social and ethical challenges of our times”.14 as discussed below, the corporate codes of ethics and compliance programmes are reinforced by “gentle persuasion” initiatives. b. gentle persuasion: persuading commercial organisations to adhere to international standards on corporate good governance and integrity there are now an impressive range of global standard-setting initiatives aimed at enhancing integrity and combating corruption in the 12 art 12(2)(b). article 12(1) requires each state party “in accordance with the fundamental principles of its legal system” to prevent corruption involving the private sector [and] enhance accounting and auditing standards. 13 the alstom code of ethics is available at accessed 1 july 2016. 14 transparency international, corporate responsibility & anti-corruption: the missing link? (ti working paper 01/2010) 1. combating foreign bribery 114 private sector.15 perhaps the best known is the united nations global compact (ungc) which is widely regarded as the world’s largest corporate responsibility initiative. the ungc consists of a set of voluntary norms consisting of ten principles (the ungc principles). the 10th principle, which was adopted in 2004, simply states: “businesses should work against corruption in all its forms, including extortion and bribery”. the organisation for economic cooperation and development (oecd) guidelines for multinational enterprises and the transparency international business principles for countering bribery (the business principles) contain similar principles.16 the business principles provide a blueprint for the development of effective corporate good governance and integrity. they are based on a board commitment to the fundamental values of integrity, transparency, and accountability and the principle that “[e]nterprises should aim to create and maintain a trust-based and inclusive internal culture in which bribery is not tolerated”.17 there is also a commitment by the “enterprise” to the implementation of a “programme” to counter bribery. given the realities of international business, the business principles also require the enterprise to extend its programme to its subsidiaries and “use its influence to encourage an equivalent programme in other business entities in which it has a significant investment or with which it has significant business relationships”.18 further it should take appropriate action in respect of joint ventures and consortia, contractors and suppliers and agents and representatives.19 whilst these initiatives comprise recommendations, the ungc involves some monitoring. over 12,000 “business participants” in 170 countries have registered with the ungc, with each making a 15 for a detailed account of these initiatives, see colin nicholls, tim daniel, alan bacarese, james maton and john hatchard, corruption and misuse of public office (3rd edn, oup 2017) paras 13.04-13.58. 16 principle 2 states that “the enterprise shall prohibit bribery in any form whether direct or indirect”. the working definition of “bribery” adopted for the purposes of the business principles is: “the offering, promising, giving, accepting or soliciting of an advantage as an inducement for an action which is illegal or a breach of trust” 4. 17 principle 2. 18 para 5.2.1. 19 alstom’s use of subsidiaries and agents/consultants through which to pay bribes to foreign public officials is discussed below. the denning law journal 115 commitment to integrate the principles into their strategies and operations. all are required to produce an annual communication on progress (cop) which is a public self-assessment on progress made in implementing the ungc principles, and in supporting broad un development goals. alstom joined the ungc in 2008 and since 2011 has been categorised as an “active” member. its annual cop reports highlight its commitment to the ungc principles. for example, in 2012 it emphasised the fact that “infringing laws, acting without business ethics and personal integrity inhibits innovation, increases costs, [and] impairs quality”. further, it announced that it had a code of ethics which was available in numerous languages and that it had also developed a training regime on ethics for its employees.20 similarly, in its 2015 cop report, the company highlighted its commitment to business ethics noting that the alstom integrity programme was certified in 2011 and 2014 by ethic international and that as a member of the ungc it was involved in initiatives and working groups on preventing corruption.21 on the face of it, such public affirmations suggest that the standard setting initiatives can influence the development of a “good governance” culture within commercial organisations. however to what extent this occurs in practice is questionable and this is highlighted in the case of alstom (and its subsidiaries) which, as discussed below, has a lengthy record of bribe-paying on a global scale. c. forceful persuasion: prosecuting those commercial organisations and their senior officials involved in foreign bribery the commission for africa has rightly demanded that: “... rich nations should put in place a series of measures to ... deter their own companies from paying bribes in the first place. after all as the former zairean dictator president mobutu sese seko once reputedly said: ‘it takes two to be corrupt – the corrupted and the corrupter’. and he should know”.22 1. the oecd anti-bribery convention 20 see alstom, ethics and compliance: overall risk assessment (2012) 4. 21 alstom, activity and sustainable development report 2014-2015 at 4. the report comprises part of the 2015 alstom cop report. 22 commission for africa, (n 4) 31. combating foreign bribery 116 the key initiative here is the oecd convention on combating bribery of foreign public officials in international business transactions (the oecd anti-bribery convention). this came into force on 15 february 1999 and is concerned wholly with “active corruption” i.e. bribery on the supply side. its significance is emphasised by the fact that the 41 parties to the convention are involved in some two-thirds of world exports and almost 90 per cent of total foreign direct investment outflows.23 article 1(1) states that: “each party shall take such measures as may be necessary to establish that it is a criminal offence under its law for any person intentionally to offer, promise or give any undue pecuniary or other advantage, whether directly or through intermediaries, to a foreign public official, for that official or for a third party, in order that the official act or refrain from acting in relation to the performance of official duties, in order to obtain or retain business or other improper advantage in the conduct of international business”. for the purposes of the oecd anti-bribery convention, a foreign public official means “any person holding a legislative, administrative or judicial office of a foreign country, whether appointed or elected; any person exercising a public function for a foreign country, including for a public agency or public enterprise; and any official or agent of a public international organization”.24 in view of the economic interests and/or political pressure that might affect prosecutions, article 5 makes it clear that investigations and prosecutions: “… shall not be influenced by considerations of national economic interest, the potential effect upon relations with another state or the identity of the national or legal person involved”. article 5 is supported by paragraph 6 of the annex to the 1997 revised recommendations of the oecd ministerial council which 23 these comprise the thirty-five oecd member states plus argentina, brazil, bulgaria, colombia, russian federation and south africa. 24 art 1(4)(a). the denning law journal 117 stresses that “public prosecutors should exercise their discretion independently, based on professional motives”.25 2. the oecd anti-bribery convention in practice the united states (us) through its foreign corrupt practices act 1977 and the united kingdom (uk) through its bribery act 2010 are both actively implementing their convention obligations. i) the foreign corrupt practices act the foreign corrupt practices act (fcpa) makes it unlawful for us persons to make a corrupt payment to a foreign public official for the purpose of obtaining or retaining business for or with, or directing business to, any person.26 what makes the fcpa so powerful is that these provisions also apply to issuers of securities listed and traded on a us exchange.27 in addition, the act requires companies to keep accurate books and records and to establish and maintain adequate internal controls. failure to do so constitutes a criminal offence. until august 2014, alstom’s shares were listed on the new york stock exchange. accordingly it was an “issuer” for the purposes of the fcpa.28 as discussed below, in practice, the significant penalties that can be imposed by a court under the fcpa means that commercial organisations are willing to reach a settlement with the two enforcement agencies, the department of justice (doj) and the securities and exchange commission (sec), to resolve foreign bribery case(s). of particular significance here is 25 commentary 27 to the oecd anti-bribery convention makes it clear that the decision must not be subject to improper influence by concerns of a political nature. prosecutorial discretion may include the application of a public interest test but this is to be determined by the prosecutor. 26 curiously, the word “bribe” does not appear in the act itself. 27 see generally department of justice fcpa: a resource guide to the us foreign corrupt practices act (doj 2015) accessed 1 september 2016. 28 for a full discussion on the fcpa see colin nicholls et al, corruption and misuse of public office (n 15) ch 20. for a useful discussion on fcpa enforcement cases involving energy issues in africa see sarah banco et al, “anticorruption initiatives in africa” in marc hammerson and john c lamaster (eds), oil and gas in africa: a legal and commercial analysis of the upstream industry (globe law and business 2015) 157-163. combating foreign bribery 118 that the wide jurisdictional provisions of the fcpa means that the doj frequently takes on the role of a “global enforcer”. indeed, in terms of fines, eight out of the top ten fcpa enforcement cases have been imposed on companies headquartered outside the us. as discussed below, one of those cases involved a doj investigation into allegations that alstom had paid bribes to obtain business on a global scale. as a result, the company currently has the dubious distinction of being subjected to the highest fine ever imposed for a breach of the fcpa provisions. one of the reasons for the doj commencing the investigation was that there was no investigation into alstom’s affairs being undertaken by france, where the company has its headquarters. ii) the bribery act 2010 the uk was subjected to significant and prolonged criticism by both the oecd working group on bribery and non-governmental organisations following the decision by the serious fraud office (sfo) not to prosecute bae in respect of the al yamamah bribery case.29 however since 2012 a policy change has seen the sfo bringing a series of foreign bribery prosecutions against both commercial organisations and individuals. to date these have largely been brought under the pre-2010 bribery laws as the bribery act 2010 is not retrospective. as discussed below, several alstom subsidiaries and senior officials are the subject of ongoing criminal proceedings in the uk. section 6 of the bribery act 2010 specifically prohibits the bribery of a foreign public official and is based of article 1 of the oecd antibribery convention. significantly, section 7 introduces a strict liability of offence of “failing to prevent corruption”. this provides: (1) a relevant commercial organisation (‘c’) is guilty of an offence under this section if a person (‘a’) associated with c bribes another person intending— (a) to obtain or retain business for c; or (b) to obtain or retain an advantage in the conduct of business for c.30 29 for a full account see colin nicholls, tim daniel, alan bacarese and john hatchard, corruption and misuse of public office (2nd edn, oup 2011) paras 7.208-7.220. 30 the first conviction under section 7 came in december 2015 when the sweett group plc pleaded guilty to a charge of failing to prevent an act of bribery the denning law journal 119 the significance of the development of effective corporate codes of conduct and compliance programmes is highlighted in section 7(2): (2) but it is a defence for c to prove that c had in place adequate procedures designed to prevent persons associated with c from undertaking such conduct. in this context, the ministry of justice has published guidance in the form of six principles as to what constitute “adequate procedures”31 with one being that: “the commercial organisation seeks to ensure that its bribery prevention policies and procedures are embedded and understood throughout the organisation through internal and external communication, including training that is proportionate to the risks it faces”.32 the bribery act also has a wide jurisdictional reach. it applies to uk companies and uk registered partnerships as well as overseas entities which carry on a business or part of a business in the uk. as nicholls points out, the result is that “an overseas company can be prosecuted for failing to prevent bribery by a person performing services on its behalf irrespective of the nationality of the person offering the bribe, and even though the bribery is in relation to non-uk businesses and the bribery is committed entirely outside the uk”.33 iii) other parties to the oecd anti-bribery convention regrettably, the political will to prosecute foreign bribery cases is scarcely reflected elsewhere. all parties to the oecd anti-bribery convention have put in place domestic laws that criminalise the bribery of foreign public officials. however, the continuing low number of prosecutions in the majority of parties raises concerns over the intended to secure and retain a contract in the united arab emirates: see sfo press release, 19 february 2016 and see n 54 below. 31 ministry of justice, the bribery act: guidance about procedures which commercial organisations can put in place to prevent persons associated with them from bribing (2011). this was published as required by section 9 of the bribery act 2010. for a full analysis see nicholls et al, (n 15) paras 4.56-4.75. 32 principle 5. 33 nicholls et al, (n 15) para 3.18. combating foreign bribery 120 effectiveness of the convention itself. this is reflected in the ti annual progress report on the implementation of the convention 2015 which found that there was “active enforcement” in only four convention countries.34 france, (where alstom has its headquarters, it must be remembered), was categorised by ti in its 2014 report exporting corruption as having “limited enforcement”. this was a somewhat generous classification given that between 2011 and 2014 there were no major cases concluded which led to the imposition of sanctions.35 the ti report also highlights the fact that france continues to disregard the article 5 provision and cites concerns over the perceived lack of independence of prosecutors from the ministry of justice.36 certainly, it appears that neither alstom nor any of its senior officials have been subject to any prosecution in france.37 saenz’s view seems to encapsulate the present position: “france’s … general unwillingness to convict its own firms of foreign bribery offers little promise for change in the near future”.38 continuing pressure on all parties for the use of forceful persuasion is highlighted in the oecd ministerial declaration of march 2016. here “ministers and representative of the parties to the oecd convention” reaffirmed their commitment to the “robust enforcement of the laws implementing the foreign bribery offence by all parties” and reiterated their commitment to article 5.39 it remains to be seen whether this has any real impact on the political will on the part of all parties to the oecd anti-bribery convention to prosecute foreign bribery cases. given this 34 these are germany, switzerland, the united kingdom and the united states. 35 transparency international, exporting corruption: progress report 2014: assessing enforcement of the oecd convention on combating foreign bribery (2014) 2. 36 ibid, 9. 37 between 1999 and 2013, no “legal person” was either acquitted or sanctioned in france: see oecd working group on bribery, annual report 2014, 18. but see n 89 below for a recent development. 38 sara c saenz, “explaining international variance in foreign bribery prosecutions: a comparative case study” (2015) 26 duke journal of comparative & international law 271, 285. this reinforces the importance of the doj decision to bring fcpa enforcement action against alstom. 39 oecd anti-bribery ministerial meeting, ministerial declaration “the oecd anti-bribery convention and its role in the global fight against corruption”, 16 march 2016, para i.1. the denning law journal 121 reality, the development of persuasive threats is a necessary complement to forceful persuasion. d. persuasive threats: encouraging commercial organisations to selfreport their wrongdoing investigating and prosecuting foreign bribery cases is often extremely challenging, especially given the fact that, on the face of it, there is little or no incentive for those involved to reveal the corrupt bargain. whilst criticism of the failure by many parties to the oecd antibribery convention to prosecute foreign bribery cases effectively is justified, in recent years there has been a dramatic rise in the number companies being prepared to self-report their wrongdoing to the law enforcement authorities. in essence, the mere prospect of a conviction for a foreign bribery offence can in itself represent such a persuasive threat as to encourage commercial organisations to self-report any wrongdoing and seek a “deal” or settlement with prosecutors. the key here is the threat of debarment (also known as blacklisting or exclusion). this is the mechanism through which a company or individual is prevented from tendering for, or participating in, a project(s) for a specific reason, such as previous involvement in corrupt practices.40 debarment is now widely regarded as an important procedure for combating foreign bribery as it is fear of economic loss that constitutes such a persuasive threat that it drives the decision to self-report. indeed an oecd study published in 2014 suggests that 1 in 3 foreign bribery cases were instigated by self-reporting by companies.41 here the lead is being taken by both the us via the fcpa and the world bank group. once again, alstom provides an excellent case study. 1. alstom and the fcpa in 2014, the doj announced that investigations had revealed that alstom “had paid more than us$75 million [in bribes] to government officials in countries around the world, including indonesia, saudi arabia, egypt, the bahamas and taiwan, to secure us$4 billion in projects with a 40 see further john hatchard, “recent developments in combating the bribery of foreign public officials: a cause for optimism?” (2007) 85 university of detroit-mercy law review 1, 23-28. 41 oecd foreign bribery report: an analysis of the crime of bribery of foreign public officials (paris 2014) 9. combating foreign bribery 122 profit to the company of approximately us$300 million”.42 as a result, on 22 december 2014, alstom pleaded guilty to charges of violating the fcpa by falsifying its books and records and failing to implement adequate internal controls. on 22 december 2014, alstom issued the following brief press release: “alstom s.a. has agreed to plead guilty to violating the books and records and internal controls provisions of the fcpa and to pay a fine of approximately us$772 million”. it was left to the doj to provide the reasons for imposing the biggest fine ever levied for fcpa offences. these also serve as a warning to other commercial organisations to take persuasive threats seriously.43 1) alstom failed to self-report: i.e. it failed voluntarily to disclose its misconduct. this clearly places the onus on the commercial organisation to take the initiative by self-reporting rather than adopting a “wait and see” approach as to whether their misconduct will be discovered. 2) lack of cooperation by alstom: alstom initially failed to cooperate fully with the doj’s investigation and this impeded the investigation of individuals involved in the bribery scheme. 3) nature and seriousness of the offence: as the plea agreement puts it: “the defendant’s conduct spanned many years and a number of countries and business lines, and involved sophisticated high-level schemes to bribe government officials…”.44 4) alstom lacked an effective compliance and ethics programme at the time of the offence: this emphasises that simply having such a programme in place is not enough: commercial organisations must take steps to ensure that they are effective and subject to periodic review. 5) prior corporate misconduct, including debarment of its subsidiaries by the world bank (see below). the alstom plea agreement also includes detailed information about the alleged role of individual alstom executives, employees and 42 doj press release, november 13 2015. 43 the full details of the plea agreement of 22 december 2014 are set out in united states v alstom sa case 3:14-cr-00246-jba. 44 ibid, 14. the denning law journal 123 “consultants” in the bribery schemes. this is significant in that attention is not simply focused on the organisation as a legal person, but also on those within it who are responsible for the wrongdoing. the desire on the part of alstom to plead guilty to a non-bribery offence is of crucial importance. for commercial organisations, it is vital to avoid a bribery conviction which brings with it possible debarment proceedings in the us and the loss of us government contracts. thus the threat of debarment and the dire economic consequences thereof, can “persuade” even the most powerful commercial organisations of the need to “reveal all” and to reach a settlement in foreign bribery cases. 2. alstom and the world bank much of the funding for major projects in developing countries is provided by the five multilateral development banks.45 in recent years, these institutions have paid increasing attention to combating fraud and corruption in the procurement process. the role of the world bank group (wbg) in this respect is particularly illustrative.46 the wbg has a strict policy on dealing with fraud and corruption in relation to wbg-financed projects. its policy on “fraud and corruption” is set out in the procurement guidelines47 as follows: “it is the bank’s policy to require that borrowers (including beneficiaries of bank loans), bidders, suppliers, contractors and their agents (whether declared or not), sub-contractors, subconsultants, service providers or suppliers, and any personnel thereof, observe the highest standard of ethics during the procurement and execution of bank-financed contracts”.48 45 the african development bank group, the asian development bank, the european bank for reconstruction and development, the inter-american development bank group and the world bank group. 46 the world bank group comprises five agencies: the international bank for reconstruction and development (ibrd); international development agency (ida); international finance corporation (ifc); multilateral investment guarantee agency (miga); and the international centre for settlement of investment disputes (icsid). the term “world bank” generally refers to the ibrd and the ida. 47 wbg guidelines: procurement of goods, works, and non-consulting services under ibrd loans and ida credits & grants by world bank borrowers, 2011, updated 2014. 48 para 1.16. combating foreign bribery 124 a similar provision is found in the consultants guidelines. a violation of the fraud and corruption provisions of the procurement guidelines or consultants guidelines renders a “respondent” (i.e. a firm or individual) liable to sanctions.49 article 9 of the wbg sanctioning guidelines provides for five possible sanctions: a) a public letter of reprimand; b) conditional non-debarment: the respondent is required to comply with certain remedial, preventative or other conditions as a condition to avoiding debarment from wbg projects; c) debarment for a fixed period; the respondent is declared ineligible to tender for a wbg-funded project, either indefinitely or for a stated period of time; d) debarment with conditional release; the respondent is released from debarment if the respondent demonstrates compliance with certain remedial, preventative or other conditions for release, after a minimum period of debarment; e) restitution or remedy: the respondent is required to make restitution to the borrower, to any other party or take action to remedy the harm done by its misconduct. on 9 april 2010, the five multilateral development banks together with the international monetary fund and european investment bank group (the participating institutions) signed an agreement for mutual enforcement of debarment decisions (the mutual debarment agreement). under it, each agrees to enforce debarment decisions made by another participating institution as soon as possible.50 this coordinated and comprehensive approach to debarment is a significant milestone as it provides a common framework for tackling transnational corruption and provides another significant persuasive threat to the economic well-being of commercial organisations.51 the alstom case neatly illustrates the debarment and cross-debarment process. in 2002 alstom made an improper payment of €110,000 to an 49 the current listing of ineligible firms and individuals is available at accessed 1 july 2016. 50 this is subject to the criteria set out in paragraph 4 of the agreement. 51 for a useful discussion on the 2010 agreement see lorenzo nesti, “the 2010 ‘agreement on mutual enforcement of debarment decisions’ and its impact for the fight against fraud and corruption in public procurement” (2014) 14(1) journal of public procurement 62-95. the denning law journal 125 entity controlled by a former senior government official for consultancy services in relation to the wbg-financed zambia power rehabilitation project. following alstom’s acknowledgment of misconduct in relation to the project, in 2012, alstom hydro france and alstom network schweiz ag (switzerland) and their affiliates were debarred by the world bank for a period of three years. as a result, they were also subject to crossdebarment under the mutual debarment agreement. this was all part of a negotiated resolution agreement between alstom and the world bank which also included a restitution payment by the two companies totalling some $9.5 million. in addition, alstom itself and its other affiliates were conditionally non-debarred.52 3. strengthening corporate compliance programmes the failure of alstom to have in place an effective anti-corruption compliance programme was noted in both the agreement with the world bank and the plea agreement with the doj. as part of the world bank settlement, the world bank’s integrity compliance office (ico) required alstom to implement a corporate compliance programme in line with the world bank’s integrity compliance guidelines. an independent compliance monitor was appointed to oversee the process. by 2014 the ico was satisfied that this had been implemented and accordingly alstom’s subsidiaries were released from debarment. in an important illustration of cooperation and coordination, based on the ico’s findings, the doj did not then impose a compliance monitor in the fcpa proceedings. it is regrettable, albeit perhaps not surprising, that alstom’s ungc communications on progress makes no reference to these events (nor indeed to any of alstom’s global misconduct): thus bringing into question the value of such reports. part 2: some lessons from the alstom case the alstom case provides a number of vital lessons in the art of persuading commercial organisations to prevent involvement in foreign bribery in their business activities. this part explores some of the key lessons. 52 world bank press release, 22 february 2012. combating foreign bribery 126 1. recognising the growing importance of corporate codes of ethics and compliance programmes on the face of it, voluntary corporate codes of ethics and compliance programmes appear to constitute merely “moral persuasion”. alstom’s code of ethics is a case in point. some form of code was in place during the period of bribe paying by the company and its subsidiaries: yet it had little or no impact on the way in which the company went about its global bribery activities. today, such codes and programmes are far more significant. thus the failure of alstom to have in place an effective compliance programme was a factor in determining the enormous fine imposed upon it by the doj as well as influencing the terms of its negotiated settlement with the wbg. more generally, under the bribery act the existence of a code of ethics is an important factor in determining whether or not a commercial organisation has “adequate procedures” in place to prove it has a defence to a section 7 charge. in the past, such codes and programmes may well have been ignored by company management and shareholders. this is not the case today with the pressure now on commercial organisations not only to have them in place but to make them effective. moral persuasion has been reinforced by persuasive threats. 2. controlling the activities of sales agents and other third parties as banco et al point out, multi-national companies can face serious challenges when seeking to obtain or retain business in the energy sector in many parts of the world.53 a particular challenge is controlling the activities of sales agents, subsidiaries and third parties.54 this is emphasised in a 2015 survey by kpmg international. this found that an increasing number of companies were finding corporate anti-bribery and corruption compliance highly challenging with their overriding concern relating to the auditing of third parties for compliance. this was due to the “very high proportion of bribes now paid either by third parties to the 53 see banco et al, (n 28) 152. 54 for example, in the sweett group case the corrupt payments were made by its subsidiary company, cyril sweett international limited to khaled al badie, a senior official of aaai to secure the award of a contract with aaai for the building of the rotana hotel in abu dhabi. as noted below, such cases also help reveal the identities of those foreign public officials involved in the bribery scandal and lead to their possible prosecution. the denning law journal 127 ultimate recipient or to seemingly unrelated parties acting on behalf of the ultimate recipient”.55 this is confirmed by the oecd working group on bribery which reported that 3 out of 4 cases analysed involved the use of intermediaries.56 the pressure on commercial organisations to address the problem of bribery by their agents is neatly illustrated by the alstom case. for many years the company had used external “sales consultants” in a number of countries who were compensated on a “success fee” basis.57 in 2014 the danger of such a practice was highlighted by the us doj: “in connection with the bidding on the power projects [in the bahamas], … alstom retained consultant i [whose] primary purpose was not to provide legitimate consulting services to alstom and its subsidiaries but instead was to pay bribes [to a public official] who had the ability to influence the award of power contracts”.58 it is noteworthy that in 2014, the company announced that “in an effort to further reduce compliance risks to the group and in line with alstom achieving the highest ethical business standards, the company has decided to discontinue the hiring of such sales consultants”.59 other commercial organisations may well need to follow suit. 3. developing the global political will to combat the bribery of foreign public officials combating the bribery of public officials effectively also requires the political will on the part of all states to take the necessary steps to tackle the problem. there are still far too many states that demonstrate “no political will” to do so, despite their having in place legislation in compliance with the oecd anti-bribery convention. here the work of 55 kpmg international, anti-bribery and corruption (n 9) 7. 56 oecd foreign bribery report (n 41) 8. 57 alstom press release, january 17 2014. 58 see the discussion below on the fate of the bahamian official. similarly, in the case of bribes paid to obtain a power contract in indonesia, the doj has noted that to conceal the bribes, alstom “retained two consultants purportedly to provide legitimate consultation on behalf of alstom … in reality, the primary purpose for hiring the consultants was to use the consultants to pay bribes to indonesian officials”: doj press release july 17 2014. the press release includes fascinating details about how the bribes were allegedly paid. 59 alstom press release (n 57). combating foreign bribery 128 transparency international and the oecd working group on bribery in seeking to improve this situation is particularly noteworthy. however, the approach of the us and the uk is encouraging. indeed, the extensive jurisdiction provided for in the fcpa and ba means that few transnational corporations can avoid the prospect of prosecution even where the alleged foreign bribery offence(s) took place elsewhere. 4. prosecuting individuals within the commercial organisation it is notoriously difficult to identify those individuals within a commercial organisation who were involved in the bribery of foreign public officials. as the yates memorandum puts it: “in large corporations, where responsibility can be diffuse and decisions are made at various levels, it can be difficult to determine if someone possessed the knowledge and criminal intent necessary to establish their guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. this is particularly true when determining the culpability of high-level executives, who may be insulated from the day-to-day activity in which the misconduct occurs”.60 it is therefore necessary to “persuade” commercial organisations to disclose information about those of its officials and employees who were responsible for or involved in the acts of foreign bribery. if successful, this can provide a most powerful deterrent as it now exposes even their most senior officials to criminal or civil liability. in practice, the us has been willing to prosecute such individuals. for example, between 2012 and 2014, four senior officials of alstom subsidiaries pleaded guilty to fcpa violations in respect of the awarding of a us$118 million power contract in indonesia known as the tarahan project.61 to emphasise this commitment, in september 2015 the us deputy attorney general, sally yates issued an internal doj memorandum (the yates memo) entitled “individual accountability for corporate wrongdoing”.62 this states that: 60 see n 62 below, at 2. 61 see department of justice press release, 17 july 2014. marubeni corporation, alstom’s consortium partner on the tarahan project also pleaded guilty to conspiracy to violate the fcpa and was sentenced to pay a criminal fine of us$88 million. 62 the yates memorandum is available at accessed 1 july 2016 the denning law journal 129 “one of the most effective ways to combat corporate misconduct is by seeking accountability from the individuals who perpetrated the wrongdoing. such accountability is important for several reasons: it deters future illegal activity, it incentivizes changes in corporate behavior, it ensures that the proper parties are held responsible for their actions, and it promotes the public's confidence in our justice system”.63 the yates memo provides “guidance” which will apply to all future investigations of corporate wrongdoing. it makes it clear that, amongst other things: (1) to be eligible for any cooperation credit, corporations must provide to the department [of justice] all relevant facts about the individuals involved in corporate misconduct;64 (2) both criminal and civil corporate investigations should focus on individuals from the inception of the investigation;65 and (3) absent extraordinary circumstances, no corporate resolution will provide protection from criminal or civil liability for any individuals.66 given the already significant financial penalties being imposed on commercial organisations by the doj, this represents a most significant persuasive threat that requires commercial organisations to adopt a “reveal all” approach. indeed, as noted earlier, one reason for alstom’s record fine was due to its failure to cooperate fully with the doj investigators. in the uk, a somewhat similar approach is being taken with the sfo launching a series of prosecutions against several senior alstom company executives in relation to the alleged payment of bribes paid in order to obtain business in india, poland and tunisia.67 63 ibid, 1 64 emphasis in the original. 65 guidance, para 2. the yates memo (at 2) states that the guidance also applies to civil corporate matters as these “serve to redress misconduct and deter future wrongdoing”. 66 guidance, para 4. 67 as at 1 november 2016, the cases were still ongoing. in some cases, the sharing of information between states is the catalyst for launching an investigation. for example, the sfo investigation which led to alstom subsidiaries and senior company officials being charged with bribery offences in combating foreign bribery 130 given this reality, the ey 14th global fraud survey (the ey global fraud survey) entitled corporate misconduct: individual consequences makes the position quite clear: “boards need to be aware that regulators are enforcing anticorruption legislation with vigor, and are increasingly focused on individual misconduct. boards must respond and confirm that they are doing enough to protect their business from these risks, or both board members and their employees may be held personally responsible for misconduct under their watch”.68 5. revealing the identity of the foreign public officials who benefitted from the bribe the “reveal all” approach demanded by self-reporting also helps to remove the secrecy surrounding the corrupt bargain itself and thus identify those foreign public officials involved in the bribery scandal. this provides the victim states with an opportunity to take appropriate action against those officials. for example, as noted earlier, alstom pleaded guilty to bribery in connection with the obtaining of a contract with the bahamas electricity corporation (bec), a government-owned company. in may 2016, a court in the bahamas convicted fred ramsey, a former board member of the bec, of a series of bribery offences involving his assisting alstom to obtain win contracts and overturn a government award to a competitor. it might be noted that the chief prosecution witness at the trial was the alstom consultant who paid the bribes: he had been granted immunity in the case. 69 6. dealing with prosecutions in multiple jurisdictions the alstom case highlights the fact that by adopting (i.e. being “persuaded” to adopt) the “reveal all” approach may open the company to hungary commenced as a result of information supplied by the office of the attorney general in switzerland: sfo press release 12 may 2015. 68 ey 14th global fraud survey, corporate misconduct: individual consequences (2016) 4. the ey survey also found that the majority of respondents supported the prosecution of individual executives with 83% of respondents viewing enforcement against management as an effective deterrent in combating corruption: 5. 69 richard l cassim, “bahamas utility official convicted of taking alstom bribes” fcpa blog, 5 may 2016: accessed 1 august 2016. the denning law journal 131 enforcement actions in multiple jurisdictions or by multiple international financial institutions based on the same or similar facts. whilst not an “alstom” case, the bonny island case provides a good illustration of such actions. this related to contracts for a natural gas project in nigeria obtained by four foreign companies (the tskl consortium) allegedly through bribery. the tskl consortium later agreed a fcpa-related settlement with the doj and sec and then, following an investigation in nigeria, to a settlement with the nigerian government. the consortium also agreed to pay penalties to the african development bank totalling us$22.7 million for bribes relating to the same contracts whilst an italian court also fined one of the partner companies to the consortium some us$27.4 million.70 in the alstom case, its settlement with the us doj was to resolve charges that it paid bribes to government officials in egypt, saudi arabia, the bahamas and taiwan. but there was no “global” settlement here. this raises the prospect of the company also facing prosecution (or other enforcement action) in these “victim” states with the prospect of significant additional financial penalties being imposed on it. if this is the case, then, without more, this can have a chilling effect on the reveal all approach as companies seek to avoid exposure to criminal liability on a global scale. this is a developing area which raises two further issues. a) a global settlement approach? in cases where more than one party has jurisdiction over the foreign bribery offence, article 4(3) of the oecd anti-bribery convention provides that “the parties involved shall, at the request of one of them, consult with a view to determining the most appropriate jurisdiction for prosecution”. clearly there is no obligation to consult and the provision only applies to parties to the convention. the uncac, which has a global reach,71 takes a similar approach. it provides that “states parties shall consider concluding bilateral or multilateral agreements or arrangements in relation to matters that are subject to investigations, prosecution or judicial proceedings in one or more states”.72 further that in such proceedings, “the competent authorities of those states parties 70 for details and sources of the information see jay holtmeier, “cross-border corruption enforcement: a case for measured coordination among multiple enforcement authorities” (2015) 84 fordham lr 493, 498-499. 71 as at 1 november 2016, there were 180 state parties to the convention. 72 article 49. combating foreign bribery 132 shall, as appropriate, consult one another with a view to coordinating the actions”.73 thus, there is no obligation on states to reach a global settlement and the possibility remains of carbon copy prosecutions74 of, or other enforcement action against, the commercial organisation in multiple states based on the same or similar conduct.75 this is potentially of particular value for victim states which have an opportunity of using the corporate disclosure to prosecute both their own corrupt public officials as well as the bribe paying company.76 the possibility remains of reducing corporate financial liability in the light of a monetary settlement reached in another state or of coordinated action between states to resolve a global bribery issue.77 however whether any “credit” is given by a court in response to such a settlement is uncertain. b) a double jeopardy issue? the double jeopardy rule was developed by the common law to prevent a person being tried twice for the same crime and is widely recognised in both national laws and international conventions. yet the rule is potentially limited by the dual sovereignty principle which provides that two sovereign states can each prosecute a person for the violation of both their laws even if based on the same facts. as colangelo asserts: “a national prosecution applying and enforcing a national law does not erect a bar to successive prosecutions by other states with national jurisdiction over the crime in question”.78 73 article 42(5). 74 a term coined in andrew s boutros and t markus frank, “‘carbon copy’ prosecutions: a growing anti-corruption phenomenon in a shrinking world” [2012] u chicago legal forum 259, 260. 75 alstom’s plea agreement with the doj specifically states that it is only binding on the doj: see united states v alstom sa 14-cr-236 (2014), para 3 (the alstom settlement). 76 an excellent example of this is provided by the lesotho highlands water case: see hatchard, combating corruption (n 10) 245 et seq. 77 for example, in the siemens case, the company entered into a coordinated settlement with both the doj and german authorities. for a useful discussion on this area see holtmeier (n 70) 508-511. 78 anthony j colangelo, “double jeopardy and multiple sovereigns: a jurisdictional theory” (2009) 86 washington university law review 769, 797. the denning law journal 133 for example, in a case involving a siemens employee, the defendant sought to have a corruption charge dismissed in an argentinian court on the basis that he had previously been prosecuted for the same offence in germany. the court refused to dismiss the case ruling that the german court had focused on the private effects of the alleged bribery whilst the argentina case involved potential harm to the public sector.79 as holtmeier comments: “thus, as conceived, the double jeopardy principle is narrow enough that if courts and enforcement agencies can find some way to distinguish the separate proceedings, and show they are not identical, it will rarely be a bar to prosecution”.80 7. civil action by unsuccessful rival bidders the “reveal all” requirement may also leave commercial organisations open to the prospect of civil actions being brought against them by unsuccessful bidders for contracts which were won through bribery.81 for example, at the trial of fred ramsey in the bahamas, the alstom agent responsible for the payment of the bribes testified that these were paid in return, amongst other things, for mr ramsey asking a cabinet minister to intervene to overturn a unanimous decision of the bec to award the contract to a south korean company, han jung.82 in such circumstances, there seems little to prevent han jung bringing civil proceedings against alstom. 8. encouraging whistleblowing the united nations office on drugs and crime (unodc) has noted that there is extensive research to demonstrate that information provided emphasis in the original. the article provides a detailed examination of the issue: see especially 790-805. 79 this information is drawn from lucio fabiani larranga. “double jeopardy? siemens defendant loses argentina dismissal motion”: see further accessed 1 july 2016. 80 ibid, 515. emphasis in the original. 81 see, for example, the south african case of transnet ltd v sechaba photoscan (pty) ltd [2004] zasca 24 and discussed in hatchard, combating corruption (n 10) 258-259. 82 see holtmeier (n 70) 498. combating foreign bribery 134 by whistleblowers is one of the most common ways in which instances of fraud and corruption are identified.83 it is therefore not surprising that the international community is taking active steps to encourage both whistleblowing and the provision of effective protection for those who do so.84 given this reality, the possibility of whistleblowers revealing corporate wrongdoing is increasingly a threat to commercial organisations. the potential impact of whistleblowing is neatly illustrated by the hsbc bank case in which hervé falciani leaked financial documents showing illegal activities by the swiss arm of the bank.85 the release of the panama papers in 2016 even more starkly highlights the possibility of the “super-whistleblower” who is capable of obtaining vast quantities of data with potentially explosive exposure of nefarious corporate wrongdoing. indeed, commercial organisations can also expect to be exposed to new risks of data loss through cyber attacks.86 there is seemingly no mention of alstom in either of the leaks. however, the threat of exposure of corporate wrongdoing by whistleblowers, either voluntarily or by way of a plea bargain (or through cyber attacks), and its potential economic impact on any commercial organisation is another potentially significant persuasive threat to encourage good corporate governance.87 83 unodc, the united nations convention against corruption: resource guide on good practices in the protection of reporting persons (unodc 2015) 3. this publication contains an excellent bibliography on the wealth of resource material available on this topic. 84 see, for example, the council of europe, recommendation on the protection of whistleblowers (committee of ministers recommendation to member states cm/rec(2014)7). for the purposes of the recommendation, a whistleblower means “any person who reports or discloses information on a threat or harm to the public interest in the context of their work-based relationship, whether it be in the public or private sector”: appendix. 85 for his trouble, in 2015 falciani was convicted by a swiss court of offences relating to his action and sentenced to five years imprisonment. 86 see the ey global fraud survey (n 68) 41. 87 for example, in june 2016, both alstom and ge were named by a whistleblower as being involved in the petrobras bribery case. the information was provided by way of a plea bargain. both denied any involvement in the case but alstom’s shares fell 2.7% on the news: bloomberg news, 7 june, 2016. the denning law journal 135 9. requiring enhanced scrutiny of commercial organisations subject to mergers or acquisitions commercial organisations are now under pressure to perform enhanced due diligence when involved in mergers and acquisitions. this, in itself, can raise concerns about possible misconduct on the part of the other party which can delay or even undermine the proposed deal. for example, at the time of the doj investigation into its activities, alstom was in the process of seeking to sell its energy business to the giant american firm ge for around us$15 billion. this was put on hold until the deal by alstom with the us department of justice paved the way for the sale to proceed. even then alstom was not permitted to pay the us$772 million fine from the proceeds of the merger. according to the ey global fraud survey, despite record levels of mergers and acquisitions: “… respondents are not yet taking potential steps to identify and mitigate key corruption risks before entering into joint ventures or local partnerships”.88 clearly there is still progress to be made here. part 3: conclusion: the art of persuasion revisited this article has explored the challenge of persuading commercial organisations whether they want to or not, to (1) take effective steps to prevent the bribery of foreign public officials in their business activities (the prevention strategy); and (2) reveal everything about any past involvement in such bribery (the reveal all strategy). using the case of alstom, it has highlighted that there are a range of persuasive techniques that can meet this challenge. as regards the prevention strategy, the moral persuasion approach i.e. persuading commercial organisations to publicly commit to corporate good governance through putting in place codes of ethics and compliance programmes, may seem of limited value. as ti points out, at worst such programmes are “mere window dressing” exercises. certainly, in the light of its diverse foreign bribery activities, alstom’s claim to be an “ethical company” has a somewhat hollow ring. 88 ey global fraud survey (n 68) 25. combating foreign bribery 136 yet today, the development of corporate codes of conduct and compliance programmes goes beyond moral persuasion and mere window dressing. there is now real pressure on all commercial organisations to take steps to maintain a “rigorous anti-corruption compliance programme that includes policies and procedures designed to detect and deter violations” of anti-bribery laws. the “gentle persuasion” standard-setting initiatives of the ungc, the oecd and ti provide an excellent basis for the development and maintenance of such programmes. this will be enhanced if the communications on progress required under the ungc are used to encourage, and help monitor transparency on, progress in this regard. with the moral persuasion and gentle persuasion strategies now being reinforced by persuasive threats, the hope is that commercial organisations will indeed take the necessary steps to prevent the bribery of foreign public officials in their business activities. as regards the “reveal all” strategy, a combination of forceful persuasion and persuasive threats led to alstom eventually disclosing its global bribery activities. however the impact of the forceful persuasion strategy remains limited by the reluctance of many parties to the oecd anti-bribery convention to prosecute cases of alleged foreign bribery. the failure of france to take any action against alstom, a company that has its headquarters in that country, epitomises the point. the active enforcement of the convention by all parties is now essential and this will not only act as an important deterrent but should also facilitate the development of more effective multi-jurisdictional coordination in combating foreign bribery, including encouraging and facilitating a “global settlement” approach.89 yet as the alstom case highlights, it is the threat of a conviction for a foreign bribery offence and subsequent debarment that played the key role in persuading it to reveal all and to agree settlements with the world bank and the us doj. in the us context, the yates memo now becomes highly significant. by making eligibility for a settlement dependent upon the commercial organisation providing the doj with “all the relevant facts about the individuals involved in corporate misconduct”, it enhances the prospect of making accountable those responsible for the authorising 89 it is noteworthy that on november 8 2016, france adopted anti-corruption legislation (known as “sapin 2”) which allows magistrates to enter into deferred prosecution agreements with companies with the maximum fine being 30% of the company’s annual turnover. to ensure transparency, the agreement requires the approval of a judge at a public hearing: see accessed 9 november 2016. the denning law journal 137 and/or undertaking the illegal activity as well as those in the highest echelons of the organisation who turn a “blind eye” to corporate wrongdoing. it also acts as an important deterrent on any future illegal activity and provides a further incentive for senior officials of commercial organisations to ensure that their compliance programmes are effectively implemented. this approach should be adopted elsewhere. the yates memo has drawn some criticism. one commentator describes it as “rhetoric because the reality is that few doj corporate enforcement actions result in any related charges against company employees.90 however only time will tell whether this is the case. what is important is that the policy is in place. as yates herself has noted “our goal is to get to the bottom of who did what and if there are culpable individuals, hold them accountable… our goal is to uncover the truth”.91 these are exciting times. just a few years ago, the idea that commercial organisations, including even the largest multinationals, could be persuaded to take effective steps to prevent foreign bribery in their operations, whether they wanted to or not, would have seemed highly unlikely. this article has demonstrated that through the art of persuasion, corporate conduct can be changed for the better. this is still work in progress92 but hopefully it will contribute to the enhancement of good governance and transparent management in the energy sector 90 see fcpa professor blog accessed 1 september 2016. it is further asserted in the blog that between “20082014, 75% of doj corporate enforcement actions have not (at least yet) resulted in any doj charges against company employees” (emphasis in the original). 91 speech given by sally q yates at the new york city bar association white collar crime conference, (may 17 2016) 5. 92 for example, the results of the ey 14th global fraud survey show that “a significant minority of global executives [are] willing to justify unethical conduct” with the report concluding that “individuals, including some senior executives entrusted with the guardianship of their firms, cannot be assumed to act with integrity if the end might seem to justify the means”: see (n 69) 20 and 41. administration ofjustice in malaysia y a. a. tan sri dato' abdul hamid omar* in order to appreciate the present judicial system and the administration of justice in malaysia, one needs to trace the origins and history of the malaysian bench. as will be seen, the growth and development of the malaysian judiciary were directly consequent on the political changes which took place in the country. the historical judicial development reflective of the political changes will therefore constitute the first half of the discussion. the second half will be devoted to a discussion of the present day system and hierarchy of courts with their powers and jurisdiction. this paper will conclude with an attempt to postulate future changes in the malaysian judiciary consequent upon the creation of the supreme court of malaysia. the history of the malaysian judicial system is closely interrelated with the history of british intervention in the malay peninsula. it is proposed to divide our study of the malaysian judicial history into four distinct periods, viz.: (1) british colonial rule: 1786-1941 (pre-war period); (2)japanese occupation (world war ii): 1942-1945; (3) british colonial rule: 1946-1956 (post-war period); and (4) independence and thereafter: 1957-1980s. a. historical judicial development 1. british colonial rule: 1786-1941 varying degrees of british involvement can be seen in the differing governmental structures in malaya; the straits settlements, the federated malay states and the unfederated malay states constituted three stages in british intervention. whilst the first were settled colonies, the latter two were mere protectorates. (a) straits settlements (s.s.) the first stage in british intervention began when the east india company, which had created outposts in penang (1786), malacca (1824) and singapore (1819), transferred them to the british crown. collectively known as the straits settlements, they came directly under the responsibility of the british colonial office in 1876. ·chief justice, malaya 1 the denning law journal the judicial system obtaining in the crown colony first evolvedwhen the first charter of justice of 1807 established courts of judicature in penang. by the second charter of justice of 1826, united courts of judicature were established for the three settlements of penang, malacca and singapore. these charters of justice were significant for they heralded the reception of english common law and equity into the malay peninsula. as stated by malkin r in in the goods of abdullah: "i refer to the case of rodyk v. williamson . .. in which i expressed my opinion that i was bound by the uniform course of authority to hold that the introduction of the king's charter into these settlements had introduced the existing law of england, except in some cases where it was modified by express provisions, and had abrogated any law previously existing."l it is important to note that the court of judicature was to administer in the straits settlements the principles of common law and equity which were then in force in england "as far as local circumstances will admit". in yeap cheah neo v. ong cheng neo, sir montague smith on behalf of the juducial committee of the privy council said: "in applying this general principle [the applicability of english law to the straits settlements], it has been held that statutes relating to matters and exigencies peculiar to the local condition of england, and which are not adapted to the circumstances of a colony, do not become a part of its law, although the general law of england may be introduced into it."z a distinct feature of early-days british administration of justice was the lack of separation between the judiciary and the executive. prior to 1867, the courts consisted not only of professional judges called "recorders", but also of lay judges. the latter comprised the governor who was the chief executive authority 1. (1835) 2 ky. ecc. 8 at pp. 9-10 2. (1875) l.r. 6 p.e. 387, 394 the application of united kingdom common law, rules of equity and certain statutes in peninsula malaysia is ~ow governed by section 3 of the civil law act, 1956 (revised 1972). for easy reference, the provisions are spelt out: section 3 (i) reads: "save so far as other provision has been made or may hereafter be made by any written law in force in malaysia the court shall (a) in west malaysia or any part thereof apply the common law of england and the rules of equity as administered in england on the 7th day of april, 1956; (b) in sabah, apply the common law of england and the rules of equity, together with statutes of general application, as administered or in force in england on the 1st day of december, 1951; (c) in sarawak, apply the common law of england and the rules of equity, together with statutes of general application, as administered or in force in england on the 12th day of december 1949, subject however to subsection (3) (ii): provided always that the said common law, rules of equity and statutes of general application shall be applied so far only as the circumstances of the states of malaysia and their respective inhabitants permit and subject to such qualifications as local circumstances render necessary." 2 administration of justice in malaysia of the state and members of the executive council. it was only when the straits settlements came under the control of the british colonial office that the judiciary became separate from the executive. in 1868, when the supreme court of the straits settlements was established, the "recorders" of the former courts of judicature became the sole judges. in 1873, the supreme court was reorganized under four judges: the chief justice, judge of penang, senior puisne judge and junior puisne judge. a criminal court known as the court of quarter sessions was also established and was presided over in singapore by the senior puisne judge, and in penang by the junior puisne judge. a court of appeal was also established. this was the position in the straits settlements until the invasion by japan of british malaya. (b) federated malay states (f.m.s.) the f.m.s. which comprised perak, selangor, negri sembilan and pahang came into being in 1895. between 1874 and 1887, each of the four states came under british protection when their rulers, in exchange for british recognition of their claim as rulers of the respective malay states, agreed to accept british residents whose advice had to be asked and acted upon on all questions other than those touching malay religion and custom. prior to 1895, each of the states had its own state judiciary for the administration of justice. the then existing judicial institutions consisted of the magistrate's courts, the court of senior magistrate and lastly, the final court of appeal, the sultan-in-council. however, the actual decision maker in the state council was the british resident. there was no separation of the judiciary from the executive. when the federation was formed in 1895, a common judiciary was introduced when a common form of legislation was passed in each of the four states to establish a common court of appeal called the court of the judicial commissioner. it was the highest court in the f.m.s. however, in 1905, it was superseded by the supreme court of the f.m.s. the supreme court consisted of a court of appeal and a court of the judicial coihmissioner. whilst the former replaced the 1895 court of judicial commissioner, the latter replaced the senior magistrate's court. strangely enough, this supreme court was not a federal court and was established in each state by state legislation and had jurisdiction only as regards the state concerned. however, it 1918, a federal supreme court was created for the f.m.s. by federal legislation. the f.m.s. remained in existence until the japanese invasion in december 1941. (c) the unfederated malay states (u.f.m.s.) the u.f.m.s. consisted of kedah, perlis, kelantan, trengganu and johore. the first four states came under british protection beginning from 1909 when the siamese transferred to the british their rights of suzerainty, protection, administration and control over the states. a british adviser was appointed for 3 the denning law journal each state under a series of agreements. johore accepted a british adviser in 1914. like that of the f.m.s. advice of the british advisers had to be asked and acted upon by the rulers of the u.f.m.s. on all questions other than those touching malay religion and custom. with respect to the administration of justice, each state had its own state judiciary. each also had its own supreme court although the constitution of the courts varied from state to state. the u.f.m.s. remained outside the federation until the end of world war ii. 2. japanese occupation (world war ii): 1942-1945 the japanese occupation of british malaya commenced in december, 1941. nothing much is known either of the judicial system or the administration of justice in the malay peninsula during this period. however, it appears that there were two courts functioning during that time; the military or special courts and the civil courts. the special court was set up to try civilians charged with offences under the japanese maintenance of public peace and order law. it was presided by a japanese judge. with respect to the civil courts, their jurisdiction was confined to civiland criminal cases only. in this respect, it appears that the pre-existing laws of the s.s., the f.m.s. and the u.f.m.s. continued in force until changed or repealed by the japanese military administration. the civil courts were presided by local judicial officers. in 1943, pursuant to the judicial organization ordinance, a supreme court, high court, district and magistrates' courts, penghulu's court and kathis' courts were established during the japanese occupation. speaking of the japanese occupation, an interesting question has emerged and that is whether the occupation was, in law, an occupation or conquest. the japanese were in occupation of malaya from the middle of february, 1942 to september, 1945. nevertheless, the question remains whether the occupation in fact was a mere occupation or was it a conquest of malaya by the japanese? i do not propose to provide the answer but would refer the readers' attention to two articles appearing in volume 12 of the 1946 malayan law journal. 3 3. british colonial rule: (1946-1956) (post-war period) (a) british military administration (b.m.a.) the surrender of the japanese forces in 1945 saw, once again, the reinstatement of british colonial rule in the malay peninsula. from september, 1945 to april, 1946, the peninsula was placed under the british military administration. during that period, the b.m.a. set up a system of courts called the superior court 3. see, "powers and duties of an enemy occupant", (1946) 12 m.l.]. i; "british law and police officers during japanese occupation", (1946) 12m.l.j. lxv-\xix; "occupation or conquest?", (1946) 12m.l}. xxvii. 4 administration of justice in malaysia 03..m.a.)and the district courts (b.m.a.). the administration of justice during this period was in the hands of british military officers. as can be seen, the british military administration was a transitional phase prior to the introduction of civilian rule. towards this end, th,~british military courts played a crucial role in converting chaos, which was prevalent during the japanese occupation, to orderly government. the jurisdiction of the courts and the objective of their creation may be seen in in re lam wmg chak.4 in that case, the accused was charged on four charges of having voluntarily caused hurt for the purpose of e},.1ortingconfessions ill march 1942, being offences under section 330 of the penal code (f..m.s.). at the hearing of me case, a preliminary objection was raised over the jurisdiction of the lpoh superior court (b..m.a.)to take cognizance of offences alleged to have bl~ committed in malaya during the japanese occupation. in support of the above objection, counsel for the accused pointed out that proclamation no. 3 which established military courts and conferred on them jurisdiction "over persons charged with offences committed either before or after the establishment of such control",s was promulgated by th.e general officer commanding ;\1ilitary forces ~\1alayapursuant to proclamation no.1. the latter, promulgated by lord !\1ountbatten, l~esupreme alii.edcommander south east asia command, provided that the .malaypenirrsula (llj.estraits settlements and the malay states) were placed under military administration "by reason of military necessity and for the suppression of disorder and the maintenance of public safety.,,6it was argued that in so far as proclamation no. i did not expressly provide for any retrospective effect of subsequent proclamation made under it, proclamation no.3 was therefore ultra vires and the ipoh superior court was not competent to try the accused. this submission was rejected by the president, lt.-col. j. g. adams, who held that the immediate effect of proclamation no. 1 was to restore the law as it was before the japanese occupied malaya in 1942 such as those of the s.s., the f.m.s. and the u.f.;\1.s. in his view time never ran against the crown, and the courts, being set up by reason of military necessity for the administration of those laws that existed before the existence of the japanese occupation, should have exactly the same jurisdiction as the criminal courts then in existence had before the japanese occupation. he summed up by sa)~ngthat the courts were set up to administer the law that existed prior to the japanese occupation and therefore had jurisdiction to try all offences against the penal code of the f.m.s. whenever they were committed. 4. ipoh criminal trial no. 61 of! 946. see "jurisdiction of military courts", (1946) 1zm.l.j. xxxii. 5 ibid. xxxiii. 6 ibid. 5 the denning law journal (b) the malayan union the b.m.a. was a brief interlude and was replaced by the british malayan union in 1946. the establishment of the malayan union which comprised the f.m.s., u.f.m.s. and the s.s. witnessed the unification of the three separate judicial systems mentioned earlier. under section 85 of the malayan union order in council, 1946, the malayan union ordinance 3/46 was enacted whereby a supreme court (a court of record) was established, comprising the high court having jurisdiction throughout the malay peninsula with power to exercise original and appellate civil and criminal jurisdiction, and the court of appeal with power to exercise appellate civil and criminal jurisdiction.7 the ordinance also dealt with the establishment, constitution and powers of subordinate civil and criminal courts. the lower courts consisted of the district courts and magistrates' courts. authority was vested in the governor to constitute by order in each state and settlement so many courts as he thought fit and to assign local limits of jurisdiction. where he deemed necessary, the governor may extend the jurisdiction beyond the boundary of such state or settlement. (c) federation of malaya (1948) the malayan union proved unpopular and amidst intense malay opposition was superseded by the federation of malaya on 1st february, 1948. under the federation of malaya agreement, 1948 each state and settlement was to retain its own individuality but all were to be united under a strong central government. the demise of the malayan union saw the restructuring of the courts particularly at the subordinate level. the courts ordinance 1948 established, in place of the malayan union subordinate courts, a new structure of inferior courts comprising the sessions courts, magistrates' courts and penghulus' courts. this structure is continued up to the present day. with respect to the superior courts, the federation of malaya agreement continued the pre-existing structure, i.e. the malayan union supreme court which consisted of the court of appeal and a high court under a chief justice. the 1948 agreement further provided that the chief justice and judges of the supreme court of the malayan union were to be the first chief justice and judges of the supreme court of the federation of malaya. 4. independence federal constitution 1957 on 31st august, 1957 the federation of malaya became an independent sovereign country. however, the supreme court of pre-independence was continued. the supreme court therefore still consisted of a high court and a court of appeal. the establishment, jurisdiction and powers of all courts, 7 it should be noted that by 1946, singapore had become a separate crown colony and was given a separate supreme court. however, in practice, judges of the supreme court, malayan union, could preside as judges of the supreme court, singapore, and vice versa. 6 · administration of justice in malaysia excluding muslim courts, are matters within the legislative powers of the federation. article 121 of the federal constitutions provided that "the judicial power of the federation shall be vested in a supreme court and such inferior courts as may be provided by federal law", and by article 122 (1),9 "the supreme court shall consist of a chief justice and other judges." the supreme court of independent malaya not only retained its previous powers but its jurisdiction was considerably enlarged. under the federation of malaya agreement, 1948, the court of justice was not competent to question the validity of the courts ordinancelo of that year and no court of justice, including the supreme court itself, had any power to interpret the federation agreement. i i as can be seen the function to interpret was vested in an ad hoc interpretation tribunal. in contrast, under the 1957 constitution the supreme court was not only given the original, appellate and revisional jurisdiction as may be provided by federal law but also, to the exclusion of any other court, the jurisdiction to determine any dispute between states or even between the federation and any state.12 in this connection, however, it is to be observed that certain disputes relating to land and those arising under articles 83 to 87 had to be referred to the land tribunal. the supreme court's special jurisdiction to interpret the constitution was provided by article 129 which read: "without prejudice to any appellate or revisional jurisdiction of the supreme court, where in any proceedings before another court a question arises as to the effect of any provision of this constitution, the supreme court may, on the application of either party to the proceedings, determine that question and either dispose of the case or remit it to the other court to be disposed of in accordance with the determination.,,13 its advisory jurisdiction as provided by article 130 reads: "the yang di-pertuan agong may refer to the federal court for its opinion any question as to the effect of any provision of this constitution which has arisen or appears to him likely to arise, and the federal court shall pronounce in open court its opinion on any question so referred to it." another major change introduced by the federal constitution is the appointment of the chief justice and judges of the supreme court. under the federation of malaya agreement, 1948, the appointment of judges was made by the high commissioner for and on behalf of his majesty and the ruler,14 whereas under 8 the federal constitution as at 31st august, 1957. 9 ibid. 10. federation of malaya agreement 1948, clause 66. 11. federation of malaya agreement 1948, clause 153. 12. federal constitution 1957, articles 128 (1) & 128 (2) 13. article 129 has since been repealed and the power to interpret the constitution is now enshrined in article 128 of the federal constitution. 14. federation of malaya agreement 1948, clause 77 (4). 7 the denning law journal the 1957 constitution the chief justice and other judges of the supreme coun were appointed by his majesty the yang di-pertuan agong.15 (a) tenure of office and independence of the judiciary the reid commission report contained a recommendation on the tenure of office of a judge. basically the object was to ensure the independence of the judges. this recommendation was to the effect that: "since under the new constitution the powers of her majesty's government and the high commissioner will disappear, it has been necessary to insert the provisions) usual in democratic constitutions, for the maintenance of the independence of the supreme court. under our proposals (article 116) a judge cannot be removed except by an order of the yang dipertuan agong in pursuance of an address passed by a majority of two-thirds of each house of parliament; and before any such motion is moved there must be proved misconduct or infirmity of mind or body. subject to this provision, the age of retirement has been at 65." with a view to ensuring further the independence of the courts, a provision was also made for the remuneration of judges of the supreme court to be charged to the consolidated fund.16 there was also enshrined in the constitution a provision to the effect that the remuneration and other terms of office (including pension rights) of the judges of the supreme court should not be altered to his ~!sadvantage after his appointment.17 one other provision which is significant is contained in article 127 which provides that: "the conduct of a judge of the federal court or high court shall not be discussed in either house of parliament except on a substantive motion of which notice has been given by not less than one quarter of the total numbers of members of that house, and shall not be discussed in the legislative assembly of any state." as for the subordinate courts their position remained the same and their powers are derived from federal law enacted by virtue of article 121 of the federal constitution. 5. m~s;a (1963) the subsequent developments in our judicial system came about in 1963 when malaysia was formed on t6th september, 1963 with sabah, sarawak and singapore as the three new component states of t.he federation of malaysia. 15. fedenl constitution , ;ls"', l'~lc!c :233. 16. fedenl constitution! 957, a.rdclc 1;~5.;bj. 17. feden1 constitution }957, .'\l1icic ~25 (7;. 8 administration of justice in malaysia consequent upon the formation of malaysia, part ix of the constitution was amended to effect the restructuring of the courts primarily at the superior level. the amendment made provision for the judicial power of the federation to be vested in three high courts of co-ordinate jurisdiction and status namely the high court of malaya, the high court borneo states and the high court singapore. the amendment also made provision for the establishment of a federal court to consist of a president of the court to be styled lord president, the chief justice of the high courts and other federal court judges.is the federal court was also vested with original, appellate and advisory jurisdiction. article 121 of the federal constitution provides: "(2) the following jurisdiction shall be vested in a court which shall be known as the federal court and shall have its principal registry in kuala lumpur, that is to say, (a) exclusive jurisdiction to determine appeals from decisions of a high court or a judge thereof (except decisions of a high court given by a registrar or other officer of the court and appealable under the federal law to a judge of the court); and (b) such original or consultative jurisdiction as is specified in articles 128 and 130." its original jurisdiction as set out in article 128 reads: "(1) the federal court shall, to the exclusion of any other court, have jurisdiction to determine (a) any question whether a law made by parliament or by the legislature of a state is invalid on the ground that it makes provision with respect to a matter with respect to which parliament or, as the case may be, the legislature of the state has no power to make laws; and (b) disputes on any other question between states or between the federation and any other state. (2) without prejudice to any appellate jurisdiction of the federal court, where in any proceedings before another court a question arises as to the effect of any provision of this constitution, the federal court shall have jurisdiction (subject to any rules of court regulating the exercise of that jurisdiction) to determine the question and remit the case to the other court to be disposed of in accordance with the determination. (3) the jurisdiction of the federal court to determine appeals from a high court or a judge thereof shall be such as may be provided by federal law." 18. federal constitution 1957, article 122. 9 the denning law journal article 130 sets out the advisory jurisdiction of the federal court the provisions of which are similar to article 130 of the federal constitution, 1957. they remain until the present day. as may be observed, from malaysia day, 16th september, 1963, the supreme court was replaced and was substituted by a federal court. but the federal court, unlike the supreme court, was not a court of record and no longer consisted of a court of appeal and a high court. it stood on its own in the structure of courts. it is also to be observed that the word "power" is used in article 121 to describe the authority vested in the three high courts of co-ordinate jurisdiction and status. as for the subordinate courts, there was, however, no change in their structure. on 9th august, 1965, singapore broke away from malaysia leaving therefore the two existing high courts, namely that of borneo and peninsula malaya, till today. 6. east malaysia an account of the judicial system and the administration of justice in malaysia is, it is submitted, incomplete without mentioning briefly the position in east malaysia. north borneo (now sabah) and sarawak became british protected states as early as 1888 by virtue of an agreement made between the local rulers and the british north borneo (chartered) company. like their counterparts in the malay peninsula, the company was to administer justice with due regard to native customs and laws and not to interfere with the religion of the inhabitants. with respect to the administration of justice, north borneo was divided into sessional and magisterial divisions. the former was executively administered by the british residents, and the latter by district officers. the chief court was comprised of the governor, the judicial commissioner and other judges temporarily appointed by the governor. as for sarawak, its momentous legal history began with the proclamation of james brook as the first rajah and governor of sarawak. his main task was to establish law and order in the country. in 1870 onwards he established a number of courts comprising the debtor's courts, chinese courts, courts of requests, bankruptcy courts, native courts and supreme courts. the present day high court in east malaysia can trace its origin from this early set up. in 1922, the courts were reorganized by the courts order, 1922. in that year, five courts were constituted viz., the supreme court which exercised original and appellate jurisdiction, the resident's courts, district courts, magistrates' courts and native courts. the administration of justice continued to be carried out by these courts until 1946 when sarawak (so also sabah) were ceded to the british crown. in 19~7, two circuit courts were constituted which for the first time were presided by legally qualified people. in 1951, a major change took place in the borneo states. by the sarawak, north 10 administration of justice in malaysia borneo and brunei (courts) order in council, 1951, a combined judiciary was established for the three states in borneo. the order in council established one superior court of record styled the supreme court of sarawak, north borneo and brunei consisting of the high court of sarawak, north borneo and brunei and the court of appeal of sarawak, north borneo and brunei. however, this combined judiciary disappeared when north borneo (sabah) and sarawak joined the federation of malaya to form malaysia in 1963. the jurisdiction of the high court in sarawak and sabah was retained whilst the appellate jurisdiction of the court of appeal was assumed by the federal court of malaysia. with effect from istjanuary, 1985 this appellate jurisdiction is now vested in the supreme court of malaysia. 7. appeals to the privy council it is of interest to note that the pre-independence right of appeal to the privy council commenced as early as the establishment of the straits settlements, the federated malay states and the unfederated malay states. penang, for instance, acquired that right in 1807 by virtue of the first charter of justice. malacca and singapore were next conferred such right in 1827 by the second charter of justice.19 the f.m.s. acquired such a right when, in 1906, the f.m.s. appeals order in council was passed which provided for appeals from the court of appeal of the f.m.s. to be made to the privy council. as for the u.f.m.s., no such right existed as the same was not provided for in their respective courts enactments. johore, however, acquired such a right when provision for appeals to the privy council was incorporated in her courts enactment passed in 1920. however, since each of the component parts of the malay peninsula had its own supreme court from whose decision an appeal would lie to the privy council, there was no uniformity in legislation governing such a right. uniformity was only achieved in 1948 when clause 83 of the federation of malaya agreement provided specifically for appeals to be made to his majesty in council from the malayan supreme court. on independence, 31st august, 1957, the right to appeal from the supreme court to the privy council was retained and embodied in article 131 of the malayan federal constitution. when malaysia was formed on 16th september, 1963, the malaysian federal constitution by article 131 continued to preserve that right. at the same time, the malaysia act, 1963, substituted the words 'federal court' for the words 'supreme court'. article 131 neatly circumvented the anomaly of appeals coming from an independent country with its own sovereign to another country with a separate sovereign by providing that in law the appeals were addressed not direct to the privy council but to his majesty the yang di-pertuan agong who referred them for advice to the privy council and 19. the first reported privy council appeal from the straits settlements was the case of yeap cheah neo v. ong cheng neo (1875) l.r. 6 p.c. 381. 11 the denning law journal who, in tum, advised his majesty accordingly. pursuant to clause (1) of article 131, the courts ofjudicature act 7 of 1964 was enacted to make provisions for the reference of appeals to the privy council. it is undoubtedly clear that the malaysian parliament may at any time restrict or abolish altogether appeals to the privy council. such a move was successfully initiated in october, 1975 when p.u.(a) 320/75 made the decision of the federal court in criminal cases tried under the essential (security cases) regulations, 1975 non-appealable to the privy council. however, a more serious curtailment was seen in january, 1978 when appeals to the privy council in criminal and constitutional matters were abolished altogether by amendments made to s.74 of act 7 of 1964. malaysia ultimately witnessed the final abolition of appeals to the privy council when act a566/83 (p.u.(b) 589/84) repealed article 131 of the malaysian federal constitution with effect from 1st january, 1985. this significant decision not only saw the demise of the federal court but also the birth of the supreme court of malaysia which is now the final court of appeal in constitutional, civil and criminal matters. this historic event has thus made appeals to the privy council history in malaysia. a material feature of the newly-created supreme court which needs to be mentioned is that, unlike the supreme court which existed under the 1948 federation of malaya agreement and the 1957 malayan federal constitution, the supreme court of 1st january, 1985 is not a court of record. it does not consist of a court of appeal and a high court but is solely an entity standing on its own. b. the malaysian judicial system powers and jurisdiction as may be discerned from the aforesaid discussion, the malaysian judiciary, except for islamic courts, is entirely a federal organization. at the apex of the organization is the supreme court which is now the highest court and final appellate body in the country. next in status and jurisdiction comes the high court to be followed by the subordinate courts which, in descending order, comprise the sessions court and the magistrate's court. the federal constitution and the courts of judicature act, 1964 (revised 1972), make provisions for the constitution, powers and jurisdiction of the supreme and high courts whilst the powers and jurisdiction of the subordinate courts are spelt out in the subordinate courts act, 1948. 1. superior courts before embarking on a discussion of the powers and jurisdiction of the supreme court and high courts, it is necessary to mention in brief the appointment of judges in general. by article 122b of the federal constitution, the lord president, the chief justices of the high court in malaya and borneo, the other judges of the supreme court and judges of the high court are all appointed by the yang di-pertuan agong, acting on the advice of the prime minister, after consulting the conference of rulers. 12 administration of justice in _'vl'\.laysi.\ the constitution stipulates that betore tendering hisadvice on the appointmenr of a judge other than the lord presidenr, the pnme minister shall consult the lord presidenr. before tendering his ad"ice as to the appoldtmenr of the chief justice of a high court, the prime minister shall consult the chief] ustices of the two high courts and, if the appointment is to the high court in borneo, he shall also consult the chief minister of sabah and sarawak. lastly, beton: tendering his advice on the appointment of a judge other than the lord president or a chief justice, the prime :'vlinister shall consult, if the appointment is to the supreme court. the two chief justices and, if the appointmenr is to one of the high courts, the chief justice of that court. (a) supreme court the supreme court wnsists ot the lord president, the chief justi~es of the high court in l\lalaya and borneo, and seven supreme court judges.20 if the interests of justi~e so require, the lord presidem may also nonunate a high court judge to sit as a judge of the supn:me coun. proceedings betore the coun are usually heard and disposed of by a pant:! ot three judges nominated by the lord presidenr.21 sometimes, in cenain special cases, it sits in a pand of rive. in the absence of the lord president the senior member af the court shall preside. the supreme coun is vested with original, appellate and advisory jurisdicnon. article 121 (2) of the federal constitutil)n provides that the supreme court shall have (a) exclusive jurisdicnon to determine appeals tram decisionsof a high coun or a judge thereof (except decisions of a high court gi"en by a registrar or other otficer of the court and appealable under kderallaw to a judge at the high court); (b) such origmal or consultative jurisdiction as is specified in articles 128 and 130; and (c) such other jurisdiction as may be conterred by or under federal law. with respect roits appellate jurisdiction, the supreme coun shall hear appeals in criminal matters from a decision of the high coun made in the exercise of its original criminal jurisdiction. 12 "vith respect (g the decisions of the high court made in ':he exercise of its appdlate crimiml ju~isjiction, the supreme coun shall only hear rderen~es on any question of law of public interest which has arisen in the .:ourse of the appeal trom the subordinate court and the determination of which by the high court has affected the event of the appeal.23 however, in civil matters, the supreme court has jurisdi~tion (0 hear and determine appeals from 20. f~derai constitution, .\rndt: 122 (11; st:t: .uso p.l· l.\; 11",1';182. 21. courts of]ujicature .\ct, 1964, 5.38 (hereafter reterred [0 as "the 1964 .-\d'). 22. the 1964 act, 5.50. 23. the 1964 .'\ct, :,.66. 13 the denning law journal any judgment or order of the high court whether made in the exercise of its original or appellate jurisdiction.24 the original and advisory jurisdiction of the supreme court as provided by articles 128 and 130 respectively, have earlier been spelt out and will not be repeated here. however, it must be pointed out that in the exercise of its original jurisdiction under article 128 (1) (b) in respect of a dispute between the states or between the federation and any state, the supreme court shall not pronounce any judgment other than a declaratory judgment.25 under article 128 (2), the supreme court also has jurisdiction to determine constitutional questions referred to it by the high court. an account of the supreme court necessitates also a brief mention of the functions and duties of the lord president. to a certain extent, they have already been stated in the opening paragraphs. as head of the supreme court, it is the lord president who determines the dates and places for sittings of the court. the supreme court not only sits regularly in kuala lumpur but also travels on circuit to the major state capitals. the lord president may from time to time give such directions with respect to business in the supreme court registry as he considers necessary.26 by virtue of his position, the lord president after consultation with the prime minister, can initiate the machinery for the removal of a judge of the supreme court from office on ground of misbehaviour or of inability from infirmity of body or mind or any other cause, properly to discharge the functions of his office. the lord president may make representations to the yang di-pertuan agongwho shall appoint a tribunal consisting of five judges to be presided by the lord president himself to report and make recommendations on the matter. pending the report, his majesty may on the recommendation of the prime minister after consulting the lord president, suspend a judge of the supreme court from the exercise of his functions.27 the lord president's duty and function may also be seen with reference to the judicial and legal service commission established under article 138 of the federal constitution. the commission's jurisdiction extends to all members of the judicial and legal service and it h~s the power to appoint, confirm, promote, transfer and discipline officers of the service. it is noteworthy that members of the commission who are either judges of the supreme or high courts are appointed by the yang di-pertuan agong on the recommendation of the lord president. the lord president is also the chairman of the rules committee established under section 17 of the courts of judicature act, 1964. 24. the 1964 act, s.67. 25. the 1964 act, s.46. 26. rules of the supreme court 1980, r.138. 27. article 125. 14 · administration of justice in malaysia (b) high court since 9th august, 1965, malaysia has had two high courts of co-ordinate jurisdiction and status; namely, the high court in malaya which has its principal registry in kuala lumpur, and the high court in borneo which has its principal registry in kuching, sarawak. each consists of a chief justice and so many judges of the high court as may be prescribed by article 122a of the federal constitution. proceedings before the high court are usually heard and disposed of by a judge sitting alone except in certain cases.28 for instance, when hearing land references, i.e. appeals in respect of compulsory acquisition of land, a high court judge sits with two assessors. likewise, he sits with two assessors when trying offences under the kidnapping act, 1961, and with a jury when trying capital cases. the powers and jurisdiction of the high court are rather extensive. subject to the original, appellate and advisory jurisdiction of the supreme court, the judicial power of the federation is vested in the two high courts which have equal and co-ordinate jurisdiction, and also in the subordinate courts as may be provided by federal law.z9 the high court is vested with original and appellate jurisdiction in criminal and civil matters. 30 its original jurisdiction with respect to both is .unlimited as cases outside the jurisdiction of the subordinate courts are brought before it. in addition to its appellate jurisdiction, the high court also exercises powers of revision in respect of criminal proceedings in the subordinate courts,31 and may call for records of civil proceedings so as to satisfy itself of the correctness, legality or propriety of any decisions recorded or passed by the subordinate courts.32 the high court has general supervisory and revisionary jurisdiction over all subordinate courts.33 as mentioned earlier, appeals against the decisions of the high court in criminal matters made in the exercise of its original jurisdiction, and in civil matters made in the exercise of both its original and appellate jurisdiction, lie to the supreme court. whilst , no civil appeal from the subordinate courts shall lie to the high court where the amount in dispute or value of the subject-matter is five thousand dollars ($5,000/-) or less except on a question of law,34 no civil appeal from the high court shall lie to the supreme court when the amount or value of the subject-matter at the trial is less than one hundred thousand dollars ($100,000/-), except with leave of the supreme court or a judge of the high court.35 28. the 1964 act, s.18. 29. federal constitution, article 121 (1). 30. the 1964 act, ss.22, 23, 26 & 27. 31. the 1964 act, s.31. 32. the 1964 act, s.32. 33. the 1964 act, s.35; s.325 criminal procedure code (f.m.s. cap.6). 34. the 1964 act, s.28 (1). 35. the 1964 act, s.68 (1) (a). for the old monetary limit often thousand dollars ($10,000/-) there was substituted one hundred thousand dollars ($100,000/-) by act a606 with effect from 1st january, 1985. the amendment was introduced consequent upon the creation of the supreme court of malaysia. 15 as is ob,;ous, an account of the high court is incomplete without some mention of the functions and duties of the two chief justices. by virtue of article 122a of the federal constitution. the chief justice, malaya, and the chief justice, borneo, are the respective heads of the high court in malaya and the high court in borneo. furthermore, by virtue of the high court's general supervisory and revisionary jurisdiction over all subordinate courts, it follows that the chief justices are also heads of the subordinate courts in their respective territories. as head of the high court, it is the chief justice who determines the dates and places for sittings of the court.~6 directions as to the distribution of business among judges of the high court, whether of a particular or general nature, are also given by the chief justice.n the chief justice may also issue directions with respect to the distribution of business in the various departments of the high court registry.38 with respect to the subordinate courts, it is also the chief justice who is empowered to determine the places where sessions~o and magistrates' courts40 shall ordinarily be held. perhaps the powers of the chief justice may be best appreciated in the area of appointments and/or dismissal of judges. and that of officers in the judicial and legal service. as previously noted, the prime minister shall, before tt'ndering his advice on the appointment of a judge to one of the high courts, consult the chief justice of that court. likewise, a judge of a high court rna)' bt' suspended by the yang di-pertuan agong from the exercise of his functions onj), after consultation with the chief justice of that court. as for judicial officers. presidents of sessions court and first class magistrates for the federal territory are appointed by the yang di-pertuan agong on the recommendation of the chiefjustice.41 first class magistrates for states other than the federal territory are appointed by the state authority on the chief justice's recommendation.42 on the question of dismissal or termination of service of these officers, the matter shall be referred to the judicial and legal service commission of which the two chief justices are members. it is apparent from the above that the chief justice has administrative jurisdiction over judicial officers. the nature of the jurisdiction was described by the lord president in cheak yoke thong v. fublic prosecutor as follows: "the magistrate is not appointed by the attorney-general but appointed by the ruler of the state (or in the case of federal territory by yang di-pertuan 36. the ]964 act, 5.]9. 37. the ]964 act, 5.20. 38. rules of the high court, 1980, o.60r.1. 39. subordinate courts act, ]948; s.59 (hereafter referred to as "the] 948 act"). 40. the 1948 act, s.76 41. the ]948 act, s.59. 42. the] 948 act, s.78. see also 5.106 which empowers the chief justice with the concurrence of the yang di-pertuan agong to appoint so many subordinate officiers (e.g. process-servers) as the chief justice deems necessary for the due administration of justice. 16 administration of justice in malaysia agong) on the advice of the chief justice to whom the magistrate is responsible and under whose administrative control he is placed. (see sections 78 and 79 of the subordinate court act). his transfer from one judicial post to another judicial post is completely under the authority of the chief justice, and as regards his transfer from a judicial post to a legal post under the aegis of the attorney-general, this is a matter of consultation and agreement between the chief justice and the attorney-general. similarly, as regards his promotion and advancement in the service, the confidential report on the magistrate for this purpose is written by ajudge of the state where the magistrate is currently or previously posted and this report is subject to the comments or recommendations by the chief justice for the ultimate consideration of the judicial and legal service commission.,,43 the chief justices, as earlier stated, are, by virtue of their office, members of the supreme court. the chief justice of the high court in malaya, by virtue of his seniority in the supreme court, i.e. "having precedence next after the lord president", is vested with the powers and shall perform the functions of the lord president whenever the latter, during any period of time, is unable to perform his duties owing to illness or absence from malaysia.44 in this instance, the chief justice, malaya shall be the acting lord president. it should be mentioned also that the chief justices are empowered under the legal profession act, 1976 to suspend an advocate and solicitor from practice, and to appoint, on the application of the bar council, a disciplinary committee to conduct formal inquiry into any complaint made against an advocate and solicitor.45 like the lord president, the chief justices are also members of the rules committee and it is pertinenr to note that no rules shall be made relating to any high court without the consent thereto of the chief justice of that high court. 2. lnftrior or subordinate courts the subordinate courts for the administration of civil and criminal law as established by the subordinate courts act, 1948 comprise the sessions and magistrates' courts. in west malaysia, the penghulu's court is also an inferior court but will not be discussed here as it hardly ever tries cases owing to its minimal jurisdiction. (a) sessions court a sessions court consists of a president who is legally qualified and a member of the judicial and legal service of the federation. it hears and determines any civil or criminal cause or matter arising within the local limits of its jurisdiction. 43. (1984) 2 m.l.j. 119 at p.m. 44. the federal constitution, article 13ia. see also the 1964 act, s.9 (i). 45. the legal profession act, 1976, ss.88a and 99. 17 the denning law journal in criminal matters, the sessions court has jurisdiction to try all offences other than those punishable with death and may pass any sentence allowed by law other than the sentence of death.46 in civil matters, subject to certain exceptions, it has jurisdiction to try civil suits where the amount or value of the subject-matter does not exceed twenty-five thousand dollars ($25,000/-).47 appeals from the criminal and civil decisions of the sessions court lie to the high court. it is of interest to note that the president of a sessions court may call for the civil records of a magistrate's court within its local limits of jurisdiction for the purpose of satisfyinghimself as to the correctness, legality or propriety of any decision recorded or passed, and as to the regularity of any proceedings of that court. however, since the president does not have any revisionary or supervisory jurisdiction and therefore cannot interfere with the decisions so recorded, in the event he considers them illegal or improper, he shall forward the records with his remarks if any to the high court.48 as stated earlier, only the high court has general supervisory and revisionary jurisdiction over all subordinate courts. (b) magistrates courts a magistrate's court consists of a magistrate sitting alone. there are two classes of magistrates whose jurisdiction differs: first class magistrate and second class magistrate. the first is often a legally qualified person appointed by the yang di-pertuan agong or the state authority on the recommendation of the chief justice. the second is usually an administrative officer who performs magisterial functions and is appointed by the yang di-pertuan agong or the state authority. a magistrate's court has jurisdiction to hear and determine any civil or criminal matter arising within the local limits of its assigned jurisdiction. briefly, in criminal matters, a first class magistrate has jurisdiction to try offences for which the maximum term of imprisonment does not exceed ten (10) years' imprisonment or which are punishable with fine only.49he may, however, pass any sentence allowed by law not exceeding (a) five (5) years' imprisonment; (b) a fine of ten thougsand ringgit ($10,000/-); (c) whipping up to twelve (12) strokes; or (d) any combination of the above sentences. the criminal jurisdiction of a second class magistrate on the other hand is very much reduced; a second class magistrate has jurisdiction to try offences for which the maximum term of imprisonment does not exceed twelve (12) months' imprisonment or which are punishable with fine only.50 in west malaysia, he may pass any sentence allowed by law not exceeding 46. the 1948 act, s5.63 & 64. 47. the 1948 act, s.65. 48. the 1948 act, s.54. 49. the 1948 act, s.85. so. the 1948 act, s.88. 18 administration of justice in malaysia (a) three (3) months' imprisonment; (b) a fine of two hundred and fifty ringgit ($2501-); or (c) any combination of the above, and in sabah and sarawak, he may pass any sentence allowed by law not exceeding (a) six (6) months' imprisonment; (b) a fine of one thousand ringgit ($1,000/-); or (c) any combination of the aforementioned. with respect to civil matters, a first class magistrate may try suits where the amount in dispute or value of the subject-matter does not exceed ten thousand ringgit ($10,000/-). a second class magistrate on the other hand may try civil suits where the plaintiff seeks to recover a debt or liquidated demand in money not exceeding two hundred and fifty ringgit ($250/-) in west malaysia and five hundred ringgit ($500/-) in sabah and sarawak. appeals from the decisions of a magistrate in criminal and civilmatters lie to the high court. c. is there a need for reform? the creation of the supreme court brought about a drastic amendment to section 68 of the courts of judicature act, 1964.51 the section now provides that no appeal shall be brought to the supreme court when the amount or value of the subject-matter at the trial is less than one hundred thousand dollars ($100,000/-), except with the leave of the supreme court or a judge of the high court. the old monetary limit was ten thousand dollars ($10,0001-). one may venture to ask what is the direct effect of the said amendment? in my view, this drastic amendment does not appear to be satisfactory for it deprives a litigant of his automatic right to appeal to the supreme court which he would have had under the old provision when the value of the subject-matter is above $10,0001-. as the amendment stands, he now requires leave of the court to appeal. as may be appreciated, section 68 has posed considerable difficulties in its implementation owing primarily to the ambiguity of its operative words "amount or value of the subject-matter at the trial". in a substantial number of cases, the value of the subject-matter is usually less than $100,000/-. the problem is compounded when leave to appeal is refused by the high court and/or the supreme court. in other words, there would certainly be a total denial or deprivation of a right to appeal against a decision of the high court. in this regard it means that there is virtually a one tier system. in view of the above, one may consider the soundness of having a court of appeal to replace the federal court with jurisdiction to hear appeals as provided 51. amendment effected by act a606/84 with effect from 1st january, 1985. 19 the denning law journal for under the unamended provision of section 68, viz. the retention of the monetary limit of $10,000/-. thus, if the value of the subject-matter is less than $100,000/-, an appeal would lie to the supreme court only with leave. this therefore means that the supreme court would take the place of the privy council. however, the idea of a three tier system is not new and had in fact been rejected by the relevant authority. the rejection being a policy decision of the government, it appears unlikely that this proposal will be entertained. what then is the alternative? a practical solution to the problem, i believe, could be achieved by the enlargement of the jurisdiction of the sessions court in both criminal and civil matters. section 65 of the subordinate courts act, 1948 may be amended to confer jurisdiction on sessions court to hear cases (except certain specific cases as mentioned in the act), where the amount in dispute or the value of the subject-matter does not exceed $100,000/instead of the monetary limit of $25,000/as presently provided. in the light of this, other relevant provisions as contained in sections 69, 70 and 71 will have to be reviewed.52 by reason of the enlargement in jurisdiction, a litigant, where the amount in dispute or the value of the subject-matter is less than $100,000/and therefore within the jurisdiction of the sessions court, may file his claim in the sessions court. by doing so, he automatically has a right of appeal to the high court, for under section 28 of act 7 of 1964 the high court has jurisdiction to hear appeals from a subordinate court where the amount in dispute or the value of the subject-matter exceeds five thousand dollars. and with leave either from the high court or the supreme court as required under the present law, the litigant may go further and appeal to the supreme court from a decision of the high court. from this, it is submitted that one may discern a three tier system. the administration of justice in malaysia may also be adequately served by a small claims court which, as its name suggests, would deal basically with small claims. under article 121 of the federal constitution, federal law may be passed to constitute such court an inferior court and therefore part of the judicial system. the need for a small claims court is obvious. owing to the depreciation in money value, small claims of litigants may be such that recourse to the ordinary courts of law with attendant legal representation may prove extremely costly. for example, the fees to counsel for legal representation alone may far exceed the amount in dispute or value of the subject matter in the claim. it is suggested that a small claims court be established with jurisdiction to try civil cases where the amount in dispute or value of the subject-matter does not exceed, say for instance, three thousand dollars ($3,000/-). the court should be manned by experienced officers not necessarily legally qualified and legal representation, by the nature of 52. section 69 deals with the exceptions to the jurisdictions of the sessions court; section 70 talks about its jurisdiction to hear matters pertaining to the recovery of immovable property and section 71, its jurisdiction to adjudicate on tide to immovable property with the consent of the parties. 20 administration of justice in malaysia the claim, may not be necessary. in this way, not only would the costs of litigation be minimal, there would also be a speedy disposal of cases. the proposed establishment of the small claims court is now under active consideration by a committee appointed to submit all necessary recommendations. postscript courts of judicature {amendment} bill 1986 subordinate courts {amendment} bill 1986 in part c of my paper entitled "is there a need for reform?", mention was made of the difficulties posed by and the resultant problems encountered with in the operation of section 68 (1) (a) of the courts of judicature act; 1964. as also stated; the prescribed ceiling of one hundred thousand dollars ($100,000/-) has rendered most civil appeals from the high court non-appealable to the supreme court unless prior leave to appeal was obtained either from the high court or the supreme court. implicit in the suggestion put forward for an enhanced civil jurisdiction of the sessions court is an attempt to introduce into the existing structure a three tier system in the malaysian administration of justice. i am pleased to say that the aforesaid suggestion will soon see the light of day and its objective attained. at the time of writing this postscript, the courts of judicature (amendment) bill 1986 and the subordinate courts (amendment) bill 1986, which seek to amend section 68 (1) (a) and enhance the civil jurisdiction of the sessions court respectively, have been tabled before the malaysian parliament.53 they have since gone through the first reading at the dewan rakyat and are expected to become law by early 1987. by section 3 of the subordinate courts (amendment) bill 1986, section 65 of the subordinate courts act, 1948 will be amended by substituting the words "twenty-five" the words "one hundred" appearing therein. the new section 65 which refers to the civil jurisdiction of sessions court will therefore read: " ... a sessions court shall have jurisdiction to try all actions and suits of a civil nature where the amount in dispute or value of the subject-matter does not exceed one hundred thousand ringgit." in line with this enhanced jurisdiction, by section 2 of the bill, the designation of "president of sessions court" will be substituted for "sessions court judge". the proposed amendment to section 68 (1) (a) of the courts of judicature act, 1964 by section 4 of the courts of judicature (amendment) bill 1986, reads as follows: 68. (1) no appeal shall be brought to the supreme court in any of the following cases: 53. the first meeting of the first session of the seventh parliament of malaysia which had already commenced will proceed as follows: dewan rakyat (house of representatives) 6 october to 8 december, 1986; dewan negara (senate) 7 october, and i december to 19 december, 1986. 21 the denning law journal (a) when the amount or value of the subject-matter of the claim (exclusive of interest) is less than one hundred thousand ringgit, except with the leave of the supreme court of a judge of the high court. it is to be observed that the words "amount or value of the subject-matter at the trial" in the unamended section 68 (1) (a) which had caused considerable difficulties in interpretation, have been deleted in the proposed amendment. * • i express my thanks to miss soo ai lin, ll.b. (hons.) (mal.), ll.m (monash), senior assistant registrar, supreme court, malaysia, for the valuable assistance rendered in putting up this paper. 22 5 the denning law journal 2018 vol 30 pp 5-54 comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd: an ecofeminist exploration kate wilkinson cross * abstract ecofeminists have long exposed the gendered character of human progress and its destructive impact on social and environmental commons. they contend that mainstream strategies responding to environmental crises reaffirm the subordination of women and non-human nature, while also reinforcing the power structures that sustain a white, heteronormative and masculine hegemony. while there is significant ecofeminist scholarship in gender and environment studies, there is little research to date which deconstructs international environmental law in order to explore the extent to which it maintains, reinforces or transforms understandings about human/non-human connections and their gendered nature. this article contributes to broader ecofeminist scholarship by synthesising karen warren’s ecofeminist ethics into an analytical framework through which to analyse international environmental law. the article develops an original analysis of how transformational international legal regimes have been in shaping the international community’s view of the environment and human/non-human interconnections. comparing the often-ignored un convention to combat desertification (unccd) 1994, as well as the more (in)famous un framework convention on climate change (unfccc) 1992, the author evaluates to what extent these regimes engage with and respond to the underlying institutional, structural, social, and conceptual frameworks that contribute to the continued degradation of the environment. the author concludes that while these regimes have transformative potential, they both continue to affirm an ideological perspective that disembeds humanity from the environment, while at the same time commodifying nature in order to protect it. keywords: unfccc, unccd, climate change, desertification, ecofeminism, ecofeminist ethics, international law, * lecturer in law, faculty of business and law, de montfort university. my thanks to the anonymous reviewers for their critical reading of the manuscript and suggested improvements. thank you also to colleagues at the law school for their helpful comments on various drafts of this article. email: kate.wilkinson@dmu.ac.uk mailto:kate.wilkinson@dmu.ac.uk comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 6 1 introduction desertification and climate change are intimately interrelated phenomena. with global temperatures rising because of climate change, there are higher incidences of drought, desertification and heatwaves.1 the combination of climate change and desertification has a disproportionate effect on communities already vulnerable and disadvantaged because of broader economic, social, cultural and political factors. for example, at the time of writing, communities in mali, malawi and kenya are facing starvation due to drought and changes in rainfall.2 these examples show the very real impact of climate change, drought and desertification on the lives of people living in vulnerable communities. over the last thirty years, the international community has mobilised international legal and policy responses to desertification and climate change. the international community first discussed desertification in 1977 at the united conference on desertification, where it adopted the plan of action to combat desertification.3 since then, concerns over the impact of desertification and drought have been raised in various fora, including the 1992 united nations conference on environment and development.4 after significant campaigning by developing countries, states adopted the 1994 united nations convention to combat desertification in those countries experiencing serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in africa (unccd). this convention outlines the obligations for states to undertake with respect to desertification and drought. 1 qi feng and others, ‘what has caused desertification in china?’ (2015) 5 scientific reports 15998. 2 icrc, ‘community-level economic support provides a lifeline for women in northern mali’ (2018) accessed 28 february 2018; charles mkoka, ‘drought-hit malawi farmers use sugar and fish soup to battle pests’, reuters (26 february 2018); agatha ngotho, ‘herders get sh175m to ease effects of drought’, the star (kenya, 28 february 2018) accessed 28 february 2018. 3 united nations, ‘plan of action to combat desertification’ (united nations conference on environment and development 1977) un doc a/conf.74/36, (1977). 4 agenda 21: programme of action for sustainable development 1992 (un conference on sustainable development) (14 june 1992) un doc a/conf151/126/rev1 vol i chapter 12. the denning law journal 7 compared to the issue of desertification, climate change is a relative newcomer, being first characterised as a “common concern” for humankind by the un general assembly in 1988, and again in 1989.5 the general assembly established an intergovernmental negotiating process under its auspices to negotiate a framework convention on climate change in 1990.6 two years later, after tense negotiations, states adopted the 1992 united nations framework convention on climate change (unfccc). as will be shown below, these regimes have very different origins, histories and positions on the international stage. however, both offer transformative potential to engage with the underlying institutional, structural, social, and conceptual frameworks that contribute to the continued degradation of the environment. this article compares the “transformative potential” of the unfccc and unccd regimes. for the purposes of this article, “transformative” refers to how far these regimes engage with the underlying institutional, structural, social, and conceptual frameworks that contribute to the continued degradation of the environment. where these regimes engage with and seek to alter these frameworks, they demonstrate transformative potential – even if such transformation has not in order to explore the transformative potential of these two regimes, this article analyses and compares their legal texts through an ecofeminist analytical framework based on the boundary conditions of karen warren’s ecofeminist ethics. 7 her ethics are particularly suited to exploring the transformative potentials of the unfccc and unccd regimes because they enable a nuanced analysis of the values, assumptions and beliefs informing the development of these two regimes. because this ethical framework re-envisions political strategies, ethical frameworks and scientific understandings, it enables a comparison between the current positions, strategies and frameworks incorporated in these regimes against an explicitly transformative ethic. as will be explained in section two of this article, the analytical framework developed in this article draws on three of warren’s boundary 5 united nations general assembly res 42/53 ‘protection of the climate for present and future generations of mankind’ (6 december 1988) un doc a/res/52/53 preamble; united nations general assembly res 44/207 ‘protection of the global environment for present and future generations’ (22 december 1989) un doc a/res/44/207 preamble. 6 united nations general assembly res 45/212 ‘protection of the climate for present and future generations’ (21 december 1990) un doc a/res/45/212. 7 see karen j warren, ecofeminist philosophy: a western perspective on what it is and why it matters (rowman & littlefield 2000). comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 8 conditions to form interconnecting lenses through which the legal texts of the environmental regimes are read. 8 the first and second lenses are labelled “inclusivity” and “contextuality”. they have relevance when comparing the extent to which the participatory provisions of the climate change and desertification regimes are transformative in scope. they are also relevant when comparing the types of knowledge that are valued within each regime. the third and final lens is called “structural pluralism”. this lens illuminates how sameness and difference are approached within the two regimes. because of the transformative nature of warren’s ecofeminist ethics, they enable a nuanced comparison the unfccc and unccd regimes. this article begins by introducing the unfccc, unccd, and the concept of sustainable development which informs both agreements. section two outlines the key points of ecofeminist theory and sets out the analytical framework developed from warren’s ecofeminist ethics. section three analyses the two agreements and their policy documents to compare and contrast the transformative potential embedded in their texts. using the three lenses – inclusivity, contextuality and structural pluralism – it compares the ways in which they treat the voices of marginalised communities and ecosystem services, their approaches to integrating science and technology into the environmental regimes, and the operationalism of the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities as a way to attend to and recognise differences in capacities between states. section four summarises the analysis and reflects on the extent to which these regimes fulfil their transformative potential. 1.1 introducing sustainable development, the unccd and unfccc the unccd and unfccc focus on the issues of desertification and climate change respectively. both refer to the importance of attaining sustainable development. while not a new concept, 9 sustainable 8 this article builds on previous research developed in kate wilkinson cross, ‘the environment as commodity? an ecofeminist analysis of the extent to which associations between security and the environment have altered the perception of the environment in international law’ (phd thesis, university of sheffield 2016); kate wilkinson cross, ‘ecofeminist potentials for international environmental law’ in douglas a vakoch and sam mickey (eds), ecofeminism in dialogue (lexington books 2017). 9 see marie-claire cordonier segger and ashfaq khalfan, sustainable development law: principles, practices, and prospects (oxford university press the denning law journal 9 development has emerged over the last forty years or so as “an important concept in global efforts to balance economic, social and environmental policies and laws.”10 because of its importance to the evolution of the two regimes, this article will first introduce sustainable development, its key principles and why the international community have latched onto it as an agenda to achieve poverty eradication, economic growth and environmental preservation.11 1.1.1 sustainable development in international law and policy the most accepted definition of sustainable development is “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”.12 thus, there are two key elements to this concept. first, the substantive recognition that development should meet human needs by seeking to end poverty. second, the concept recognises that there are limits to development: it must be “bounded by the evolving constraints of human abilities (technology, governance), and also by diverse environmental limitations.”13 therefore, sustainable development can be understood as a “bridge” which recognises that the obligation towards future generations requires a balance between economic and social development pressures and environmental limits. sustainable development is constructed to “frame cooperative, integrative solutions to some of the most significant challenges of our era” that change over time. 14 therefore, it can be understood as an “integrationist principle” whose “components seek to balance the competing economic, social and environmental interests of the 2004) 15–23; philippe sands and others, principles of international environmental law (4th edn, cambridge university press 2018) 217–21. 10 cordonier segger and khalfan (n 9) 15. 11 united nations general assembly res 70/1 ‘transforming our world: the 2030 agenda for sustainable development’ (25 september 2015) un doc a/res/70/1 para 5. 12 wced, our common future (world commission on environment and development; oxford university press 1987) 8. 13 cordonier segger and khalfan (n 9) 3. 14 ibid. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 10 international community”. 15 it is explicitly human-centred 16 and this is reflected in both the substantive and procedural elements of the concept. some of the key procedural elements of sustainable development require states, non-state actors and other participants to empower, consult, support public participation, undertake impact and risk assessments, and expand capacity-building and other undefined opportunities. these principles have been included in international law and policy relating to the environment.17 the breadth and depth of law and policy indicates that the procedural elements of sustainable development have been widely accepted by the international community.18 the substantive elements of sustainable development place limitations on the exploitation of the natural environment and are articulated in principles such as inter-generational equity, differential treatment and the precautionary approach. 19 these principles have also been included in international law and governance.20 however, compared to the procedural elements of sustainable development, their legal content remains underdeveloped.21 15 wilkinson cross, ‘the environment as commodity?’ (n 8) 44. 16 rio declaration on environment and development 1992 (un conference on environment and development) (14 june 1992) un doc a/conf151/26 (vol i); 31 ilm 874 (1992) principle 1. 17 convention (no 169) concerning indigenous and tribal peoples in independent countries 1989 (adopted 27 june 1989, entered into force 5 september 1991) 28 ilm 1382 (1989); rio declaration 1992; protocol on access to genetic resources and the fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from their utilisation to the convention on biological diversity (adopted 29 october 2010, entered into force 12 october 2014) unep/cbd/cop/dec/x/1 (29 october 2010); pulp mills on the river uruguay (argentina v uruguay) judgement, 2010 icj reports 14; certain activities carried out by nicaragua in the border area (costa rica v nicaragua) provisional measures, order of 8 march 2011, 2011 icj reports 6; the south china sea arbitration (the republic of the philippines v the people’s republic of china) award, (12 july 2016) pca case no 2013-19. 18 see in general, sands and others (n 10) 197–250; pierre-marie dupuy and jorge e viñuales, international environmental law (cambridge university press 2018) 58–99. 19 philippe sands, principles of international environmental law (2nd edn, cambridge university press 2003) 253. 20 stockholm declaration on the human environment 1972 (united nations conference on the human environment) (16 june 1972) un doc a/conf48/14/rev1 (1973); 11 ilm 1416 (1972) (1972); rio declaration 1992; convention on biological diversity 1992 (cbd) (adopted 5 june 1992, entered into force 29 december 1993) 1760 unts 79; 31 ilm 818 (1992). 21 for general discussion, see dupuy and viñuales (n 18); sands and others (n 10). the denning law journal 11 sustainable development is an inherently flexible concept because it is both a process and a goal. it is a process that remains central to ongoing negotiations in environmental regimes and in the wider international community. it continues to evolve and remains central to collective and cooperative responses of the international community to the interrelated issues of sustainability and development. 1.1.2 the unccd and its annexes as stated above, there have been long-term concerns over desertification. the 1977 plan of action to combat desertification was one of the first attempts to address the issue at the international level. however, by 1991, the un environment programme concluded that international efforts had not been successful, and desertification had intensified.22 in light of these concerns, developing countries raised the issue of adopting a convention to combat desertification during the preparations for the 1992 rio conference on environment and development. 23 faced with significant opposition by countries within the organisation for economic co-operation and development (oecd), the finalised text of agenda 21, which set out the international action plan to achieve sustainable development, included a paragraph outlining that an inter-governmental negotiating committee should be established for the elaboration of a convention to combat desertification.24 after difficult negotiations, states adopted the unccd in 1994 which entered into force in 1996. the convention is explicitly embedded in the paradigm of sustainable development. it adopts a bottom-up, holistic approach to preventing desertification at the local, national, and regional levels. it bases many of its objectives on attaining sustainable development, while also establishing differing obligations for developed country parties and affected developing country parties.25 by doing so, the convention takes into account the social and economic development needs of developing countries while also addressing the serious environmental problem of desertification. 22 unep, ‘status of desertification and implementation of the united nations plan of action to combat desertification: report of the executive director’ (united nations environment programme 1991) un doc unep/gc/ss.iii/3. 23 bo kjellen, ‘the saga of the convention to combat desertification: the rio/johannesburg process and the global responsibility for the drylands’ (2003) 12 reciel 127, 128. 24 agenda 21 1992 chapter 12.40. 25 pamela s chasek, ‘the convention to combat desertification: lessons learned for sustainable development’ (1997) 6 jed 147, 148. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 12 this integrative approach is embedded in the objectives of the unccd and in the ways in which parties should implement their obligations. article 2 states that the objective of the unccd is to “combat desertification and mitigate the effects of drought in countries experiencing serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in africa”. 26 parties achieve this objective by ensuring effective action at all levels, within a framework of an “integrated approach”, with a view to contributing towards achieving sustainable development in affected areas. therefore, the unccd encourages parties to focus on improving the productivity of land, rehabilitating, conserving and sustainably managing land and water resources, which will lead to improved living conditions at the community level.27 1.1.3 the unfccc regime the unfccc is a package of compromises.28 it contains elements for almost all the negotiating states, but no state was satisfied by the adopted convention. 29 therefore, at the time, many commentators viewed the unfccc as “punctuation mark in an ongoing process of negotiations.”30 the objective of the convention is to stabilise greenhouse gas emissions at a level that prevents dangerous “anthropogenic interference with the climate system”.31 it includes general principles to guide the parties’ efforts in achieving stabilisation of the climate, including the precautionary approach, inter-generational equity, common but differentiated responsibilities, and sustainable development, among others.32 26 united nations convention to combat desertification in those countries experiencing serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in africa (adopted 17 june 1994, entered into force 26 december 1996) 1954 unts 3 art 2(1). 27 ibid art 2. 28 sands and others (n 9) 299. 29 for a detailed history on the fccc negotiations and entry into force, see daniel bodansky and others, international climate change law (oxford university press 2017) 102–05. 30 ibid 105. 31 united nations framework convention on climate change 1992 (adopted 9 may 1992, entered into force 21 march 1994) 1771 unts 107 art 2. 32 ibid art 3. the denning law journal 13 the climate change regime has subsequently evolved through the adoption of two other legally binding agreements,33 as well as subsequent conference of the parties (cop) decisions. recognising that the commitments included in the unfccc were unlikely to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, the parties adopted the kyoto protocol in 1997. this protocol contains additional commitments for developed countries to limit their anthropogenic emissions through targets.34 like the unfccc, the protocol and subsequent cop decisions reflect a consolidation of a “topdown” regime in which states set internationally-defined, legally-binding emission reduction targets, in line with the guiding principles of the unfccc.35 this top-down approach has been subject to criticisms in terms of both of effectiveness and in terms of the differentiation between developed and developing countries within the regime.36 in 2015, the international community adopted the paris agreement, which came into force in 2016. unlike the previous two agreements, the agreement addresses the long-term commitments by all parties, rather than maintaining the traditional firewall between developed and developing countries. rather than including an annex of targets and timetables, the paris agreement introduces the concept of “nationally determined contributions” (ndcs) as a bottom-up approach towards mitigating climate change.37 this bottom-up approach means that parties to the agreement submit their own contributions towards addressing climate change, based on their individual national circumstances. thus, there are no top-down, internationally agreed targets and timetables and instead, the aim is to ensure that each party achieves their commitments and does not fall back 33 kyoto protocol to the united nations framework on climate change 1997 (adopted 11 december 1997, entered into force 16 february 2005) 2303 unts 162; paris agreement 2015 (signed 12 december 2015, entered into force 4 november 2016) fccc/cp/2015/10/add1. 34 kyoto protocol art 3. 35 william hare and others, ‘the architecture of the global climate regime: a top-down perspective’ (2010) 10 climate policy 600, 601–02; daniel bodansky, ‘a tale of two architectures: the once and future un climate change regime’ (arizona state university sandra day o’connor college of law, 7 march 2011) 2. 36 steve rayner, ‘how to eat an elephant: a bottom-up approach to climate policy’ (2010) 10 climate policy 615. 37 paris agreement art 3. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 14 on them.38 as yet, how this will work is still to be negotiated through the meeting of the parties to the paris agreement (known as the cma).39 this short overview highlights that both regimes have faced controversy during their initial creation and in their subsequent evolution. they share some similarities in terms of the content and references to broader economic and development factors. they both include references to the paradigm of sustainable development. both recognise that external issues, such as international trade, economic development, social development, levels of technical capacity and other factors, affect the extent to which different communities will be able to achieve the objectives and obligations under each agreement. they each have transformative potential fundamentally to address the environmental problems faced by communities around the globe. however, unlike the unccd, the climate change regime is never out of the spotlight. the issues of differentiation, the tension between developed and developing countries, the gendered aspect of climate change, and the relationship between climate change mitigation, adaptation, and sustainable development all mean that the regime remains in focus. the unccd on the other hand, has produced an evaluation of the effectiveness of its communication due to concerns that it was reaching a limited audience and that its message was getting lost.40 this demonstrates institutional concern that environmental problems such as desertification and drought are being subsumed by the continued focus on climate change. not only does this limit the pressure exerted by civil society on their states to fulfil their obligations under the unccd, but it also means that the unccd has less academic and scholarly interest invested in it. therefore, any transformative potential that it has may be underexplored and insufficiently highlighted. this article addresses this relative lack of interest by comparing and exploring the transformative potentials of these two regimes through an ecofeminist analytical framework, introduced below. 38 ibid art 4; decision 1/cp21 ‘adoption of the paris agreement’ (12 december 2015) fccc/cp/2015/10/add1 paras 205, 23-25. 39 fccc, ‘progress tracker: work programme resulting from the relevant requests contained in decision 1/cp.21’ (unfccc, 2018) accessed 2 february 2018 (as of 19/01/2018). 40 unccd, ‘independent evaluation of the effectiveness of the unccd communication’ (unccd, 2015) 6–7 accessed 5 february 2018. the denning law journal 15 2 ecofeminism and its relevance to international law unlike other approaches to the study of the environment, ecofeminism make the connection between the exploitation of the environment and the subordination of women central in its analysis. 41 in the mainstream, ecofeminism is usually presented as essentialist and uncritical, claiming that women are closer to nature than men.42 this does a disservice to the scholarship which incorporated materialist and posthumanist analysis of gender and the environment prior to these being popular within mainstream western academia. 43 it developed highly critical accounts of rationalist science, capitalism, speciesism, colonialism, racism, and sexism (hetero and queer), which are central to ecological feminist scholarship.44 these accounts incorporate marxist, socialist, socioeconomic, historical, epistemological, and political perspectives.45 therefore, ecofeminism has evolved into a philosophy, social activism and an intellectual commitment which questions the theoretical and ideological basis of the maledomination of women and non-human nature. 41 greta claire gaard, ‘living interconnections with animals and nature’ in greta claire gaard (ed), ecofeminism: women, animals, nature (temple university press 1993) 1. 42 see e.g. andrew dobson, green political thought (3rd edn, routledge 2000); john s dryzek, the politics of the earth: environmental discourses (3rd edn, oup oxford 2013). 43 sherilyn macgregor, ‘gender and environment: an introduction’ in sherilyn macgregor (ed), routledge handbook of gender and environment (taylor & francis 2017) 1. 44 for a broad overview of ecofeminist theory and its evolution, see e.g. charis thompson and sherilyn macgregor, ‘the death of nature: foundations of ecological feminist thought’ in sherilyn macgregor (ed), routledge handbook of gender and environment (taylor & francis 2017); noël sturgeon, ecofeminist natures: race, gender, feminist theory, and political action (routledge 1997); val plumwood, feminism and the mastery of nature (opening out: feminism for today, routledge 1993) 1–40; mary mellor, feminism & ecology (polity press 1997); see also, ae kings, ‘intersectionality and the changing face of ecofeminism’ (2017) 22 ethics & the environment 63; catriona mortimersandilands and bruce erickson, queer ecologies: sex, nature, politics, desire (indiana university press 2010). 45 karen j warren, ‘feminist environmental philosophy’ in edward n zalta (ed), stanford encyclopaedia of philosophy (summer 2015, metaphysics research lab, stanford university 2015). comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 16 this breadth and depth of analysis directly challenges the mainstream typology of ecofeminism as limited, simplistic and essentialist. for example, john dryzek’s key text on environmental discourses frames ecofeminism as “cultural” and “spiritual”. 46 andrew dobson similarly introduces ecofeminist scholarship as primarily interested in explaining the cultural and social potential of privileging “female” characteristics such as empathy and care in his book on green political thought.47 both authors pay limited attention to more recent scholarship, which draws on feminist science studies, feminist political economy, feminist political ecology, as well as feminist normative theory that “promotes and enacts ethical commitments to inclusivity, intersectionality, and democracy”48 while also demanding an end to the exploitation of non-human nature and the “the dismantling of power structures that sustain, white, masculine, heteronormative hegemony within human societies.” 49 therefore, these books provide an unrepresentative account of ecofeminist academic work by focusing on the essentialist works of early ecofeminist literature even though this work reflects an evolutionary dead-end in the development of ecofeminist theory. as introduced above, ecofeminists critique the exploitative and gendered conceptual frameworks that underpin the dominant and rational discourses in western society. these are formed by a set of values, attitudes, beliefs, and assumptions that shape and mirror how an entity views itself and the world around it, and a number of different factors such as class, religion, nationality, gender, and race/ethnicity can alter the mirror in which an entity views itself.50 as such, ecofeminism provides a “spotlight” on some of the “shared conceptual roots of the unjustified dominations of women, non-human animals, and nature”.51 this critique is used by many ecofeminists to explore the interconnecting ways in which these shared conceptual roots function in real life to maintain institutions and practices of oppression and domination. 52 it can also question the practical implications for this 46 dryzek (n 42) 190–91. 47 dobson (n 42). 48 macgregor (n 43) 8. 49 ibid. 50 plumwood, feminism and the mastery of nature (n 44). 51 warren, ‘feminist environmental philosophy’ (n 45). 52 e.g. chris j cuomo, toward thoughtful ecofeminist activism (ecological feminist philosophies, indiana university press 1996); kate darling, ‘a weight for water: an ecological feminist critique of emerging norms and trends in the denning law journal 17 continued domination in social systems and institutions, including the global market economy, international environmental institutions, and through the implementation of international environmental law (iel) and policy at the local level.53 karen warren articulates an ecofeminist theory that is “transformative” because it seeks to transform feminism and environmentalism, and guide broader social change.54 her theory does two things: it gives an analysis of oppressive conceptual frameworks and how they reinforce interconnected institutions and practices. it also re-envisions the political strategies, theoretical positions, ethical frameworks, scientific understandings, and methodological approaches to develop peaceful and healthy social systems, communities, and people.55 these two aspects of her philosophy make it a sound basis from which to compare and critically evaluate international law relating to desertification and climate change. 2.1 introducing karen warren’s boundary conditions warren’s vision of ecofeminist ethics is based on eight key boundary conditions. these are conditions “within which ethical decision-making may be seen as feminist.”56 as discussed in previous work, there are certain conditions that are particularly relevant to the analysis of iel.57 these are outlined below before turning to explain how these conditions may be integrated into an analytical framework. warren states that an ecofeminist ethic must be “anti-sexist, anti-racist, anti-classist, anti-naturist [sic], and opposed to any “ism” that presupposes global water governance’ (2012) 13 melb j int’l l 1; greta gaard, ‘ecofeminism and climate change’ (2015) 49 women’s stud int forum 20. 53 kate wilkinson, ‘payment for ecosystem services and the green economy: green washing or something new?’ (2014) 5 jhre 168; kate wilkinson, ‘is this the future we want? an ecofeminist comment on the un conference on sustainable development outcome document’ in kim rubenstein and katherine g young (eds), the public law of gender: from the local to the global (cambridge university press 2016); wilkinson cross, ‘ecofeminist potentials’ (n 8). 54 karen j warren, ‘response to my critics’ (2002) 7 ethics & the environment 39, 41. 55 ibid 42. 56 gaard (n 41) 2. 57 wilkinson, ‘payment for ecosystem services’ (n 53); wilkinson cross, ‘the environment as commodity?’ (n 8); wilkinson cross, ‘ecofeminist potentials’ (n 9). comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 18 or advances a logic of domination”58. it must be contextual and see ethical “discourse and practice as emerging from the “voices” of entities located in different historical circumstances”.59 therefore, it is a “kind of narrative about humans, human-human relationships and human-non-human animal or nature relationships”.60 it places as centrally significant “how a moral agent is in relationship to another – and not simply the nature of the agent or ‘other’, or the rights, duties, and the rules that apply to the agent or “other””.61 her ecofeminist ethics are inclusivist. this means that it emerges from and reflects the diversity of perspectives of marginalised peoples and women. 62 as ecofeminism opposes the nature/culture dualism, it acknowledges that humans are members of an ecological community, but also different from other members. therefore, ecofeminist ethics can recognise differences and commonalities between humans and non-human nature. warren’s ethics “[provide] a central place for values typically unnoticed, underplayed, or misrepresented in traditional ethics”. 63 examples of such values include friendship, love or care. her ethics emphasise that evaluating or deciding whether such values are useful or appropriate in any given discussion will depend on the context. for example, when discussing contracts or property relationships, then the talk of rights can be useful and appropriate. when deciding what is advantageous and cost-effective for most people, speaking about utility can be appropriate. building on the above, ecofeminist ethics are “structurally plural” because they reject the assumption that there is one unified voice through which ethical values, beliefs, attitudes and conduct can be assessed. 64 therefore, they presuppose and maintain difference, both between humans as well as between humans and some elements of non-human nature.65 this means that her ethics affirm that humans are members of an ecological community (in some respects) while also being different from it. an important aspect for the analysis of international law is that warren’s ethics 58 warren, ecofeminist philosophy (n 7) 99. 59 ibid. 60 ibid. 61 ibid. 62 ibid 99–100. 63 ibid 100. 64 ibid 139. 65 ibid 142. the denning law journal 19 pay attention to relationships and community, and the respectful acknowledgement of them. finally, warren’s ethics reject “gender-free or gender-neutral descriptions of humans, ethics and ethical decision-making”.66 this means that they reject “abstract individualism” which is the position “that it is possible to identify a human essence or human nature that exists independently of any particular historical context”.67 therefore, her ethics recognise that relationships “play an essential role in shaping what it is to be human” and that relationships between humans and non-human nature are a constitutive aspect of what it is to be human.68 ecofeminist ethics are “care-sensitive ethics”. according to warren, “care-sensitive ethics” have three features that must be met before ethical principles in western philosophy can qualify as a “bona fide ethical position”.69 first, a central aspect of moral reasoning and motivation is the ability to care about others as well as oneself. second, and building on the above features of an ecofeminist ethic, the universality of the ethical principles should be situated rather than ahistorical, transcendent and universal. third, the appropriateness of the ethical principle in a given context is determined by the considerations of care. therefore, traditional values such as utility, duty, and rights can be morally salient, so long as the application of the principle satisfies the three conditions of a care-sensitive ethic. as argued elsewhere, this aspect of her ecofeminist ethics is important for the analysis of iel. 70 this is because it provides the foundation to undertake a highly contextualised and nuanced analysis of the underlying assumptions and ethical principles that have informed the development of the two legal regimes. 2.2 introducing the ecofeminist analytical framework the first lens – inclusivity – incorporates the boundary conditions that seek to include entities traditionally excluded or “othered” by western philosophy. the second lens – contextuality draws out a central theme within the boundary conditions that focuses on historical context and how this informs social relations. it explores how the two regimes pay attention 66 ibid 101. 67 ibid. 68 ibid 143. 69 ibid 101. 70 wilkinson cross, ‘the environment as commodity?’ (n 8) 108–14; wilkinson cross, ‘ecofeminist potentials’ (n 8) 209–10. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 20 to history and context. it examines how certain values which are underplayed by traditional ethics are incorporated within the legal regimes. it pays particular attention to the context in which discussions of different ethical principles, such as utility and rights are raised, and if they emerge from voices located in different historical circumstances. finally, it explores the extent to which the legal documents reject abstract individualism by recognising the historical context that plays a central role in shaping humanity, and shaping the norms and law created during that time.71 the third lens – structural pluralism explores how these regimes pay attention to and respect plurality between entities, states, and values. this theme is reflected in the boundary conditions that presuppose and maintain difference between humans, and between humans and non-human nature. it affirms that humans are members of an ecological community, and of different human, social communities.72 in the context of iel, it enables a nuanced analysis of the ways in which the international community seeks to balance the different interests that relate to the environment in this area of law.73 in this analysis, i will be able to consider what this might mean about the diversity of views of the environment at the international level. finally, it draws on criticisms by some writers and activists that there should be a “bottom-up” approach to the creation and implementation of iel that accounts for diversity, location, and difference.74 these three lenses, taken together, form an interconnecting framework through which to compare the transformative potential of the two international environmental regimes. each has stronger synergies with differing aspects of international law-making and governance. for example, the inclusivity lens has stronger synergies in relation to the participation by different communities in the creation of international law and the subsequent implementation of obligations. contextuality is relevant when exploring which issues are prioritised during the negotiations, and which other global regimes remain unaffected or distinct from the legal obligations within different environmental regimes. structural pluralism focuses on how the regimes attend to differences between parties and other actors within the regime. as these lenses are interconnected and 71 wilkinson cross (n 53). 72 niamh moore, ‘eco/feminism and rewriting the end of feminism: from the chipko movement to clayoquot sound’ (2011) 12 fem theory 3, 11. 73 wilkinson cross (n 8) 111; wilkinson cross (n 8) 210. 74 vandana shiva, staying alive: women, ecology and development (zed 1988); dharam ghai and jessica m vivian, grassroots environmental action: people’s participation in sustainable development (routledge 1992); sturgeon (n 44) 141– 66; maria mies and others, ecofeminism (zed books 2014). the denning law journal 21 intersecting, they enable a recognition that different categories, such as participation, the inclusion of other international interests, and the way in which the environment is represented, bleed into each other, have their own intersections, and cannot be analysed independently from each other. 3 comparing the unfccc and the unccd this section compares the legal and policy documents of the unfccc and unccd through the analytical framework introduced above. focusing on the principles, norms and obligations incorporated into the two regimes, the analysis suggests that the treatment of women, the environment, and the incorporation of science and technology within these two regimes simply reaffirms and extends the dominant conceptual frameworks informing the evolution of iel. this ultimately inhibits the transformative potential contained in these two regimes because it limits the space for engaging in open and participative conversations about humanity, history, ethics and our position within broader ecological systems. 3.1 comparing the participation of marginalised communities and ecosystem services in the unfccc and unccd through the inclusivity lens the following section explores the transformative potentials of the two regimes by comparing two elements important to ecofeminist ethics: the participation by state and non-state actors in the creation and subsequent evolution of the two legal regimes; and how the two regimes approach material embodiment of humanity within an ecological community. it is argued that the failure to integrate a gender dimension into the regime until relatively recently, and the historically limited reference to inclusive participation in the creation and implementation of objectives within the climate regime each highlight the ways in which the regime does not eradicate the “isms” of domination or fully incorporate the voices of marginalised communities. the introduction of ecosystem services as a key element of both regimes suggests that they treat the ecosystem as a commodity. this in turn reinforces the separation between human and nonhuman nature, thus legitimising the exploitation and commodification of non-human nature. 3.1.1 marginalised communities’ participation in the two regimes: comparing the transformative potential comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 22 the inclusion of traditionally marginalised communities during the creation of international agreements is a way in which states can seek to mitigate the “isms” of domination within the legal agreement. this is because it enables the voices of individuals who directly experience the impact of environmental degradation to be heard. therefore, it can go in some way to identify how the assumptions informing different policies can detrimentally affect the lives of vulnerable communities by speaking truth to the ways in which broader social and economic structures maintain structural inequalities at the local level. during the drafting of the unccd, states explicitly invited participants from communities directly affected by drought and desertification. the intergovernmental negotiating committee tasked with drafting the unccd was openly inclusive, as demonstrated by devoting a week to information sharing, and also supporting the participation of ngos to contribute “constructively to the success of the negotiating process”.75 over the course of the negotiations, non-state actors met with state delegations formally and informally and they were successful in convincing governments to propose their ideas.76 for example, ngos argued that national action plans should establish a participatory approach at the international level, and they should be allowed to attend conferences of the parties as observers, or any other decision-making body created.77 both states and nsas supported the full local participation in decision-making and incorporating an integrated, “bottom-up approach” to combating desertification. 78 this enabled the 75 united nations general assembly res 47/188 (22 december 1992) un doc a/res/47/188 para 8. 76 unccd, ‘report of the intergovernmental negotiating committee for the elaboration of an international convention to combat desertification in those countries experiencing serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in africa on its second session’ (15 october 1993) un doc a/48/226/add.1 appendix iii report of working group i, para 15 and appendix iii report of working group ii, para 15; michele merrill betsill and elisabeth corell, ‘ngo influence in international environmental negotiations: a framework for analysis’ (2001) 1 global environ polit 65, 93–94. 77 enb, ‘summary of the second session of the inc for the elaboration of an international convention to combat desertification: 13-24 september 1993’ (earth negotiations bulletin, 1993) accessed 30 january 2015. 78 unccd, ‘compilation of government views, statement and drafting proposals. note by the secretariat’ (1993) un doc a/ac.241/12; chasek (n 26) 155. the denning law journal 23 different experiences, needs and values of local communities to inform the negotiations of the unccd. this open participation process was integrated into the legal text of the unccd as a central feature of the national action plans. these “naps” set out the ways in which affected country parties will respond to the causes and effects of desertification and drought. articles 9 and 10 emphasise the importance of incorporating bottom-up participatory approaches and specifically refer to women, resource uses, and local communities. 79 similarly, the regional annexes to the convention adopt this approach, although to a varying degree.80 for example, the regional annex for africa makes direct reference to the role played by women and the importance of their participation, whereas the regional annex for asia is not explicit in their references to the participation by marginalised communities.81 these provisions point to states supporting nsa participation in areas that relate to sustainable development and environmental degradation. compared to the climate change regime, the unccd negotiating process offered more opportunities for non-state actors to contribute to the drafting of the convention. the conference organisers engaged directly with those communities who were most affected by climate change. not 79 unccd 1994 arts 9, 10(2), 10(2)(f). see also arts 3, 5(d), 17(1)(f), 18(2)(a), 19(1)(a), 19(3)(b), 21(1)(d), 22(7); geoffrey lean, down to earth: a simplified guide to the convention to combat desertification, why it is necessary and what is important and different about it (secretariat of the un convention to combat desertification 1995) 19; alon tal and jessica a cohen, ‘bringing “top-down” to “bottom-up”: a new role for environmental legislation in combating desertification’ (2007) 31 harv envtl l rev 163, 177. 80 united nations convention to combat desertification in those countries experiencing serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in africa, annex i regional implementation annex for africa (adopted 17 june 1994, entered into force 26 december 1996) 1954 unts 3 arts 4(b), 6(2), 8(2)(c), 11(g); united nations convention to combat desertification in those countries experiencing serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in africa, annex ii regional implementation annex for asia (adopted 17 june 1994, entered into force 26 december 1996) 1954 unts 3 art 4(d); united nations convention to combat desertification in those countries experiencing serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in africa, annex iii regional implementation annex for latin america and the caribbean (adopted 17 june 1994, entered into force 26 december 1996) 1954 unts 3 art 4(l); united nations convention to combat desertification in those countries experiencing serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in africa, annex iv regional implementation annex for the northern mediterranean (adopted 17 june 1994, entered into force 26 december 1996) 1954 unts 3 arts 3(2), 5(d). 81 unccd 1994 annex i (africa) art 8(2)(c). comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 24 only does this continue to ensure that disadvantaged voices are heard, but also reflects a plurality of experiences contributing to the evolution of the regime. this openness and the explicit inclusion of traditionally marginalised communities as key participants in naps may indicate a commitment to address some of the “isms” of domination criticised by ecofeminists as it enabled voices generally excluded from the international sphere to speak and raise concerns over economic, social and political inequalities which compounded the effects of desertification. the above analysis indicates that the unccd was relatively successful at enabling the voices and experiences of traditionally marginalised and excluded communities to be heard during the negotiating process. this opportunity was transformative because it incorporated inclusive references that obliged state parties to provide for the participation by groups, such as women, who have traditionally been excluded from international institutions. these references mean that women, local communities and indigenous communities are also involved in the subsequent development of policy and institutions related to the unccd. however, compared to the unccd, the unfccc has been slow to enable the voices of traditionally marginalised groups to contribute to the institutional evolution. this is because it omitted certain major groups from gaining official observer status. “major groups” are the nine sectors of society recognised by agenda 21 as the main channels through which broad participation would be facilitated in un activities related to sustainable development. they include, inter alia, women, children and youth, indigenous peoples, business and industry, and non-governmental organisations.82 in order to participate actively in meetings, they need to be granted official observer status according to the provisions of the treaty. article 4 unfccc places broad obligations on parties to adopt an expanded approach to participation. however, there is no such obligation for the convention’s institutions. 83 certain major groups were granted official observer status from the outset. these groups included environmental ngos, and business and industry ngos. 84 other major groups, such as local government and municipal authorities, and indigenous peoples, were granted official recognition in 1995 and 2001 respectively. the women’s major group had to wait until 2011 before 82 agenda 21 1992 ch 24-32. 83 unfccc 1992 art 4. 84 karen morrow, ‘integrating gender issues into the global climate change regime’ in susan buckingham and virginie le masson (eds), understanding climate change through gender relations (routledge 2017). the denning law journal 25 being granted official recognition by the regime.85 to date, the farmer’s major group remains subject to provisional recognition.86 the delay in officially recognising all major groups indicates a prioritisation and valorisation of voices and experiences from particular backgrounds, such as technology, business and trade. the slow inclusion of the women’s major group and farmers major group gives insight about which voices and whose experiences were valued during the evolution of the climate change regime. it highlights that the international community were slow to recognise gender as an important constituency for responses to climate change in the institutional machinery of the unfccc regime.87 for one thing, it means that the diverse interests, expertise and experiences of women are omitted from the information gathering processes, and from informing the negotiations. second, without having a platform for women’s expertise, interests and experiences, it is more difficult for stakeholders to highlight the interconnecting ways in which climate change disproportionately impacts and affects women and other marginalised communities. for example, women make up 48% of the agricultural labour force in developing countries.88 this percentage is likely to grow because of the increased feminisation of agriculture as a result of “increased urbanization, the migration of many young men to the cities, commercial farming growth, conflict, and climate change”. 89 rural women in particular are disproportionately affected by climate change because they undertake a higher proportion of social reproductive work, such as childcare and collecting firewood and water. 90 the slow recognition of gender as a constituency and the continued failure to officially recognise the farmers major group has a gendered impact, as it excludes the voices and 85 fccc, ‘non-governmental organisation constituencies’ (2011) accessed 7 march 2018. 86 fccc, ‘unfccc constituency focal points’ contact details’ (2018). accessed 7 march 2018 87 for an interesting discussion of this issue see morrow (n 85). 88 fao, ‘why is gender equality and rural women’s empowerment central to the work of fao’ (gender, 2018) accessed 18 may 2018. 89 fao, ‘rural women: striving for gender-transformative impacts’ (global forum on food security and nutrition, 2017) 2. 90 christine jost and others, ‘understanding gender dimensions of agriculture and climate change in smallholder farming communities’ (2016) 8 clim dev 133. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 26 experiences of people who are disproportionately affected by climate change while also being the closest to the land that is degraded. nevertheless, as discussed below, there are some signs of change within the unfccc, particularly in relation to integrating gender considerations into unfccc work. integrating a gender perspective: the adoption of gender action plans by the unccd and the unfccc like the unccd, there has been some substantive progress with regards to gender in the unfccc after the grant of constituency status for the women’s major group in 2011. unlike the earlier unfccc and the 1997 kyoto protocol, the 2015 paris agreement refers to gender equality and the empowerment of women in its preamble, and in the context of climate change adaptation (article 7) and capacity building (article 11).91 decision 3/cp.23 establishes a gender action plan (gap) which “recognises the need for women to be represented in all aspects of the unfccc process and the need for gender mainstreaming through all relevant targets and goals in activities under the convention as an important contribution to increasing their effectiveness”.92 the gap lists four priority areas: capacity-building, knowledge-sharing and communication; genderbalance, participation and women’s leadership; coherence, genderresponsive implementation and means of implementation; and monitoring and reporting. these priority areas reflect the goal of embedding gender considerations into all activities undertaken by the climate change regime. the gap provides “quick win” solutions, such as promoting travel funds as a means to support the participation of women in national delegations, and organising and conducting capacity-building training on leadership and negotiation skills.93 it aims to enhance the capacity of parties and stakeholders to develop “gender responsive policies, plans and programmes on adaption, mitigation, capacity-building technology and finance” through, inter alia, workshops and technical assistance.94 it also aims to hold a dialogue on the implementation of commitments to integrate gender into areas such as access to finance, technology needs assessments, 91 paris agreement arts 11(3)-11(5). 92 decision 3/cp23 ‘establishment of a gender action plan’ (17 november 2017) fccc/cp/2017/11/add1 annex para 3. 93 ibid annex 16. 94 ibid annex 16. the denning law journal 27 and budgeting. 95 these activities focus on improving the current institutional framework, structures and policies in order to ensure that they are able to respond to gender concerns. the gap also identifies the need to share experiences in how parties and observer organisations have promoted the systematic integration of gender considerations into issues such as mitigation and adaptation activities. 96 these examples indicate that the gap recognises that stakeholders, such as women’s rights organisations, indigenous women representatives and other actors, should be involved to ensure an inclusive and open dialogue.97 nevertheless, the content of the gap and the paris agreement both suggest that state parties and the institutional machinery of the unfccc have not engaged with the conceptual and structural elements of the climate change problem which continue to exclude and devalue women. the activities outlined in the gap ensure that data is produced and there is a greater understanding of the impact of climate change on gender, but they do not engage with the conceptual and structural barriers that continue to exclude and devalue women within the spheres that are prioritised in the climate change: technology, financing, business, and trade. instead, the gap seeks to empower women by integrating gender considerations into all activities of the unfccc, which may not offer the opportunity to critique the underlying assumptions that inform these activities, and what they may say about the relationship between humanity and the environment. therefore, the extent to which it can engage with transformation ecofeminist ethics remains limited. the unccd has also recognised the importance of integrating a gender perspective in the implementation of the convention. parties to the unccd and stakeholders have acted on gender since 1998 and have repeatedly called for consistent gender balance in civil society participation and within the roster of independent experts. parties and stakeholders have evaluated the actions in support of women and women’s groups, particular those undertaken at the local level. 98 building from these reports, the parties have requested the unccd secretariat to promote gender through its policy-advocacy framework, and to mainstream gender issues at different levels and with the involvement of multiple stakeholders.99 in 95 ibid annex 17. 96 ibid annex 16. 97 ibid annex 16. 98 unccd, ‘overview of gender mainstreaming in the implementation of the convention: 1998–2018’ (7 september 2017) iccd/cop(13)/crp.1 part iii. 99 decision 9/cop11 ‘ways of promoting and strengthening relationships with other relevant conventions and international organizations, institutions and comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 28 2017, the cop adopted a decision explicitly acknowledging that mainstreaming gender in the implementation of the convention will strengthen its effectiveness and efficiency at the local level. 100 the unccd adopts a social reproductive perspective in the gender plan of action (gpa). it identifies that women are “strategic agents of change”101 and acknowledges the structural inequalities embedded in the “social, political, economic and cultural institutions, norms and practices” that limit women’s agency and undermine the effective implementation of the convention.102 in response to these findings, the gpa intends to “make the implementation of the convention … gender-responsive and transformative … by providing guidance to parties and other actors on policies and measures to mainstream gender …”103 the gpa states that women must benefit from any interventions and they should not increase women’s burden.104 the gpa outlines four key priorities for action, which cover women’s participation in decisions to implement the unccd, integrating women’s economic empowerment in these activities, strengthening women’s land rights and access to resources, and enhancing women’s access to knowledge and technology. 105 mechanisms for implementation include “working with and through women’s organisations”, developing strategic partnerships, mobilising financial resources, and monitoring and reporting on the interventions.106 these provisions are more progressive because they place the barriers to participation in a broader context that takes into account the need to establish foundations for women’s empowerment. therefore, compared to the gap, the gpa incorporates a more transformative approach towards gender recognition and gender agencies’ (26 september 2013) iccd/cop(11)/23/add1 (2013); decision 9/cop10 (21 october 2011) iccd/cop(11)/23/add1. 100 decision 30/cop13 ‘gender equality and women’s empowerment for the enhanced and effective implementation of the convention’ (15 september 2017) 15 september 2017; unccd, ‘draft advocacy policy frameworks: gender, drought, and sand and dust storms. note by the secretariat’ (3 july 2017) iccd/cop(13)/19. 101 unccd, ‘gender plan of action’ (n 100) para 10. 102 ibid para 11; see also barbara laslett and johanna brenner, ‘gender and social reproduction: historical perspectives’ (1989) 15 annu rev sociol 381; patricia e perkins, ‘feminist ecological economics and sustainability’ (2007) 9 journal of bioeconomics 227 103 unccd (n 100) para 14. 104 ibid para 16. 105 ibid para 17. 106 ibid paras 18-21. the denning law journal 29 mainstreaming in the unccd. this is because it starts from a position which recognises the structural barriers faced by women. unlike the unfccc, which focuses on improving existing institutional processes and developing ways to incorporate women within them, the gpa focuses on the local level and addressing barriers to implementation there. furthermore, by approaching the barriers facing women from a social reproductive perspective, the gpa has adopted a more critical and nuanced perspective from which to start. this indicates a greater engagement with the problems faced by women experiencing drought and desertification. the above comparison of the treatment of women within the two regimes indicates that the unccd incorporates more transformational participatory provisions than the unfccc. the unccd recognises that different communities and members of society are disproportionately affected by drought and desertification, depending on a number of factors. it has embedded inclusive participation within its provisions, the naps and within the institutional structure itself. it recognises and values the experiences of marginalised communities, particularly women, and as such, the participation reflects a bottom-up approach to developing and implementing the agreement. therefore, these provisions indicate a more transformative approach to responding to drought and desertification because they enable the experiences, needs and values of women to inform the evolution of the regime. however, with the recognition that gender is an important constituent of climate change and with the introduction of the gender action plan, the unfccc may be “catching up” to the unccd. as it currently stands, the focus of the climate change regime is integration and mainstreaming gender considerations across all work streams. this focus does not allow much opportunity to engage in more conceptual and transformational debate about why women and other marginalised communities are disproportionately affected, what that says about human/non-human relationships understood within the regime, and what this may tell us about current strategies towards responding to the issue. 3.1.2 integrating ecosystems services into the regimes: reinforcing the human/nature divide? ecofeminist ethics also acknowledge that humanity is embedded within ecological systems, rather than separate and distanced from it. 107 for ecofeminism, any international regime or legal agreement that recognises 107 mary mellor, ‘feminism and environmental ethics: a materialist perspective’ (2000) 5 ethics & the environment 107; mellor, feminism & ecology (n 44). comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 30 the embeddedness of humanity in non-human nature would be transformational. however, very little iel includes strong language that acknowledges the embeddedness of humanity within a broader ecological system. instead, it emphasises the second aspect of this relationship, namely that humanity is different and distinct from non-human nature and adopts an anthropocentric worldview. this anthropocentric worldview places human beings and their interests as the central consideration when addressing environmental concerns. it legitimises the exploitation of non-human nature because it is seen as other, separate and distinct from humanity. val plumwood extends this critique and argues that historically, anthropocentrism and androcentricsm have been “intimately connected” within the western philosophical tradition.108 androcentricsm refers to “male-centred thinking that assumes the superiority of men over women,” that “naturalises and justifies a certain sort of self-centredness, self-imposition, and dispossession, [and] provides… a very distorted framework for perception of the other.”109 an anthropocentric framework is built on logical structures which create a “false universalism in culture in which the experiences of the dominant “centre” are represented as universal, and the experiences of those subordinated in the structure are rendered as secondary, or irrational”.110 applying this analysis to the context of iel, the emphasis of difference and othering, also enables non-human nature to be translated into commodities or entities and objects that serve a purpose or function for the benefit of (certain categories of) humanity. incentivising conservation through the commodification of nature one way in which this perspective has been incorporated within the two environmental regimes is through the introduction of “ecosystem services” as way to incentivise the conservation of important ecological functions that are necessary for the survival of humanity.111 ecological functions are the “interacting biological, chemical and physical processes that underpin 108 val plumwood, ‘nature, self and gender: feminism, environmental philosophy, and the critique of rationalism’ (1991) 6 hypatia 3, 22. 109 val plumwood, environmental culture: the ecological crisis of reason (routledge 2002) 118. 110 ibid 99. 111 jose puppim de oliveira and others, governing the forests: an institutional analysis of redd+ and community forest management in asia (united nations university and international tropical timber organization 2013) 1. the denning law journal 31 the provision of ecosystem services”.112 ecosystem services are understood as “the benefits that people obtain from ecosystems”. 113 they include provisioning, regulating, cultural, and supporting services – all of which are defined in relation to humanity.114 payment for ecosystem services (pes) are schemes that incentivise the conservation of ecological services for future generations while also promoting economic growth and development in developing countries.115 the concept of ecosystem services has been incorporated within the climate change regime in the context of land use, land-use change and forestry activities.116 in 2007, the cop adopted the bali action plan which outlined a commitment to consider “policy approaches and positive incentives on issues relating to reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries; and the role of conservation, sustainable management of forests and forest carbon stocks in developing countries”.117 subsequent cop decisions refined the reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (redd) mechanism and made the financial incentivisation more explicit.118 this is a voluntary climate change mitigation approach that incentivises developing countries to reduce emissions from deforestation and forest degradation. the paris agreement incorporates redd+ and the concept of ecosystem services in article 5. this provision encourages parties to “take action to implement and support, including through results-based 112 barron j orr and others, ‘scientific conceptual framework for land degradation neutrality: a report of the science-policy interface.’ (unccd-spi technical series no.01, 2017) 13. 113 ibid; walter v reid and others, ecosystems and human well-being: synthesis (island press 2005). 114 orr and others (n 112) 13. 115 wilkinson, ‘payment for ecosystem services’ (n 53) 169. 116 unfccc 1992 art 4(1)(d); kyoto protocol art 2. 117 decision 1/cp13 ‘bali action plan’ (14-15 december 2007) fccc/cp/2007/6/add1* para 1(b)(iii). 118 decision 2/cp15 ‘copenhagen accord’ (18 december 2009) fccc/cp/2009/11/add1; decision 1/cp16 ’the cancún agreements: outcome of the work of the ad hoc working group on long-term cooperative action under the convention (10-11 december 2010) fccc/cp/2010/7/add1; decision 2/cp17 ‘outcome of the work of the ad hoc working group on long-term cooperative action under the convention’ (11 december 2011) fccc/cp/2011/9/add1; see also fccc, ‘report of the ad hoc working group on long-term cooperative action under the convention on its eighth session, held in copenhagen from 7 to 15 december 2009’ (5 february 2010) fccc/awglca/2009/17. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 32 payments, the existing framework as set out in related guidance and decisions already agreed under the convention”.119 therefore, while the agreement does not explicitly refer to pes, it does include references to incentivising states through economic reward to conserve and protect important ecological functions. current negotiations under the paris agreement indicate that redd+ will be incorporated into developing countries’ intended nationally determined contributions (indcs), as well as voluntary cooperation.120 the continued integration of results-based payments, pes and ecosystem services highlights that that the anthropocentric worldview, with its underlying value dualism that separates human/nature thus legitimising the commoditisation of nature, continues to inform international responses to climate change mitigation. this perception of the environment is further reflected in the language in the paris agreement, which refers to forests as “sinks” or reservoirs for greenhouses gases. this is a reductive view of the environment, which views non-human nature as a “sink”, and something to be used for human interests, rather than recognises that human activities are embedded and reliant on continued ecological functions of ecosystems. the extension of this worldview is the assumption that communities need to be “incentivised” or “rewarded” for its conservation. this anthropocentric worldview is not restricted to the climate change regime. the desertification regime also promotes the use of ecosystem services as a solution to protect degrading ecosystems while maintaining economic growth and achieving sustainable development objectives. the unccd has embedded the concept of ecosystem services into many of its strategies for achieving the objectives of the convention. one of the strategic objectives of the desertification regime is to improve land productivity and related ecosystem services.121 in the context of the unccd, the goal of land degradation neutrality refers to the goal of maintaining or enhancing the “stocks of natural capital associated with land resources and the ecosystems that flow from them.”122 in this conceptual framework, ecosystem functions have been transformed into “services” that 119 paris agreement art 5(2). 120 fccc, ‘non-market-based approaches: technical paper’ (24 november 2017) fccc/tp/2014/10; see also peter graham, ‘cooperative approaches for supporting redd+: linking articles 5 and 6 of the paris agreement’ (climate advisors, 2017) 6. 121 decision 7/cop13 ‘the future strategic framework of the convention’ (15 september 2017) iccd/cop(13)/21/add1 annex part iii. 122 orr and others (n 112) 3. the denning law journal 33 can be “delivered” in order to achieve sustainable food production.123 these services are performed for the benefit of human kind, particularly as an “engine of economic growth and a source of livelihood for billions worldwide”. 124 thus, ecosystem services are explicitly defined as the “benefits” humanity obtains from ecosystems. 125 more generally, nonhuman nature is referred to as “natural capital” that can be harnessed for sustainable development. 126 this language, informed by economics, highlights the underlying logic that places humanity at the centre, and associated functions are defined in terms of humanity’s needs. the concept of “ecosystem services” itself is “indicative of an exploitative and androcentric construction of the living order which continues to perpetuate a hierarchical way of thinking that separates humans from nature and reduces nature as subordinate”. 127 as i have argued elsewhere, by redefining ecological functions as services, international policy and discourse “recasts nature as providing a “service” to humanity, without any interrogation of the gendered and exploitative ideology implicit in the language”.128 in addition, it may be seen as a manifestation of economic rationalism because it seeks to translate the protection of the environment itself into an economic process, thereby disembedding ecosystems themselves. the above examples from both regimes reveal that the conceptual frameworks and logical structures informing these policies continue to view the environment as separate and subordinate, therefore legitimising its exploitation and reinforcing its value as a commodity or resource for economic gain. the preceding comparison between the unfccc and the unccd highlights that both incorporate anthropocentric and androcentric perspectives towards non-human nature. both regimes have incorporated the concept of ecosystem services as ways in which to achieve the objectives of the regimes. it has highlighted how this concept positions humans as central and non-human nature as subordinate and as a resource to be used for human purposes. therefore, the extent to which these two 123 ibid. 124 unccd, ‘land and sustainable development goals’ (nd) accessed 23 march 2018. 125 decision 7/cop13 the future strategic framework of the convention annex 19. 126 orr and others (n 112); unccd, ‘land and sustainable development goals’ (n 124). 127 wilkinson, ‘payment for ecosystem services’ (n 53) 169. 128 ibid fn 7. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 34 regimes are transformational or incorporate ecofeminist ethics in this context is limited. 3.2 comparing approaches towards science and technology in the unfccc and unccd: do they recognise context or location? both the unccd regime and the unfccc prioritise scientific cooperation, technological assistance and transfer, and addressing the impact of environmental degradation on commercial activities. however, the way in which these areas are integrated into the regimes, and the justifications for their integration are different. these variances include the subject matter, recognition of the broader context of the environmental issue, and the type of actors involved in the negotiations. the analysis suggests that these two regimes demonstrate a sense of optimism about technological innovation and commit to a future potential where science, technology and know-how will be able to mitigate environmental degradation and enable communities to adapt to existing environmental problems, while also allowing states to continue to develop through exploitative production. this optimistic outlook on the role of science and technology fails to take into account how mechanised science and the global market economy is informed by the logical structures which view women and non-human nature as “other” and objects for exploitation, to the detriment of all communities. 3.2.1 prioritising science, technology and commerce the unfccc has prioritised the consideration of scientific, commercial, and technological implications of climate change. this is reflected within the negotiations of the unfccc and in the subsequent evolution of the regime. during the negotiations of the unfccc, austria and switzerland proposed that the commitments in the convention should promote the “development and transfer of environmentally sound technologies, and technical as well as financial assistance.”129 other parties also supported the inclusion of cooperation by “means of systematic and 129 fccc, ‘compilation of proposals related to commitments submitted by the bureau of working group i’ (15 august 1991) a/ac.237/misc.7 part a(i.1) 3-4; fccc, ‘preparation of a framework convention on climate change: set of informal papers provided by delegations, related to the preparation of a framework convention on climate change. addendum’ (22 may 1991) un doc a/ac.237/misc.1/add.1 7. the denning law journal 35 sustained research … in order to better understand the causes and impacts of climate change and the response strategies required to deal with such change.”130 these examples highlight that the need to understand the issue of climate change was directly linked to the need to prove that it was a problem that required global action to counteract. one reason for emphasising the importance of continued scientific understanding of climate change is the need to overcome obstacles in the negotiating process. the causes of climate change are deeply embedded in all aspects of the world’s economic and social activities from the developed to the developing world. these activities include transportation, industry, international trade, agriculture, fishing and forestry practice, to name a few. 131 climate change scepticism meant that there was reluctance to commit to reducing emissions because of the detrimental impact on all aspects of society, until there was certainty of the existence of climate change and that it would have a destructive effect on societies.132 state submissions during the negotiations of the unfccc indicate that scientific and technical cooperation were central features of the future climate change regime, both to enable buy-in from reluctant states, and as a way to maintain and consolidate cooperation. the climate change regime has continued to emphasise the role of science and technology as a way to consolidate cooperation within the regime. systematic observation of the climate system is seen as the “the foundation for our understanding of climate change and its associated impacts, and helps scientists determine future trends”133 while also being a way in which parties can cooperate in data gathering and systematically observing the climate system.134 similarly, article 4(1) unfccc calls for parties to “promote and cooperate in the development, application and 130 fccc, ‘compilation of proposals related to commitments, a/ac237/misc7’ (n 130) part a (i.1) 6; french republic, ‘alternative proposal for annex i (research and development and systematic observation) contained in a revised single text on the elements relating to the mechanisms (a/ac.237/misc.13) submitted by the co-chairmen of working group ii’ (17 december 1991) a/ac.237/wg.ii/crp.71(a), 2(a), 3. 131 james k sebenius, ‘designing negotiations toward a new regime: the case of global warming’ (1991) 15 int security 110, 121. 132 daniel bodansky, ‘the united nations framework convention on climate change: a commentary’ (1993) 18 yale jint’l l 451, 476. 133 fccc, ‘science in the negotiations’ (nd) accessed 14 may 2018. 134 unfccc 1992 art 5; see also paris agreement arts 4, 7. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 36 diffusion, including transfer, of technologies…that control, reduce or prevent anthropogenic emissions of greenhouse gases…”135 subsequent cop decisions and legal agreements have similarly affirmed the potential of sci-tech to provide the foundation of our understanding of the issues, and also as a way to “improve resilience to climate change and to reduce greenhouse gas emissions”.136 the focus within the climate change regime on addressing science and technology indicates that many participants in the negotiation process viewed climate change as primarily scientific and technical in nature and therefore resolvable through innovation.137 this is an optimistic view of the role of science and technology in which current, potential, and future developments will be able to “solve” or “fix” the harm that humanity has caused, while maintaining the overarching goals of economic growth, poverty eradication and sustainable development. this view is reflected in the unfccc and the kyoto protocol, which associated the promotion of sustainable development with the development and transfer of new technologies to mitigate and adapt to the effects of climate change while also ensuring the sustainable economic development of party states. 138 during the subsequent evolution of the climate change regime, cop decisions have introduced new financial and trade mechanisms to support technical development for climate change mitigation and adaptation, and article 10 of the paris agreement explicitly states that technology and scientific innovation is “critical for an effective, long-term global response to climate change and promoting economic growth and sustainable development”. 139 these examples indicate that the content of cop 135 unfccc 1992 art 4(1)(c). 136 paris agreement art 10(1). 137 e.g. fccc, ‘strengthening the commitments in article 4.2(a) and (b) policies and measures: synthesized list of policies and measures identified by annex i parties in their national communications. note by the secretariat’ (23 october 1995) annex 4-5; fccc, ‘synthesis of proposals by parties. note by the chairman’ (19 november 1996) fccc/agbm/1996/10 para 13; fccc, ‘ideas and proposals on the elements contained in paragraph 1 of the bali action plan: submissions from parties’ (27 october 2008) fccc/awglca/2008/misc.5 10-11 (argentina), 26-27 (brazil), 29. 138 e.g. unfccc 1992 arts 4(1), 5; kyoto protocol arts 2, 10(c), 10(d). 139 paris agreement art 10(5); see also cancún agreements lca preamble, paras 71, 120(a), see in general part iv(b); fccc, ‘informal note by the co-facilitators’ (13 november 2017) sbsta47.in.2; fccc, ‘initial draft of the technology framework. informal document by the chair’ (15 march 2018) sbsta48.informal.1 5. the denning law journal 37 decisions and agreements continues to associate potential technological and scientific advances that allow for continued economic growth in the context of sustainable development. the unccd also incorporates a significant number of references to scientific and technological advancements in relation to drought and desertification. under article 17, parties undertake to “promote technical and scientific cooperation in the fields of combating desertification and mitigating the effects of drought”.140 similarly, under article 18, parties undertake to “promote, finance and/or facilitate the financing of the transfer … adaptation and development of environmentally sound, economically viable and socially acceptable technologies relevant to combating desertification and/or mitigating the effects of drought”.141 thus far, the two environmental regimes demonstrate similar commitments to the promotion of technology and science as a way to ensure cooperation and to support the ability of developing countries to achieve their obligations under the convention. both the legal regimes demonstrate a level of “techno-optimism”142 by which i mean that actors within the regimes champion the potential of science and technology to repair and alleviate environmental damage.143 140 unccd 1994 art 17(1). 141 ibid art 18(1). 142 plumwood, environmental culture (n 109) 39. 143 the benefits or otherwise of technology are intimately linked with wider debates surrounding economic growth, capitalism and other social institutions. there is insufficient space in this article to fully develop this line of critique, but for recent examples of a techno-optimistic worldview, see arthur pj mol and gert spaargaren, ‘ecological modernisation theory in debate: a review’ (2000) 9 environmental politics 17; john asafu-adjaye et al, ‘an ecomodernist manifesto’ (ecomodernism, 2015) accessed 10 august 2018; christian kerschner et al, ‘degrowth and technology: towards feasible, viable, appropriate and convivial imaginaries’ (2018) 197 j clean prod 1619.; for literature interrogating this worldview from other fields, see eg james e krier and clayton p gillette, ‘the un-easy case for technological optimism essay’ (1985) 84 mich l rev 405; herman e daly and john b cobb, for the common good: redirecting the economy toward community, the environment, and a sustainable future (beacon press 1994); dana r fisher and william r freudenburg, ‘ecological modernization and its critics: assessing the past and looking toward the future’ (2001) 14 soc nat resour 701; herman e daly, ‘reconciling the economics of social equity and environmental sustainability’ (2002) 24 popul environ 47; christian kerschner and melf-hinrich ehlers, ‘a framework of attitudes towards technology in theory and practice’ (2016) 126 ecol econ 139; rika preiser et al, ‘navigating alternative framings of comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 38 ecofeminists are resistant to the narrative that science and technology can achieve this feat.144 this resistance stems from their critique of science and its associated mechanistic analysis of reality. this new definition of reality is based on assumptions of ontology, epistemology, context independence and identity that is analogous to the structure of machines. they argue that this mechanistic understanding of reality is the “legitimising ideology of industrial capitalism and its inherent ethic of the domination of nature.”145 from the scientific revolution onwards, science has viewed as “objective, value-free, context-free knowledge of the external world.” 146 like machines, order and power are integral components of this mechanical worldview and sanctioned the management of both nature and society.147 thus, nature is ripe to be transformed or altered for the needs and benefit of humanity, or more specifically, the needs of men.148 ecofeminists argue that this mechanistic worldview, which renders nature as inert and passive has completed infiltrated and reformed human consciously completely so that we rarely question its validity.149 the impact of this worldview is that nature, humans and society are seen to be made up of interchangeable parts that can be externally repaired or replaced. it allows humans to remain outside of nature, as intellectual beings who calculate the maximum satisfaction or utility of nature. plumwood argues that in this worldview, other species appear through a “reductive and human-centred framework, in a rationalised and commodified form.”150 this worldview also informs capitalist economics, which have “beatified a contractual, privileged and rationally “autonomous” master subject” who is separate from, and above nature.151 from this, it can be argued that the focus on science and technological human-environment interactions: variations on the theme of “finding nemo”’ (2017) 20 anthropocene 83; armin grunwald, ‘diverging pathways to overcoming the environmental crisis: a critique of eco-modernism from a technology assessment perspective’ (2018) 197 j clean prod 1854. 144 ariel salleh, ecofeminism as politics: nature, marx and the postmodern (2nd edn, zed books 2017). 145 carolyn merchant, radical ecology: the search for a liveable world (routledge 1992) 59. 146 ibid 55. 147 merchant (n 145) 55. 148 merchant (n 145); mary mellor, ‘women, nature and the social construction of “economic man”’ (1997) 20 ecolog econ 129. 149 merchant (n 145) 48. 150 plumwood (n 109) 27. 151 ibid. the denning law journal 39 innovation displayed in the unfccc and unccd can be interpreted as the desire to fix ecological malfunctions in order to maintain “the smooth functioning of industry and bureaucracy…” 152 which allows certain privileged forms of humanity to remain outside of nature, as intellectual beings and benefit from the embedded and embodied labour of non-human nature and women. the preceding discussion argues that the mechanistic worldview privileges objective, value-free and context-free knowledge, which has legitimised the exploitation of non-human nature and human others associated with nature. while the unccd does embody aspects of this worldview through its uncritical promotion of technological cooperation and advancement, it also includes provisions that take into account the context in which science and technology will be used by local communities and local populations. under article 17, the parties to the unccd should support research activities that address specific needs of local populations and “lead to the … implementation of solutions that improve the living standards of people in affected areas.” 153 similarly, research activities should “protect, integrate, enhance and validate traditional knowledge and local knowledge…” 154 with regards to technology development and transfer, parties shall “facilitate access … on favourable terms … to technologies most suitable to practical application for specific needs of local populations, paying special attention to the social, cultural, economic and environmental impact of such technology.” 155 it also calls for the protection of traditional and local technology, knowledge and practices.156 in addition, the connection between technology transfer and local communities” participation is also reaffirmed in article 10, which introduces the national action programmes (nap). it states that naps shall promote policies and institutional frameworks that “develop cooperation and coordination, in a spirit of partnership, between the donor community, governments at all levels, local populations and community groups, and facilitate access by local populations to appropriate information and technology.”157 these examples highlight that the focus for the use of such technology is on the local populations and that parties should take into 152 merchant (n 145) 48; plumwood (n 109) 26. 153 unccd 1994, art 17(1)(b). 154 unccd 1994, art 17(1)(c). 155 unccd 1994, art 18(1)(b). 156 ibid. 157 unccd 1994, art 10(2)(e). comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 40 account the context in which such technology and scientific improvements will be used. 158 3.2.2 recognising interactions between communities and technology furthermore, the subsequent evolution of the unccd indicates that there is increasing recognition of the differences in values, principles, and experiences of the environment that may alter the ways in which “other” communities perceive and use the environment. one particular example is the references to the “special relationship” between indigenous peoples and local communities and their environment. the committee for the review of the implementation of the convention (cric) acknowledged the potential cultural and socioeconomic implications of desertification and drought strategies.159 the reports include the recognition that initiatives for natural resource management should respect cultural specificities, while also “promoting the customary land tenures of local communities, [and] strengthening and legalizing their traditional institutions.” 160 similarly, more recent decisions have encouraged parties to take “action at a specific spatial scale so as to address the local ecological and socio-economic conditions in a more holistic manner.”161 these statements indicate that, in the context of the desertification regime, some parties recognise that desertification and drought strategies may marginalise some communities. by explicitly linking management strategies to cultural specificities, these 158 for feminist analysis of the ‘scientisation’ of climate change and the need to integrate public deliberation, communication and participation as vital components of responses to climate change, see karin bäckstrand, ‘civic science for sustainability: reframing the role of experts, policy-makers and citizens in environmental governance’ (2003) 3 global environ polit 24, 29; karin bäckstrand, ‘scientisation vs. civic expertise in environmental governance: ecofeminist, eco-modern and post-modern responses’ (2004) 13 environ polit 695, 696–98; for feminist criticisms of science and technology see, donna haraway, ‘situated knowledges: the science question in feminism and the privilege of partial perspective’ (1988) 14 fst 575; sandra g harding, is science multicultural? postcolonialisms, feminisms, and epistemologies (indiana university press 1998). 159 unccd, ‘report of the committee for the review of the implementation of the convention on its first session’ (17 january 2003) iccd/cric(1)/10, para 35. 160 unccd, ‘report of the committee for the review of the implementation of the convention on its fifth session’ (24 april 2007) iccd/cric(5)/11*, para 84. 161 decision 1/cop6 ‘further steps in the implementation of the convention’ (3 september 2003) iccd/cop(6)/11/add1(2003), para 9. the denning law journal 41 references take into account the differences between communities and groups. the language in the unfccc regime reflects a more dispassionate and technical approach towards embedding technology within communities. many of the cop decisions relating to technology transfer focus on epistemic communities separate and above local communities. for example, in decision 1/cp.21, the parties request the “technology executive committee and the climate technology centre and network” to “engage in the technical expert meetings and enhance their efforts to facilitate and support parties in scaling up the implementation of policies, practices and actions identified during this process.”162 the paris climate agreement similarly states that “parties share a long-term vision on the importance of fully realizing technology development and transfer in order to improve resilience to climate change.”163 these examples indicate that the climate change regime has not yet properly engaged in the ways in which the focus on technology and science is disembedded and disembodied from the ecological world and communities.164 this means that such initiatives are unlikely to be effective unless the focus becomes more embodied within the ecological world. however, recent publications indicate that unfccc institutions are integrating a more contextual approach towards science and technology implementation. for example, the gap identifies that gender-responsive climate policy should be strengthened through technology development and transfer. 165 technology and capacity building have been identified as priority areas, and will be incorporated into technology needs assessments. 166 finally, the gap also calls for submissions on the integration of gender considerations into technology and finance policies to be sex-disaggregated and provide a gender analysis.167 these examples highlight that the parties are starting to recognise that different communities, members of communities and groups use technology in different ways. therefore, understanding the context in which technology and know-how will be rolled out is central to developing effective mitigation and adaptation strategies. similarly, decision 2/cp.23 162 decision 1/cp21 adoption of the paris agreement, para 109(c)(i). 163 paris agreement, art 10(1). 164 noémi gonda, ‘climate change, “technology” and gender: “adapting women” to climate change with cooking stoves and water reservoirs’ (2016) 20 gend technol dev 149. 165 decision 3/cp23 establishment of a gender action plan, 13. 166 ibid 17. 167 ibid 18. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 42 recognises the need to strengthen the technologies of local communities and indigenous peoples in a holistic and integrated manner.168 this approach, which focuses on knowledge sharing and the exchange of experiences, suggests that the unfccc may be starting to take into account the differences between communities and groups based on their specificities. the preceding discussion compared two manifestations of context within the unfccc and the unccd. the first compared how the two regimes referred to science and technology within their foundational legal texts. both regimes emphasise the importance of science and technology to “solve” or “mitigate” the consequences of environmental degradation. this demonstrated a sense of “technological optimism” that is embedded within the mechanistic worldview criticised by ecofeminism because it reduces non-human nature to something inert and dead, thus allowing its exploitation for the pursuit of industry and capitalism. this allows certain privileged groups of humanity to remain outside of nature, as enlightened, intellectual beings who benefit from the embedded and embodied labour of non-human nature and (some) women. nevertheless, compared to the unfccc, the unccd regime has recognised that science and technology development should take into account the context in which they will be used. the provisions in the unccd explicitly refer to the location, peoples and communities who will be using and adapting the technology. in this way, the regime embodies some aspects of ecofeminist ethics by recognising that the cultural and historic specificities of groups affect how the technologies are integrated and impact on their daily lives. this comparison suggests that the unccd regime has generally been more aware of context in how it integrates considerations of science and technology within its legal framework. nevertheless, both regimes demonstrate a continued affirmation that science and technology are the primary solutions to existing environmental problems, without recognising that the assumptions informing these types of knowledge are based on a view of non-human nature and associated human communities as resources and commodities to be exploited for the benefit of humankind. 3.3 attending to and respecting difference in the unfccc and the unccd the final lens of the analytical framework extends the above analysis even further and explores how the two regimes pay attention to and respect 168 decision 2/cp23 ‘local communities and indigenous peoples platform’ (17 november 2017) fccc/cp/2017/11/add1, 11. the denning law journal 43 difference between different groups. the following comparison explores how the two regimes seek to balance the often-competing interests of equity and historical responsibility for environmental degradation, economic development, and difference in capabilities in performing obligations within environmental regimes. 3.3.1 respecting difference: integrating common but differentiated responsibilities in the two regimes these tensions are embodied in the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (cbdr) and its articulation in the climate change regime as common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (cbdrrc). cbdr recognises extra-legal differences among states” and makes “room for substantive equity in international environmental regimes.” 169 comparing how this principle has been integrated into the two environmental regimes demonstrates that both environmental regimes recognise and respect the pluralities amongst countries by taking into account economic and historically driven differences between countries. however, the extent to which more recent iterations of cbdr demonstrate the transformative potential of ecofeminist ethics is less certain. the two regimes recognise difference and pluralities of experience by acknowledging the historic responsibility for environmental degradation and the resulting economic inequalities that impair developing countries from implementing their objectives. cbdr/cbdrrc contains two dimensions: that all states are to participate and do their share to ameliorate global environmental problems (common responsibility), and second that some states are in a much better position than others to provide the resources to addresses environmental problems.170 therefore, it integrates references to historic responsibility of developed states while also basing the future contributions by developing countries on their capabilities. in doing so, it tries to reconcile the need for universal action to combat global problems and the need to be sensitive to individual states” special and relevant circumstances. the integration of differences and, to some extent, the acknowledgement of structural inequalities between states, embodies plurality because they pay attention to, and respect differences between the 169 tuula honkonen, ‘the development of the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and its place in international environmental regimes’ in tuomas kuokkanen et al (eds), international environmental lawmaking and diplomacy: insights and overviews (routledge 2016) 160. 170 ibid 160–61. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 44 parties, while acknowledging that there are still connections through the shared responsibilities to respond to environmental problems. analysing the transformative potential of cbdrrc in the unfccc cbdrrc is explicitly integrated into the climate change regime as one of its guiding principles. article 3(1) unfccc states that parties should protect the climate system “on the basis of equity and in accordance with their common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities” and “the developed country parties should take the lead in combating climate change and the adverse effects thereof.”171 this “radical differentiation” has been reinforced within the kyoto protocol and in the paris agreement, albeit in a different format.172 the kyoto protocol includes explicit and implied references to cbdrrc within its text.173 it differentiates between developed countries, and between developed and developing countries in terms of the targets they should achieve, 174 and also in terms of the compliance and enforcement mechanisms.175 this differentiation placed a firewall between developed and developing countries within the protocol, which has been softened in the subsequent evolution of the regime and the paris agreement.176 article 2(2) of the paris agreement reflects a more qualified understanding of differentiation. it refers to “equity and common but differentiated responsibilities and capabilities, in the light of different national circumstances.”177 in this way, differentiation can be interpreted in light of contemporary economic realities, and thus has evolved to take 171 unfccc 1992, art 3(1). 172 decision 1/cp1 (7 april 1995) fccc/cp/1995/7/add, paras 2(a), 2(b); kyoto protocol, arts 3, 5, 7, 8, 10(1); clare breidenich et al, ‘the kyoto protocol to the united nations framework convention on climate change’ (1998) 92 ajil 315; joanna depledge, ‘tracing the origins of the kyoto protocol: an article-byarticle textual history’ (25 november 2000) fccc/tp/2000/2 42. 173 kyoto protocol preamble, art 10(1); see also decision 1/cp1 the berlin mandate, paras 2(a), 2(b). 174 kyoto protocol, arts 3, 5, 7, 8. 175 decision 27/cmp1 ‘procedures and mechanisms relating to compliance under the kyoto protocol’ (9-10 december 2005) fccc/kp/cmp/2005/8/add3 (2005); bodansky et al (n 29) 167. 176 hermann e ott, ‘the kyoto protocol: unfinished business’ (1998) 40 environment: science and policy for sustainable development 16; depledge (n 173) 42. 177 paris agreement, art 2(2). the denning law journal 45 account of the concerns about cbdrrc by developed countries. 178 therefore, the differentiation embedded in the paris agreement is more nuanced, but still remains focused on the economic capacity of states. the operationalisation of the paris agreement is through the preparation, communication and maintenance of contributions towards the overall purpose of the agreement.179 these are known as “ndcs” and are expected to progress every five-year cycle.180 intended ndcs are based upon a bottom-up, pluralised response that takes into consideration the structural, institutional, economic and social differences between states which affect their ability to contribute to global climate change reductions. these obligations allow individual countries to “self” determine how their contribution reflects “its highest possible ambition” and the principle of cbdrrc. 181 by allowing individual countries to determine their contributions, the agreement recognises that developed and developing countries are starting at different points and thus allows self-differentiation between them and that differentiation will continue over successive cycles of ndcs. nevertheless, the provisions of the agreement are “designed to ensure that the regime as a whole moves toward ever more ambitious and rigorous actions.”182 therefore, at first reading, the integration of cbdrrc and differentiation between parties to the paris agreement appears to embody some ecofeminist ethics. this is because it recognises the differences between states in many different contexts and takes into account the specificities of mitigation, adaptation, finance, technology, capacity 178 fccc, ‘fccc/awglca/2008/misc5’ (n 138) submission of japan, 40-41, submission of the united states, 106; fccc, ‘ideas and proposals on the elements contained in paragraph 1 of the bali action plan: submissions from parties. addendum’ (12 november 2008) fccc/awglca/2008/misc.5/add.1 submission of australia, 73; daniel bodansky, ‘w[h]ither the kyoto protocol? durban and beyond’ (harvard project on climate agreements 2011) 4; sandrine maljean-dubois, ‘the paris agreement: a new step in the gradual evolution of differential treatment in the climate regime?’ (2016) 25 reciel; meinhard doelle, ‘the paris agreement: historic breakthrough or high stakes experiment?’ (2016) 6 climate law 1; daniel bodansky and lavanya rajamani, ‘the evolution and governance architecture of the climate change regime’ in detlef sprinz and urs luterbacher (eds), international relations and global climate change: new perspectives (2nd edn, mit press 2016) 219. 179 paris agreement, art 4(2). 180 paris agreement, art 4(3). 181 bodansky and rajamani (n 178) 234. 182 ibid 235. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 46 building and transparency.183 for example, the differentiation in finance requires developed countries to provide financial resources to developing country parties and to take the lead in mobilising climate finance. 184 similarly, the agreement creates a technology framework to “provide overarching guidance to the work of the convention’s technology mechanism in promoting and facilitating enhanced action on technology development and transfer.”185 it makes support available for collaborative approaches to research and development and facilitating access to technology.186 finally, the introduction of indcs and self-differentiation allows differences between states to be recognised. at the same time, the references to climate change as a “common concern” and the inclusion of transparency recognise that states are a member of a larger community which should cooperate to address shared dangers.187 nevertheless, the extent to which this iteration of differentiation is transformative in line with ecofeminist ethics is limited. this is because the primary marker of difference in the context of climate change is “economic reality.”188 cbdrrc was originally a concept that sought to recognise the acknowledgement of industrial contributions to the global environmental crisis.189 principle 7 of the rio declaration states that in the view “of the different contributions to global environmental degradation, states have common but differentiated responsibilities.” 190 article 3(1) unfccc contains no such reference to the enhanced contributions of industrial countries to environmental degradation and placed both differentiated responsibility and respective capabilities on the same plane.191 this version of common but differentiated responsibilities indicates that the unfccc has weighted differentiation more towards economic capabilities and levels of economic development, rather than differing contributions to global degradation. 183 lavanya rajamani, ‘differentiation in a 2015 climate agreement’ [2015] center for climate and energy solutions. 184 paris agreement, art 9(1), 9(3). 185 bodansky et al (n 30) 241; paris agreement, art 10(3)-(4). 186 paris agreement, arts 10(4)-(5). 187 paris agreement, art 13. 188 fccc, ‘fccc/awglca/2008/misc5’ (n 137). 189 lavanya rajamani, ‘the reach and limits of the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities in the climate change regime’ in navroz dubash (ed), handbook of climate change and india: development, politics and governance (routledge 2012) 121. 190 rio declaration 1992, principle 7. 191 rajamani (n 189) 121. the denning law journal 47 thus, the interpretation of cbdr over the evolution of the climate change has reduced its focus to economic terms rather than a more pluralised account of the historic and moral responsibility of states. the focus on “future-oriented” approaches to cbdrrc within the recent negotiations and the paris agreement reflects a pragmatic, problem solving approach towards mitigation that is based on the ability of states to pay.192 in this way, it emphasises the objective, disassociated and neutral logic that ecofeminists challenge for being ahistorical, and decontextualized. furthermore, the “future-oriented” approach to cbdrrc within the paris agreement also highlights a fundamental assumption and tension within the cbdrrc principle that “[e]nhanced capabilities are a direct result of industrialisation, which in turn resulted in the spike in ghg emissions that is causing climate change.” 193 some ecofeminists have warned that development through industrialisation is a colonisation through “capacity building” or technology transfer. 194 therefore, basing differentiation upon the future potential of states may “become a pretext for significant interventions to assist with climate mitigation that themselves could be geared towards the expansion of neo-liberal market-based approaches and the regulation that enables them.” 195 this concern highlights that even though the cbdr principle has been incorporated within the paris agreement, the way in which it has been operationalised has the potential to continue the exploitation of developing countries through policies aimed at building their capacity to undertake their obligations. this approach towards differentiation is not transformational because it does not pay attention to context nor does it respect difference. rather, it may in fact assimilate developing countries into a market as a type of economic colonisation which results in the stated intent of the law being undermined or rendered ineffective. 192 jutta brunnée and charlotte streck, ‘the unfccc as a negotiation forum: towards common but more differentiated responsibilities’ (2013) 13 climate policy 589, 592. 193 rajamani (n 189) 121. 194 vandana shiva, ‘development as a new project of western patriarchy’ in irene diamond and gloria feman orenstein (eds), reweaving the world: the emergence of ecofeminism (sierra club books 1990); vandana shiva, ‘special report: golden rice and neem: biopatents and the appropriation of women’s environmental knowledge’ (2001) 29 women’s stud q 12. 195 julia dehn, ‘carbon colonialism or climate justice? interrogating the international climate regime from a twail perspective’ (2016) 33 windsor yrbk acc jus 129, 141. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 48 analysing how “difference” is embedded in the unccd unlike the unfccc, the unccd does not explicitly refer to the principle of cbdr. instead, the convention embeds differentiation into its overarching legal framework.196 it does this by attributing different state obligations to developed and developing countries in order to acknowledge their differences and relative asymmetries in levels of economic and technological development. at the same time, the unccd recognises that desertification and drought are problems of a global dimension that should be addressed at the national or local scale.197 however, as will be explored below, the success of this more diffuse approach towards differentiation has hindered its operationalisation. the implicit recognition of differences between developed and developing countries demonstrates how plurality is incorporated with the legal framework of the convention. for example, the convention differentiates between “general obligations” and more targeted obligations which outline additional obligations for developed country parties.198 it also recognises the geographical, cultural and social differences between different regions across the globe by incorporating four regional annexes. these may be considered an expression of differentiation because they include additional provisions that are relevant for the experiences of countries in different geographical locations that have particular economic, social, cultural and geographic conditions. the regional implementation annex for africa outlines the purpose of the annex to “provide for the efficient and practical implementation of the convention to address conditions specific to africa.”199 it outlines what these conditions are and makes reference to the “difficult socio-economic conditions, exacerbated by deteriorating and fluctuating terms of trade, external indebtedness and political instability, which induce internal, regional and international migrations.”200 the other annexes to the unccd also refer to the broader problems that their regions face as a way to contextualise the differentiation between states and the need for plural 196 willem pieter pauw et al, ‘different perspectives on differentiated responsibilities in international negotiations: a state-of-the-art review of the notion of common but differentiated responsibilities in international negotiations’ (discussion paper 6/2014, german development institute, 2014) 34. 197 e.g. unccd 1994 preamble. 198 ibid arts 4, 6. 199 unccd 1994 annex i (africa) art 2(b). 200 ibid art 3(e). the denning law journal 49 responses to drought and desertification.201 for example, the annex for latin america and the caribbean directly associate the use of “unsustainable practices … as a result of complex interactions among physical, biological, political, social, cultural and economic factors, including international economic factors such as external indebtedness, deteriorating terms of trade and trade practices which affect markets for agricultural, fishery and forestry products”202 this sub-paragraph sets out that previous colonial and other exploitative practices by developed states has disproportionately affected the ability of latin american and caribbean countries to address drought and desertification. it also emphasises that factors such as deteriorating terms of trade, political and social factors all cause unsustainable development practices and are the result of these practices. thus, this provision summarises the criticisms of development and the global market economy that maintain and reinforces difference to the detriment of some states. similar provisions are also found in the regional annex for asia. this annex identifies the “the significant impact of conditions in the world economy and social problems such as poverty, poor health and nutrition, lack of food security, migration, displaced persons and demographic dynamics.”203 once again, the annex emphasises the external factors that cause and maintain differences between countries and affect the ability for states to respond to global environmental problems. therefore, the inclusion of these annexes is transformative because it recognises difference is informed by the historical, social and political contexts of each country, which is in turn affected differently by the broader environmental problems of drought and desertification. however, the unccd has had relatively limited success in operationalising the differentiated obligations.204 one reason for this is that the language of differentiation is so diffuse within the text because it has been embedded within the entire legal framework of the convention. this means that it is harder for affected developing country parties to extract the differential language within the convention and turn it into activities and 201 unccd 1994 annex ii (asia) art 2; unccd 1994, annex iii (latin american and caribbean) art 2; unccd 1994, annex iv (northern mediterranean) art 2. 202 unccd 1994, annex iii (latin american and caribbean) art 2(b). 203 unccd 1994 annex ii (asia), art 2. 204 pauw et al (n 196) 35. comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 50 targets to be implemented. another reason is that the global north has traditionally seen the issue of desertification as more regional in scope and has less priority for them.205 in addition, the diffuse nature of differentiation means that it is difficult to measure progress and analyse how differentiating between different countries and/or regions has been successful (or not). furthermore, inclusion of socioeconomic, cultural and other factors in the definition of desertification means that it is difficult to measure progress through scientific indicators, and other quantitative and qualitative measures.206 coupled with the difficulties in determining the nature and extent of desertification, this is “among the causes of the difficult political life of the convention.” 207 nevertheless, the unccd offers transformative potential because it recognises that interactions between poverty, environment and natural resources can be understood at the local level, and as such should be resolved through activities at the local, national, regional and international levels.208 the above discussion has compared the integration of differentiation into the unfccc and the unccd, and evaluated the effectiveness of its operationalisation in the unccd. it argued that cbdr/cbdrrc has the transformative potential to recognise and respect difference between countries both in terms of their contribution to environmental degradation and their corresponding ability to address this degradation. however, the analysis of the application of differentiation between countries in the climate change regime indicates that it has been reduced to focusing on the economic ability or future economic potential of countries rather than a respecting of difference and the broader historical, political and social context of the causes and consequences of those differences. in particular, the focus of “future-oriented” determination of difference in the paris agreement reduces differentiation to objective, disassociated and decontextualized measurements, a far cry from ecofeminist ethics. the treatment of differentiation in the unccd suggests that the negotiators attempted to develop a more transformative approach and one that is embedded in the broader historical context. the unccd also attempts to incorporate plurality at the local, national and international 205 philippe cullet, ‘differential treatment in environmental law: addressing critiques and conceptualizing the next steps’ (2016) 5 tel 305, 312. 206 zafar adeel, janos bogardi and christopher braeuel, ‘overcoming one of the greatest environmental challenges of our times: re-thinking policies to cope with desertification’ (united nations university 2007) 21. 207 elisa morgera, ‘land’ in elisa morgera and kati kulovesi (eds), research handbook on international law and natural resources (edward elgar 2016) 150; see also cullet (n 205) 312. 208 adeel et al (n 206) 22. the denning law journal 51 levels, thus enabling differentiation to be tailored depending on the specific context of different communities and locations. this was reflected in the overarching structure of the convention, and in the incorporation of the regional annexes which pay attention to the particularities of the different regions. for these reasons, the unccd has integrated a more plural approach towards differentiation and cbdrrc which has the potential to be transformative. nevertheless, the operationalisation of cbdrrc and differentiation within the unccd has been more circumspect and suggests that some developed country parties to the convention are unwilling to embrace its potential. 4 conclusion this article has compared the underlying values, assumptions and beliefs that inform the unccd and unfccc regimes through an ecofeminist analytical framework. this framework consists of three intersectional lenses which aggregate the eight boundary conditions to karen warren’s ecofeminist ethics. to recap, these lenses were termed “inclusivity”, “contextuality” and “structural pluralism”. these three lenses enabled a critique of the principles, obligations and rules within the two regimes. the comparison between unfccc and unccd through the “inclusivity” lens focused on the participation by different actors and the integration of ecosystem services. this comparison indicated that the participation by marginalised communities within the two regimes differed. in particular, the unfccc has been slow to support the participation by women in the climate change regime. it is only recently that the unfccc has incorporated gender recognition or gender mainstreaming into its policy-making process. this has been compounded by the relatively low participation by women in its negotiations. compared to the unfccc, the unccd has been more “inclusive” since the start. as the unccd has been described as a “sustainable development convention”, this more inclusive approach is not surprising as the principle of participation is an integral aspect to sustainable development which underpins the convention. however, the analysis also found that the unfccc has not engaged with the transformative potential of the participation by women. the analysis of the participatory provisions and the recently adopted gender action program revealed that the unfccc has not engaged with the underlying reasons why women and other marginalised communities are disproportionately affected, what that says about human/non-human relationships understood within the regime and what this indicates about current strategies towards responding to these interconnected issues. by comparing the transformative potentials of the fccc and the ccd 52 doing so, the regime has approached the participation, climate change and women nexus in a superficial way that inhibits the transformative potential of the regime. by contrast, the unccd has adopted a gender programme of action. this incorporates a more transformative approach towards gender. this is because it starts from a position that recognises the structural barriers faced by women, and acknowledges the fact that women are embedded within the material world. because of this, the gpa concentrates on the local level and on developing actions that will address the barriers and exclusions faced by women there. as the gpa approaches inequalities from a social reproductive perspective, it has adopted a critical and nuanced understanding that takes into account the structural, conceptual and material barriers to participation faced by women. this indicates a greater engagement with the problems faced by women experiencing drought and desertification. however, both regimes continue to position humanity as the central consideration for state obligations. this incorporates anthropocentric and androcentric perspectives towards non-human nature within both regimes. the introduction of neo-liberal market mechanisms, such as payment for ecosystem services, and the commodification of nature maintains the perception of humanity as separate and disembedded from nature. this means that neither regime has incorporated particularly transformational approaches towards our position as humans within an ecological community. this finding was reaffirmed by the ways in which science and technology underpin the two regimes. the analysis through the “contextual” lens found that both regimes approach science and technology as potential solutions to environmental degradation. this technological optimism is regressive and could maintain the current exploitative approach towards environmental problem solving because it reduces non-human nature to something inert and dead, thus allowing its exploitation for the pursuit of industry and capitalism. the final lens focused on the approaches towards differentiation within the two regimes and how they integrated the principle of cbdr/cbdrrc. while the principle of cbdrrc has transformative potential to recognise and respect difference, the way in which it has been embedded within the climate change regime indicates that it has been reduced to focusing on the economic ability or future economic potential of countries rather than a respecting of differences and the broader historical, political and social context of the causes and consequences of those differences. on the other hand, the unccd has implicitly embedded differentiation within the structure and content of the convention. this approach has transformative potential because of its pluralised and contextual understanding of the denning law journal 53 difference which is also based on history. nevertheless, the operationalisation of cbdrrc and differentiation within the unccd has been more circumspect and suggests that some parties to the convention are unwilling to embrace its potential. above all, this comparison highlights that there are some aspects of both regimes that have transformative potential. the unccd comes across at first reading as a regime that embodies more aspects of ecofeminist ethics, while at the same time, being still somewhat regressive. however, even though it may have the trappings of a truly transformative and successful regime, the fact that it addresses an environmental issue that has not, as yet, been recognised as a global issue (or one that affects not just developing countries), means that its potential is more circumscribed. this may be unintentional, or it may be implicitly recognising the potential of the regime, to which developed countries may be resistant. nevertheless, the underlying narrative of both these regimes continues to affirm an ideological perspective that disembeds humans from their surrounding ecosystem while at the same time commodifying nature to protect it. the continued commitment to neoliberal market mechanisms that maintain the denial of the body and the material reality of our reliance upon and integration within non-human nature means that, irrespective of other transformative potentials within these two regimes, each remains wedded to the ideological commitments that contribute towards environmental degradation. they also remain wedded to paradigms that marginalise and exploit those communities and bodies which are traditionally associated with nature. 25 denning law journal 2020 vol 32 p 25-49 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing, and its relevance to the equestrian industry and other small businesses. carrie de silva* * principal lecturer in law and taxation, harper adams university, 01952 815304 / 07583 144622, e-mail: cdesilva@harper-adams.ac.uk 1 [2020] uksc 12. abstract in april 2020, the supreme court in wm morrison supermarkets plc v various claimants [2020] and barclays bank plc v various claimants [2020] overturned the decisions of the court of appeal in applying the law regarding vicarious liability of employees and others (and deciding in both cases that the defendant companies were not liable for the acts in question). the scope of responsibilities which the employment relationship brings, together with an awareness among many businesses of the classification worker, along with the more familiar employed/ self-employed status, makes an examination of the outcomes and potential impact of these cases of wide, practical interest for those running businesses, large or small. the review concluded that there had been no dramatic change in the law but that the cases provide a measure of comfort to employers in something of a common-sense view being taken as to the scope of vicarious liability. they also add to the body of case law, helping to ensure that future issues can more clearly be reasoned out of court, with the detailed steer on the application of legal principles which a supreme court judgment provides. key words: vicarious liability, employee, akin to employee, worker introduction in april 2020, the supreme court re-visited and clarified the law of vicarious liability in two cases: one involving an employee (wm morrison supermarkets plc v various claimants1) and one involving someone not employed by the organisation against whom claims were being considered (barclays bank plc v various 26 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing claimants2). in both cases, the decisions of the court of appeal were overturned. this paper reviews the development of the law and key principles to enable the cases to be set in context, with a conclusion on possible implications and practical application. first, though, a consideration of why the operation of vicarious liability is particularly worthy of understanding by equestrian operations and any other businesses who work with a range of freelance/sub-contractor personnel. particular relevance for equestrian businesses there is, of course, nothing expressly equestrian about the principle of vicarious liability but it is particularly pertinent because of the employment status of many working in the sector. all employers need to be aware of the law in this area in terms of the significance of becoming an employer (along with a gamut of employment requirements such as insurance, salary, pension and other consequences). if the detail is not always understood, most appreciate that an employer has considerable responsibilities and, ideally, would access advice accordingly, preferably from legal and financial professionals but at the very least, through ‘.gov.uk’, or other authoritative online information.3 what is less well known, and is a common situation in the equestrian industry, is that there are two circumstances where there might be vicarious liability for those who are not treated by the business as employees. firstly, those labelled self-employed may, in fact, be deemed by the courts to be employees in the face of a claim. this is the most likely point of relevance to smes,4 equestrian or otherwise. secondly, (although far less common) even where the court does not override and re-designate the existing relationship of the parties, it may be deemed that the relationship is so close that it is, for the purposes of vicarious liability, akin to employment.5 what is vicarious liability? the concept of vicarious liability will be known to most readers: the legal principle that someone with no fault (normally an employer) can be liable for the wrongs of 2 [2020] uksc 13. 3 acas would be particularly recommended for all employment matters: www.acas.org.uk. 4 sme = small and medium-sized enterprises, per european commission recommendation c(2003) 1422, article 2 – small enterprises have < 50 employees and/or a balance sheet of ≤ € 10 million, so the majority of equestrian businesses are small enterprises under this standard business categorisation. 5 as discussed below; see also a silink and d ryan, ‘vicarious liability for independent contractors’ (2018) 77 clj 458. the denning law journal 27 another, ‘vicarious’ stemming from the latin vicarius meaning ‘substitute’.6 lord dyson in mohamud v wm morrison supermarkets plc noted the difficulties of summing up the law in a simple and coherent form opining: ‘to search for certainty and precision in vicarious liability is to undertake a quest for a chimaera.’7 the lack of certainty and precision comes from the infinite number of possible human relationships and situations, but let that not deter us from gleaning a framework of principle. the concept does not appear in the early histories and treatises on english law8 although sir john baker9 in the authoritative sources of english legal history10 cites, among other early cases, beaulieu v finglam11 where markham j noted: ‘if my servant or lodger puts a candle on the wall and the candle falls into the straw and burns the whole house, and also my neighbour’s house, in this case i shall answer to my neighbour for the damage which he has suffered.’12 notwithstanding these medieval13 cases, in 191614 harold laski characterises a string of early modern15 decisions (generally regarded as foundation of the 6 w smith and td hall, a copious and critical english-latin dictionary (first published 1871) accessed 24 may 2020. 7 [2016] uksc 11 [54]. 8 such as henry bracton (before c1235) de legibus et consuetudinibus angliae (on the laws and customs of england), or sir edward coke (from 1628) institutes of the lawes of england. henry bracton (aka henry de bracton, and variants, c1210 -68) produced an influential collation of law, drawing on english custom and roman sources. sir edward coke (1552–1634), english jurist, lawyer and politician, variously solicitor general and attorney general of england and wales (under appointment of elizabeth i) and chief justice of the court of common pleas and the king’s bench. 9 john baker (b1944), legal historian and downing professor of the law of england, university of cambridge (1998–2011). 10 john baker, baker and milsom sources of english legal history: private law to 1750 (2nd edn, oup 2010). 11 (1401) b & m 557. 12 baker (n 10) 610–11. 13 from the 5th to the late 15th centuries. 14 hj laski, ‘the basis of vicarious liability’ (1916) 2 yale lj 105. professor harold laski (1893–1950), lecturer in politics and economics at the london school of economics from 1926 to 1950 (and before that at mcgill, canada, harvard and yale), latterly aligned to marxism. active in the labour party and, perhaps, most influential in the developing politics of post-colonial india and a number of african nations. 15 early modern being the period from the end of the middle ages (late 15th century) to the late 18th century. 28 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing principle today) as ‘bearing the impress of a single, vivid personality’16 in the form of sir john holt,17 lord chief justice of england from 1689 to his death in 1710. sir john holt’s decisions18 included turberville v stamp, where a fire lit by an employee damaged neighbouring property;19 and sir robert wayland’s case, regarding a servant cheating on tradesmen for whom the master had provided monies to pay, where holt observed the truism that ‘the master at his peril ought to take care what servant he employs; and it is more reasonable that he should suffer for the cheats of his servant than strangers and tradesmen’.20 in hern v nicolls, an overseas factor (agent) falsely represented the quality of silk being purchased.21 in finding the employer liable for the wrong, policy thinking can clearly be seen in holt’s observation: ‘seeing somebody must be a loser by this deceit, it is more reasonable that he that employs and puts a trust and confidence in the deceiver should be a loser, than a stranger.’22 and in middleton v fowler, holt distinguished the situation where an employee acted outside their authority and was not in any way carrying out their authorised work from a case where a coachman accepted a fee for looking after luggage (which was not part of his driving job).23 the employer was sued when the luggage was lost. holt noted that ‘…no master is chargeable with the acts of his servant, but [i.e. only] when he acts in execution of the authority given by his master, and then the act of the servant is the act of the master’.24 the thinking was, and is, that an employer (as a matter of fact) causes the risk, that is the situation in which the wrong was executed, and (as a matter of policy) is better placed to compensate the victim, particularly through insurance. the relationship between law and policy is referred to in the 2020 supreme court cases and will be considered further below. it may be noted that the early cases fell short of ascribing vicarious liability for criminal matters, per rex v huggins and barnes, where an inmate of fleet prison died due to the conditions and neglect of the gaoler, barnes, and a charge of murder 16 laski (n 14) 106. 17 1642–1710. 18 thomas farresley, a report of all the cases determined by sir john holt, knt, from 1688 to 1710 (first published 1736, forgotten books 2016) accessed 26 may 2020. (some pages removed from free access version.) 19 (1697) 1ld raym 264 (kb). 20 (1707) 3 salk 234. 21 (1708) 1 salk 289. 22 ibid. 23 (1699) 1 salk 282. 24 ibid. the denning law journal 29 was brought against both the gaoler and the prison warden (huggins).25 as against the warden, although it was acknowledged that he ‘had the care and custody of the prisoners’ it was found that a principal or employer could only be criminally liable if the ‘deputy’ acted by ‘command, consent or privity of the principal’.26 this was superseded and employers can most certainly be liable for criminal, as well as civil, wrongs.27 laski’s paper explored both the development and policy of vicarious liability through to 1916, in england and the united states of america, and couches it in terms of the law developing to reflect society from the supremacy of the individual property holder and paternalism of medieval times, to the social and commercial community of interdependence of an industrial society, aiming ostensibly, at the ‘maximum public good’28. he concludes his piece (unsurprisingly, given the author) with the welfare of society being the ultimate aim of the development and application of legal principles and this can be seen in some,29 although by no means all,30 of the 21st century developments explored below. laski was writing at the same time as another expansive commentator on the matter, thomas baty,31 who compared vicarious liability to a upas tree (antiaris toxicaria), the source of the poison for arrows.32 this rather dramatic allusion was picked up in the title of warren swain’s33 recent review of the development of the law,34 which particularly dissects the distinction between strict liability for another’s wrong (the basis of vicarious liability today) and the master’s tort theory (whereby the master, or employer, is deemed to be primarily liable because the employee’s acts are said to be the act of the master). the idea of no-fault, strict, liability for another’s wrong was difficult to reason when tort was largely couched in terms of a 25 (1730) 2 ld raym 1574 (kb). 26 ibid. 27 racz v home office [1994] 2 ac 45. 28 laski (n 14) 112. 29 such as lister v hesley hall ltd [2001] ukhl 22. 30 perhaps barclays bank plc v various claimants [2020] itself. 31 thomas baty (1869–1954) was a british legal academic who worked as legal adviser, largely on international matters, for the imperial japanese government from 1916 for the rest of his career, dying in japan in 1954. he also wrote novels under the pseudonym irene clyde. 32 t baty, vicarious liability: a short history of the liability of employers, principals, partners, associations and trade-union members, with a chapter on the laws of scotland and foreign states (oup 1916). 33 professor of law at the university of auckland, new zealand. 34 w swain, ‘a historical examination of vicarious liability: a “veritable upas tree”?’ (2019) 78 clj 640. 30 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing ‘personal moral shortcoming’.35 the conceptual difficulties surrounding tortious liability in the absence of fault had, in fact, been addressed in roman law36 and remain addressed in civil jurisdictions with the idea of quasi-delict.37 there has been academic consideration of the matter38 over the years and professor lakshman marasinghe39 suggests the logic of carving out a class of common law obligations of 35 dj ibbitson, a historical introduction to the law of obligation (oup 2000) 196. professor david ibbitson, regius professor of civil law, university of cambridge. 36 institutes of justinian, 3.12.2. a sixth century collation of roman law under justinian i (c482–565, emperor from 527–65), largely but not exclusively based on the earlier institutes of gaius (by the jurist gaius, 130-80). gaius did not mention the principle of vicarious liability. 37 as explored by professor winfield in chapter x (tort and quasi-delict) of his famous series of lectures as tagore professor of law* at the university of calcutta (ph winfield, the province of the law of tort (cup 1931)). professor percy winfield (1878–1953) was rouse ball professor of english law at cambridge from 1928–43. *bestowed by and named for prasanna kumar tagore (1801–86), learned in both western and hindu law. see further mark f grady, ‘the negligence dualism’ (2009) ucla school of law, law and economics research paper, (09–02). mark grady, professor of law and director of the center for law and economics, ucla school of law. and see johnson’s consideration of vicarious liability in a moral and theological context in his diary of 3 june 1781 in james boswell, the life of samuel johnson (first published 1791) 512–3 accessed 25 may 2020. samuel johnson (1709–84), prolific writer in many genres, factual and fiction, and with a particularly enduring legacy as a lexicographer. 38 for example, by al weitz, ‘contractor duty to third parties not in privity: a quasitort solution to the vexing problem of victims of nonfeasance’ (1997) 63(2) brooklyn law review 593, calling for a re-statement of the law rather than apparent ‘exceptions’ the requirement of fault or lack of care. andrew l weitz, us attorney currently with weitz pascale, www.weitzpascale.com. after a phd in learning theory, he studied law and was on the editorial team of the brooklyn law review whilst at brooklyn law school. 39 sri lankan academic, variously chairman of the law commission of sri lanka and legal director of the secretariat for coordinating the peace process during the sri lankan civil war (2002–09), and emeritus professor of law at the canadian university of windsor. the denning law journal 31 quasi-tort, borrowed from the roman/civil law principle of quasi-delict, to avoid the artificiality of no-fault torts. he points to the step in that direction taken in rylands v fletcher in the famous judgment of blackburn j in the court of exchequer chamber,40 approved in the house of lords,41 in basing a new head of strict liability on the roman sic uti suo ut non laedat alienum (‘use your own property so that it will not harm the property of another’).42 this was not strict liability in the complete absence of fault, but strict liability based on an underlying obligation due to prior decisions (land use, in the case of rylands, engaging in a relationship and activity, in the case of vicarious liability). as society evolved and corporate defendants became prevalent, there was a further shift towards public policy and the compensation of victims, as opposed to the idea of a stranglehold of tight legal theory in the face of a perceived moral obligation. this commercial and moral view of legal development, coupled with the necessary constraints of legal theory, was espoused on both sides of the atlantic, by such as oliver wendell holmes jr.43 the changing mores in society influencing legal development can be seen in a close relative to the law of vicarious liability to third parties, that of an employer’s liability to employees who are harmed by colleagues. the old law of common employment44 was such that employers were not liable for injuries to workers caused by colleagues as workers were said to have accepted the risks of employment. this harsh principle was expressly overturned by section 1 of the law reform (personal injuries) act 1948,45 although the idea of personal responsibility, with the law mirroring a 40 (1866) lr 1 ex 265. 41 [1868] ukhl 1. 42 l marasinghe, ‘towards quasi-tort in the common law?’ in kd cooper-stephenson and e gibson (eds), tort theory (capitus university publications 1993) 342. 43 ow holmes jnr, the common law (first published 1881) accessed 15 may 2020; ow holmes jnr, ‘the path of law’ (1897) 10 harvard law review 457. oliver wendell holmes jr (1841–1935), prolific jurist and united states supreme court justice, 1902–32. 44 as generally thought to be established in priestley v fowler (1837) 150 er 1030 (ex ch); hutchinson v york, newcastle & berwick railway co. (1850) 5 ex 343 (ct com pl); and most authoritatively stated by lord cranworth in bartonshill coal company v reid (1858) 3 macq 282 (hl). for further on priestley see, ‘a case of first impression: priestley v fowler in awb simpson, leading cases in the common law (oup 1995) ch 5; ma stein, ‘priestley v fowler (1837) and the emerging tort of negligence’ (2002) 44 boston college law review 689. 45 with application to england, wales and scotland and law reform (personal injuries) act (northern ireland) 1948. 32 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing moral obligation, is still central to primary liability in tort as perhaps most famously expressed in lord atkin’s ‘neighbour test’ in donoghue v stevenson.46 his thinking was influenced by what, for him, was the christian47 precept of ‘whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them’.48 the idea, which lord atkin49 had rehearsed well before his seminal judgment in donoghue,50 clearly embraces the centrality of personal responsibility and a moral code in the interaction between individuals. but the policy of also needing to provide the victim with a meaningful source of recompense (alongside the core element of personal responsibility) is highlighted in all modern standard texts, and professor john fleming’s51 couching of the issue: ‘... the social interest in furnishing an innocent tort victim with recourse against a financially responsible defendant’52 has been quoted in a number of recent cases.53 46 [1932] ukhl 100. 47 this sentiment, often termed ‘the golden rule’ is found in some form in most major religions and cultures. see jeffery wattles, the golden rule (oup 1996). 48 matthew 7:12 and, similarly, luke 6:31, the holy bible (kjv, first published 1611). 49 james, baron atkin (1867–1944), australian born but english educated, sitting in the house of lords from 1928–44. 50 in papers such as lord atkin, ‘law as an educational subject’ (1932) journal of society of public teachers of law 27, and various speeches, as noted in matthew chapman, the snail and the ginger beer: the singular case of donoghue v stevenson (wildy, simmonds & hill publishing ltd 2010). 51 professor john g fleming (1919–97), german born, educated in england from the age of 15. the first edition of his seminal book on torts was published in 1957. he emigrated to australia in 1949 and on to berkeley, california, in 1961, where he spent the rest of his working life, (rm buxbaum, ‘john g fleming, 1919–1997’ (1997) 45(4) the american journal of comparative law 645). 52 jg fleming, the law of torts (9th edn, 1998) 409; (now c sapideen and p vines (eds), fleming’s the law of torts (10th edn, thompson reuters 2011)). the choice of fleming for repeated quotation may be summed up in waddam’s assessment of fleming’s textbook on tort (in his review of peter cane and jane stapleton, the law of obligations: essays in celebration of john fleming (oup 1998): ‘… coming close to realizing the ideal of legal academic writing: clear, concise, accurate, thorough, thoughtful, coherent, with a judicious balance between practice and theory, and between description and prescription’; sm waddams, ‘peter cane and jane stapleton, the law of obligations: essays in celebration of john fleming’ (2000) 63(3) mlr 464. 53 see majrowski v guy’s and st thomas’s nhs trust [2005] ewca civ 251 [28]; woodland v essex county council [2012] ewca civ 239 [6]; (both majrowski and woodland being appealed to the supreme court). the denning law journal 33 essence of the modern law there are, then, two principal requisites for vicarious liability to operate: the proximity between the parties, and the proximity between the wrong and authorised work. the relationship between the parties there must be a proximate relationship between the wrongdoer and the posited defendant. this is normally an employment relationship but the two more problematic situations are, as noted, those treated as self-employed but deemed by the courts to be employees, and those who are acknowledged by the courts not to be employees but deemed to be in a relationship ‘akin’ to employment for these purposes. there is also the relatively recent complication of the designation ‘worker’. if someone is clearly an employee then there is a measure of clarity, on that question at least. that there is no vicarious liability for the wrongs of sub-contractors has been set out at least since quarman v burnett54 and repeated many times since.55 in kafagi v jbw group ltd56 it was argued, on appeal, that various claimants v catholic child welfare society57 (generally known as the christian brothers case) and cox v ministry of justice58 were such that the trial judge was wrong in deciding that as wrong-doers were not employees, then there could be no vicarious liability of the party who engaged them. but it was also found that the law had not, in fact, altered to simply absorb non-employees as being covered, and only in atypical cases where there was the finding of a relationship ‘akin’ to employment could there be vicarious liability for a sub-contractor (and kafagi was not such a case). singh lj noted: ‘… it is important to note that this development has not undermined the conventional distinction between a contract of employment and a contract for services, which continues to be relevant in the vast majority of situations.’59 54 (1840) 6 m & w 499 (ct exch). although before that, the position was more fluid: w cornish and g clark, law and society in england 1750–1950 (sweet & maxwell 1989); p mitchell, a history of tort law 1900–1950 (cup 2015). 55 see, for example, salisbury v woodland [1969] ewca civ 1; d & f estates ltd v church commissioners [1989] ac 177 (hl). 56 [2018] ewca civ 1157. 57 [2012] uksc 56. 58 [2016] uksc 10. 59 [2018] ewca civ 1157 [21]. 34 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing but who is an employee, as opposed to self-employed? whilst this paper is looking at whether there can be vicarious liability for another’s wrongs, the deeming of someone hitherto treated as self-employed as being employed is most commonly encountered with regard to taxation or health and safety. the final categorisation will depend on the facts of each case but key features for employment status are mutuality of obligation,60 a sufficient measure of control61 and the integration test.62 these factors are now embraced and extended in what has been termed the economic reality test.63 control is manifest in factors such as the provision of one’s own equipment and materials, choice of timing and ability to substitute personnel, which would all point towards self-employment. integration relates to whether a person is autonomous and appears to be in business on their own account, or is an integral part of an employer’s business, with the employer bearing the economic risk. but the matter is now very much considered holistically, as highlighted recently in hmrc v professional game match officials ltd64 and varnish v british cycling federation65 where the tax and chancery chamber and employment appeal tribunal, respectively, provided useful reviews of employment status. in short, the position is far from formulaic. in some situations, there may be little choice of timing, how a job is done or the possibility of substitution whilst still being a genuine situation of self-employment. conversely, there may be an overt, contractual right of substitution of personnel (traditionally taken as fatal to employed status66) but, on the facts, a clear finding of employed 60 collins v hertfordshire county council [1947] 1 all er 633 (kbd) (hibbert j): ‘in a contract [for services, i.e. self-employment] … the master can order or require what is to be done, while in [a contract of service, i.e. employment] … he can not only order or require what is to be done but how it shall be done’; see also nethermere (st neots) ltd v minister of social security [1984] icr 612 (ca). 61 ready mixed concrete (south east) ltd v minister of pensions and national insurance [1968] 2 qb 497, 515. a high court case but one with authority of reasoning which has endured, mackenna j drawing on judgments from the us, canada, australia and ireland, as well as england. 62 see stevenson, jordan & harrison ltd v macdonald & evans [1952] 1 tlr 101 (ca) (lord denning): ‘…under a contract of service, a man is employed as part of the business and his work is done as an integral part of the business; whereas under a contract for services his work, although done for the business, is not integrated into it but is only accessory to it.’ 63 autoclenz v belcher [2011] uksc 14. 64 [2020] ukut 0147 (tcc). 65 [2020] ukeat/0022/20/la (v). 66 express & echo publications ltd v tanton [1999] ewca civ 949 (peter gibson lj): ‘that [a right of substitution] is a remarkable clause to find in a contract of service’. the denning law journal 35 status.67 in hall (inspector of taxes) v lorimer,68 nolan lj quoted mummery j from the court below: the object of the exercise is to paint a picture from the accumulation of detail. the overall effect can only be appreciated by standing back from the detailed picture …, by viewing it from a distance and by making an informed, considered, qualitative appreciation of the whole. it is a matter of evaluation of the overall effect of the detail, which is not necessarily the same as the sum total of the individual details. not all details are of equal weight or importance in any given situation. the details may also vary in importance from one situation to another.69 who might be in a relationship ‘akin’ to employment? this interpretation of relationships has largely been found in non-commercial settings such as cases involving religious organisations,70 prison71 or foster care.72 in jge v english province of our lady of charity and portsmouth roman catholic diocesan trust73, ward lj usefully referred to cooke j’s form of wording74 in market investigations ltd v minister of social security: ‘the fundamental test to be applied is this: is the person who has engaged himself to perform these services performing them as a person in business on his own account?’.75 and what of the designation ‘worker’? the classification ‘worker’76 was particularly discussed (not for the first time, of course) in the employment law cases of bates van winkelhof v clyde and co llp77 67 autoclenz (n 63). 68 [1993] ewca civ 25. 69 hall (inspector of taxes) v lorimer (1992) 1 wlr 939, 944. 70 see the christian brothers case (n 57); jge v english province of our lady of charity and portsmouth roman catholic diocesan trust [2012] ewca 938 (sometimes termed e); watchtower bible and tract society [2015] ewhc 1722 (qb). 71 cox (n 58) where a prison, rather the ministry of justice, was liable for the wrongs of a prisoner (clearly not an employee of the prison). 72 armes v nottinghamshire county council [2017] uksc 60. 73 e (n 70), where a trust appointed a priest but was not his employer, the trust was held to have a relationship sufficiently ‘akin to employment’ as to allow vicarious liability. 74 e (n 70) [67]. 75 [1969] 2 qb 173 (qb) 184. 76 first seen in s 230(3) employment rights act 1996. 77 [2014] uksc 32. 36 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing and pimlico plumbers ltd v smith.78 the category ascribes some employment rights whilst falling short of full employment status. leading cases considered in pimlico plumbers took the overriding factors as being whether the worker was in business on their own account, taking the commercial risk79 or whether the worker was in a position of subordination,80 a vital strand echoing down from sir john holt discussing the servant working for his master’s benefit in turberville although it is more nuanced in that sub-contractors will obviously be working for their engager’s benefit, as well as their own, and this is not, of itself, enough to establish vicarious liability.81 the modern, more complex range of statuses, with worker added to the employed and self-employed, prompted butlin and allen82 to suggest that a coherent approach in embracing s230(3) employment rights act 1996 ‘workers’ as being covered by vicarious liability would be helpful. their paper pre-dated this approach being expressly rejected by lady hale in barclays bank, of which more below.83 employees working on loan to another it is sometimes that an employee carries out work for another, to whom they are merely loaned by their employer and are not under a contract of employment to that other. (distinguish this from individuals who have more than one contract of employment.) whether the main or temporary ‘employer’ is liable will depend on the usual tests of control and integration used to distinguish employees from the self-employed as rehearsed above. in mersey docks & harbour board v coggins & griffith (liverpool) ltd84 it was held that the burden of proof is with the main employer to establish that liability has shifted to the temporary employer. this is not easy but the principle was confirmed more recently in 78 [2018] uksc 29. 79 case c-413/13 fnv kunsten informatie en media v staat der nederlanden eu:c:2014:2411, para 33. 80 see case c-256/01 allonby v accrington and rossendale college [2004] ecr i-00873, para 68; hashwani v jivraj [2011] uksc 40 [34]. 81 sweeney v boylan nominees pty ltd [2006] hca 19 [13] (high court of australia): ‘the whole of the law that has developed on the distinction between employees and independent contractors denies that benefit or advantage to the one will suffice to establish vicarious liability for the conduct of the second’. 82 sf butlin and r allen, ‘worker status and vicarious liability: the need for coherence’ (2018) university of cambridge faculty of law research paper 21. 83 barclays bank (n 2) [29]. 84 [1947] ac 1 (hl). the denning law journal 37 biffa waste services ltd v maschinenfabrik ernst hese gmbh85 and the christian brothers case in 2012.86 non-delegable duty of care at this point, it might also be useful to refer to a further strand of the development of the concept of no-fault liability. clearly, although there is a no-fault basis to vicarious liability for the wrongs of employees (or those akin to employees), it is based on a conscious adoption of a relationship. a further development has been that of the idea of non-delegable duty. this is where x has been found liable for the wrongs of y, who is not an employee (or akin) because the situation is such that it is held that the duty of care cannot (at law) be delegated to a competently appointed sub-contractor (as would be the norm). for example, in woodland v essex county council a child was left severely brain damaged after a swimming lesson conducted by a self-employed teacher engaged by the local authority.87 rather than seeking to categorise the teacher as ‘akin’ to an employee and thus embrace the usual principles of vicarious liability, it was held that some duties were non-delegable and the council was primarily responsible for children in swimming lessons. it is generally supposed that the idea of a non-delegable duty is an exception, rather than an extension, to the principle of vicarious liability in that it does not seek to categorise non-employees as akin to employees, but imposes primary liability on the engaging party in certain, narrow, circumstances largely involving either hazardous activities in a public place,88 or children or hospital patients.89 this is not, however, universally accepted and some argue that the concept of non-delegable duty is simply a further device to ascribe vicarious liability rather than a separate head of primary liability. why does this matter? if the former, it might, for example, colour the extent of relationship which are deemed to be within the scope of consideration.90 85 [2008] ewca civ 1257. 86 christian brothers (n 57). 87 [2013] uksc 66. 88 first reported in pickard v smith (1861) 10 cb (ns) 470 as noted in woodland (n 87) [6]. 89 woodland (n 87) [23] (lord sumption). 90 p giliker, ‘vicarious liability in the uk supreme court’ (2016) 7 uk supreme court yearbook 152; r stevens, ‘non-delegable duties and vicarious liability’ in jw neyers, e chamberlain and sga pitel (eds), emerging issues in tort law (hart 2007). 38 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing once it has been established that the relationship is such that the principle can apply, it must then be established that there is a sufficient connection between the wrong and the work. the relationship between authorised work and the wrongdoing in the early years of the development of this area of law, there would be liability only for expressly authorised acts. readers will be familiar with words such as ‘in the course of employment’, that is where the wrongdoer is carrying out his or her authorised work, albeit in a wrong or even expressly unauthorised way, as opposed to them being on (to use the quaint and well-known phrase) ‘a frolic of their own’.91 in limpus v london general omnibus company92 the employer was vicariously liable for injuries caused when a horse-drawn bus driver ran into a competitor’s bus, despite written instructions that drivers ‘must not on any account race with or obstruct another omnibus’.93 the reasoning was that the driver was carrying out his authorised work, with the intention of assisting his employer’s business, albeit that the practical realisation of those intentions was misguided and the driver was carrying out his work in an expressly unauthorised fashion. contrast beard v london general omnibus company where the employer was not liable when a conductor drove the bus, as he had no authority to do such a thing, driving being entirely outside the scope of his work.94 this was, for many years, taken to mean that even unauthorised acts had to be so closely connected with authorised acts as to be regarded as doing those authorised acts, however improper the manner, as seen in rose v plenty where lord denning judged: ‘in considering whether a prohibited act was within the course of the employment, it depends very much on the purpose for which it is done.’95 here, a milkman had been expressly forbidden from allowing children to help on the milk float ‘in any circumstances’.96 when a child helped and was injured through the milkman’s negligent driving, the employer was found vicariously liable. lawton, lj, in dissent, felt that the employer was not liable per twine v bean’s express ltd97 and conway v george wimpey & co ltd,98 both involving drivers giving lifts against express prohibitions. lord 91 joel v morrison [1834] ewhc kb j39, 5. 92 [1862] 1 h & c 526 (ct exch). 93 ibid 528. 94 [1900] 2 qb 530 (ca). 95 [1975] ewca civ 5. 96 ibid. 97 [1946] 1 all er 202 (ca). 98 [1951] 2 kb 266 (ca). the denning law journal 39 denning, however, distinguished these cases on the basis that in rose, the milkman was using the child (albeit against instruction) in furthering the employers business, as opposed to a prohibited act with no connection at all to the commercial activity of the employer. this reasoning was set out in salmond and heuston on the law of torts as: ‘a master, as opposed to an employer of an independent contractor, is liable even for acts which he has not authorised, provided they are so connected with acts which he has authorised that they may rightly be regarded as modes, although improper modes, of doing them’.99 whilst providing a logical result in many cases, lord toulson in mohamud v wm morrison supermarkets plc,100 observed that this construction did not, indeed could not, work with, for example, sexual abuse cases101 as such wrongs could, in no way, be seen as carrying out the work of the employer. rather, lord toulson drew on lord nicholls in dubai aluminium co. ltd v salaam102 which looked for such a close connection with authorised actions that the wrongful act may ‘fairly and properly’ be regarded as having been carried out ‘in the course of employment’, not simply equated with, however tenuously, authorised acts. what particularly came out of dubai and mohamud was that this cannot be regarded as ‘painting by numbers’. a lack of precision cannot be avoided, courts must make evaluative decisions in each case applying principles from previous cases, with a reasoned explanation as to the application or disregard of those factors, to allow the development of the law on a principled basis rather than through ‘a personal sense of justice’.103 employee’s liability although pursued relatively rarely, it is worth noting that despite the principle of vicarious liability operating to support the victim in being able to claim directly against employer, the perpetrator may be no less personally culpable. lister v romford ice and cold storage ltd104 (a sad case involving a son who, in driving a lorry through slaughterhouse gates, backed into his father) established that the party out of pocket (whether employer or insurer) can, under the principle of 99 rfv heuston and ra buckley (eds), salmond and heuston on the law of torts (21st edn, sweet & maxwell 2006). 100 mohamud (n 7). 101 such as lister v hesley hall ltd (n 29); the christian brothers case (n 57). 102 dubai aluminium co. ltd v salaam [2002] ukhl 48. 103 wm morrison supermarkets plc (n 1) 24 (lord reed). 104 [1957] ac 555. 40 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing subrogation, claim indemnity from the party at fault.105 this situation does, however, depend on the deemed assumption of personal responsibility. in the negligent driving of martin lister, there is clear personal culpability. later cases have been distinguished such that in williams and another v natural life health foods ltd there was deemed to be no independent assumption of responsibility by an employee so when a company went into liquidation, there could be no direct recourse by the claimant to an individual.106 in merrett v babb, however, the court of appeal found that john babb, a chartered surveyor who had carried out a negligent valuation, was personally liable.107 a normally ‘straightforward’ vicarious liability action against an employer was not possible due to the employer’s insolvency, the trustee in bankruptcy having failed to take out insurance run off.108 merrett was not followed in matthews v ashdown lyons and maldoom109 and russell v (1) walker & co. (2) robert chisnall and others,110 two cases in which the defendants were supported by their professional body111 but both were in the county court and both distinguished merrett on the basis of williams. in short, if lister and merrett cannot be distinguished, then employers, and others, may be able to seek indemnity as was the case with insurers joining a negligent radiographer in action in bell v alliance medical limited and others.112 this was an application of what is permissible in law, per lister, but which has been rarely pursued in practice, not least due to the ‘gentleman’s agreement’ of the british insurance association first reached in 1953.113 the court discarded 105 glanville williams (1911–97), professor of jurisprudence at university college, london (1945–55) and of english law at the university of cambridge (1968–78) was well known to generations of law students as the author of learning the law (first published in 1945). his review of lister in the modern law review contains a helpful exploration of employee indemnity and also of the dissenting reasoning in both the court of appeal and the house of lords: glanville williams, ‘vicarious liability and the master’s indemnity’ (1957) 20 mlr 220; continued (1957) 20 437. 106 [1988] ukhl 17. 107 [2001] ewca civ 214. 108 itself being a breach of the regulations of the royal institution of chartered surveyors (rics). 109 (2014) central london county court, 14 february 2014. 110 (2014) southend county court, 25 july 2014. 111 the rics having an interest in protecting members from personal claims and seeking to alter or mitigate the effects of merrett v babb (n 107). 112 [2015] csoh 34. 113 this was extended in 1955 with the accident offices’ association and the mutual insurance companies’ association proffering their agreement to the british employers’ confederation to adhere to such an arrangement, as cited in a report commissioned in the the denning law journal 41 arguments that lister is no longer applicable and acts as a reminder of employees’ exposure. in fact, the employee in the case had insurance through her professional body114 but insurance was not compulsory and, clearly, employees taking out insurance for personal liability at work is not the norm. having looked at the development and general operation of the law and some of the issues surrounding (a) whether an employer will be potentially liable for a particular wrong-doer’s actions, (that is, is the perpetrator an employee or in a relationship akin to employment?) and, if so, (b) whether the actions are closely enough related to work to be the subject of vicarious liability, it is instructive to review the two cases both heard by the supreme court in november 2019 and reported in april 2020. barclays bank addressed question (a). it involved the wrongs of someone not employed by the defendant bank. in wm morrison, (b) was at issue, that is an employee doing something clearly outside the scope or ‘sphere’115 of his role. barclays bank plc v various claimants the barclays bank plc case involved a medic116 carrying out routine examinations on prospective employees of barclays.117 many of the recruits were young women, often 16-year-old school leavers. a total of 126 claimants in a group action alleged sexual assaults during examination, between 1968 and 1984. of the two key questions in establishing vicarious liability, the first question was at issue: did the doctor have a close enough relationship to the defendant bank for them to be vicariously liable (if the acts were found to have a close enough link to the work he was engaged to do)? the decision in hearings to decide whether barclays bank was an appropriate defendant, both the high court and the court of appeal held that the bank would be vicariously liable for the doctor’s assaults (should they be proved). the supreme court overturned this. the doctor was not an employee, nor was he akin to an employee. he worked for several other organisations (including as a part-time employee of the wake of lister – gerald gardiner, ‘lister v romford ice cold storage co. ltd: report of the inter-departmental committee’ (1959) 22 mlr 642. 114 the society of radiographers. 115 ilkiw v samuels [1963] 1 wlr 991, 1004 (lord diplock). 116 who died in 2009; barclays bank (n 2) [5]. 117 and prior to the merger in 1969, martins bank. 42 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing nhs) and on his own account. he was paid no retainer. he was free to refuse work offered. thus, he was not operating in the course of the bank’s business but for his own. the case raised a number of issues in reviewing the position. more than one vicariously liable party the case drew on earlier decisions in establishing that parties beyond the direct employer and employee relationship could be joined in action. in viasystems (tyneside) ltd v thermal transfer (northern) ltd,118 for example, there was liability for a subcontractor and, in a diversion from case law dating to 1826,119 shared vicarious liability between two parties where a subcontractor (second defendant) was provided with a fitters’ mate employed by the third defendant company. the fitters’ mate negligently caused considerable damage and the second and third defendants were each held to be 50 per cent liable with the measure being, not only formal employment relationships, but whether a worker ‘is so much a part of’ the business or organisation that the defendant should take on responsibility.120 ‘akin’ to employment the claimants in barclays argued (successfully at lower levels) that cases such as the christian brothers121 and e122 had extended the law on a basis of what was ‘just and fair’ rather than the courts having to be tied to a trite dis-application of vicarious liability to non-employees123 – echoes of the policy basis of legal development discussed above. but it was found that the requirement of establishing an employment relationship had not altered, and cases such as christian brothers and e simply found, on their facts, a relationship so closely ‘akin’ to employment that vicarious liability could be found. in looking at the five ‘policy’ factors noted by lord phillips in the christian brothers case124 as being required to establish whether vicarious liability could 118 [2005] ewca civ 1151. 119 laugher v pointer (1826) 5 b & c 547 (kb). 120 denham v midland employers’ mutual assistance limited [1955] 2 qb 437 (ca) 444 (lord denning). 121 christian brothers (n 57). 122 e (n 70). 123 barclays bank (n 2) [8]. 124 christian brothers (n 57). the denning law journal 43 operate, care was taken to distinguish the factors stated from a limit to what was required.125 in addressing them along with a holistic consideration of the relationship, two factors were discarded ((i) policy and insurance should not impose liability, of itself; and (v) control is nuanced and many employees are under less apparent control than non-employees) but (ii) that the activity was carried out as a result of activity undertaken on behalf of the defendant, (iii) that the action was part of the business of the defendant and (iv) that the defendant created the risk were clearly apposite and provided a connection, but lord phillips concluded: ‘where it is clear that the tortfeasor is carrying on his own independent business it is not necessary to consider the five incidents.’126 non-delegable duty the principles surrounding a non-delegable duty, as seen above in the summary of the woodland v essex county council127 case, were drawn on in barclays as, rather than ascribing vicarious liability and seeking to extend the principle to cover a non-employee, it was held that some duties were non-delegable. this has, however, been held to be applicable in very narrow circumstances. in armes v nottinghamshire county council,128 for example, it was found that (unlike woodland) there was no non-delegable duty of care imposing primary liability on a local authority for foster children placed with carers. the nature of the foster carer role was too wide to ascribe such a duty on the council. there was, however, on the facts of the case, vicarious liability given the close relationship between the local authority and the fostering (in line with christian brothers and e). the fostering (during which sexual abuse took place) was an integral part of local authority activity, the local authority created the risk of harm and foster parents could not be said to be carrying on an independent business on their own account – their role was inextricably linked to the council. these cases might seem to point to the law of vicarious liability having been extended beyond employees, per the lower courts in barclays, but a very clear summary of what recent cases have and have not done, in terms of developing the law, was made in the singapore court of appeal129 in ng huat seng v mohammed130. it said that christian brothers, cox and armes, simply fine-tuned 125 barclays bank (n 2) [18]. 126 barclays bank (n 2) [27]. 127 woodland (n 87). 128 armes (n 72). 129 the highest court in singapore. 130 [2017] sgca 58. 44 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing existing principles in ascertaining in what cases a relationship ‘akin’ to employment might be found, that is where the wrongdoer is engaged in the defendant’s business rather than their own business, echoing lord sumption in woodland, that the law has: ‘… never extended to those who are truly independent contractors’.131 and there was no suggestion that the bank’s relationship with young, adult prospective employees embraced a non-delegable duty in the nature of woodland. wm morrison supermarkets plc v various claimants [2020] a supermarket employee, an internal auditor, released personal and banking data of nearly 100,000 morrison’s employees onto a publicly accessible website. this was a deliberate, planned act of data breach carried out due to a grudge held by the employee against morrison’s following disciplinary proceedings. both the high court and the court of appeal found that the supermarket was vicariously liability for the wrong. as indicated above, in establishing vicarious liability there are two vital questions: (a) was the perpetrator of the wrong an employee (or akin to an employee), and (b) was the wrong carried out within that relationship? in morrison, question (a) was not in doubt. in the supreme court, lord reed cited as authoritative132 the framing of question (b) as expressed by lord nicholls in dubai:133 was ‘… the wrongful conduct … so closely connected with acts the partner or employee was authorised to do that for the purpose of the liability of the firm or the employer to third parties, the wrongful conduct may fairly and properly be regarded as done by the partner while acting in the ordinary course of his employment?’134 particularly interesting was lord reed’s dissection and disposal of the court of appeal decision135 which had drawn on mohamud and quoted it as authority for ascribing vicarious liability (a) ‘the principle of social justice going back to holt cj’,136 i.e. a policy based argument (b) liability where an employee’s conduct was a ‘seamless episode’ or ‘unbroken chain of events’, 137 i.e. the employment context and (c) that ‘motive is irrelevant’.138 this construction, as lord reed notes, would result in a considerable extension of the law which he asserted that lord toulson’s 131 woodland (n 87) [3]. 132 wm morrison (n 1) [25]. 133 endorsed in mohamud (n 7) [41]. 134 dubai aluminium (n 102) [23]. 135 wm morrison supermarkets plc v various claimants [2018] ewca civ 2339. 136 mohamud (n 7) [45]. 137 ibid [47]. 138 ibid [48]. the denning law journal 45 leading judgment in mohamud had not intended139 and he found that the three elements fulfilled had been taken out of context. taking his points in turn: a. policy social justice, policy and, in a modern context, insurance, whilst considerations, should not drive or override the law. the fact that there may be valid policy reasons for a decision does not mean that legal rules should not develop and adhere to clear, underlying principles.140 b. the connection between the wrong and the employment connection should not simply be looked at in terms of time and causation, rather it is a matter of the substance on the facts. conscious and malicious disclosure of unlawfully captured data on his own computer could not be construed as part of the employee’s authorised function. it was established law that, even where carrying on acts of a similar kind to those authorised in employment, the context could stray so far from that authorisation such that the employer would not be liable.141 in short, is the employee furthering his or her employer’s business ‘however misguidedly’142 or, conversely, acting as ‘as stranger in relation to his employer’,143 that is with no connection to employment? a number of caribbean shooting cases which were decided in contrast served to illustrate the idea of connection (albeit that shootings are not, hopefully, the most relevant of situations to most). in attorney general of the british virgin islands v hartwell144 the employer was not vicariously liable when a policeman injured a bystander when shooting at his partner and a man she was with at the bar where she worked as a waitress. he was taken to have departed from his employment and was on a personal vendetta. similarly, in brown v robinson145 when a security guard shot a man trying to get into a football match in kingston, jamaica, and the victim had his hands up at the time, it was found to be acting so far outside any authorised mode of carrying out work such that the employer was 139 wm morrison (n 1) [17]. 140 see lister v hesley hall ltd (n 29); see also e (n 70). 141 kooragang investments pty ltd v richardson & wrench ltd [1981] ukpc 30. 142 hamlyn v john houston & co [1903] 1 kb 81(ca). 143 bugge v brown [1919] 26 clr 110 (high court of australia). 144 [2004] ukpc 12. 145 [2014] ukpc 56. 46 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing not liable. contrast bernard v attorney general of jamaica146 where the victim was shot by a policeman when he refused the policeman access to a telephone. the shot in the head at point blank range came after a scuffle and when hospitalised, the policeman went to arrest him for assaulting a police officer. whilst clearly not carrying out his duties in a proper fashion, this was held to be in the course of employment. these three cases clearly show that a close reading of the facts is required, along with the law. a recent court of appeal case also found significant violence still to be ‘in the course of employment’. in bellman v northampton recruitment ltd,147 a managing director left a member of staff severely brain damaged after an assault at an office christmas party. due to the nature of the event, the discussions taking place at the time, and the conduct of the md in asserting his role at the event, there was found to be an adequate connection between the event and the employment. c. motive lord reed found that the motive is relevant when it is clear that the activity in question is solely for personal reasons. the decision morrisons were held not to be liable for the significant data breaches carried out wilfully by a disgruntled employee, overturning the preceding hearings in the high court and court of appeal. (there was an additional question as to whether breaches of data protection legislation were expressly excluded from vicarious actions. it was found that they were not.) employment law developments and ‘workers’ the law has developed (or, as atiyah148 put it so well, been ‘stretched’149) considerably in scope, if not in fundamental principle (for example with the child welfare and sexual offences cases) and although both lord phillips and lord reed have 146 [2004] ukpc 47. 147 [2018] ewca civ 2214. 148 patrick atiyah (1931–2018), professor of law at the australian national university (1970–73), university of warwick (1973–77) and of english law at the university of oxford (1977–88). 149 ps atiyah, the damages lottery (hart publishing 1997) ch 2: ‘how the law has been stretched’; ch 3: ‘more stretching of the law’. the denning law journal 47 noted relatively recently that, respectively, the law ‘is on the move’150 and has ‘not yet come to a stop’,151 still there is a brake. usefully, in the light of s230(3) employment rights act 1996 and a number of recent employment law cases152 where there might have been a temptation to sweep up a whole category of perpetrators153 (rather than operating on a case by case basis), lady hale indicated in barclays that the idea of a ‘worker’ (i.e. someone other than an employee but with some although, of course, not all, employment rights) being embraced wholesale into a sense of being able to ascribe vicarious liability for the wrongs of a whole range of non-employees, would be ‘going too far down the road to tidiness’.154 and it would, to pick up atiyah’s thinking, be evidence of extending the law to help the individual claimant in front of the court, rather than a coherent development of principle.155 practical application clearly with employees, the position is guarded against with insurance and good recruitment and management practices to help avoid (as far as is humanly possible!) the worst of behaviours amongst one’s staff. of more concern is whether there could be liability for sub-contractors or others not employed. the cases would indicate that only where there is an unusually close relationship would this be held. clearly councils and foster carers, church bodies and priests and the like may be of little concern in business life, equestrian or otherwise. but, whilst lady hale was at pains to stress that employment law is not to be taken as having swept up the law of vicarious liability, where there are non-employees classed as workers, or what the court might consider to be employees erroneously classified as self-employed, then there might be scope for liability. and it is in those situations where insurance may be found to be lacking. perhaps ironically, although the law has 150 christian brothers case (n 57) [19]. 151 cox (n 58) [1]. 152 perhaps most famously pimlico plumbers ltd (n 78); but, see also bates van winkelhof (n 77). 153 see butlin and allen (n 82). 154 barclays (n 2) [29]. 155 for those looking for a comparative view from another common law jurisdiction, the goudkamp and plunkett (2017) review of prince alfred college v adc [2016] hca 37 (high court of australia) is a useful read: j goudkamp and j plunkett, ‘vicarious liability in australia: on the move?’ (2017) 17 oxford university commonwealth law journal 162; along with p giliker, ‘comparative law and legal culture: placing vicarious liability in comparative perspective’ (2018) 6 the chinese journal of comparative law 265. 48 ‘not my employee, not my liability’: a review of the law of vicarious liability, its april 2020 supreme court airing developed, in part, to ensure victim recompense due to employer’s deeper pockets and insurance, a lack of insurance is, of course, no defence at all.156 whether in this context or other matters such as taxation or health and safety, there is a very considerable financial risk in calling people self-employed if that is not genuinely the case. it will, however, continue to be rare where a relationship ‘akin’ to employment is found. implications of the recent decisions so we are left with a foundation perhaps little fundamentally changed in two centuries and more. per lady hale in woodland: the common law is a dynamic instrument. it develops and adapts to meet new situations as they arise. therein lies its strength. but therein also lies a danger, the danger of unbridled and unprincipled growth to match what the court perceives to be the merits of the particular case.157 and barclays and morrison add to a growing body of case law which has extended application of the law by increments into wider spheres to allow us to determine whether a defendant can be held vicariously responsible for someone other than an employee and whether a wrongdoer is acting in the course of employment. this, hopefully, allows the law to develop, drawing on lady hale’s expression of the operation of the common law, to meet new situations, but not in an unbridled and unprincipled way. in three final observations: firstly, the recent supreme court cases might give some comfort to employers, in the courts being willing to explore the facts thoughtfully rather than to glibly throw the blanket of vicarious liability over a situation due to perceived policydriven benefits of ascribing liability to the more able payer. on the relationship between the parties, barclays shows that the courts have certainly not reached a fluid and unprincipled extension of the law to cover non-employees and that there must be a doctrinal basis for such a conclusion. is the law narrower than before? would cases such as christian brothers or armes be decided differently now? unlikely, in that those cases showed a clear and close relationships between the parties, along with vulnerable victims, albeit not 156 although for a consideration of how insurance might influence the outcome of cases in practice, and a model for the future see gerhard wagner, tort law and liability insurance (springer 2009). 157 woodland (n 87) [28]. the denning law journal 49 employment. in barclays there was an ad hoc and arms-length relationship with the doctor clearly not critically integral to the business of the bank. on the nature of the wrong, morrison is, perhaps, no more than an application of the long-established law regarding an employee being on a frolic of his own. but the court of appeal and high court judgments highlight the scope for finding in the alternative. secondly, although in barclays and morrison neither defendant was found liable, care must, of course, be taken to ensure that all persons engaged in business are appropriately classified and directed, supervised and insured accordingly. it is false economy to attempt to avoid employment obligations through artificial labels not reflecting reality. finally, the considerable number of 21st century supreme court cases (particularly, but not exclusively, wm morrison and barclays) pay for a careful reading of their bases of decisions making and, often, their rejection of the reasonings of lower courts. drastic solutions: a comparative study of emergency powers in the commonwealth edward philips* "the problems of public order in an emergency pose agonising choices and stir deep passions. the subject is topical and urgent in northern ireland today but it has a much wider significance, for it raises basic questions about any society's response to dissent and to violence."1 this survey will concentrate on the various constitutional provlslons for proclamations of emergency in malaysia and india, with a few references to emergency situations in other parts of the commonwealth.2 generalisations regarding the diverse jurisdictions to be found within the commonwealth are always suspect, and rightly so. however, the constitutions of malaysia and india display a sufficient number of common characteristics that render a comparison between them worthwhile. the written constitutions of the new commonwealth states3 display, on paper, a considerable distrust of the executive. this is not surprising in the context of colonial history, but it also acknowledges the tensions, ethnic, racial and political, present in these states. accordingly, provision was made for drastic powers to be invoked should these tensions boil over. at the same time there was an attempt to limit abuse of power through a written constitution and provisions for a bi-cameral • of the school of law, university of buckingham. 1. twining, emergency powers: a fresh start, quoted in lee, emergency powers (sydney, 1984), p.l. 2. india obtained its independence in 1947. its constitution may be described as autochthonous, i. e. it was drafted and adopted by the indian legislature itself and, unlike the constitutions of most other commonwealth states, for instance, malaysia and zimbabwe, does not owe its validity to uk or colonial legislation. the indian constitution, in particular its provisions on fundamental rights and emergency powers, has served as a precedent in nearly all the commonwealth states subsequently obtaining independence. malaysia became independent in 1957as the federation of malaya. in 1963it was joined by sabah, sarawak and singapore to form the new federation of malaysia. in 1965 singapore left the federation. the constitution of the republic of singapore runs on parallel lines to the malaysian constitution and the provisions relating to emergency powers are similar. 3. the term 'new' commonwealth, although strictly inaccurate india, for instance, has been independent for 42 years and malaysia for 33 is nonetheless useful to distinguish these states which became independent after the second world war, as opposed to the 'old' statute of westminster commonwealth. 57 the denning law journal legislature along the westminster model, an independent judiciary enjoying security of tenure, an impartial civil service, a bill of rights patterned variously on that in the indian constitution or on the european convention of human rights and, fundamentally, political pluralism to safeguard against domination by any single ethnic, racial or political group. in addition, a number of states, including india, malaysia and nigeria, sought a further safeguard in a federal system of government. the serious student of comparative constitutional law will, no doubt, be able to list a much more comprehensive list of similarities and, indeed, differences, but this will, perhaps, be sufficient as a starting point for discussion. one point which may usefully be made here is the influence exerted by the emergency powers applied in the united kingdom during the two world wars. the wartime legislation has done much to shape the modern approach to emergencies in the commonwealth, particularly in the sphere of legislative and judicial review of their use. it is not uncommon in both india and malaysia to find the courts referring to the united kingdom wartime legislation and the cases decided thereunder for their persuasive value. the provisions on emergency powers in the constitutions of the new commonwealth raise a number of common issues: 1. the circumstances which must exist in these jurisdictions before a proclamation of emergency may be made; 2. the constitutional formalities of such a proclamation; 3. legislative review of emergency proclamations; 4. the possibility of judicial review; 5. the constitutional formalities for the continuation of the emergency; 6. the extent to which constitutional rights are suspended; 7. the question as to whether proclamations of emergency could ever be consistent with the concept of constitutionalism and with the rule of law. perhaps all of the above may be summed up in the single question: are there adequate safeguards against the abuse of emergency powers by an executive determined to maintain control? viewed in this context, the focus of attention should shift from the question whether emergency powers ought to be tolerated within a democracy to whether such emergency powers as exist at anyone time are proportionate to the dangers threatening that democracy. 4 definition of emergency there are four main types of emergency: wartime, as opposed to peacetime; and civil, as opposed to martial. in this context, a 'civil' emergency refers to a situation where neither the legislature nor the courts have been suspended, while a 'martial' 4. see arif, "emergency powers and the rule of law", [1983] journal of malaysian and compararive law 87. 58 drastic solutions emergency refers to the imposition of martial law, a situation where the armed forces have replaced civil administration and the constitution itself has been suspended. this has frequently been the case in pakistan. in the begum nusrat bhutto case (1977), chief justice anwarul haq detailed six separate periods of martial law in pakistan since independence.5 it is submitted that the concept of 'martial law', which may lead to the suspension or even abrogation of the constitution, should be kept juridically separate from the concept of 'emergency'. under the latter, while parts of the constitution may be temporarily suspended (usually the bill of rights), the constitutional machinery itself continues in operation. it is frequently the case, therefore, that the legislature and the courts carry on functioning. emergency powers may be defined as those extraordinary powers permitted to government to deal with threats to the nation that cannot adequately be met with ordinary powers. in some commonwealth states there are broad categorisations of what may be labelled an 'emergency'. article 150 of the malaysian constitution, for instance, declares that an emergency occurs when the "security or economic life of the federation" is threatened. in the united kingdom itself a state of emergency would exist if it appears to the crown that there have occurred or are about to occur, events of such a nature as to be calculated to deprive the community or any substantial part of it, of the essentials oflife by interfering with the supply and distribution of food, water, fuel or light, or with the means of locomotion.6 any further attempt, however, to define an 'emergency' and 'emergency powers' must be futile. they are by nature elastic concepts.? this was recognised by the privy council in stephen kalong ningkan v. government of malaysia8 where lord macdermott observed that the natural meaning of the word itself was capable of covering a wide range of situations and occurrences, while in bhagat singh v. the king emperor the privy council held: "a state of emergency is something that does not permit of any exact definition: it connotes a state of matters calling for drastic action."9 in nigeria, in the case of lakanniv. the attorney-general (west), the supreme court declared: "we think it wrong to expect that constitutions must make provisions for all 5. see wolf-phillips, constitutional legitimacy: a study of the doctrine of necessity· (london, 1979). 6. emergency powers acts 1920 and 1964. 7. for a united nations' listing of the wide range of threats recognised in written constitutions which permit emergency powers, reference may be made to un department of economic and social affairs, study of the rights of everyone to be free from arbitrary arrest, detention and exile, un doc/e/cn4/826 rev 1 (1965), p.184. 8. [1970] a.c. 379, at p.390. 9. a.i.r. 1931 p.c.!i!. 59 the denning law journal emergencies. no constitution can anticipate all the different forms of phenomena which may beset a nation."lo circumstances under which an emergency may be declared if threats to the stability or well-being of the nation cannot be met adequately and effectively with normal powers then resort to emergency powers may be justifiable. in fact, non-use of such powers would be dangerous; there is some truth in the argument that, however drastic the solution, non-democratic powers may be used to preserve democracy itself. a typical instance is the threat of external aggression, as happened during the border war between india and china when india proclaimed a state of emergency in 1962and during the malaysianindonesian 'confrontation' when malaysia made a similar proclamation in 1964. emergency powers may also be invoked when the state is threatened by internal insurrection and terrorism, as happened during the communist insurrection in malaya (malaysia as it then was), where a state of emergency was declared by the high commissioner in 1948,and the canadian terrorist crisis of 1970where, at the request of the quebec government, the prime minister invoked the war measures act of 1914. the need for emergency powers is recognised in commonwealth constitutions, to a greater or lesser degree. it is also recognised by the various international conventions. for instance, article 15 of the european convention on human rights permits derogations "in times of war or other public emergency threatening the life of the nation". ii the underlying rationale is therefore necessity salus populi, suprema lex esto (the safety ofthe people is the highest law). it needs to be repeated, however, that the true test of the viability of any legal system is its ability to respond to crises without permanently sacrificing the element of constitutionalism under the rule of law. as such there should only be resort to emergency powers where the executive can demonstrate in the legislature and in the courts that these powers are both absolutely necessary and that existing powers are inadequate. whilst the use of emergency powers is recognised, the recognition is qualified to the extent that there are limits which a state cannot exceed. though "the flame of individual right and justice must burn more palely when it is ringed by the more dramatic light of bombed buildings" ,12 the resort to emergency powers in a democratic society does not permit the extinguishing of the flame.13 in particular, the temptation to use emergency powers to deal. with ordinary crises should be resisted. unfortunately, the temptation to use emergency powers to validate unconstitutional action has proved irresistible in ,10. sc.58/69 of april 24, 1970(unreported), per ademola cl, quoted in nwabueze, constitutionalism in the emergent states (london, 1973), p.203. ii. see also article 4 of the international convention on civil and political rights 1966. 12. conway v. rimmer [1968] a.c. 910, at p.982 per lord pearce. 13. lee, emergency powers (sydney, 1984), p.4. 60 drastic solutions many parts of the new commonwealth.14 in the case of asma jilani v. government of the punjab the chief justice of pakistan cited the dissenting judgment of lord pearce in madizimbamuto v. lardner-burke,15 and held: "i too am of the opinion that recourse has to be taken to the doctrine of necessity where the ignoring of it would result in disastrous consequences to the body politic and upset the social order itself but i respectfully beg to disagree with the view that it is a doctrine for validating the illegal acts ... " 16 constitutional provision in malaysia, the relevant provision is contained in article 150 of the federal constitution: (1) if the [king] is satisfied that a grave emergency exists whereby the security, or the economic life, or public order in the federation or any part thereof is threatened, he may issue a proclamation of emergency making therein a declaration to that effect. the federation of malaya since 1963 the federation of malaysia achieved independence in 1957 in the midst of an armed insurrection by communist terrorists. the new constitution was itself conceived against a backdrop of a state of emergency which had in fact been declared in 1948 when the terrorists of the malayan communist party began their campaign of destruction. the law relating to emergency powers, therefore, pre-dates the independence constitution. at the time the constitution was drafted the situation of emergency was very much a pressing issue, and the powers conferred upon the high commissioner under the emergency regulation ordinance 1948, were extremely broad. in fact, section 3(1) of the ordinance was in the same terms as section 1(1)of the u.k. emergency powers act of 1920. the insurrection was defeated and the emergency subsequently lifted but given the rather inauspicious start it perhaps comes as no surprise to discover that a state of emergency has been, more or less, in constant existence to meet the various crises which have erupted at various times since independence. 14. see, e.g., the cases involving unconstitutional action in removing chief ministers in malaysia and nigeria: stephen kalong ningkan v. government of malaysia fl970] a.c. 379; adegbenro v. akintola fl963] 3 w.l.r. 63. in both these cases emergency powers were invoked in order to prevent challenges as to the constitutionality of the action taken. it is not only in the new commonwealth that the lure of emergency powers has proved to be too alluring. in ]971 the state of queensland invoked an emergency in order to ensure that a rugby match could proceed: see dean v. a 1i0rney-general of queensland fl971] qd.r.391. ]5. fl969] ] a.c. 645. 16. p.l.d. 1972 s.c.230, at p.242. 61 the denning law journal the launching of an intensive 'confrontation' by indonesia during the sukarno era resulted in a state of emergency being declared by the king on 3 september 1964. (the 1964emergency, it must be noted, has never been expressly revoked. one consequence of this, by a historical oddity, is that the proclamation of emergency still prevails in the republic of singapore which was at the relevant time a component part of the federation of malaysia.) on 14 september 1966, a constitutional impasse in the state of sarawak regarding the dismissal of the chief minister resulted in article 150 being invoked by the federal government in relation to that state .17 racial riots led to a declaration of emergency on 15 may 1969. finally, in 1977, the federal government invoked emergency powers to deal with a political crisis in the state of kelantan. only one of these emergencies has ever been specifically revoked. in 1962, the proclamation of emergency declared in 1948 was lifted. consequently, during the 33 years since malaysia gained its independence, only 2 years have been spent in a non-emergency situation. in india, as in malaysia (and for that matter, in nigeria and kenya) the emergency provisions in the constitution were predated by colonial legislation, in this case the government of india act 1935which itself perpetuated earlier similar legislation. in india, the main emergency provision is contained in article 352 of the union constitution: (1) if the president is satisfied that a grave emergency exists whereby the security of india or of any part of the territory thereof is threatened, whether by war or external aggression or internal disturbance, he may, by proclamation, make a declaration to that effect, in respect of the whole of india or of such part of the territory thereof as may be specified in the proclamation. article 352 is further supplemented by article 356 which provides for a proclamation of emergency in the event of the breakdown of the constitutional machinery of any state in the union and the president being satisfied that "the government of the state cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of this constitution". article 360 further provides for a state of emergency when "the financial stability or credit of india" is threatened. a comparison with the malaysian constitution reveals that there is no specific provision in that constitution for a breakdown in the constitutional machinery of any state in the federation. nevertheless, such an eventuality would be covered by the "security" and "public order" clauses. in any event, the lack of such specific provision did not prevent the 1966 proclamation of emergency in the state of sarawak caused by the constitutional impasse there nor did it prevent the federal 17. see stephen kalong ningkan, supra. 62 drastic solutions government from invoking the 1977proclamation to deal with the political crisis in the state of kelantan. a further similarity between the constitutional provisions is that a proclamation may in fact be made in anticipation of a "grave emergency" and before the actual occurrence of the event. the malaysian article 150(2)and the indian article 352(3) are in substantially the same terms on this point. however, there is no equivalent clause in either articles 356 or 360, leading to the conclusion that in india the breakdown of constitutional machinery or economic crisis must have actually occurred before the president may act, while in malaysia this appears not to be the case. in india an emergency was proclaimed for the first time in 1962 when the chinese attacked its northern borders. the proclamation declared that a grave emergency existed whereby the security of india was threatened by external aggression. the emergency continued until 1968 when it was lifted by another proclamation by the president. in 1971,the outbreak of war with pakistan resulted in a proclamation of emergency which was not revoked until 1977. in the meantime, a further proclamation was made in 1975 on the ground that the security of india was threatened by "internal disturbance". this proclamation was effectively terminated in 1978. thus, on a rough count, india has been under emergency rule for 12 out of the 42 years of independence. the constitutional formalities of proclamations of emergency article 150(1) of the malaysian constition vests the power of proclaiming an emergency with the king. in stephen kalong ningkan the question arose as to whether the existence of the emergency was an issue which the king alone could decide. the majority of the federal court decided that this concerned matters which were within his sole discretion. is indeed, the lord president refused to allow even the calling of evidence to show the existence of mala fides in the act of proclaiming an emergency, and thought it incumbent upon the court to assume good faith on the part of the king. in stark contrast was the opinion of the minority judge, ong fj, who refused to regard the "satisfaction" of the king that a "grave emergency" existed as meaningless verbiage, holding: "[the words] must be taken to mean exactly what they say, no more and no less, for article 150 does not confer on the cabinet an untrammelled discretion to cause an emergency to be declared at their mere whim and fancy. according to the view of my learned brethren, however, it would seem that the cabinet have carte blanche to do as they please a strange role for the judiciary who are commonly supposed to be bulwarks of individual liberty and the rule of law and guardians of the constitution." 19 18. [1968] 1 m.l.j. 119. 19. ibid., p.126. 63 the denning law journal in this case the proclamation of emergency was issued in respect of the state of sarawak where a question had earlier arisen as to whether the governor of the state could dismiss the chief minister on the strength of a letter signed by 21 out of 42 members ofthe council negeri (the state legislative assembly). believing that ningkan had ceased to command the confidence of the majority of the members, the governor dismissed him, appointing a new chief minister in his place. ningkan petitioned the high court which decided in his favour.2o a week after the decision reinstating ningkan as chief minister, the federal government issued the proclamation of emergency under which the emergency (federal constitution and the constitution of sarawak) act 1966 was passed. important provisions in the sarawak constitution were amended by this law so as to equip the governor with wide powers, enabling him to dismiss the chief minister in his absolute discretion. when a vote of no confidence was finally carried in the council negeri, ningkan was again dismissed. it was argued, on ningkan's behalf, that no "grave emergency" existed, since there were no outward signs of disturbances, hostilities, or threats of either. 21 the proclamation was therefore made infraudem legis with the intention of removing him from the post of chief minister. the augmented powers of the governor, made possible by the 1966 emergency legislation, were thus ultra vires, leading consequently to an invalidation of his decision to dismiss ningkan. the federal court, as noted above, refused to question whether the conditions specified by article 150(1) were satisfied. on appeal to the privy council, it was held that ningkan's appeal was to be dismissed as he could not discharge the onus of proving mala fides. this was a strange view to take. the real question was whether a state of emergency as defined by the constitution existed. under a written constitution the courts possess the power to question this finding offact, a power which does not exist in the absence of a written constitution and in a jurisdiction such as the united kingdom.22 a dispute which has arisen out of the ningkan cases is the question as to whether the king, in exercising the power to issue a proclamation, is exercising a prerogative power. this is the contention, among others of professor hickling in his article "the prerogative in malaysia". 23 it is submitted thatthis cannot be the position. article 40 is very clear: (1) in the exercise of his functions ... the [king] shall act in accordance with the advice of the cabinet or of a minister acting under the general 20. [l966j 2 m.l.j. 187. 21. a similar argument failed in the nigerian case of adegbenro v. akintola, supra, n.14. 22. an interesting contrast is provided by the united states supreme court which has exercised its powers of review to the fun: see, e.g., the celebrated case of marbury v. madison (1803) i cranch 137. for an example of a case in which the supreme court sought to control the exercise of the presidential executive power, see ex parle endo 323 u.s.283 (1944). 23. (1975) 17 malaya l.r. 207. 64 drastic solutions authority of the cabinet, except as otherwise provided by this constitution ... it is true that the article provides for exceptions but these operate only when expressly provided. article 150contains no such provision. moreover, the various judgments in the ningkan case are sufficiently clear. in the high court, chief justice pike declared: " ... since under article 40 of the constitution the [king] is required to act upon the advice of the cabinet in making a proclamation under article 150 ... it cannot, i think, be argued that the power conferred by article 150 is a prerogative power analogous to certain powers of the british sovereign."24 in the federal court the lord president equated the exercise of the power by the king with action by the government: "in an act of the nature of a proclamation of emergency, issued in accordance with the constitution, in my opinion, it is incumbent upon the court to assume that the government is acting in the best interest of the state and permit no evidence to be adduced otherwise."25 in the privy council, lord macdermott said: "on the 14th september, 1966 ... the [king] accing, it may be presumed, on the advice of the federal cabinet as required by article 40(1) of the federal constitution, proclaimed a state of emergency ... "26 in its original form article 150 provided that once the king had issued a proclamation of emergency, there followed a duty to summon parliament "as soon as practicable" if parliament was not sitting when the proclamation was issued. until both houses of parliament sat, the king could promulgate ordinances having the force oflaw if satisfied that immediate action was required (article 150(2) as unamended). a proclamation and any ordinance had to be laid before both houses and, if not sooner revoked, ceased to be in force after the following periods: (a) in the case of a proclamation, at the expiration of two months from the date of its issue; (b) in the case of an ordinance, at the expiration of 15 days from the date when both houses sat. however, where resolutions were passed by each house of parliament, before the expiration of these respective periods, approving them, the proclamation and any ordinance could continue in 24. [1967] ] m.l.j. 46, at p.47. 25. []968] ] m.l.j. ] ]9, at p.]22 (emphasis added). 26. []968] 2 m.l.j. 238, at p.240 (emphasis added). 65 the denning law journal force (clause 3). in addition, under clause 5, parliament may, while an emergency is in force, pass laws "with respect to any matter" if it appears to parliament that the law is required by reason of the emergency. in 1960, however, the time limits of 2 months (for a proclamation) and 15 days (for an ordinance) were deleted.27 further amendments were added in 1981.28 the king's power under the article was now to include the ability to issue different proclamations "on different grounds or in different circumstances" regardless of any proclamation having been already issued or still in operation. 29 the continued existence of multiple proclamations is now, therefore, sanctioned expressly by the constitution.30 in this connection, reference may be made to the 42nd amendment 1976,to the indian constitution. this added a new clause 4 to article 352 which permitted a multiplicity of proclamations to be in force at the same time. however, the 44th amendment has now deleted clause 4. it is clear enough that the malaysian clause 2(a) followed the example of the indian clause 4. however, it is perhaps too much to hope that the indian abandonment of that controversial provision will be emulated in malaysia. under the new article 150(2)(b) where a proclamation is in force and both houses are not then sitting concurrently, the king may promulgate such ordinances as "circumstances appear to him to require" if satisfied "that certain circumstances exist which render it necessary for him to take immediate action." for this purpose, under clause 9, the houses of parliament are to be regarded as "sitting" only where "the members of each house are respectively assembled together and carrying out the business of the house." the 1981 constitution (amendment) act also removed the constitutional duty of the king to summon parliament as soon as may be practicable. this is significant since parliament has the power to pass resolutions under clause 3 to annul both proclamations and ordinances made thereunder. it is worth noting that after the proclamation of 1969, parliament only sat again in february 1971, after a period of almost 20 months. where a proclamation of emergency ceases to be in force (by revocation or annulment), an ordinance made under clause (2)(b) and any other emergency law shall cease to have effect 6 months after the date the emergency ceases to be in force. the constitutional formalities under the indian constitution are similar to those under the malaysian constitution. while the president may proclaim an emergency, he, like the malaysian monarch, is a constitutional head of state and he exercises his powers on the advice of his ministers. article 74 of the constitution lays down: 27. constitution (amendment) act 1960, s.29. 28. constitution (amendment) act 1981. 29. article iso (2a), added by s.15(b) of the 1981 act. 30. see teh cheng poh v. public prosecuror fl979] i m.l.j. 50, discussed infra. 66 drastic solutions there shall be a council of ministers with the prime minister at the head, to aid and advise the president in the exercise of his functions. an interesting question has arisen as to whether the president (or the malaysian monarch) may issue a proclamation on the advice only of the prime minister. article 352 (like article 150 of the malaysian constitution) did not exclude the possibility of a prime minister advising the issue of a proclamation of emergency without the authority of the cabinet as mrs gandhi actually did, professing that a rule of business enabled her so to act. the 44th amendment has removed this defect. an indian prime minister cannot now advise the president to make a proclamation of emergency on the prime minister's sole authority, for the amended article requires that a proclamation shall not be made "unless the decision of the union cabinet that such proclamation may be issued has been communicated to him in writing".3l this issue has had interesting parallels in malaysia. in the constitution (amendment) act 1983,article 150was amended to read as follows: (1) if the prime minisceris satisfied that a grave emergency exists ... he shall advise the [king] accordingly and the [king] shall then issue a proclamation . . .32 the amendment act precipitated a political crisis, both on this as well as other grounds. accordingly, in 1984 a further constitution (amendment) act was passed to restore article 150to the pre-1983 position. nevertheless, it is still a live issue in malaysia (as it also probably is under the uk emergency powers acts of 1920 and 1964) and is particularly significant as the government is a coalition government. as such the prime minister may have difficulty in persuading the members of the cabinet who are not of his own party that an emergency should be proclaimed by the king. legislative review in its original form article 352 of the indian constitution provided that a proclamation of emergency: (2) (b) shall be laid before each house of parliament; (c) shall cease to operate at the expiration of two months unless before the expiration of that period it has been approved by resolution of both houses of parliament: one result of the tinkering with the constitution by mrs gandhi's regime 31. see seervai, constitutional law of india 3rd ed. (new delhi, 1981), p.435. 32. emphasis added. 67 the denning law journal during the 1975 emergency and the consequent damning report of the shah commission into the abuse of power during the emergency was that there has been, what may be termed, a 'libertarian backlash'. the safeguards contained in article 352 have been further strengthened, a process that is unique among emergent nations, whether part of the commonwealth or otherwise, where the dominant trend has been towards the erosion of constitutional safeguards. under the new provisions of the 44th amendment, first, the approval of the proclamation by each house is to be given within one month and not two months as before. this stands in sharp contrast with article 150 of the malaysian constitution which has been amended such that parliament need not even be summoned to sit. secondly, under the new provisions, the approval of the proclamation by each house is not to be by a simple majority as before, but by a majority of not less than half the membership of each house and a majority of two-thirds of those present and voting. thirdly, a provision has been added such that a proclamation of emergency would lapse within 6 months unless each house has approved of its continuance by the aforesaid majorities and this provision applies to the continuance of the proclamation for successive periods of 6 months. fourthly, although the approval of the continuance of a proclamation of emergency requires the special majorities mentioned earlier, the newly added clause 7 obliges the president to revoke the proclamation if the house of the people (the lower house) passes a resolution disapproving the proclamation, or its continuance, by a simple majority. fifthly, the new amendment further provides that if one-tenth of the membership of the house gives notice in writing of their desire to move that the proclamation, or its continuance, be disapproved, then on receipt of such notice, the speaker, if the house is in session, or the president, if the house is not in session, shall call a special sitting of the house within 14 days from the receipt of the notice, for the purpose of considering the resolution. the justiciability of proclamations of emergency and emergency legislation it is the function of the judiciary to interpret the written constitution a proposition repeated by lord diplock when delivering the judgment of the privy council in chokolingo v. attorney-general of trinidad & tobago as follows: "underthe constitution on the westminster model ... which is base~ on the separation of powers ... it is an exercise of the judicial power of the state, and consequently the function of the judiciary alone, to interpret the written law when made ... "33 however, the roll-call of emergency cases in all parts of the emergent nations of 33. [1981] i w.l.r.i06,atp.iio. 68 drastic solutions the commonwealth display a sad conformity of judicial passivity and a reluctance to uphold the very constitution they have been sworn to protect. neither has the privy council, in the increasingly rare situations where it is still the final court of appeal, supplied the tenacity lacking in commonwealth jurisdictions. few, indeed, are the occasions when it has delivered judgments unfavourable to the executive. it would not be an exaggeration to say that there has been an overzealous attention to formalistic legalism and none to constitutional values and the doctrines of constitutionalism. perhaps this is not too surprising given the common law tradition inherited by commonwealth judges and illustrated by cases such as liversidge v. anderson,34 duport steels ltd. v. sirs35 and pick in v. british railways board.36 the fact remains, however, that the commonwealth judges are dealing with a written constitution and the guiding principles must surely be different. in india, the question as to whether a proclamation of emergency was justiciable was decided even before independence in the case of bhagat singh v. king-emperor, where an ordinance made by the governor-general under section 72 of the government of india act 1919, was challenged on the ground that there existed no emergency to justify the taking of the action by the governor-general. the privy council held: "the petitioner asked the board to find that a state of emergency did not exist. this raises directly the question who is to be the judge of whether a state of emergency exists. a state of emergency is something that does not permit of any exact definition. it connotes a state of matters calling for drastic action which is to be judged as such by someone. it is more than obvious that that someone must be the governor-general and he alone."37 in a long line of cases, the indian courts have held that the issue of a proclamation does not require any conditions precedent, apart from the 'satisfaction' of the president. in makhan singh v. state of punjab, as to the continuation ofthe proclamation of emergency and the imposition or restrictions on fundamental rights, the supreme court held: "how long the proclamation of emergency should continue and what restrictions should be imposed on the fundamental rights of citizens during the pendency of emergency are matters ... left to the executive. "38 nonetheless, the supreme court accepted the possibility that justiciability may lie 34. [1942j a.c. 206. 35. [1980j i w.l.r. 142. 36. [1974j a.c. 765. 37. a.i.r. 1931 p.c. 111. 38. a.i.r. 1964 s.c. 381,403. 69 the denning law journal if mala fides could be proved. the high water-mark of judicial passivism was reached in adm jabalpur v. shukla. 39 this was a case under article 359, dealing with the power of the president to suspend fundamental rigl1ts, in this case habeas corpus. the supreme court held that the courts had no jurisdiction to set aside an order of detention on the plea that it was illegal or mala fide. the supreme court sought to justify the departure from its ruling in makhan singh on the basis of the difference in phraseology in the presidential orders of 1962 and 1975 involved in those two cases respectively. in any event, there was an attempt to put the matter beyond dispute, for the time being at any rate by the 42nd amendment which added a new clause to article 352: 5. notwithstanding anything in this constitution (a) the satisfaction of the president mentioned in clause 1 and clause 3 shall be final and conclusive and shall not be questioned in any court on any ground; (b) '" neither the supreme court nor any other court shall have jurisdiction to entertain any question, on any ground, regarding the validity of [the issue of a proclamation or the continued validity of a proclamation]. the possible effect of this provision and the judicial response to it was never put to the test as it was swept away by the reforms of the 44th amendment. this merely means, of course, that the status quo has been maintained. the courts will still not review a proclamation unless it be on the very difficult ground of mala fides. the position of justiciability is no better in malaysia. in the stephen kalong ningkan case the federal court had decided by a majority of two to one that a proclamation of emergency was not justiciable, even on the grounds that it was issued malafide.40 lord macdermott in the privy council described the question as one "of far-reaching importance which, on the present state of the authorities, remained unsettled and debatable."41 in the event, the privy council proceeded on the assumption that the issue was justiciable, and found against the appellant as he did not discharge the onus of proving mala fides. the issue was again raised in public prosecutor v. ooi kee saik42 andjohnson tan han seng v. public prosecutor.43 both cases concerned the validity of emergency laws but the judgments alluded to the question of justiciability of proclamations of emergency. in ooi kee saik, raja azlan shah j repeated the approach of the federal court in the ningkan case: 39. a.l.r. 1976 s.c. 1207. 40. [1968] 1 m.l.j. 119. 41. ibid., p.242. 42. [1971] 2 m.l.j. 108. 43. [1977]2 m.l.j. 67. 70 drastic solutions "the fact that the [king] issued the proclamation showed that he was so satisfied that a grave emergency existed whereby the security of the whole country was at stake ... indeed the proclamation is not justiciable (see bhagat singh v. king-emperor and king-emperor v. benoari lal sharma). the same principles governing discretionary powers confided to subordinate administrative bodies cannot be applied to the [king] and are inapplicable. "44 as in india, constitutional amendment has sought to remove conclusively any possibility of judicial review. unlike india, however, it appears that the new provision will remain for the foreseeable future. this new provision was added by the constitution (amendment) act of 1981 which provides that the "satisfaction" of the king when issuing a proclamation "shall be final and conclusive and shall not be challenged or called in question in any court on any ground." the same applies regarding: 150(8)(b )(ii) the continued operation of such proclamation (iii) any ordinance promulgated ... (iv) the continuation in force of any such ordinance. in johnson tan han sengthe question was not so much whether a proclamation of emergency was invalid at the time of its issue but whether a valid proclamation could lose its validity by "effluxion of time" or "change of circumstances". the challenged proclamation was issued in may 1969, under which a number of emergency ordinances were promulgated. acting under the emergency (essential powers) ordinance no.1, 1969, the executive published the essential (security cases) regulations 1975 which effected major changes to criminal procedure. it was argued that no state of emergency existed in fact in 1975 the year the regulations were made. since a lapse of nearly 7 years had intervened and the circumstances which warranted the proclamation of 1969 had disappeared, the proclamation could not be regarded as still operative. it had lost its validity through change of circumstances. consequently, the ordinance and regulations, being dependent on a proclamation which had ceased to be in force, were similarly of no effect. the conviction of the accused under the 1975 regulations could not, therefore, be sustained. a unanimous federal court rejected this contention, with the same attitude of judicial self-restraint exhibited in other parts of the commonwealth. the lord president characterised the question as 'political', agreed that the law applicable in malaysia in this connection was the same as that in england and india and approved the following statement by krishna iyer j in the indian case of bhutnath v. state of west bengal: 44. supra n.42, at p.113. 71 the denning law journal " ... we have to reject summarily [this] submission as falling outside the orbit of judicial control and wandering into the para-political sector. it was argued that there was no real emergency and yet the proclamation remained unretracted with consequential peril to fundamental rights. in our view, this is a political, non-justiciable issue and the appeal should be to the polls and not to the courts. the traditional view ... that political questions fall outside the area of judicial review, is not a constitutional taboo but a pragmatic response of the court to the reality of its inadequacy to decide such issues and to the scheme of the constitution which has assigned to each branch of government in the larger sense a certain jurisdiction ... the rule is one of self-restraint and of subject matter, practical sense and respect for other branches of government like the legislature and executive."45 implicit in the johnson tan decision was a recognition that a proclamation of emergency could not lose its force by a " 'mere'" judicial pronouncement on the matter. the courts have held that article 150 is clear: a proclamation remains in force unless revoked (by the executive) or annulled (by parliamentary resolution). reference may also be made to public prosecutor v. khong teng khen where the court held that the ultimate right to decide if an emergency exists or has ceased to exist remains with parliament and that it was not the function of the courts to decide on that issue.46 the johnson tan decision leads to the result that where a number of different proclamations have been issued and not revoked or annulled, all remain in force. in teh cheng poh v. public prosecutor this view was partly retractedy at the time this case was heard, four different proclamations had been issued those of 1964; 1966; 1969; and 1977. none of the above had been expressly revoked or annulled. the privy council (composed of lords diplock, simon, salmon, edmunddavies and keith) noted that the power to issue, as well as to revoke, a proclamation vested in the king but expressed the view that the constitution did not require the revocation power to be "exercised by any formal instrument". the privy council then formulated a new principle: it was possible for an earlier proclamation to be impliedly revoked by a subsequent one. their lordships held: " ... a proclamation of a new emergency declared to be threatening the security of the federation as a whole must by necessary implication be intended to operate as a revocation of a previous proclamation, if one is still in force. "48 in the most liberal pronouncement yet to be found in any of its judgments in 45. a.i.r. 1974 s.c. 807. 46. [1976j 1 m.l.j. 166. 47. [1979j 1 m.l.j. 50. 48. ibid., p.53. 72 drastic solutions emergency cases from the commonwealth, the privy council went on to hold: "apart from annulment by resolutions of both houses of parliament it [the proclamation] can be brought to an end only by revocation by [the king]. if he fails to act the court has no power itself to revoke the proclamation in his stead. this, however, does not leave the courts powerless to grant to the citizen a remedy in cases in which it can be established that a failure to exercise his power to revoke would be an abuse of his discretion .... mandamus could, in their lordship's view, be sought against members of the cabinet requiring them to advise [the king] to revoke the proclamation. "49 the effect of the decision was to invalidate the emergency (essential powers) ordinance 1969, and all the regulations made thereunder. this, however, proved to be only a temporary setback to executive domination. using its two-thirds majority in parliament, the government succeeded in enacting the impugned ordinance as an act of parliament, the emergency (essential powers) act 1979. moreover, the act was given retrospective effect and deemed to have come into force in 1971, thus effectively negating the ruling of the privy council. protection of fundamental rights during an emergency the question as to whether any of the fundamental rights contained in the malaysian constitution receive protection during an emergency must be answered in the negative. the provisions of article 150 are clear enough: 6.... no provision of any ordinance promulgated under this article, and no provision of any act of parliament which is passed while a proclamation of emergency is in force and which declares that the law appears to parliament to be required by reason of the emergency, shall be invalid on the ground of inconsistency with any provision of this constitution. interestingly, while clause 6 is extremely broad it does contain a saving provision which in effect operates as a limitation, albeit a minor one and without practical significance, upon the executive even during an emergency. this is that no ordinance or act of parliament shall: 6.(a) .... extend the powers of parliament with respect to any matter of muslim law or the custom of the malays, or with respect to any matter of native law or custom in a borneo state; nor shall clause 6 validate any 49. ibid., p.55. see also attorney-general of sl. christopher, nevis and anguilla v. reynolds [19801a.c. 637. cf. the australian case of farey v. burrett (1916) 21 c.l.r. 450. this involved the validity of regulations made under the emergency provisions of the war precautions act 1914-1915. the court refused to question the "judgment, wisdom and discretion" of the executive. 73 the denning law journal provisions of this constitution relating to any such matter or relating to religion, citizenship or language. under the indian constitution, article 358 suspends the operation of article 19 (containing fundamental rights) during the operation of an emergency. the effect of article 358 is that it suspends the restrictions on the power of the state to make any law in contravention of the provisions of article 19. it is worth noting that there is no equivalent provision to clause 6(a) of the malaysian constitution. emergency powers and the rule of law the question must be asked as to whether the rule of law can co-exist with emergency powers. at first glance, it might be deduced that their co-existence can only be an unhappy one. the former is a principle of wide application which has as its overall purpose the subjection of governmental acts to defined legal criteria so as to avoid arbitrary abuse of power, while the latter consists of rules and principles with the avowed aim of supplying government with extremely broad powers. however, if it is accepted that emergency powers are necessary and, after all, no matter how stable a country professes to be, it can never be totally insulated from aberrant conditions, then this need not be inconsistent with the rule oflaw or with the principles of constitutionalism. this is so only provided that the emergency powers are subject to well-defined constraints. thus, the executive must only rely sparingly on emergency powers to meet crisis situations; the legislature is expected to exert a measure of positive control over the continuation of emergency laws; while the judiciary, as the guardian of the constitution, is expected to check excesses of emergency powers in cases properly brought before the courts. it is submitted that nwabueze is correct in his analysis when he writes that emergency powers can be accommodated with constitutionalism if they are conceived as a temporary aberration occurring once in a long while and provided they are not so sweeping as to destroy or suspend the restraints of constitutional government completely. 50 it submitted that developments in malaysia since independence have thrown this 'balance' askew, such that the original commitment to democratic values and the rule of law shows signs of erosion which cannot be defended under present circumstances. sadly, this is true of most of the emergent nations of the commonwealth.51 emergencies in the new states are much too frequent; they have tended to become the normal order of things, thus replacing constitutional government with emergency administration. this is despite the fact that the essence of the concept of emergency is its provisional or temporary status. it follows, therefore, that it should be terminated as soon as the circumstances which brought it into existence are reasonably controlled or no longer exist. 50. nwabueze, constitutionalism in the emergent states (london, 1973). 51. see, ibid., p.174. 74 drastic solutions reference may be made at this point to the recommendations of the international law association as follows: (a) the duration of a state of emergency shall never exceed the period strictly required to restore normal conditions. (b) the duration of the period of emergency (save in the case of war or external aggression) shall be for a fixed term established by the constitution. (c) every extension of the initial period of emergency shall be supported by a new declaration made before the expiration of each term (i. e., with the approval of the legislature). a strict scrutiny of every extension of the period of emergency is imperative; prior approval is essential since the reason of urgency which might have justified the initial declaration by the executive may no longer be relevant. (d) the legislature shall not be dissolved during the period of emergency but shall continue to function effectively; if dissolution of a particular legislature is warranted, it shall be replaced as soon as possible by a legislature duly elected in accordance with the requirements of the constitution which shall ensure that it is freely chosen and representative of the entire nation. 52 lee53 quotes statistics to the effect that from 1946to 1960, states of emergency have been proclaimed on no less than 29 separate occasions in british dependent territories alone. there is a tendency to abuse the concession of emergency powers in the constitution not only by using them for purposes for which they were not intended but also by using them to suspend constitutional government altogether. perhaps this is not altogether too surprising. emergency powers must be seen as one of the constitutional devices, and, some would argue, a necessary device, for adjusting the political, economic and social imbalances to be found in the racially and ethnically heterogenous societies of britain's former colonies. this is especially true of those states of the commonwealth which inherited geographically unrealistic borders and substantial minority groups. these are factors which have posed almost insurmountable problems even in the 'old' commonwealth, canada for instance, and in the united kingdom itself. emergency powers may be permissible when the circumstances are such that they are invoked by a government which is politically and legally accountable. such a government may be able to invoke emergency powers without unduly sacrificing the ideals of constitutionalism. unfortunately, in states where the executive is all-powerful, the legislature ineffectual and the judiciary timid, emergency powers can only, at best, be regarded as a negation of constitutionalism and, at worst, as authorised tyranny. 52. the 1984 paris minimum standards of rights norms in a state of emergency; for further details see chowdhury, rule of law in scare of emergency (london, 1989). 53. emergency powers (sydney, 1984), p.6. 75 a fresh approach to the ex turpi causa and 'clean hands' maxims* gilbert kodilinye* in tinsley v. milligan i the court of appeal has recently anempted to redefine the scope of the maxims ex turpi causa non oritur actio and 'he who comes to equity must come with clean hands' in the context of resulting and constructive trusts. in this case the plaintiff and the defendant entered into a joint business enterprise from the proceeds of which they purchased a house in which they lived together in a lesbian relationship. the legal title was conveyed into the sole name of the plaintiff, but on the understanding that the parties should each be entitled to a beneficial half-share. this entitlement was not embodied in any contract but arose "by reason of [their] equal contribution to the purchase price and in accordance with the declared intentions of both parties." soon after the purchase the parties quarrelled and the plaintiff moved out, leaving the defendant in occupation. subsequently the plaintiff sought possession of the house, asserting her legal title. the defendant counterclaimed for an order of sale and for a declaration that the property was held by the plaintiff upon trust for the two of them in equal shares. the sole issue before the court of appeal was whether the defendant's counterclaim was barred on account of the fact that, over a period of years, the defendant, with the concurrence of the plaintiff, had made false claims to the department of social security for various benefits, and that their declared purpose for having the legal title in the sole name of the plaintiff was to assist in the fraud by misrepresenting to the dss that the defendant had no stake in the property and that she was only the plaintiffs lodger.2 the court of appeal held by a majority, affirming the decision of the trial judge, that the defendant's claim was not barred by the ex turpi causa or 'clean hands' maxims, since, notwithstanding that the purpose of defrauding the dss was illegal conduct of which the court should take notice, to refuse to grant relief to the defendant would be to deprive the defendant of her own property and to give it to the plaintiff who was equally implicated in the fraud. * senior lecturer in law, university of the west indies, cave hill campus, barbados. i. [1992] 2 w.l.r. 508. see j. martin, [1992] conv. 158. 2. it is interesting that no attempt was made to categorise the parties' lesbian relationship as immoral conduct barring a claim in equity. 93 the denning law journal the actual decision in the case is unremarkable, but the main interest lies in the reasoning of the three lords justices, whose ,judgments contain the most comprehensive discussion yet of the modern scope and extent of the ex turpi causa and 'clean hands' maxims and of their relationship with one another, with particular reference to claims to beneficial interests under resulting or constructive trusts. an attempt will be made in this article to identify the modern approach to the application of the maxims with reference to recent decisions of the court of appeal. illegality at common law as kerr lj stated in euro-diam ltd. v. bathurst,3 "the courts will not assist a plaintiff who has been guilty of illegal or immoral conduct of which the courts should take notice." it is elementary law that a court will not enforce a contract or arrangement which is tainted with illegality (ex turpi causa non oritur actio); and that where money or property has been transferred under an illegal agreement, the court will not assist the transferor to recover it from the transferee (in pari delicto, potior est conditio defendentis (or possidentis). to this latter maxim there are three well-established exceptions where the court will permit recovery: (i) where the parties are not in pari delicto (i.e., where the transferor is shown to be less blameworthy than the transferee); (ii) where the transferor repents of the illegal purpose before it has been carried out (the locus poenitentiae principle);4 and (iii) where the plaintiff transferor can assert his title to the property without having to disclose the illegal purpose. of these exceptions only the third was in issue in tinsley v. mill£gan and in a number of other recent cases. before considering the application of the exception, however, it is necessary to consider the juridical basis of the ex turpi causa and in pari delicto maxims as interpreted in recent decisions. public policy it is clear that the application of the ex turpi causa and in pari del£cto defences involves issues of public policy, and that such application depends on the circumstances of the particular case. the modern view, which has been called a "flexible approach'',5 was explained by bingham lj in saunders v. edwards:6 "where issues of illegality are raised, the courts have to steer a middle course between two unacceptable positions. on the one hand it is unacceptable that any court of law should aid or lend its authority to a party seeking to pursue 3, [1988] 2 all e.r. 23, at p. 28. 4, see the discussions in g, kodilinye, [1980] a nglo-amen'canl.r. 28 and j. martin [1992] conv. 158. 5, tinsley v. milligan, supra n, 1, at p. 513. 6. [1987] 2 all e.r. 651, at pp, 665, 666 (ca), 94 a fresh approach to the ex turpi ca usa and 'clean hands' maxims or enforce an object or agreement which the law prohibits. on the other hand, it is unacceptable that the court should on the first indication of unlawfulness affecting any aspect of a transaction, draw up its skirts and refuse all assistance to the plaintiff, no matter how serious his loss or how disproportionate his loss to the unlawfulness of his conduct." his lordship also pointed out? that "the courts have tended to adopt a pragmatic approach to these problems, seeking where possible to see that genuine wrongs are righted, so long as the court does not thereby promote or countenance a nefarious object or bargain which it is bound to condemn. where the plaintiffs action in truth arises directly ex lurpi causa, he is likely to fail. ... where the plaintiff has suffered a genuine wrong, to which allegedly unlawful conduct is incidental, he is likely to succeed." the 'public conscience test' another modern rationalisation of the courts' approach to the illegality defence, which was first put forward by hutchinson j in thackwell v. barclays bank,s has become known as the 'public conscience test'. the learned judge had suggested in that case that the court should seek to answer two questions: "(1) whether there had been an illegality of which the court should take notice, and (2) whether in all the circumstances it would be an affront to the public conscience if, by affording him the relief sought, the court was seen to be indirectly assisting or encouraging the plaintiff in his criminal act." the 'public conscience test' has been approved by the court of appeal in at least three subsequent cases.9 one of these is saunders v. edwards,lo where the defendant sold the lease of a flat to the plaintiffs for £45,000, after fraudulently misrepresenting that the flat contained a roof garden. the trial judge awarded damages to the plaintiffs for the tort of deceit, but the defendant appealed on the ground, inter alia, that the plaintiffs' claim required them to rely on a fraudulent apportionment in the contract of sale (which they had instigated) whereby the fixtures and fittings had been overvalued and the flat itself undervalued an unlawful scheme to reduce the amount of stamp duty payable to the revenue on the conveyance of the flat. the defendant's appeal was dismissed by the court of appeal. kerr lj emphasised 11 that the plaintiffs' action was not to enforce the contract of sale nor to seek any relief in connection with it, but was a claim in tort based on the defendant's fraudulent misrepresentation. the case had, therefore, to be distinguished from the well-known decision in alexander v. rayson,12 which 7. ibid .. 8. [1986]all e.r. 676, at p. 687. 9. saundersv. edwards [1987] 2 all e.r. 65 1;euro-diamlrd. v. bathurst [1988] 2 all e.r. 23; howard v. shirlstar container transport ltd. [1990] 3 all e.r. 366. 10. [1987] 2 all e.r. 651. 11. at p. 659. 12. [1936] 1 k.b. 169. 95 the denning law journal was an action in contract to recover arrears of rent under a lease designed to defraud the revenue. in kerr lj's view, the relevance of the ex turpi causa defence lay mainly in the field of contractual claims and only rarely in tort. there were no rigid rules for or against the application of the defence and, being based on public policy, it depended very much on the circumstances of the individual case, including the conduct and relative moral culpability of the parties. nicholls lj took a similar approach 13 to that of kerr lj, adding that the 'public conscience test' propounded in thackwell v. barclays bank was a useful and valuable one and should be applied in the instant case. it is not clear whether nicholls lj regarded the 'public conscience test' as being restricted to actions in tort, or whether he regarded it as applicable also to contractual and other claims. as far as the present action was concerned, all three lords justices were in agreement that the defendant's moral culpability greatly outweighed that of the plaintiffs, and that the appeal should be dismissed. another recent case in which the 'public conscience test' was applied is howard v. shir/star container transport ltd .. 14 here the defendants wished to repossess an aircraft which had been hired out for private use in nigeria, the hire instalments being in arrears. they engaged the plaintiff, a qualified pilot, to fly the aircraft out of nigeria, contracting to pay him half of the agreed fee as soon as the aircraft had been removed from nigerian airspace, and the balance one month thereafter. being informed that his life might be in danger, the plaintiff flew the aircraft out of nigeria without obtaining air traffic control clearance, which was a breach of nigerian law. one of the issues in the case was whether the plaintiff was barred from recovering the payment due in england on account of the illegal performance of the contract in nigeria. staughton lj consideredls that prima facie the plaintiffs claim would be unenforceable in an english court. "to take off from a nigerian airport in breach of regulations was central to his performance of the contract, as it was in fact performed. it was in no sense an incidental illegality." however, this was clearly a case where, despite the illegal performance, "the plaintiffs claim should not fail, because the conscience of the court is not affronted." the factor which led to this conclusion was that the plaintiff committed the offence in order "to free himself . . . from pressing danger." the 'public conscience test' has not received unanimous acceptance, however. inpiusv. hutll, 16 dillon lj considered 17 the test to be very difficult to apply, since the public conscience might well be affected by matters of an emotional or political nature which the court ought not to be required to take into account. furthermore, an appeal to the 'public conscience' would be likely to lead to a graph of illegalities 13. [1987] 2 all e.r. 651, at pp. 664, 665 (c.a.). 14. [1990] 3 all e.r. 366 (c.a.). 15. at p. 372. 16. [1990] 3 all e.r. 344 (c.a.). 17. at p. 362. 96 a fresh approach to the ex turpi causa and 'clean hands' maxims according to moral turpitude, in which it would be necessary to distinguish between serious and non-serious illegality, between the former categories of felonies and misdemeanours, between offences punishable by imprisonment and those which were not, and so on. his lordship preferred the dichotomy between cases where the plaintiffs action arises directly from the illegality and those where he suffers a wrong to which the illegality is merely incidental a distinction applied by bingham lj in saunders v. edwards. is thus the latter decision could be rationalised on the basis that the unlawful apportionment was merely incidental to the plaintiffs claim, which arose not from the apportionment but from the defendant's fraudulent misrepresentation. the 'clean hands' principle in tinsley v. milligan the plaintiff contended that the case was governed by the maxim that 'he who comes to equity must come with clean hands'. on this argument, once the court finds that property has been conveyed into the name of one party for a fraudulent purpose, the court will not enforce a trust in favour of the other party since his hands are 'unclean'. in such circumstances, the plaintiff argued, the 'public conscience test' had no application and there was no scope for any balancing exercise involving the relative moral culpability of the parties. the leading modem examples of the application of the 'clean hands' maxim are gascoigne v. gascoigne19 and tinker v. tinker.20 in gascoigne, a husband who was in debt to moneylenders took a lease ofland in his wife's name and built a house on it at his own expense. his sole reason for putting the property in the wife's name was to protect it from his creditors. when the parties became estranged the husband sought a declaration that the wife held the lease as trustee for him. it was held that the husband would not be permitted to rebut the presumption of advancement which arose in favour of the wife by setting up his fraudulent purpose. in tinkerv. tinker,21 a husband who, unlike in gascoigne, was not in debt atthe time, transferred the matrimonial home into his wife's name. his purpose in doing so was to protect it from possible future creditors, in case the business on which he had recently embarked should fail. the court of appeal held that the husband could not rebut the presumption of advancement by asserting that his intention was to put the property out of reach of possible creditors. lord denning mr explained the position thus:22 "i am quite clear that the husband cannot have it both ways. so he is on the horns of a dilemma. he cannot say that the house is his own and, at one 18. [1987] 2 all e.r. 651 (c.a.). 19. [1918] i k.b. 223 (d.c.). 20. [1970] i all e.r. 540 (c.a.). 21. ibid .. 22./bid., at p. 542. see also maysels v. maysels (1974) 45 d.l.r .. (3d) 337; munro v. morrison [1979] v.r. 83. 97 the denning law journal and the same time, say that it is his wife's. as against his wife, he wants to say that it belongs to him. as against his creditors that it belongs to her. that simply will not do. either it was conveyed to her for her own use absolutely; or it was conveyed to her as trustee for her husband. it must be one or the other. the presumption is that it was conveyed to her for her own use; and he does not rebut that presumption by saying that he only did it to defeat his creditors. i think that it belongs to her." the gascoigne and tinker cases are thus authority for the proposition that a husband who voluntarily transfers property to his wife will not be able to rebut the presumption of advancement or gift by showing that his real intention in making the transfer was to defeat his creditors, for he "cannot be allowed to take advantage of his own dishonesty. "23in accordance with the principle 'let the estate lie where it falls', the husband will be unable to recover the property. a similar decision was cheuiar v. cheuiar,24 where a father had transferred rubber plantations in malaya to his son in order to evade certain provisions of the rubber regulations of 1934. the father was not permitted to rebut the presumption of advancement by pleading his unlawful purpose. where a presumption of advancement applies, the position is thus clear; but what is the position where the transferor (as in tinsley v. milligan) is not seeking to rebut a presumption of advancement in the transferee's favour but is relying on a presumption of a resulting trust in his favour? if in such a case the estate is left to 'lie where it falls', it could be argued that the transferor should recover on the strength of his own equitable title which he can assert without disclosing the unlawful purpose. this reasoning was applied in a canadian case, gorog v. kiss,25 where the plaintiffs, who were husband and wife, had transferred property to the defendant without consideration in order to defeat their creditors. the ontario court of appeal held that the plaintiffs' action to recover the property succeeded since "the plaintiffs did not have to rely on the illegal purpose in stating the facts giving rise to the presumption of a resulting trust, and establishing their right to the property unless the presumption was rebutted."26 as professor d. w. waters has explained, "the transferor has not needed to put his illegal purpose in evidence. it is of no significance if the transferee tells the court what the purpose was: the transferor is not relying on that purpose."27 23. ibid .. 24. [1962] a.c. 294 (p.g.). 25. (1977) 78 d.l.r. 690. see also marks v. marks (1974) 18 r.f.l. 323; swick v. swick (1979) 12 r.f.l. (2d) 252. 26. at p. 695. 27. law of trusts, srudies in current law, 1975, p. 12. 98 a fresh approach to the ex turpi causa and 'clean hands' maxims a second possibility is that to allow the estate to 'lie where it falls' means that the transferee will be able to rely on his legal title, as a court of equity will not permit the transferor, whose hands are unclean, to claim his equitable interest. this approach was adopted by ralph gibson lj in tinsley v. milligan.28 some support for it can be found in singh v. ali,29 where lord denning took the view that where two persons conspire to effect a fraudulent or illegal purpose, and property is transferred in pursuance of that purpose, "the transferee, having obtained the property, can assert his title to it against all the world, not because he has any merit of his own, but because there is no one who can assert a better title to it. the court does not confiscate the property because of the illegality it has no power to do so so it says, in the words of lord eldon: 'let the estate lie where it falls'. "30 a third possibility is that the presumption of resulting trust can be rebutted by evidence of the actual intention of the parties, whether that intention is to defraud creditors or the revenue or some other purpose. in cantor v. cox31 c, a businessman, and t, a woman with whom he was cohabiting, purchased a house which, in order to protect it from possible creditors of c, was conveyed into the sole name oft. after t's death c claimed to be entitled to a beneficial interest in the property on the basis of a resulting trust arising from his contribution to the purchase price. plowman vc held that c's claim failed. the presumption of a resulting trust had been rebutted by evidence of the actual intention of the parties, which was to put the property out of the reach of possible creditors of c. it is submitted, with respect, that this reasoning is unacceptable, for the court is in effect permitting the transferee to set up the fraudulent purpose in order to rebut the presumption of resulting trust. since it is well settled that a transferor cannot rebut a presumption of advancement by giving evidence of an unlawful intention, it cannot be good law to permit a transferee to rebut a presumption of resulting trust by such evidence. such a 'double standard' would be clearly contrary to justice and equity. the judgments in tinsley v. milligan in tinsley, nicholls and lloyd ljj reached the same conclusion though by somewhat different reasoning, whilst ralph gibson lj dissented. nicholls lj considered that cases such as tinker v. tinker32 and chettiar v. chettiar33 should not be interpreted as laying down an immutable rule "that in every instance where a transfer of property is made for an illegal or dishonest purpose, and that purpose is carried into effect, the transferor cannot thereafter 28. [1992] 2 w.l.r. 508, at p. 530. 29. (1960] a.c. 167. 30. at p. 176. 31. (1975) 239 e.g. 121. 32. [1970] all e.r. 540 (c.a.). 33. [1962] a.c. 294 (p.c). 99 the denning law journal look to the court for assistance in obtaining a transfer, whatever the circumstances" ,34nor, in his view, did they establish any special principle peculiar to the law of trusts. his lordship considered that these were merely examples of cases in which, in particular circumstances, the court decided that to grant relief to the plaintiff would have been an affront to the public conscience. it is submitted with respect that it is incorrect to analyse the tinker line of cases in this way. they were actions in equity where the court was being asked to admit evidence in rebuttal of an equitable presumption of advancement, and where the 'clean hands' maxim, not the common law ex turpi causa principle, was being applied. it may well be that in this area the streams of common law and equity now run in the same channel and that their waters have become mixed, but it is only very recently, and certainly subsequently to the tinker and cheuiar decisions, that this mingling has occurred. if the 'public conscience test', first enunciated in actions in tort, does apply to the equity cases, then this application may need the sanction of the house of lords or the privy council at some future date. that is not to suggest that it would be undesirable to apply such a test in equity cases such as tinsley v. milligan. on the contrary, such a test is sufficiently flexible to enable the court to consider all the relevant circumstances, including the relative blameworthiness of the parties, the degree of unlawfulness of the purpose and the extent to which it has been, or could be, carried out, the value of the property and the possible loss to the revenue, and any other matters which the court ought to take into account in deciding whether recovery should be permitted.35 another main feature of nicholls lj's reasoning was what he called "the non-confiscation approach". as we have seen, in singh v. ali lord denning had stated that "the court does not confiscate the property because of the illegality it has no power to do so so it says, in the words of lord eldon: 'let the estate lie where it falls' ."36nicholls lj took the view that the 'non-confiscation' principle (which was the basis of the exception that a transferor may recover property transferred for an unlawful purpose ifhe can assert his legal title without having to disclose that purpose) was as applicable to equitable interests as it was to legal estates. thus, on the facts in tinsley, "if the court will have regard to and will enforce the plaintiffs legal title and will disregard the fraudulent purpose for which that title was vested in her alone, surely the court must also have regard to the equitable title vested in the defendant and give her like assistance."37 thus nicholls lj held that the defendant's counterclaim succeeded both on the above ground and on the ground that, far from it being an affront to the 'public conscience' to grant relief, it would be an affront to the 'public conscience' not to do so; for to refuse to grant relief to the defendant would be to deprive her of her own property, which would be a disproportionate penalty.38 34. [1992] 2 w.l.r., at pp. 518, 519. 35. see scott on trusts 3rd edn., vol. v, para. 422.5. 36. see nn. 29 and 30, supra. 37. at pp. 519, 520. 38. [1992] 2 w.l.r., at p. 516. 100 a fresh approach to the ex turpi causa and 'clean hands' maxims lloyd lj reached the same conclusion as nicholls lj, but by a slightly different route.39 in his view, the defendant did not need to rely on the illegal purpose to establish the common intention (i.e., that the house was to be held on behalf of both parties in equal shares) on which her claim rested. although the defendant was bound to answer in cross-examination that the purpose for putting the house in the plaintiff's name rather than in joint names was to deceive the dss, this illegal purpose did not taint the defendant's claim, as it was "purely collateral or incidental". it was "relevant only as a matter of history." his lordship was not convinced that it was necessary to create a separate category of 'non-confiscation' cases. in his opinion, it was preferable to regard them as being cases where the plaintiff was not seeking to enforce, or found his claim on, an illegal transaction. he then went on to say that there was a second question to be asked, namely, whether, despite the finding that the claim was not based on an illegal transaction, the court should nevertheless refuse to entertain the claim on overriding grounds of public policy. lloyd lj found the 'public conscience' test imprecise and difficult to apply, but he considered that he was bound by recent decisions which had approved it. in the instant case, it would not, in his opinion, affront the 'public conscience' or shock the ordinary citizen for the court to entertain the defendant's claim to a beneficial half-share in the house. as for the tinker principle, lloyd lj saw no reason why the court should not, in its equitable jurisdiction, adopt the more flexible attitude shown by the common law. in this connection, it is noteworthy that nicholls lj had also emphasised that the 'clean hands' maxim was to be applied no less flexibly than its common law counterpart, and that it could not be that equity, "rooted in giving relief against unconscionable conduct, shuts its eyes and applies a rigid rule when the common law acts with its eyes wide open to all the circumstances. "40 ralph gibson lj, dissenting,41 considered that the questions to be answered were: (i) whether the defendant's counterclaim was within the 'clean hands' principle as applied in cases such as tinker; (ii) if it was, whether more recent cases had modified that principle. he answered the first question in the affirmative, considering that the arrangement between the plaintiff and the defendant, under which the plaintiff was to be apparently the sole owner of the house, was at least as much a dishonest plot on the part of the defendant as was that of the husband in tinker's case. as for the second question, his lordship took the view that recent cases in which more flexible criteria such as the 'public conscience' test had been applied were actions based not on any illegal contract or arrangement but on some tortious conduct to which the illegality was merely incidental. it could not be said that any of these cases were directed to any modification of the rule in tinker's case. ralph gibson lj referred to the deterrent effect of a strict application of the 39. at pp. 532-535. 40. at pp. 518, 519. 41. at pp. 521-531. 101 the denning law journal ex turpi causa and 'clean hands' maxims and considered that the latter principle should be applied in the instant case. his final point was that the plaintiff was entitled to rely on her legal estate under the 'non-confiscation' principle since "when the court refuses to enforce a contractual right, or an equitable right, it leaves the party who successfully raises the defence in possession of whatever legal rights he has in the subject-matter of the contract or arrangement, as in gascoigne v. gascoigne and tinker v. tinker." it is respectfully submitted that although ralph gibson lj was correct in his view that cases such as thackwell, saunders and euro-diam were actions in tort, and were not directed to modification of the equitable 'clean hands' maxim as applied in tinker, it may well be desirable, as nicholls and lloyd ljj suggested, that the new flexible approach in those cases should be applied to the equitable maxim. quite apart from the need to balance the respective culpability of the parties, it is unsatisfactory that the rights of a transferor to claim a beneficial interest in property should depend upon whether a resulting trust (as in gorog v. kiss42 and, indeed, in tinsley) or an advancement (as in tinker and gascoigne43 is presumed. the result of this distinction is that, for example, a mother who pays for property and has it conveyed to her daughter in order to defraud the revenue may nevertheless claim a beneficial interest because a resulting trust in her favour is presumed and she is not driven to rely on the illegal purpose, whereas a father who does precisely the same with the same fraudulent intent will be barred because the presumption of advancement in the daughter's favour cannot be rebutted by evidence of the fraudulent purpose. application of the flexible test in the thackwellline of cases would make it unnecessary to consider whether a resulting trust or an advancement was to be presumed. conclusion the judgments of nicholls and lloyd ljj in tinsley v. milligan have emphasised the current judicial thinking as regards the application of the ex turpi causa and 'clean hands' maxims. it seems that the courts now see the two maxims not as separate principles but as expressions of the same broad principle, founded on public policy, that the court will not entertain an action in contract or tort or to establish an equitable right if to do so would be an affront to the public conscience. there is no rigid rule that where a contract or arrangement is tainted with illegality, the court will 'draw up its skirts' and refuse all relief, as has sometimes been suggested. rather, the court should attempt a balancing exercise in which the relative blameworthiness and moral culpability of the parties is considered. the judgments also affirm the principle that where a claimant seeks recovery of property transferred under an unlawful agreement or arrangement he will be entitled to recovery if he can establish his title without having to disclose the unlawful purpose, and that this applies as much to an equitable as to a legal title. 42. see n. 25, supra. 43. see nn. 19,20, supra, and accompanying text. 102 85 the denning law journal 2018 vol 30 pp 85-116 community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 natalie pratt 1 introduction this is the second instalment of a two-part article series aimed at examining community property claims through the lens of the personality theory of property. the overarching aim of these two articles is to expose the imbalance between communal and private property arrangements by justifying communal property claims through the use of the personality theory of property (also referred to as ‘property and personhood’, or the ‘personhood perspective), which is traditionally used to justify private property claims. it is argued that if a community of users can establish a claim within the personhood perspective, that claim should be treated with the same respect as a private property claim founded through the same mechanism. where competing claims to natural resources exist (with a specific focus on land), it should not always be the private property claim of an individual landowner that takes priority when the other claimant is a community of users. if both claims can be justified through the same mechanism, both should be treated with equal weight and consideration. it will be remembered from part i that the hegelian and neo-hegelian conceptions of the personhood theory were introduced. in particular, the work of professor radin was explored. radin presented a theory in which a fully constituted person projects his personality into the world and embodies their will and personality in external objects. the property relationships that arise from the projection allow the individual to express himself in the outside world. radin’s formulation of the personhood theory is labelled as an ‘intuitive view’, and suggests that people possess objects that they feel are almost part of themselves because they “constitute ourselves as continuing personal entities in the world”.1 in order to differentiate between those property claims that originate from the binding of ones personality with an object, and those that derive from teaching fellow, dickson poon school of law, king's college london. 1 mj radin, ‘property and personhood’ (1982) 34 stanford law review 957, 959. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 86 purely instrumental means, a personal/fungible dichotomy of property claims was introduced. it was noted in part i that the traditional role of a community in the personality theory of property is to act as an audience to property claims. in order to elevate the community to a position from which it can project its will into external objects requires a fundamental change in the way that society views a group, and also the inner workings of a group. in particular, the group must adopt one collective will that can be projected into the external world, rather than consisting of a collection of disparate and conflicting wills. professor waldron did not feel that such a change was an insurmountable hurdle, as the will of each individual is that “the goals of the community to which he belongs should be pursued and realised”.2 therefore, the real task is in establishing the collective goal of the community, and uniting its members. the first step in the process of establishing a community that is able to project a united will into the external world was to establish which type of common-property regime this series of articles seeks to justify. after sampling a number of works, an undertaking that can be explored fully in part i of this series, it was established that the most sensible inquiry was to use the personality theory of property to justify a limited access common-property regime. as a result, and using the influential works of professors ostrom and clarke, 3 six community characteristics were proposed. these characteristics are fundamental for the establishment of a community that has the potential to project its will and personality into the external world and establish personal-property claims over natural resources, thus giving rise to a limited access common. the required six community characteristics are: exclusion of non-members, mutual selfinterest, homogeneity of interest, cohesiveness, idiosyncratic regulation and sanctions. the closing assertion of part i of this series was that, if a community exhibits the six required characteristics, and as such possesses a united collective will, there is no reason why this will cannot be projected into the external world and embodied in objects and resources. the projection and embodiment of will in such a way gives rise to a personal-property claim, as understood by the personality theory of property, which should 2 j waldron, the right to private property (oup 1988) 347. 3 see in particular a clarke, ‘creating new commons: recognition of communal land rights within a private property framework’ (2006) 59(1) current legal problems 319. the denning law journal 87 in turn defeat any competing fungible claims that often (but not always) characterise private property. 1.1 part ii this instalment of the two-part article will apply the personality theory of property to the limited number of community claims that are recognised in english law. it will be shown that the personality theory of property is not yet operative in the community context, and does not protect community entitlement in the way that it protects the entitlement of private individuals. this instalment also explores why community entitlement to property fails to adhere to the personality theory, and points to the inconsistency between the nature of the community claim and the dominant narrative in property discourse. finally, it will be suggested that whilst recent political initiatives purport to have given greater weight to community entitlements to property, this is in fact a ruse. the outcome of the policies aimed at recognising the community claim is little more than a perpetuation of the preference for private property initiatives. the reluctant conclusion of this article series is that a community of users cannot establish an entitlement to the resource that they use through the personality theory of property. whilst in theory claims of a community should be respected in the same way as claims of individuals under the personhood perspective, this is impossible as long as the dominant narrative of property is that of the self-interested individual. the english legal system does not understand the nature of communal claims, and all attempts to introduce policies and mechanisms that recognise and accommodate community claims to land have proved ineffective. allocation of, and entitlement to, natural resources not only relies on the dominant property narrative, but also the political climate in which the narrative is developed. the political climate is such that promoting community entitlement to property is not advantageous to realising the economic aims of the government, which, in light of the recent economic downturn, and negative economic forecast following the united kingdom’s decision to leave the european union, can only really favour the instrumental and fungible property claim. 2 personal and fungible claims in the community context now that the theoretical framework of property and personhood and the requisite community characteristics have been identified, the remaining step is to assess the usefulness of the application of the community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 88 dichotomy in justifying communal property claims. if the property and personhood theory is a sound justification for limited access communal property claims, these communal claims should be protected, and prioritised insofar as they are personhood-constituting claims. however, western legal systems do not, as a general rule, recognise communal property holding. there are only a small number of communal property claims that exist in english law, and even these are limited and under-developed. to assess whether the personhood perspective can justify these limited examples, they shall be analysed in the light of the personal/fungible dichotomy introduced in the first instalment of this twopart article series. the examples that will be pursued are rights of common over common land, the town or village green regime and assets of community value. if the personhood perspective does apply to communal property claims, these claims should be protected from competing fungible claims and lead to a stable community entitlement to property. however, as will be seen, this is far from the reality. 2.1 competing claims: the continuum the methodology for assessing whether communal property claims adhere to the personality theory of property employs the use of a continuum. at either end of the continuum appear the personal/fungible dichotomous claims. claims are then plotted on the continuum in a position that is commensurate with the level and nature of their interest. those claims that are further towards the personal end of the continuum will have the status of personal-property claims, and those that appear towards the fungible marker will attain the status of fungible claims. in a clash of competing claims, those that are plotted further towards the personal marker will prevail over those that are plotted closer to the fungible marker; such is the normative effect of the personhood perspective. therefore, if every claim could be plotted in this visualised way, there could be an instant assessment as to which claims should take priority over others. if two competing claims were plotted in exactly the same position, the method of adjudication between the claims would be a concept familiar to both property lawyers and the personality theory of property: time. the claim that was established first is the claim that takes priority. to illustrate the use of the continuum: figure 1 depicts a claim that would be treated as personal, and which would take priority over a claim plotted in the way that figure 2 depicts, which is fungible. there is a presumption that that those who hold land purely for instrumental value, the denning law journal 89 such as for commercial investment, will have a fungible claim to the property; and similarly those who use the land for residential or domestic purposes will be presumed to have a personal-property claim. however, the continuum does not shackle the property claim to its initial categorisation; the claim may move between fungible and personal, which is in accordance with radin’s personhood theory,4 as the claim can be simply re-plotted. furthermore, when adjudicating between competing claims, the continuum does not always assume that the paper-titleholder will only have a fungible claim, and that parties who use the land will establish a personal claim. the continuum allows the claims of all competing parties, or indeed communities, to be appropriately plotted on the continuum and document the wide range of interests that may exist. however, in order for the continuum to work satisfactorily, it is in fact the strength of the personal claim that should be documented on the continuum. for example, if person a valued their land as both an investment and as their home, and that value was evenly split, their interest would be plotted at the midpoint on the continuum. if person b only valued their land as their home, and had no regard for its value as an investment, their interest would be plotted almost squarely on the ‘personal’ marker on the continuum. if a competition arose between persons a and b over the land, the interest of b would be favoured on the basis that his interest leans further towards to personal end of the continuum than a’s. however, 4 mj radin ‘property and personhood’ (1982) 34 stanford law review 957, 966967. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 90 plotting the interests in that way has no regard to the relative strengths of the personal value that persons a and b place on their property; it is assumed that person a places a lesser personal value on his land simply as a result of him also having a fungible interest. it is conceivable, and perhaps even inevitable, that devaluing a’s personal interest as a result of a concurrent fungible interest will cause an injustice. for example, b may have no fungible interest in the land because it is a holiday home in a falling market, and it was always intended that he would derive enjoyment from the property from its occasional use and he accepted that there would be no financial gain (and perhaps even financial loss). on the other hand, person a attributes both a personal and fungible value to their land as it is their only home, and is their greatest investment in which all of their wealth has been invested. in that context, it is difficult to justify why b’s claim would trump that of a, as the continuum dictates, given the clear disparity of the value of the land in favour of a. therefore, it is imperative that the continuum is instead used to evidence the strength of the personal claim, as opposed to the claim made on balance between the fungible and personal markers. to that end, person a’s interest would be plotted away from the midpoint of the continuum and further towards the personal marker; their personal claim is strong as the land is their only home. on the other hand, b’s claim would likely fall away from the personal marker; the land is only one of a number of homes that they inhabit, and is not imperative to their security and being. it should be also be noted that the personal/fungible dichotomy does not necessarily correlate to other dichotomies in property law, such as rudden’s ‘things as thing’/‘things as wealth’, 5 or the ‘use value’/‘exchange value’ dichotomy. use value, personal claims and things as thing cannot be used interchangeably. a commercial landholding may have a high use value, but would not be characterised as being valued for its status as a thing, nor as being subject to a personal claim. therefore the scope of the inquiry in this article series is narrowly focused, and there are other possible frameworks that could be pursued in further work. 2.2 common land the recognition of communal land rights in modern english law can be traced to the commons registration act 1965, now replaced by the commons act 2006. the 1965 act sought to preserve ancient commons 5 b rudden, ‘things as thing and things as wealth’ (1994) 14 oxford journal of legal studies 81. the denning law journal 91 through the registration of all communal rights and the land over which they were exercisable. the effect of the 1965 act was that all commons must be registered, and a failure to register a right of common and the land over which it was exercisable resulted in its extinguishment.6 communal land rights are a limited class, and have been defined as a right to ‘take or use some portion of that which another man’s soil naturally produces.’7 the class comprises six rights of common: pasture (right to graze), piscary (right to fish), turbary (right to take turf for fuel), marl (right to take sand or gravel), pannange (right to allow pigs to forage) and estover (right to take timber for housing). new rights of common may be created, but the circumstances in which this may happen are greatly restricted; no new rights of common may be created by prescription over land that is already registered as common land, as stipulated by section 6(1) of the commons act 2006, and recently reaffirmed in r (littlejohns) v devon county council. 8 new rights of common may only be created over land that is already registered as a common through express grant, and these new rights of common may not exist in gross.9 if a new right of common is created over land that is not already registered as common land, this will trigger the registration of the land as a common, as per section 6(5)(b) of the commons act 2006. finally, new grazing rights may be refused registration by the commons registration authority if the authority believes that the land cannot sustain the right and risks the over-exploitation of the land.10 variations of rights of common may be refused on the same grounds.11 the interests of the commoners (the collective name for those who hold a right of common) can be described as a personal-property claim for the purposes of the continuum, which should be plotted according to figure 1. the commoners do not use the land for financial profit, but for survival, sustenance, and in some cases, recreational value. historically the use of the common allowed the commoners to source food, fuel and materials for building their homes. in the modern context it is more likely that the exercising of many of these rights of common will be for recreational purposes (such as fishing), and those that are more 6 commons registration act 1965, s1(2)(b). 7 gw cooke, cooke’s inclosure acts (v&r stevens and sons & haynes 1864, 4th ed) 5. 8 [2016] ewca civ 446; [2015] ewhc 730 (admin). 9 commons act 2006, s6(3). 10 commons act 2006, s6(6). 11 commons act 2006, s7(5). community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 92 pragmatically focused and archaic are unlikely to be used. the anomaly to this observation would be grazing, as a commoner may graze animals on the common as part of their commercial farming activities, although the economic benefit of grazing may still be viewed as running to the heart of their survival and sustenance. furthermore, the commons register typically protects ancient rights of common, and it is likely that the commoners have developed as a community through their use of the common. the use of the common is the defining factor of their community and is likely to be constitutive of its identity. it would be unlikely that the commoners would be satisfied with an alternative plot of land, even if that land were able to support the same rights of common, because of the ancient nature of the rights that often are being exercised. the land is part of the community heritage, and is valued for this reason. therefore, the claim of the commoners is not a fungible claim; they have developed an attachment to the land, and thus their claim is personal. if the commoners do in fact establish a personal-property claim over the land, the use of the personhood perspective dictates that this should defeat the fungible interest of the landowner. in many ways this analysis holds true. the landowner is greatly restricted in the ways in which she may use the land, and may not carry out any works on the land such as fencing, erection of buildings or the digging of ditches or trenches without consent form the commons registration authority.12 almost every action that will result in preventing or impeding the access to the common will require consent from the registration authority, 13 and in determining whether to grant the consent, the commons registration authority should have regard to the interests of those commoners who exercise rights of common. the effect of the registration of land as a common is to remove most of the fungible value of the land. the landowner is unlikely to be able to use the land for his own ends, and the value that he can extract from the land for himself will be limited. contrary to first impression, it can be argued that the priority given to the personal property claim of the commoners is an illusion, and the scheme of commons registration does not entirely adhere to the personhood perspective. however, the challenge to the personhood perspective does not arise from the fungible interest of the landowner, but rather the general public interest. it will be remembered that this series of articles is concerned with establishing limited access commons through the use of the personhood perspective; this ambition is hindered with the 12 commons act 2006, s38. 13 commons act 2006, s38(2)(a). the denning law journal 93 scheme of commons registration as the limited access common enjoyed by the commoners is also subject to open access rights. for example, the common may be subject to the rights of public access under the countryside and rights of way act 2000, which prevents commoners from excluding persons who do not enjoy rights of common. furthermore, commons councils must have regard to the public interest when discharging their functions,14 not just the interest of the commoners, as should the commons registration authority when determining whether to grant consent for works on the common.15 no special weight is given to the interests of the commoners in this balance of considerations. if the personhood perspective were to hold true, the wider public interest would not affect the personal-property claim of the commoners. the personhood perspective is only concerned with claims that can be attributed to a distinct, defined and united will. typically this is the will of an individual, or, as this paper contends, the will of a community that exhibits the five required characteristics. the public interest is a wide category of interests that could not substantiate nor establish a claim under the personhood perspective, as it would not meet these requirements. therefore the public interest should not affect the entitlement of a community who have established a personal-property claim. one reason for this tension between the interests of the public and the commoners, and the inconsistency between communal land rights in english law and the personhood perspective more generally, can be traced to the assertions of professors bromley and clarke, which were noted in part 1 of this article series. there is a general and deep-set misunderstanding in our private property framework about the nature and different species of common-property. it is possible that this misunderstanding is manifested in the commons legislation of 2006 that appears to make provision for a limited access common, but is then subject to considerations that properly belong to an open access regime; a confusion that is not helped by peripheral legislation such as the countryside and rights of way act 2000. a further way in which the commons registration system fails to protect the personal claim of the community can be found in the provisions that allow for deregistration of common land.16 if the personal claim of the local community is to be prioritised it seems inconsistent with 14 commons act 2006, s31(6). 15 commons act 2006, s39(1)(c). 16 commons act 2006, ss16-17. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 94 that prioritisation to allow for deregistration of common land and rights of common. the legislation attempts to strike a balance between the community claim and the fungible claim of the landowner that at least acknowledges that the community should not be deprived of the utility of the natural resource. sections 16(2) and 16(3) of the commons act 2006 stipulate that, if the land to be deregistered is in excess of two hundred square meters, a parcel of replacement land must be registered as common land. however, if the area of land to be deregistered is smaller than two hundred square metres, section 16(4) does not require that replacement land be registered, but leaves the option open should the registration authority wish to do so. the voluntary registration of replacement land does not protect the community entitlement, as the common may be lost and no replacement provided. furthermore, the provisions for mandatory registration of replacement land are not satisfactory for the purposes of protecting the personal community claim, as the notion of replacement land treats the claim of the community as fungible. it is assumed that the land that the community has enjoyed could be substituted for land that would be of equal value to the community; however, under the personhood perspective, this would not be possible, as the community would have bound its personality with the land. the nature of a personal claim is that the pain caused by the loss of the physical property cannot be remedied by providing replacement property. replacement common land will not have the same historic connection to the commoners who hold ancient rights of common. to suggest that the replacement land is a sufficient mechanism for protecting the community entitlement is misguided, and does not conceptualise the claim of the community in the appropriate way. finally, it may be argued that the community lacks the level of idiosyncratic regulation required in order to establish a collective will and a person-property claim in the first place. it is true that the commons registration scheme regime provides for some level of idiosyncratic regulation; part 2 of the commons act 2006 provides for the establishment of commons councils, which may manage the agricultural activities on the land, the vegetation on the land and the rights of common. however, the role of idiosyncratic regulation is diminished when it is remembered that the commons registration authority have the right to refuse registration of new grazing rights if it is thought that the land is unable to sustain this right. this decision-making power of the commons registration authority takes away some of the control from the commoners and the commons council, and places it with the state. it is clear that the strongest example of communal land rights in english law does not adhere to the personality theory of property, and the the denning law journal 95 personal-property claim of the community is not properly acknowledged and accommodated. the provisions for deregistration and replacement of common land, the removal of some of the commons council decision making power, the consideration of the public interest, and the fact that the instances in which new rights of common may be created are actually quite restricted all lead to the conclusion that the scheme of commons registration is not a an effective way of establishing a limited access common and community entitlement to land. 2.3 town or village green another community claim that is recognised through the commons legislation of 1965 and 2006, and which will now be analysed through the use of the personhood perspective, is the town or village green. land can be registered as a town or village green (‘tvg’) pursuant to section 15 of the commons act 2006 (previously section 22 of the commons registration act 1965). under the commons act it must be shown that the land has been used ‘as of right’ for lawful sports and pastimes for a period of at least twenty years by the inhabitants of a locality, or neighbourhood within a locality. the requirement that the use must be ‘as of right’ has been taken to mean the tripartite test of nec vi, nec clam and nec precario: that the use must be without force, without stealth and without the licence of the landowner.17 the rationale behind these factors was explained by lord hoffmann in r v oxfordshire county council, ex p sunningwell parish council as being that every legal system needs rules of prescription that protect long established de-facto enjoyment of land.18 each of these three factors gives the landowner the opportunity to object to the use by the local inhabitants; if they do not object, they are deemed to have acquiesced in the use of the land. in essence, village green law is underpinned by the principles of prescription in english law.19 village green registration confers rights of recreation upon the users of the land who are from the relevant locality or neighbourhood within a 17 r v oxfordshire county council, ex p sunningwell parish council [2000] 1 a.c. 335, 350h (lord hoffmann). 18 ibid at 349d. 19 village green law is described as being “traceable” to prescription by patten lj in taylor v betterment properties (weymouth) ltd [2012] ewca civ 250 [36]. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 96 locality.20 these use rights are arguably proprietary as they operate in rem and attach to the land; the rights of the local inhabitants (the community) survive any transfer or conveyance of the land. the practical effect of tvg status is that the land cannot be used in a way that is inconsistent with the use rights of the local inhabitants, which promotes the social value of land, often at the expense of the economic value of the land enjoyed by the landowner. registration of land as a village green is often used as an attempt to thwart development, to the extent it has been referred to as “a weapon of guerrilla warfare against development of open land.”21 the tvg is a paradigm clash of claims over land. on the one hand there is the landowner who believes that they are absolutely entitled to the land, its capital value and, in most cases, exclusive control over its management and the right to realise the capital value. on the other hand there is the community (the inhabitants of a locality or neighbourhood within a locality) who engage in long use of the land and attribute other values to it; it is a social space and a recreational area, a space to which sentiments attachtheir children grow up using the land, memories are made there and relationships with the other users forged. for the landowner to realise the full potential of his entitlement he must be free of the interest of the community of users. he must be free to sell the land, build on it or put it to any use that he so wishes, even if this use is inconsistent with the community interest. for the community to realise the full potential of their entitlement their use must be protected, and all inconsistent uses and interferences must be prohibited. for the landowner and the community to co-exist it is a fine balance, and one that is easily tipped. legally, the landowner is in a far superior position: he holds the title to the land, and the community interest is hostage to the way in which he chooses to exercise his ownership rights. to redress the balance, legal recognition of the community entitlement is required, and this recognition is achieved through village green status. if the interests of the local inhabitants and the landowner are plotted on the continuum, they occupy the positions depicted in figures 1 and 2 respectively. the local inhabitants establish a personal-property claim, owing to the social value that they attribute to the land, whereas the 20 r (oxfordshire and buckinghamshire mental health nhs foundation trust) v oxfordshire county council [2010] ewhc 530 (admin) [80] (hhj waksmann qc). 21 r (lewis) v redcar and cleveland borough council and another [2010] uksc 11 [48] (lord walker). the denning law journal 97 landowner leans towards a fungible claim. the local inhabitants would unlikely be satisfied with replacement land as any replacement land that had not been used for the requisite twenty year period would not have the same social value to the local inhabitants; there would be no long use from which the local inhabitants can form a connection constitutive of their identity. the landowner himself may have some tendencies that are consistent with a personal claim, however, by virtue of the fact that a community of users has been making use of the land for such a prolonged period it is unlikely that he regards the land as being constitutive of his personality. furthermore, the landowner would likely be sufficiently compensated by either replacement land, or the monetary value of the land subject to the use of the local inhabitants. the consequence of these observations should be that the community entitlement takes priority over the entitlement of the landowner. this certainly appears to be the case at first glance, as the landowner is restricted in his entitlement to the land as he is prevented from using the land in a way that is inconsistent with the use rights of the local inhabitants. it seems as if the tvg regime adheres to the personhood perspective; however, the substance of the protection afforded to the community entitlement tells a rather different story. village green registration is not the stable protection of community entitlement that the personhood perspective envisages. recent changes to the regime give a much weightier consideration to the landowner and the fungible claim, and markedly reduce the protection given to the personalproperty claim of the community. for example, the growth and infrastructure act 2013 amended the commons act 2006 to introduce additional bars to registration of land as a tvg. section 15c now provides that registration will be barred where a trigger event under schedule 1a, which are all linked to planning applications, has occurred. there is a tremendous housing land supply shortage in england and wales, and the sterilisation of potential development sites by village green registration is proving controversial. any landowner who is seeking to realise the value of his land through development can thwart the rights of the community by submitting a planning application, which then tips the balance of protecting entitlements back in his favour. furthermore, the personal-property claim of the community can be defeated by showing that the local inhabitants used the land pursuant to a statutory right to do so, as established in r (barkas) v north yorkshire county council.22 the circumstances in which a successful application for village green registration can be made are rapidly narrowing, and the community 22 [2014] uksc 31. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 98 entitlement is increasingly left without protection, regardless of the personal nature of their property claim. the fungible claim is taking precedence in the battle between competing claims. additionally, the provisions that apply to deregistration and replacement of common land also apply to town and village greens. as explored above in the context of common land, these provisions are wholly inadequate for the purposes of protecting the community entitlement, and mischaracterise the community claim as fungible. the failure of the tvg regime to adhere to the personhood perspective and favour the personal claim is not an anomaly in english law. most community entitlements suffer the same emasculated fate as the tvg legislation. the only way in which the failure of the personhood perspective in the context of the tvg can be defended is to question the characteristics of the community. it is questionable whether the local inhabitants possess all six of the characteristics required to present a united will that could be embodied in property in the way that waldron suggested, as discussed in the first part of this article series and noted above. in particular, there may be an absence of idiosyncratic regulation. the community certainly possess the other required characteristics; indeed, the legal test for registering land as a village green requires them. the community must be cohesive and mutually self-interested, nonmembers of the community upon whom no rights have been conferred can be excluded from the land, and there is homogeneity of interest, and sanctions in the law of trespass if the scope of the use rights is exceeded (although, these sanctions are not imposed by the community in the way that professors ostrom and clarke suggested). however, there is no idiosyncratic regulation in the tvg community. the only control that the local inhabitants have over the use will be determined by reference to the use over the requisite twenty-year period; the scope of of the legal right acquired by the local inhabitants will be set according to the scope of the use over the twenty years, and the local inhabitants may not exercise any further control or use of the land that was not engaged in during the acquisition period. therefore, it is the landowner himself who often regulates the use of the land and determines who else may use it, not the local inhabitants. furthermore, when regulating the use of the land, the only duty by which the landowner is bound is a duty not to interfere with the use of the relevant inhabitants. in theory, the lack of idiosyncratic regulation weakens the argument for the community claim of a tvg to be protected though the framework of the personal-property claim. however, in reality the communities of local inhabitants often form interest groups that regulate the use and maintenance of the land, especially when the landowner has no use for the the denning law journal 99 land following its registration as a tvg. as with commons councils, the formation of these groups is not mandatory, nor are their regulations legally binding; yet, these groups are different from commons councils as they are not grounded in statute and afforded the same powers. nonetheless, community interest groups do go some way to strengthening the presence of the required community characteristics. one example of such a group is ‘the friends of the trap grounds’, which was established to campaign for the protection of the trap grounds in north oxford. this land became the subject of the landmark case oxfordshire county council v oxford city council and another,23 which, following lengthy litigation, resulted in the registration of an area of scrubland as a tvg (in in light of more recent case law it is unclear whether the land would be registered if these circumstances arose now). the interest group now runs regular ‘work parties’ to maintain the land, holds an annual agm, engages in educational activities and monitors the use of the land and wildlife. it seems very difficult in a situation such as this to suggest that the community does not possess the necessary characteristics to substantiate a personhood claim. 2.4 assets of community value the final community interest that will be considered in the framework of the personhood perspective is the asset of community value (‘acv’) scheme, which was introduced as part of the wider movement of community empowerment under the localism act 2011. the department for communities and local government observed that “[o]ver the past decade communities have been losing local amenities and buildings of great importance to them|”. 24 a solution to this predicament that has been adopted is the assets of community value listing scheme, introduced by part 5, chapter 3, of the localism act 2011, and supplemented by the assets of community value (england) regulations 2012. the scheme allows community interest groups 25 to nominate land that is valued by the community to be included on a list of community assets. land of community value is taken to mean land that “furthers the social wellbeing or social interests of the local 23 [2006] ukhl 25. 24 department for communities and local government, assets of community valuepolicy statement, september 2011, 4. 25 see assets of community value (england) regulations, regulations 5, 12 and localism act 2011, s89 for definitions. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 100 community”, 26 with ‘social interests’ further dissected to mean either religious, cultural or sport interests.27 if the land is accepted for listing the community interest is protected in the sense that, if the landowner chooses to dispose of the land,28 the community interest group are given a period in which to prepare a bid to purchase the asset. when the landowner indicates to the relevant authority his intention to sell, he triggers an interim period of six weeks (known as a ‘moratorium’) in which the community must express in writing its intention to make a bid.29 if the community interest group evinces this intention within the six weeks, this period is extended to six months, in which the community must prepare and present their bid to the landowner. on initial inspection, the acv scheme appears to recognise a personal-property claim in favour of a community. the social interests of the community and its connection with the land is formally recognised and protected through the listing of the asset, which may in turn lead to its acquisition by the community. the claim of the community is treated as personal rather than fungible, as it is the particular listed asset that is protected, rather than the securing of a replacement asset. allowing communities to list assets of social value, with a view to their possible acquisition, can be extremely beneficial to a community. for example, the moratorium period alleviates the pragmatic and organisational problems that would plague a community group trying to put together a bid, which a private individual would not face, and gives ample time for the bid to be drafted and agreed upon by all the community members. furthermore, the facilities that can be listed as an acv are wide-ranging and include pubs, recreation grounds and local amenities. only residential dwellings are excluded from potential acv listing. 30 therefore the community interest is recognised in a diverse range of situations, and can be recognised over land that is privately owned. 26 localism act 2011, s88(1)(a). 27 localism act 2011, s88(6). 28 the only dispositions that are qualifying for these purposes are a disposition of the freehold interest with vacant possession and a grant of a lease for 25 years or more, see localism act 2011, s96; see also s95(5) for a list of excluded dispositions. 29 localism act 2011, s95 and assets of community value (england) regulations, regulation 13. 30 assets of community value (england) regulations, regulation 3 and schedule 1. the denning law journal 101 the fungible property claim of the landowner will be restricted by the listing of their land as an acv, as they are required to allow the community to bid and must wait for them to do so. in addition, the personal claim established by the community affects the fungible claims of the landowner as designation of land as an acv is a material planning consideration.31 this may hinder or prevent the development of the land by a landowner who is seeking to realise their fungible claim over the land. when the interests are plotted on the continuum the claim of the community seems to align squarely with figure 1, with the claim of the landowner often at figure 2, and it seems that the personal interest does indeed outweigh the fungible interest. however, when more thoroughly analysed, designation of land as an acv does very little to raise a presumption in favour of the community entitlement. for example, the type of group that can be recognised as a community interest group is limited by the statutory definition at regulations 5 and 12 of the assets of community value (england) regulations 2012. the group must have legal personality and be capable of holding title to property, which immediately discounts those communities that have not formalised their relationship in law, even if they have the required six characteristics. as noted throughout this article series, legal formalisation of the community relationship is a problem that plagues communal property arrangements more generally, and prevents de facto common-property arrangements being recognised in law. furthermore, the right is neither a right to buy, nor a right of pre-emption; at best it is a right to be informed of the owner’s intention to sell or grant a lease for 25 years or more. the only real benefit of the listing of the asset, which the landowner can apply to have reviewed,32 is to afford the community a greater amount of time in which to assemble their bid, yet there is still no guarantee that the landowner will consider their bid. the only duty that acv listing imposes on the landowner is a duty to wait and see if the community wish to bid for their land; it is little more than an inconvenience to him. additionally, once the moratorium period expires, the landowner enjoys an eighteen month protected period where no 31 department for communities and local government, assets of community valuepolicy statement september 2011, 4. see also department for communities and local government, community right to bid: non-statutory advice note for local authorities october 2012, para 2.20. 32 localism act 2011, s91. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 102 further moratorium can be triggered.33 the community bid, and thus the personal claim of the community, is at the mercy of the market and other fungible claims over the land. a private purchaser could easily out-bid the community, or the landowner could wait out the moratorium period, and the personal-property claim of the community would be defeated by the landowner’s fungible claim as they sought to realise the highest value of the land. in substance, the acv scheme does not adhere to the personhood perspective, and it does not operate to protect and prioritise the community claim. 3 barriers to recognition the three examples given above demonstrate that the property and personhood theory does not hold true for communal property claims in england. if anything, the strength of the entitlements plotted on the continuum operates in reverse when a community makes the personal claim, as the claims plotted towards the fungible marker seem to represent a stronger entitlement. this seems difficult to accept, as the reason for attempting to protect and prioritise these claims is not because they are communal, but because they are personal-property claims, which, in the personhood perspective, carry the strongest entitlement. private property enjoys the privilege of being able to invoke the personhood perspective, and there seems no reason why it should not extend to a community, provided that the community exhibits the requisite characteristics to attain personhood status. therefore, there appears to be a prejudice against communal property entitlements. professor radin identifies what may be the cause of the failure of communal property claims to conform to the traditional application of the personhood perspective: “if a dichotomy telescoping this continuum to two end points is to be useful, it must be because within a given social context certain types of person-thing relationships are understood to fall close to one end or the other of the continuum, so that decision makers within that social context can use the dichotomy as a guide to determine which property is worthier of protection.”34 33 assets of community value (england) regulations 2012, regulation 13; localism act 2011, s95. 34 mj radin, ‘property and personhood’ (1982) 34 stanford law review 957, 987. the denning law journal 103 professor mcdonald expresses the problem through the rights-duty correlate. he argues that if those who will be duty bound by the property rights that arise as the consequence of the communal property claim do not recognise those duties, there will be no recognition of the community’s property right. the group must be understood to be a right holder vis-à-vis others in society.35 therefore it seems that the continuum will only work when the relationship between the person and the thing to which the person is laying claim is understood. if the relationship is not understood, the entitlement of the person to the thing claimed will not be properly understood and respected. as the personhood perspective works perfectly well when an individual claims an entitlement to property (consider for example the rights of persons in of actual occupation contained in the land registration act 2002), and the only variant presented in the application of the personhood perspective in this inquiry is to substitute the individual for a community, it must be the presence of the community that causes the application to fail. the simple fact is that the decision maker plotting the claims on the continuum in the context of the english legal system, and the conception of property that the english legal system employs, does not understand the person-thing relationship when the person is not an individual seeking to establish private property, but rather a community seeking to establish a communal entitlement. as the relationship between a community and a resource is not universally understood, it does not feature in the calculation for allocating resources. it is this lack of understanding about communal property that has ostracised community entitlement to natural resources, and prioritised private property and the fungible property claims of individuals over personal property claims of communities (as demonstrated above). for example, the lack of understanding about the nature of communal property is arguably what causes rights of common in the commons registration scheme to not enjoy an inherent priority over the claims of the general public. the open access rights of the general public usurp the rights of the commoners in the management of the common, as the wider ‘public interest’ must be considered in the management strategies of the common. indeed, the conflation between limited access and open access communal property is rife throughout the commons literature, and is a 35 m mcdonald, ‘should communities have rights? reflections on liberal individualism’ (1991) 4 canadian journal of law and jurisprudence 218, 220. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 104 mistake that hardin himself makes in his landmark paper ‘the tragedy of the commons’.36 to conclude that the non-understanding of the person-thing relationship, where the person is in fact a community, is the cause of the failure of the personhood perspective in the context of community claims is not surprising. it is something that is both explicit and implicit throughout commons scholarship, and a major contributing factor in the marginalisation of communal property arrangements. the more pertinent question is why do the decision makers, and the english legal system, not understand the person-thing relationship between the community and the land. 3.1 universal understanding of property signals the reason for the misunderstanding (or non-understanding) of communal claims can be found in the scholarship of professor rose, who discusses the signalling of property ownership. she notes that possession is typically the basis of ownership. possession communicates or gives notice to others of the possessor’s entitlement, an entitlement that is recognised in law.37 therefore, those who take possession of resources establish their entitlement and are recognised as owner. it is also often the case that the primary method of signalling entitlement, the act of taking possession, is supported through some secondary symbol, such as formal registration. rose’s account of property signalling cannot accommodate the property signals that a community transmit to the rest of the world. in the examples given in this paper, and with communal property more generally, the community does not ‘possess’ the resource over which it lays its claim. rather, the community establishes its entitlement by individual members of the community using the resource, and sharing it with the other members of the community. in the context of a private property framework this sharing does not signal an owner-like entitlement; there is no exclusion of all others from the resource in the way that blackstone envisaged, and there is no act of possession by one person. nonetheless, it seems that the english legal system has the potential to be able recognise a community entitlement to a limited access common; 36 g hardin, ‘the tragedy of the commons’ (1968) 162 science 1243. 37 c rose, property and persuasion: essays on the history, theory and rhetoric of ownership (westview press inc. 1994) 16, see also chapter one generally. the denning law journal 105 and it would require a small step to achieve this. it was noted in the first article in this series that, for a successful mutual self-interest common, the resource must be “just as private to the community as private property is to the private property owner.”38 it was further argued that the community must exclude non-members of the community from the use of the resource, which led to the observation that limited access communal property bears some resemblance to private property 39 (although this resemblance was later limited through an analysis of the alienability of communal property). if these contentions are true, it is difficult to understand why the personhood perspective does not hold true for the community claim in the same way as it does for private claims, as they both share the same core of exclusion rights. the characteristics of the group seem to mirror the private individual in such a way that should allow the personhood theory to justify the personal claim of the community. therefore, there must be something else in the characteristics of the community that sets the quality and signalling of its personal claim aside from that of the individual. one possible solution is that, in reality, the community does not exclude others from using the resource, but rather they exclude others from exercising the same rights as themselves over the resource. for example, the local inhabitants in whose favour land has been registered as a tvg are able to exercise the rights of recreation that have been conferred on them, and no such rights are conferred on those who fall outside of the relevant locality or neighbourhood within a locality. others may still use the land, but they may not do so in a way that is inconsistent with the rights of the local inhabitants, and the landowner may still exclude them. similarly, only commoners who possess rights of common may exercise these rights, but this does not preclude others from using the common, provided that they do not interfere with the rights of common. finally, those who fall outside of a community interest group do not enjoy the right to trigger a moratorium period when a landowner proposes to sell an acv (however, it should be noted that the community interest group who triggers the moratorium does not necessarily need to be the same group that successfully applied for acv listing of the land). 38 a clarke, ‘creating new commons: recognition of communal land rights within a private property framework’ (2006) 59(1) current legal problems 319, 329. 39 c rose, property and persuasion: essays on the history, theory and rhetoric of ownership (westview press inc. 1994) 117. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 106 the above observations are important because, as argued by professor rose, the property signal “must be in a language that is understood, and the acts of ‘possession’ that communicate a claim will vary according to the audience”.40 the audience in the context of the english legal system are those who operate in a private property framework. this audience does not understand shared use where the only exclusion is from the particular bundle of use rights exercised by a community. such use is not an act of possession that will communicate a claim to the audience, as it is not communicated in a language that the audience will understand, and this is the crux of the problem for the community claim. whether the property claim is fungible or personal makes no difference for a community; the real hurdle is that the audience understands the property signals of individuals, not communities. 3.2 dominant property narrative the audience to property signals understand the dominant narrative of property discourse, and this narrative and understanding of the institution of property does not accommodate communal entitlement. the dominant narrative suggests that individuals have a natural desire to possess property. “the first instinct of the individual is to live and to prefer their own lives to the lives of others”,41 and life depends on property and the ability to appropriate resources for individual sustenance. 42 therefore, there is the desire to keep resources for one’s self and, when those resources become scarce, exclude others from sharing in its use; this has become widely regarded as the classical view of property. therefore, in a world of scare resources, individuals become concerned with private property and maximising their entitlement in the allocation of resources. individuals want to retain resources for their own use, and will exclude others to do this. under the dominant narrative, this proposition is true even in communal property arrangements. the choices that face the individuals in a common-property arrangement where there is not enough of the resource to satisfy the preferences of every individual can be demonstrated in the well-known prisoners’ dilemma diagram below. in the diagram, to ‘cooperate’, members of the community would need to forgo some of their own use of the resource to ensure that the 40 ibid at 16. 41 t hobbes, leviathan (prometheus books, 1988) chapter 20. 42 j locke, two treatises of government (cambridge university press, 2013) second treatise, sec. 28. the denning law journal 107 resource can sustain the use of the other members of the community. to ‘cheat’, members of the community would maximise their use of the resource and take all that they can, with little regard for the amount of the resource remaining for the use of other members of the community. a. cooperates a. cheats b. cooperates a gets a good allocation, b gets a good allocation. a gets lots, b gets nothing. b. cheats b gets lots, a gets nothing. a gets a small allocation, b gets a small allocation. if ‘lots’ is taken to be x, a ‘good allocation’ is > x/2. a ‘small allocation’, would then be < x/2. this makes it easy to see which combination of actions give rise to the best solution for all, and the greatest overall product of the resource: cooperate cooperate 2 ( > x/2) cheat cooperate x cooperate cheat x cheat cheat 2 (< x/2) the best solution for the members of the community entitled to use the resource is to adopt a cooperate-cooperate arrangement, as the cumulative product of the resource is enhanced: 2( > x/2) = > x. if a cheatcooperate or cooperate-cheat situation emerges, then the resource will only ever produce x, and if a cheat-cheat situation occurs the resource will not even produce x as 2(< x/2) = < x. by choosing a cooperate-cooperate scenario, every member of the community will get a good allocation of the resource to meet their needs, and the resource can sustain the allocation and use. furthermore, the cumulative product of the resource is enhanced. therefore, to make a common-property regime work, every member of the community must choose to cooperate. however, professor rose illustrates that the cooperate-cooperate arrangement is rarely reached.43 the preference orderings of individuals do not lead to a relationship of sharing in which entitlements are equal, but rather a relationship in which the individual making the decision whether to cooperate or not gains the greatest possible entitlement. this does not mean that individuals do not wish for others to get a good 43 c rose, property and persuasion: essays on the history, theory and rhetoric of ownership (westview press inc. 1994) chapter 2. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 108 allocation of the resource, and they are happy for others to receive an equally valuable allocation as themselves, provided that it does not impinge on their own. it is when the allocation of others affects their own allocation that individuals develop the ruthless self-interest that leads them to exclude others from the resource. the individual self-interest develops in order to protect ones’ own allocation, and will always arise when the resource becomes scarce. even those anomalous individuals who do not follow the classical theory of property and choose to share property fall foul of the prisoners’ dilemma when the resource becomes scare; they too do not choose a cooperate-cooperate strategy. for example, those members of society who buck the trend and are benevolent have a genuinely greater concern for others than they do for themselves will opt to go without. they will opt to participate in a cooperate-cheat arrangement, in which they cooperate. although this achieves their aim of giving others a greater allocation of the resource, it does not maximise the cumulative product of the resource. professor rose suggests that the only individuals that will engage in a cooperate-cooperate arrangement and pursue the collective well-being will be those who “[do] not put her own well-being above yours, but is not a fool about needless self-sacrifice either”.44 she also demonstrates through a thought experiment that these individuals are in the minority,45 and that a cooperate-cooperate arrangement will only exist if all the members of the community share this disposition. as soon as one selfinterested individual infiltrates the community, there will be a ‘cheat’, and the product of the resource diminishes. in short, the majority of society is either far too self-interested, or keen to fall on their sword, to choose a cooperate-cooperate scenario and maximise the product of the resource for the collective well-being. 3.3 consequences if the dominant narrative is as presented, it is no wonder that a community of users who select a cooperate-cooperate relationship and successfully manage a resource are not understood. whether their claim is fungible or personal makes no difference, it is the prospect of having a successful communal property regime in which this claim can exist that is the stumbling block for the community. if the dominant narrative could rationalise communal property, then there would be no reason why the 44 ibid at 37. 45 ibid at chapter 2. the denning law journal 109 personal claim of a community could not be understood in the same way as that of an individual. however, as long as the cooperate-cooperate scenario and use by sharing is in the minority, this seems unlikely to happen. it seems that radin is correct to say that if the decision maker who is plotting the claim on the continuum and the audience to that claim do not have the necessary level of understanding, the dichotomy is useless as a guide to assessing which claims are worthier of protection. it makes no difference where the community claim is plotted on the continuum, as the person-thing relationship is not understood, and therefore the dichotomy is ineffective as a tool for adjudicating between competing claims of a community and a landowner. the outcome of plotting the community claim towards the marker of a personal claim, in practice, leads to a greater weight being placed on the fungible claim of the landowner, as it is the only recognised claim. this is in line with the dominant narrative that expects individuals to use resources by excluding others, and claims made by those who do not exclude others do not signal a claim that is recognised and protected when plotted on the continuum. if the interest plotted towards the personal marker had been that of an individual claimant, the personhood perspective would have operated to prioritise this claim and recognise that individual’s better entitlement against all fungible claims. however, in a narrative where the focus is on maximising individual wealth and entitlement, the community claim, and the maximising of collective well-being and sharing, will never be understood. 4 changing the dominant voice in property narrative professor rose notes that the “dominant storyteller can make his position seem the natural one”.46 therefore, as long as it is the selfinterested individual that is directing the property narrative, there seems little prospect of re-weighting the balance of the continuum to favour the personal claim of a community against fungible claims made by private individuals. in her exposition of the personhood perspective, radin suggests that a government concerned with the just distribution of resources could use the 46 c rose, property and persuasion: essays on the history, theory and rhetoric of ownership (westview press inc. 1994) 39. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 110 personhood dichotomy as the source of a “distributive mandate”.47 under such mandate it would be the responsibility of the government to ensure that all citizens have the resources necessary to fully constitute their personhood. this may go so far as to require the government to “rearrange property rights so that the fungible property of some people does not overwhelm the opportunity of the rest to constitute themselves in property.”48 furthermore, if the concern is securing the resources required by each citizen to fully constitute themselves, it seems inconsistent not to afford the same concern to communities, especially where individuals can only constitute their personhood and identity within a community. interestingly, it seemed possible that there may be a shift in the dominant narrative of property rights. the conservative-liberal democrat coalition government of 2010-2015 set out to pursue a policy of empowering local communities, and give effect to community claims to resources. this is a policy that has supposedly been pursued for some time; in 2008 the then prime minister, gordon brown, pledged to pursue polices “enhancing the power of communities”, “ensuring that their voices were heard” and “helping people…set and meet their own priorities”.49 in 2010 david cameron was elected as prime minister with his vision of the ‘big society’, the ideology that communities should be empowered to solve their own problems, via a transfer of power from the state to the people and local communities. the end goal was to “create communities with oomphneighbourhoods who are in charge of their own destiny’ and communities that feel they can ‘shape the world around them”.50 the ‘big society’, whilst eventually abandoned, has resulted in a number of initiatives, which, although grounded in public law, have consequences for the allocation of, and entitlement to, resources. a prime example of such an initiative is the assets of community value scheme, discussed above. another example of the ‘big society’ ideology in practice is a scheme that allowed local communities to apply to the ‘big society bank’, a fund sourced by the state using the proceeds of dormant bank accounts, to receive funding to improve and support their 47 mj radin ‘property and personhood’ (1982) 34 stanford law review 957, 990. 48 ibid. 49 department for communities and local government, communities in control: real people, real power (cmd 7427, 2008) foreword. 50 david cameron, 18 july 2010. quoted from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/david-cameron/7897445/davidcameron-launches-his-big-society.html accessed 10 april 2015. the denning law journal 111 community. four pilot areas were chosen, and the problem that these communities sought to address when given the power and funding to do so were problems of resource management. communities in windsor and maidenhead sought to manage their local park and protect the community entitlement to use it, which entailed preventing development and use that was inconsistent with the social value that the community placed on the park. in addition, a community in cumbria sought to secure funding to purchase their local pub that was in danger of closure. the community had formed an attachment to the pub over many years, providing the basis for a personal-property claim, which the funding from the ‘big society bank’ helped realise. first impressions of these schemes seem to suggest that the community claim over resources, and the entitlement to manage and direct how a resource should be used, is being recognised. not only that, but the government are also actively promoting and enabling communities to realise their claim and entitlements. most of the schemes stop short of transferring title to the land and resources in question to the local community, not least because of the limited capacity of groups to hold legal title to property, but there does seem to be a shift in the right direction. however, as has already been exposed with the examined community claims above, first impressions can be deceiving. 4.1 trojan horse in reality, the idea of the ‘big society’ and empowering communities has had very little positive impact on community property claims. there has been no favouring of community entitlements as a result of the policies implemented, especially not when the community claims clash with those of private landowners. in fact, many of the policies implemented perpetuate the favouring of private property claims, but have all the clothing of respecting community entitlement. communities were sold a false package under the coalition government; the understanding of communal property claims is just a façade, and the dominant narrative of property is just as prevalent as it ever was. the initiatives supposed to promote community property entitlements are little more than a trojan horse, perpetuating the preference for private property arrangements and individual wealth maximisation. the reason for the continuing dominant narrative is easily explained. the political and economic climate of 2010-2015 did not lend itself to recognising community entitlements. the priority of the government has been to combat the recession and oversee the economic recovery of the country, and policies appropriate to this aim were pursued. in the community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 112 framework of sustainable development, the economic aim was prioritised over the social and environmental aim. this immediately marginalises personal-property claims, especially those of a community, that carry little or no financial value. instrumental property has more immediate value for the economy, and is more conducive to an upward economic trend, than property that is claimed on the basis of some emotional or social connection with others in a community. there are clear examples of the coalition government actively pursuing the economic aim of sustainable development and seeking to realise the economic value of land, rather than the social value and community entitlement. one clear example can be taken from the communal property arrangements discussed earlier in this paper, the town or village green. whilst it may be true that tvg status is used as “a weapon of guerrilla warfare against development of open land”,51 the act of the local inhabitants applying to register and protect the land cannot be ignored. even if the application for tvg registration is what an objective observer may call ‘vexatious’, the fact remains that the local inhabitants as a community felt they had established a connection to the land that should be recognised and prioritised over the fungible claim of a developer or landowner. provided that the legal test of section 15 of the commons act 2006 is met, it does not really matter what the motivation for the application and the community claim of entitlement is. however, the coalition government has not taken this strict stance, and have instead opted to amend the commons act 2006 through the growth and infrastructure act 2013, as noted earlier in this paper. the effect of the amendments is to make it much harder to register land as a tvg, as section 15c of the commons act 2006 now contains a number of trigger events that will bar registration as a village green. all of these trigger events relate to planning applications over the relevant land, and thus prioritise the aim of development and maximising the economic value of the land, often at the expense of the social value attributed to the land by the local community. in essence, the fungible claim takes priority over the personal claim of the local inhabitants. the power of local communities to protect land that is important to them through the mechanism of tvg registration has been greatly diminished, and is now little more than a mechanism for favouring the fungible claim when the personal and fungible claims clash. 51 r (lewis) v redcar and cleveland borough council and another [2010] uksc 11 [48] (lord walker). the denning law journal 113 the lack of protection for land valued by communities is hardly surprising, especially given that development and house-building have been the primary tools used by the coalition government to fuel the economic recovery. the government were never seriously going to favour the social aim of land and promote community entitlement, especially if that entitlement could impinge on the economic value of land. it is often the case that by recognising the social value of land, and community entitlement, the land becomes economically sterile and protected from development, with the tvg regime being a prime example. the national planning policy framework explicitly adopts the stance that “significant weight should be placed on the need to support economic growth through the planning system”,52 highlighting the preference for, and greater weight placed on, the instrumental value of land. the political climate also goes some way to explaining why the assets of community value scheme is diluted to the point of being inadequate to protect community entitlement to the local resources that they value. it is not on the political agenda of the conservative party to inhibit the freedom of the property owning classes when they come to dispose of their property. landowners can voluntarily enter into options to purchase and rights of pre-emption, but they will not be unilaterally imposed on a landowner in the way that would be necessary for the scheme to really recognise the community entitlement to resources that they use and value (note the stark contrast here with the scottish community right to buy scheme). the acv listing scheme only pays lip service to the notion of community entitlement to property, and in reality still perpetuates the private property claim of the landowner. the effect of the protected period afforded to the landowner, coupled with the possibility that the community bid could be outweighed by a private and fungible bid, or indeed that a private bid may even be preferred, rids the scheme of any real potential to protect community rights. on the whole, it seems that when considering the allocation of resources and the structure of property rights it is not only necessary to consider the dominant property narrative, but also the wider political context in which that narrative takes place. when this is done, only one conclusion can be reached: the dominant narrative of property has not changed. the interest of private wealth is still favoured, and property rights have not been arranged to prevent the fungible property of 52 department for communities and local government, national planning policy framework march 2012, para 18. community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 114 individuals overwhelming the opportunity of communities to constitute themselves in property. sadly, it seems unlikely that the status quo will change anytime soon. at the time of editing this instalment of the article series it is less than a week since the united kingdom held a referendum to determine its membership of the european union. as the readership of this journal will know, a slim 52% majority of the electorate voted to leave the european union, with a voter turnout of 72%. there are grave predictions of a negative economic shock and continued uncertainty. already some of these predictions ring true, the pound sterling has fallen and risen sharply, as have the markets, and the country is in political turmoil. against this volatile backdrop it seems most unlikely that any government that eventually finds itself in control will pursue anything other than achieving the most financially viable and economically supportive use of land, no matter what that governments underlying ideology may be. such a policy direction will likely result in the continued favouring of private property, and community claims will continue to fall by the wayside. 5 conclusion natural resources, such as land, are predominantly subject to private property claims. whilst this is in line with the classical blackstonian view of property, it fails to recognise the nature of the multitude of competing claims that exist over land. some of these claims do not correspond with the traditional view of ownership, and focus on use by sharing rather than use by exclusion, and the right of a number of defined people to use the resource. english law does not generally recognise communal ownership, at least where there are more than four owners,53 despite these communal claims existing in abundance. until a legal mechanism is developed that can accommodate these communal property entitlements in our predominantly private property system, such claims will never attain more than a de facto status. the first step towards recognising communal property claims and accommodating them in a classical view of property is to justify the communal claim. this two-part article has sought to achieve this justification by using the personality theory of property, a theory that is usually applied to justify private property claims. the theory makes a normative claim; that personal-property claims should be prioritised over 53 the amount of legal title holders over land is limited to four, as per the law of property act 1925, s34(2). the denning law journal 115 fungible claims, and that in the event of a clash between the two, there is a prima facie case that a fungible claim should yield to personal claims, save for exceptional circumstances. it has been argued that if a community can demonstrate a degree of cohesiveness, homogeneity of interest and mutual self-interest, idiosyncratic regulation and the practice of excluding non-members, it is possible that it can establish a group personhood and establish a personal claim to property. this in turn should take precedence over the fungible claims of landowners, and the community entitlement to land should be protected. the consequence will be that the use rights of the community are protected against inconsistent uses by the landowner, the community will have some rights of management and control over the land, and in some cases may even result in the transfer of title to the resource (provided there is an appropriate legal mechanism that allows communities to hold the legal title to property, which at present is difficult to achieve). in practice, the personhood perspective rarely holds true for community property claims, and even in the limited instances where it does, the community entitlement is so heavily qualified that it does little to protect the personal-property claim of the community. the reality is that personal property claims established by communities often yield to the fungible claims of private landowners, and the few mechanisms that are present in english law to protect personal claims made by communities actually perpetuate this state of affairs. the scheme of listing assets of community value provides virtually no protection at all for the community entitlement, and the town or village green regime has become so diluted through economic policy that registering land as a tvg is now almost impossible where the land has any commercial value that could be realised. the reason why the personhood perspective fails to justify community claims to land is not surprising. the classical view of property has become the dominant property narrative, and this narrative focuses on the self-interested individual who seeks to maximise their own wealth and exclude others from scarce resources. this narrative does not account for those who use land whilst sharing it with others, or those individuals who form a group of users that aim to enhance the collective well-being. communal property has been marginalised, and communal property arrangements are seldom understood. as long as the property signals of a community are not understood by the audience in the context that they are made, personal-property claims established by communities will never be given the same status as those established by private individuals. furthermore, until there is a better understanding of communal property arrangements by both the policymakers who plot the interests on the community property claims in the personhood perspective: part 2 116 personal/fungible dichotomous continuum, and the audience who receive the property signals generated by the claim, the common-property arrangements that do exist will continue to be ineffective. for example, the scheme of commons registration in england could be much more effective in protecting the rights of the commoners. yet, until there is a better understanding about the differences between limited access and open access commons, and the tension that occurs between the two, the commons registration scheme will never reach its full potential. some attempt has been made to address the imbalance between private and communal property entitlements, such as the assets of community value listing scheme and the big society project. however, these attempts have achieved very little, and have been hindered by the overarching aim of the collation and subsequent governments to revive the economy. only policies that furthered the economic aim have been seriously pursued, some of which detrimentally affect community claims over land. the standout example of this is the growth and infrastructure act 2013, enacted with the aim of promoting development and realising the economic value of land, even if that land could be subject to a personal-property claim of a community (such as tvg status). the instrumental value of resources and the fungible property claim has taken priority, and until the political climate changes, it is difficult to see how the dominant property narrative will either. therefore, until communal property claims are placed on a level footing with private property claims it seems unlikely that communal property entitlements will be justifiable, properly recognised or accommodated in english law. equality between the two claims will entail the changing of the dominant property narrative, and until the political climate is such that will enable this to happen, it seems unlikely to be achieved. the blackstonian classical view of property has held fast for hundreds of years, and unless there is some radical change in view, it seems that communal property arrangements will remain only de facto arrangements, searching for some validity and recognition in a world of private property claims. 4 denning law journal 2016 vol 28 special issue pp 4-6 university of buckingham centre for extractive energy studies (ubcees) the university of buckingham centre for extractive energy studies (ubcees) offers a uniquely holistic approach to the study of extractive energy. this ranges from issues of good governance and accountability, combating corruption and asset recovery, on to the legal, fiscal and competition issues relating to the actual process of the extraction and carriage of energy resources and its environmental and social impact. it also explores contemporary issues relating to the exploitation and extraction of offshore energy from the sea, fracking, community and labour rights in the global extractive energy sector, including indigenous community participation in the decision-making process of the ownership and the sustainable management of energy resources. the centre is led by professor john hatchard and dr. hephzibah egede (co-directors) in collaboration with mr. jae sundaram who leads the centre’s maritime unit. the centre was launched on october 16 2013 and is guided by an advisory board which consists of leading academics and practitioners in the extractive energy sector. the board provides expert guidance in the development and implementation of the programmes and activities of the centre. advisory board membership current members of the ubcees advisory board are: i. mr. marc hammerson, chair, ubcees advisory board, partner, akin gump strauss hauer & feld llp. ii. prof. rg lee, head, birmingham law school, university of birmingham. iii. prof. william nuttall, professor of energy, open university; fellow, hughes hall, university of cambridge. iv. prof. peter slinn, notre dame university, joint general editor, law reports of the commonwealth. v. mr. david salter, senior associate fellow, school of law, university of warwick. vi. mr. james maton, partner, cooley llp. ucbees 5 vii. mr. abimbola ogunbanjo, partner, chris ogunbanjo & co, first vice president, nigerian stock exchange. ubcees conferences since its inception in 2013, the centre has hosted a series of energy conferences which cover a wide range of topical issues concerning the global extractive energy sector. i. “current legal and policy issues in the global energy sector” (october 2013). ii. “governance and social issues in the extractive energy sector” (may 2014). iii. “current legal and policy issues in the african energy market” (october 2014) iv. “marine life, oil spills, shipping and piracy: contemporary maritime challenges in offshore energy exploitation” (october 2015) v. “oil and gas decommissioning” (may 2016). this conference was facilitated and supported by akin gump strauss hauer & feld llp and globe law publishers. forthcoming conference the centre in collaboration with the open university will host a conference on “nuclear energy law, policy and regulation” in the first quarter of 2017. ubcees energy club the centre has also established a student energy club to encourage the discussion of and publication about contemporary energy issues. it provides the student community (undergraduate and postgraduate) with learning and networking opportunities preparatory to prospective careers in the energy sector. the president of the student energy club, ms. grace abakweatsegwasi, a current doctoral student, was also given an opportunity to share highlights of her current doctoral thesis on offshore health, safety and environmental regulation in nigeria at the recently concluded ubcees conference on contemporary maritime challenges in offshore energy exploitation. ucbees 6 ubcees masterclasses one of the centre’s objectives is to further enhance and develop the teaching and research of extractive energy specialisms such as oil and gas law at the buckingham law school. in furtherance of this objective, the ubcees held its first oil and gas masterclass for those students taking the oil and gas law course at the llm level. the masterclass, which held on march 2nd 2016, was hosted at akin gump strauss hauer & feld llp (a leading law firm consistently recognized for its practice in energy law). the masterclass was facilitated by three energy lawyers at akin gump and covered key areas in oil and gas such as host state contracts, licensing and energy disputes. the centre plans to hold further practitioner led master classes to enhance student learning at the buckingham law school. ubcees contact details prof john hatchard: john.hatchard@buckingham.ac.uk dr. hephzibah egede: hephzibah.egede@buckingham.ac.uk some remarks on the persistent objector rule in customary international law olufemi elias* since the publication of the first edition of brownlie's principles of public international law in 1966, the term "persistent objector" has become a term of art in international law. 1 subsequent discussion2 of the subject (in which there has been considerable interest particularly in the last decade) reveals a polarity of opinion; the majority of writers (hereinafter "optimists") confirm the existence and vitality of the rule, while some writers (hereinafter "sceptics") would not. the sceptical views range from the general (for example, that there is little or no role for the persistent objector rule to play whether in theory or in practice)3 to more qualified pessimism (for example, that there is a role for the rule in theory which has not been played in practice).4 the purpose of this article is not to deal comprehensively with all aspects of the persistent objector rule.s it is, rather, to suggest that even if this scepticism is ultimately justified, many of the arguments upon which it is based do not provide compelling reasons for the rejection of the principle in contemporary international law-making. this will be done by examining three issues: the actual formulation of the persistent objector rule itself, * lecturer in law, university of buckingham. the author wishes to thank professor m. h. mendelson and dr a. v. lowe for their patient discussion of an earlier draft of this paper. i. brownlie, pn'nciples of public international law 1st ed. (1966), p. 8; 2nd ed. (1973), p. 10; 3rd ed. (1979), pp. 10-11; 4th ed. (1990), p. 10. 2. the authorities sometimes deal with the subject without direct reference to the "persistent objector"; the following list is not, therefore, exhaustive: kelsentucker, general pn'nciples of international law 2nd ed. (1966), pp. 446-48; d'amato, the concept of custom in international law (1971), pp. 187-199, "on consensus", 8 canadian y.i.l. (1970), pp. 104, 108, andlnternationallaw: process and prospect (1987), generally chs. 1,5 and 6; thirlway, international customary law and codification (1972), p. 110; akehurst, "custom as a source of international law", 47 (1974-5) b. y.i.l., pp. 23-27; bos, a methodology of international law (1983), pp. 247-255; charney, "the persistent objector rule and the development of customary international law", 56 (1985) b. y.i.l., pp. 1-24; stein, "the approach of the different drummer: the principle of the persistent objector in international law", 26 (1985) harvard 1.l.jo., pp. 457-82; colson, "how persistent must the persistent objector be?", 61 (1986) washington l.r., pp. 957-970; koskenniemi, from apology to utopia (1989), pp. 393-95. 3. charney, supra n. 2. 4. stein, supra n. 2. 5. the authorities cited in n. 2 supra, especially stein and charney, provide more general and detailed treatment of the issues involved. 37 the denning law journal the state practice relied upon by the sceptics, and the theoretical basis of the sceptical position. trite (though perhaps somewhat artificial) as it may seem, it is important at the outset to restate the distinction between the "persistent" and the "subsequent" objector.6 we are concerned here only with the former, that is, the state that objects to a rule of customary international law at the time of the formation of the rule, as opposed to a state that objects later on. none of the authoritative texts would permit a state to opt out of an existing rule of customary international law, and not many would subscribe to the view that new states can choose to exempt themselves from the application' of an existing rule.7 and practically speaking, a state that objects after a rule has come into existence is necessarily attempting to change the rule, and for it to show that it is not bound by that rule may prove to be a difficult task; as bos puts it, " ... the objector-state may have to accept the consequences of what might be considered to be a change of heart ... ".8 there may well be cases in which the distinction between persistent objection and subsequent objection is difficult to draw,9 but in principle the distinction is not problematic. the definition of the persistent objector rule a striking feature of discussions about the existence and vitality of the persistent objector rule is the lack of a common statement of the rule itself. brownlie is concerned with "the rule that a state may contract out of a custom in the process of formation."lo similarly, akehurst states that "the question therefore is whether a state can prevent a rule of customary law becoming binding on it in the first place."l! according to these jurists, the question is whether it is permissible in international law for a state to avoid the opposability of a particular rule to that state, and the answer is in the affirmative, subject to the rebuttal of a probable presumption of acceptance. 6. brownlie, supra n. i, 4th ed., pp. 1o-1l. 7. the position is encapsulated in the draft of the restatement of the foreign relations law of the united states (revised) in comment (d) on section 102: "dissenting views and new scares ... a dissenting state which indicates its dissent from a practice while the law is still in the process of development is not bound by that rule of law even after it matures ... a state that enters the international system after a practice has ripened into a rule of international law is bound by it." 8. bos, supra n. 2. 9. e.g., while the literature shows that many supporters of the rule are quick to cite the anglonorwegian fisheries case (1951) i.e.]. reports 116, the discussion by brownlie (supra n. 5) shows that the international court treated the maner as one of subsequent objection on norway's part plus acquiescence on the part of other states. 10. supra n. 6. 11. supra n. 2, p. 24. 38 persistent objector rule in customary international law one may compare these formulations with those of another kind. for instance, bos asks the question whether a state "can" be bound by a rule in spite of the fact that it fails to have the relevant opinio juris or that it displays a different opinio juris in relation to that rule. 12 kelsen states that "it is possible to assume that a state is bound by international law only if it recognises this law as binding upon it ... but there is hardly a writer ready to accept all the consequences of such an assumption."13 according to this category of formulation, the question is whether a state can be bound in respect of a rule to which it has always objected. interestingly, the answer is also in the affirmative. kelsen does not examine the scope of his answer, while bos does, but they both give the same answers. we may now compare and contrast the two categories of formulation. the first category seeks to find out whether a state can avoid being bound by a rule to which it has persistently objected, and the answer is affirmative. the second category seeks to find out whether a state can be bound by a rule in spite of its persistent objection, and again the answer is affirmative. a semantic problem becomes apparent. the first category says a state can avoid the obligation while the second says it can be bound. the problem is that these two categories are hardly mutually exclusive. there is a gap left uncovered by these formulations. dealing with one category exclusively does not tell the whole story. at this purely semantic level, it is at least perfectly possible that there is no necessary disagreement as to the existence of the persistent objector rule at all. perhaps it is not a coincidence that the first category is that of optimists (brownlie and akehurst), while the second is that of sceptics (bos and kelsen). it appears (to borrow stein's metaphor) that they are each dancing to the rhythm of a drummer which cannot be heard by the other. if the disagreement is to be substantiated, the truth conditions of the one category must be compared with those of the other only then will the real bone of contention be revealed, and then dealt with. the problem can be illustrated by a scrutiny ofbos' thesis.14 he argues that the psychological element required for the formation of a rule of general customary international law is opinio and not voluntas, and that since the latter, being the will of the actor, cannot be generalised to the point where it becomes the referent for determining what counts as law, then "there is no room for voluntarism." is this is, however, at least controversial; so, unlike unger,16 bos qualifies this by looking 12. supra, n. 8. 13. supra, n. 2. charney's interpretation that kelsen argues that "international law is binding even on the dissenting state" is not supported by this text (see charney, supra n. 2, at p. 3, n. 9). 14. supra, n. 2. 15. ibid., p. 221. 16. r. fidelio unger, volkergewohnheir srrechr-objekrives rechr odes geflecr bilarerales beziehungen? (1978), pp. 10,53-55,68-70,74-76, 149. 39 the denning law journal at "values". if the "weight" of the value sought to be protected by a rule is "overpowering", the persistent objector "should not be excluded from the applicability of the rule which, to all intents and purposes, may be considered to be ius cogens." 17 this view shifts from description to prescription and back again, without any warning. in any case, other difficulties are raised. there is still much to be discovered about ius cogens.18 how is a norm of ius cogens created? what is meant by the "international community as a whole" in article 53 of the vienna convention on the law of treaties? it appears that the category of ius cogens is still largely an empty box, subject to a few possible exceptions. and while we seek to establish whether, and if so when, a state can benefit from persistent objector status in relation to rules of custom, with considerable difficulty, this thesis takes us into the even more shaky area of ius cogens. it holds some water only ifit can be shown that rules of ius cogens come into force through the same process that creates customary international law, but there are not many bigger "ifs" than this where international law-making is concerned.19 the answer to the problem, in wittgenstein's words, is not to introduce more flies into an already congested bottle. more important for our definitional problem is the question whether, even if the persistent objector is bound by rules of ius cogens, it is bound by customary rules of the character of ius dispositivum? the answer bos gives is that " ... the judge, arbitrators, etc. actually may have a choice," depending on the weight of the values sought to be protected. a fortion' there is room for the persistent objector rule where the umpire decides that the values (a question-begging notion in itself) are not so important. bos does not tell us anything about cases like these. rather than proceeding to provide authority for the proposition that there can be no persistent objector rule where important issues are concerned, bos examines the evidence in a different way.20 for example, in relation to the 1982 united nations law of the sea convention, he asks, in the light of the united states' obstruction, whether or not the consensus reached over the years "is not automatically destined to mature into general customary international law on a number of important points." this raises a definitional problem of a different kind. clearly the persistent objector rule does not operate to prevent a rule from coming into existence for those other states. in fact, that it comes into being is a condition precedent for the persistent objector rule to apply. it is difficult to see why the question is asked at all. 17. bos, supra n. 2, p. 250. 18. see, e.g., akehurst, 47 (l974-5),b. y./.l., p. 273; cassese and weiler (eds.), change andslabiliry in /mernalionailaw-making (1985), pp. 92-101. the literature on the subject is extensive; see n. 6, supra, at p. 512, n. 25. 19. charney, supra n. 2, appears to treat the creation of rules of ius cogens as being the same as that of custom. but this is problematic see the authorities cited in n. 18 for a discussion of the difficulties. 20. supra n. 2, pp. 250-55. 40 persistent objector rule in customary international law as to whether such law "should be" (as distinct from "is") considered binding on the united states even if it persistently objected to it in some of its aspects, our definitional problem re-emerges. the argument put forward is that the anglonorwegian fishers case21 does not say that the persistent objector can never be bound, and that in any case, the alleged lo-mile rule, had it existed, would have been a rule of ius dispositivum. as far as the north sea continental shelfcases22 are concerned, bos argues that the court did not treat acceptance of a rule as a conditio sine qua non for the coming into being of a rule of general international law .23to the first argument (that the authorities do not deal with ius cogens) one can reply that the question relates not to ius cogens primarily but to ius dispositivum. to the second argument, one may reply that, while the court did not require unanimous acceptance, it did not say that acceptance was not important. so bos has argued (but it is respectfully submitted, not proved) that a persistent objector will be bound if the rule in question seeks to protect an important value. but what those who support the persistent objector rule argue is precisely the point left untouched by bos, namely the case where the norm is not ius cogens. is there really any necessary disagreement here?24 if we consider the claims of some of the optimists, who ask whether a state "may" or "can" contract out of a customary rule,25 we will see the same kind of definitional difficulty. brownlie seems to treat it as a simple question of proof "evidence of objection must be clear", clear enough to rebut a probable presumption of acceptance. 26there is still, however, the question of what happens even after these conditions are satisfied. in other words, does the objector-state then become exempt from the obligation imposed by the rule once the presumption of acceptance is rebutted? might it not be the case that there are circumstances in which clear non-acceptance is of itself insufficient to exempt the non-accepting state from the application of the rule in question? this is the kind of point which bos seeks to make perhaps there are some values, waiting to be discovered (at worst) or articulated (at best) which might have so much "weight" that individual dissent is insufficient to prevent the operation of the rule erga omnes. one can see the difficulty in another way both optimists and sceptics can and do rely on the same authorities. the relevant rule had not come into being in the a nglo-n orwegian fisheries case, and so it is no authority for the persistent objector rule, a sceptic would say, but the court said that even if it had, norway had persistently objected and was therefore not bound, the optimist would argue. we 21. (1951) i.e.]. reports, pp. 116,131. 22. (1969) i.e.]. reports, p. 3. 23. clearly this is irrelevant as far as the persistent objector is concerned. the question is not about a rule of general international law coming into being; it is whether, after it has come into being, it binds the persistent objector. 24. see, e.g., thirlway, supra, n. 2., and akehurst, supra, n. 18. 25. supra, n.6 and n.li. 26. ibid .. 41 the denning law journal can reverse the roles for the north sea continental shell cases. the "equidistancespecial circumstances" rule had not come into existence, say the optimists, so anything the court said was obiter; but the sceptics would argue, in wei!'s words that " ... however, the implication was that the equidistance rule could otherwise have been imposed upon the federal republic even though it had expressly opposed that rule, and even though it was that very opposition which had lain behind its refusal to ratify the convention."27 the point being made is thus not one that relates to the merits of the different sides of the discussion; rather it is simply that the questions are formulated in a manner that leaves important questions unanswered.28 to put it differently, it is one thing to say that it is permissible for x to do y; it is quite another to say that it is always permissible for her so to do. a formulation that might cover all possibilities and therefore seek to provide a circumspect answer would look something like this: "a state that has persistently objected to a rule can never be bound by that rule", for the optimists, or "a state is always bound by a rule of general international law irrespective of its persistent objection", for the sceptics. it is to formulations similar to these that we must now turn, because they attempt to paint the parts of the picture which are not dealt with by discussions tainted by the definitional "sting". 29 the rule in operation: the "missing referent" revisited charney and stein have provided what may now be regarded as a standard repertoire of test-cases on the operation of the persistent objector rule in practice. it is certainly true that academic support for the rule consists largely of restatements of the rule "with little explanation and few supporting authorities", 30 and after an examination of possible authorities charney concludes that "support 27. weil, "towards relative normativity in international law", 77 a.].il (1983), pp. 413,437 para. 4. 28. it appears that this may sometimes be deliberate. brownlie's shon passage clearly invites funher juristic elucidation. one only needs to compare the text(s) on the persistent objector (cited in n. i, supra), which has remained the same, with the footnotes to these texts, which have changed considerably. 29. charney does not expressly formulate the principle one way or another. he refers expressly to the formulations by akehurst, brownlie and in the restatement as examples of authoritative formulations of the rule; he thereby avoids the battle lines already drawn. by taking the standpoint of the optimist when he is a sceptic, he deals with the principle in a generally circumspect way. his aim is to examine the "real contribution" of the persistent objector rule "to the development of customary international law." herein lies the strength of his thesis: see supra n. 3, p. 5. the formulation in the restatement, essentially adopted by stein ("a state that has persistently objected to a rule .. .is not bound by that rule: supra n. 2, p. 457; is also an improvement, but it does leave a margin untouched that between "not" and "never": see n. 6, supra. 30. charney, supra n. 2. 42 persistent objector rule in customary international law for the rule in state practice and judicial decision is limited."31 the law of the sea is the most fertile area, particularly where the old problem of the limits of territorial sea jurisdiction of coastal states is examined.32 the great maritime powers favoured an extensive high seas area and therefore a limited coastal state jurisdiction. in the case of japan, this caused problems in relation to other pacific states when the latter claimed twelve-mile exclusive fishery zones especially in the 1960s onwards. the matter was initially resolved by diplomatic efforts which resulted in agreements which were "intentionally ambiguous"33 on the question of the legality of such jurisdictional claims. eventually, however, japan accepted the new law of the sea, including both the fishery zones and the exclusive economic zones. but was japan ever bound by these rules without its consent? as charney admits,34 one cannot say, prior to japan's acceptance, that japan could only fish with the permission of the coastal states (in which case japan would be bound in spite of its dissent) because the agreements had another side; the coastal states had to get japan to relinquish its rights to pursue fishing in certain parts of the zones in question (in which case the states' views were only partially effective against japan). and after its acceptance, the question becomes superfluous, since japan had consented. the point is that while japan was a persistent objector, it was not bound; it only became bound when it ceased to object. but perhaps a more important point is that this is not an example of the persistent objector principle in issue at all. as with the united states35and the united kingdom,36had japan not consented to a rule which was still in the process of formation? one may even go so far as to ask whether the acquiescence of these states had not actually finally helped the twelve-mile rule to settle.37in any case, churchill and lowe say that "it seems unlikely that there is any state in the position of a persistent objector in this matter",38 and it is difficult to state categorically when the rule became settled. the point is the familiar one that law-fmding is a difficult task in the system of custom. one only needs to look at the methodology of international tribunals in some of the maritime delimitation cases 31. charney, supra n. 2, p. 5. see also, n. 21 and n. 22 supra. see further, charney's analysis of the fisheriesjurisdiction case (1974) i.c.j. reports, pp. 10-12,29-30,120, 148-9. as with the other cases he discusses, the judicial authorities, at best, fall foul of our definitional "sting"; they are inconclusive: see n. 30, supra, pp. 9-11. 32. ibid., pp. 11-14, and footnotes thereto. 33. ibid .. 34. ibid .. 35. see the statement of the president on the exclusive economic zone of 10 march 1983, in the weekly compilation of presidential documents, vol. 19, no. 10, p. 383 (14 march 1983). 36. see the territorial sea act 1987. 37. see the historical accounts of the development ofthe law in this area in brownlie, supra n. 6, pp. 187-189, and in churchill and lowe, the law of the sea 2nd ed. (1988), pp. 65-68. see also the judgment of the international court of justice in the fisheries jurisdiction case (1974) i.e.]. reports. the court avoided a ruling on the legality of iceland's claim to a 50-mile exclusive fishery zone. 38. ibid., p. 67. 43 the denning law journal they have decided39to confirm this point. in relation to the united states position on migratory tuna fish, the position is not very different from japan's in relation to the territorial sea prior to its acceptance. charney40 overlooks the imposition of economic embargoes by the united states in retaliation for the enforcement action taken by coastal states,41 and since then, the signature in april 1987 of a fisheries treaty by the united states and twelve pacific island states,42which would permit american vessels to fish for tuna in parts of the south pacific seas, covering ten million square miles. has the united states' interest then not triumphed? again, this hardly forces us to reject the persistent objector principle. either one says that the international law is not completely settled43(in which case we cannot speak of the persistent objector), or one says that it is settled and that the united states dissent, while not having universal application, has paid off in an important way. to put the same point differently, several authoritative texts see custom primarily as a system of bilateral obligations linking two or more states.44parry acknowledges" ... some difficulty about pointing out an unmistakable example of the emergence of a new customary law'of general validity. "45on this widely-held view, rules of custom are not monolithic hence the importance of individualistic notions such as regional/local customs and, of course, the persistent objector rule. this fundamental notion of opposability must be explained away, and it is submitted that the present example does not do this. as far as the deep sea bed is concerned, the law is, for the sceptic, at best unsettled, or at worst settled in favour of the reciprocating states. it has been suggested that any mining that occurs is likely to occur "under either the preparatory investment provisions of the convention or under the reciprocating states regime."46brownlie states that the "dissident states" might be said to have the status of persistent objectors.47 churchill and lowe express the conundrum nicely: "asked if the unilateral legislation is consistent with the various declarations on the deep sea bed, the [international] court [of justice] would probably have to say, no. but asked if those declarations bound in law, the reciprocating states not to enact and operate with legislation, the court 39. see, e.g., jennings, xxxviii a nnuaire suisse de droir inrernarionale (1981), pp. 59, 65-71. see also cassese and weiler, supra n. 18, especially pp. 66-91, and ch. 1. 40. supra, n. 2. 41. see churchill and lowe, supra n. 37, pp. 237-238. 42. ibid .. 43. as charney would: supra n. 2, p. 13. 44. see, e.g., brownlie, supra n. 6; wollke, cusrom in presenr inrernarional law, pp. 11-19; and oddly enough, kelsen, supra n. 2., pp. 451 er seq.. 45. parry, the sources and evidences of inrernarional law, pp. 61-62. 46. supra n. 37, p. 202. 47. supra n. 6, p. 256. 44 persistent objector rule in customary international law would probably have again to answer, no."48 again, persistent objection does seem to pay. with regard to compensation for expropriation, charney states that the persistent objector rule does not appear to have protected the western developed states, who still cling to the 'hull' formula of 1938, from the development of less generous standards and their application against nationals of these states.49if one surveys the literature on the matter, one sees questions ranging from whether the rule ever existed, to whether, even if it did, it still does. schacter,50 for example, questions "whether it has ever been the customary law." rosseau also points out that the "prompt, adequate and effective" formula has not won general acceptance in practice or in decisions of tribunals.51 if these jurists are right, the persistent objector rule is inapplicable; the western states become subsequent objectors who wish to change the law but have not accumulated the quantum of opiniones individuales juris required to change the existing law, whatever that is. mendelson,52 de visscher,53 lauterpacht,54 and robinson55 maintain that the 'hull' rule did exist, although they differ as to the effect that subsequent practice and resolutions may have had on the rule. if this view is right, then the question is whether the old opinio generalis juris has been undermined. if the answer is no (as mendelson and robinson would maintain), then the law is still in favour of those who support the rule and to apply the status of 'objector' to such states would be absurd. if the answer is yes (as lillich,56 de visscher and lauterpacht would argue) then we must ask what it is that has replaced the 'hull' formula. cassese57provides a clear description of the state of the law, pointing out that as any legal regulation of conflicts in expropriation law is at bottom governed by political and economic considerations, one can hardly speak of general customary international law on the matter. this relatively pessimistic view is certainly correct at the auto-interpretative level,58and since we do not have general but special customs, the persistent objector principle is inapplicable. but even at the purer arbitrable/judicial levels, schacter has stated that at least the cases reveal that the 48. supra n. 37, pp. 201-202. 49. supra n. 2, p. 14. 50. schacter, "compensation for expropriation", 78 a.y.il (1984), pp. 121, 122. 51. rosseau, vol. v, droit international public, pp. 248-50. 52. mendelson, "compensation for expropriation; the case law", 79 a.y.i.l. (1985), pp. 414-20. 53. de visscher, theory and reality in international law (1968), p. 203. 54. oppenheim, international law 8th ed. (1955). 55. robinson, "expropriation in the restatement", 78 a.y.i.l. (1984), p. 176. 56. lillich, "the valuation of nationalised property in international law: toward a consensus or more 'rich chaos'?", in the valuation of nationalised property in international law (ed. lillich) vol. 3 (1975), pp. 345-47. 57. cassese, international law in a divided world (1986), pp. 345-47. 58. to borrow the terms used by cheng, e.g., in "custom: the future of state practice in a divided world", in mcdonald and johnston, the structure and processes of international law (1983), pp. 522-526. 45 the denning law journal property owner is quite likely to get a fair market value and a satisfactory award even though the magic words of the "hull" formula are not invoked. tribunals, then, strike compromises.59 brownlie60and jimenez de arechaga,61stressing that "appropriate" compensation is now the norm, have argued that if the term "appropriate" is to have any objective meaning, then failure by the local courts of the host state to provide 'compensation' in an objective sense would be unlawful; reference to domestic law in article 2 (2)(c) of the charter of economic rights and duties ofstates62 is not a reference to domestic law willy-nilly. "appropriate" compensation, according to the eminent tribunal in the aminoil arbitration, is best carried out "by means of an enquiry into all the circumstances relevant to the particular concrete case, than through abstract theoretical discussion."63 it is therefore misleading to treat the matter as if the western states' view has been overridden by the view of everybody else, when the reality is that the latter class does not exist. each part of the world community has a view which does not override that of the others. and clearly, to say that each part is a persistent objector is unhelpful. the 'hull' formula is therefore not a good illustration of the failure of the persistent objector rule, for the simple reason that the rule is inapplicable to the instance. stein64regards the law on sovereign immunity as another example of the rule's lack of vitality. but it is chamey65who shows that it is not an informative example. pointing out that the eastern states have been effective in preventing the development of a universal rule of law, because of the "leverage" they have in the matter, he shows that, there being no general rule, the persistent objector principle is inapplicable. this again underscores the importance of the notion of opposability in customary international law.66 once it is accepted (and it is accepted) that the label 'persistent objector' can apply to one state as well as to a group of states, scepticism faces a serious problem.67 on the other hand, however, what must be the sceptic's trump card must be the apartheid example. south africa has not been considered to be free from the rule prohibiting institutionalised racial discrimination in spite of its disguised 59. schacter, "compensation cases: leading and misleading", 58 a.j.i.l. (1985), pp. 420, 421. 60. ibid., pp. 524-543, and vol. iv, 162 hague recuei[ (1978), pp. 255-71. 61. jimenez de arechaga, 11new york universityjo. of int. law and politics (1978), pp. 179-95; vol. i, 159 hague recuei[ (1978), pp. 297-310. 62. resolution 3281 (xxix), 14i.l.m. (1975), p. 251; see also brownlie,supran. 6,p. 541 for a list of commentaries in n. 9. 63. arbitration between kuwait and the american independent oil co, 21 i.l.m. (1982), p. 976. 64. stein, supra n. 2, pp. 460-461. 65. supra n. 2, at p. 23, n. 94. 66. see supra, no. 44-45 and accompanying text. 67. see koskenniemi, supra n. 2. 46 persistent objector rule in customary international law persistent objection.68in the light of the view of the international community "as a whole"69and of the international court,70this is a case where persistent objection is ineffective on a point of settled law. to conclude, the examination of some of the standard examples of the ineffectiveness of the persistent objector rule does not compel us to reject that rule or to be generally sceptical about it. in fact, some of the scepticism on these examples seems to come perilously close to a confusion of two separate issues; the existence of a rule oflaw on the one hand, and the enforcement or enforceability of the law on the other. 71if the principle is to be rejected we must find other reasons for rejecting it. at this point, the most that can be said for scepticism appears to be that stein's reservation of his position on the existence of the persistent objector is preferable. 72 the rule in theory: custom and consent if rules of customary international law are based on consent, the category of persistent objector is otiose since dissenting states will not be bound whether or not objection is persistent. if rules of custom are not based on consent, then a state will be bound by a rule whether or not it persistently objects. whatever the basis of obligation is in international law (for charney it is the "societal context"), it is what will determine whether or not a state will be bound. this is charney's formulation of the position.73 thus framed, the proposition strikes at the core of the arguments in support of the persistent objector principle. brownlie, like all supporters of the principle, certainly treats the consensual nature of custom as its ultimate foundation.74 are these authorities then mistaken? charney provides a survey of the literature from kelsen and brierly, through fitzmaurice and d' amato to alexidze, and concludes that consent is not the basis of obligation in international law, with all possible consequences for the persistent objector. however, a problem arises 68. counsel for south africa before the i.c.]. in the namibia case (see n. 70, infra) argued that south africa had never violated the principle of racial equality, but that it only promotes and effects separate development for different communities, so that south africa is not a persistent objector at all. but acceptance of a rule is only half the story; interpretation of any rule is inextricably linked to its acceptance. 69. see brownlie, supra n. 6, pp. 596-597. the general assembly each year passes several resolutions condemning apartheid with overwhelming majorities. 70. legal consequences for states of the continued presence of south africa in namibia (south-west afn'ca) (1971) i.c.]. reports 12,57. 71. this seems true in relation to charney's (and stein's) claims regarding the territorial sea issue, and also the latter's discussion of the sovereign immunity example. the latter also raises a separate point of classification can a state be a persistent objector when it does not call itself a persistent objector? koskenniemi has also underscored this problem. it is submitted that this should not be a separate problem; all that should matter is the evidence of dissent, on which, see colson, supra n. 2. 72. stein, supra n. 2, p. 459, n. 6. 73.0p. cit., at p. 18and see generally pp. 16-21. for a survey of the theories on the basis of obligation, see schacter, "towards a theory of international obligation" (1968) virginiajo. of int. law, p. 300. 74. supra, n. i,.p. 10. cf. the text in the 4th ed., supra n. 6. 47 the denning law journal because we need to establish the precise meaning of this near universal rejection of consent. the matter is framed in absolute terms; either consent is the basis of obligation or it is not. can the matter be phrased so categorically? it appears that not even kelsen, the arch anti-con sensualist, would do this. he states that one can start from the consensualist position, but that "there is hardly a writer ready to accept all the consequences of such an assumption. "75the truth is that rejection of consent cannot be equated with an absolute elimination of voluntarism; neither does it involve an absolute attribution of universal status to majority rule. charney attacks the rejection of "a system of majority voting", but this cannot be taken too far. much has been written on the present "crisis" in which international law-making finds itself.76the emergence of "soft law"77techniques in recent years is a reflection of these developments. today, the emphasis is on consensus. the lack of socio-political homogeneity in the international system necessitates the compromise that is "soft" law, even though it may mean that the rules will at best be binding in a weak sense. the point is that decisions adopted by a majority in the face of vigorous dissent will hardly produce rules oflaw that bind everybody.78 there is no better evidence of the fact that majority rule is not the norm than the recourse had to the international conference and consensus texts (in spite of the fact that there is a clear majority in, say, the united nations), in important and diverse fields like human rights, outer space and the environment. as stein puts it, "a vote, an explanation of position, a refusal to ratify these are the steps available today that were not available to the states of the classical era. "79 so there is now greater facility for the articulation of the voluntaristic traits in the system of custom than there used to be. 75. supra n. 2, p. 448. 76. see cassese and weiler, supra n. 26; chinkin, "the challenge of soft law: development and change in international law", 38 i.c.l.q. (1989), p. 850 see bibliography at n. i thereto. see also stein, supra n. 2. 77. this term has been used to cover two separate phenomena the content of the actual norm itself, on the one hand, and the instrument in which a norm is laid down on the other. in relation to the former, a 'soft' norm is one laid down in legally binding form, such as a treaty, but which is so vague that it amounts to little more than a statement of intent. the problem is that it is difficult to determine with precision what the substance of the legal commitment acrually is: see e.g., part iv of the gatt, or articles 204(1) or 217(2) of the 1982 u.n. law ofthe sea treaty. in relation to the laner (i.e., the instrument in which the norm is laid down), the concern is with instruments such as the helsinki final act and some u.n. general assembly resolutions, which contain provisions that are clear and familiar, or which are likely to 'harden' (hence the reservations entered into such provisions in the 1974 charrer of economic righrs and duries of srares, supra n. 62). the problem here is that these lack the status of full lex lara, as they have not been enacted in ways which satisfy the positivistic pedigree tests oflegal validity treaty srricro sensu and custom (in the sense of established practice). both meanings of the term 'soft law' described are the result ofpoliticavdiplomatic compromise, which, far from being ideal from the point of view of legal certainty, is a necessary evil. 78. witness the fate of part xi of the 1982 law of the sea convention: see supra no. 46-48, and accompanying texts. 79. stein, supra n. 2, p. 467. 48 persistent objector rule in customary international law koskenniemi has also argued80 that while charney may have discredited voluntarism, he has not replaced it with any explanation of why states are bound by the law. there appears to be much truth in this charge when one analyses charney's substitute, what he calls "societal context". simply, we have to be sure that all "contexts" must necessarily exclude voluntarism; otherwise we are simply restating the reality of consent. in other words, societal context is necessarily made up of the sum of the consent of any number of actors on the international scene weighed against the sum of the dissent of other actors. whenever we speak of "societal context" we are often speaking of consent under a different name. the truth is that when the sum of consent is greater than the sum of the dissent, there are a number of possibilities. the dissent might simply be overwhelmed, in which case persistent objection is ineffective in law.81 or the dissent may be weaker in a numerical (quantitative) sense, but not in the sense of a qualitative inferiority, (in terms of the influence and interests of the dissenting state(s)).82 this can lead to one oftwo things. the world community may be forced to come down to the level of the state(s) in the minority,83 or alternatively, there may be a compromise given the irreconcilability of such differences, with different states having different interests and compromise becoming the best way out of an auto-interpretative stalemate (even if it is not a good way out).84 viewed in this light, it is perfectly possible to strike a middle course between voluntarism and majoritarianism. it appears that all that is meant by rejection of consent is simply a rejection of crude solipsism. what role is then played by the rule? stein would argue that, because the law-making process is becoming quasi-institutionalised (in a sense), objection will become much more direct and frequent.85 but this does not necessarily answer the charge that the traditional role of the persistent objector (as criticised by charney) is one that is played after the relevant rule is settled. in other words, if international law-making becomes "instant" and "prospective",86 any rule, when it "emerges", will already reflect the "societal context", with the result that objection to such a rule becomes otiose. it would then appear that, as charney said, the real function of the rule is "to force an accommodation of interests in the international community with respect to the evolution of new rules of law."8? objection will then not be 'persistent', because it is confined to the formative stages of the customary rule in question. however, this view fails to account for some features of the law-making process. 80. supra n. 2, p. 393 (and footnote thereto). 81. the apartheid situation would fall into this category. 82. charney seems to concede this: supra n. 2, n. 94. 83. perhaps the examples of the deep sea bed and sovereign immunity could fall into this category. 84. this may explain the fate of the hull formula (see, supra, nn. 49-63, and accompanying text). 85. supra n. 2, pp. 463-475. 86. ibid .. 87. supra n. 2, at p. 23. 49 the denning law journal as mentioned above, the international system still displays voluntaristic traits. firstly, the threshold oflegal normativity is becoming increasingly blurred.88 this means (a) it is difficult to distinguish between lex lata and lex ferenda, and this in tum means that (b) it must be difficult to distinguish between persistent and subsequent objection, because the latter distinction (b) relies upon the former (a).89the problem posed by (a) must be explained away if we are to agree with charney's analysis of the role played by the persistent objector rule. secondly, as stated above, emphasis on general/settled law can be misleading as to the real nature of law in the international system. this feature, which has been described as "fragmentation",9° must also be explained away if we are to circumscribe the role of the persistent objector rule. in sum, if law in general (and international law in particular) is not simply a matter of monolithic "plain-fact" or "pedigree'',9! the restriction of the role played by the rule is not as compelling as it might seem. alternatively, even if one agrees that the rule is confined to the "pre-legal", the fact remains that the objection by states forges a compromise which is reflected in the rule when it "emerges". still, the function of voluntarism is served, albeit under a label which is not the traditional one of the persistent objector. so rather than reject voluntarism, the most a sceptic can say is that it exists for at least some purpose. what really needs to be addressed, then, is the precise role of consent. conclusion there are several important questions not dealt with in this paper. how real is the difference between persistent and subsequent objection?92what form must objection take before it can be called objection?93in stein's article, he points to a number of "vexed questions"94 which call for attention. all that this paper has 88. see weil, supra n. 27. 89. see, supra n. 9, and accompanying text. 90. by koskenniemi, supra n. 2. see, supra, n. 44 and accompanying text. 91. these terms are borrowed from the work of r. dworkin, in taking rights seriously (1977) and law's empire (1986). his theory is but one challenge to the monolithic "completeness" sought after by legal positivism in some of its manifestations. examples of other works that challenge positivism on this point, with special reference to international law, are mcdougal and reisman, international law essays (1981); falk, "the relevance of political context to the nature and functioning of international law", in the relevance of international law (1968), p. 33; gottlieb, "the nature of international law: towards a second concept of law", in vol. iv of the future of the international legal order (1974) (eds. black and falk), p. 331 and pp. 362-374; d'amato, supra n. 2; kennedy, international legal structures (1986); carty, the decay of international law (1986); and koskenniemi, supra n. 2. for a more direct use of dworkin's methodology, see f. teson, "international obligation and the theory of hypothetical consent", yale ].i.l. (1990), p. 84. 92. see n. 9, supra. 93. see colson, supra n. 2. 94. at p. 475. to this may be added the precise nature of the relationship between persistent objection and the requirement of generality of practice, a relationship described as "uneasy" by koskenniemi, supra n. 2, at p. 394. 50 persistent objector rule in customary international law sought to do is indicate some of the difficulties that exist in relation to the persistent objector rule as it has so far been discussed. the subject calls for an "internal" observational standpoint in order to analyse properly the reasons why the persistent objector is prevented from reaping any benefits from objection in some cases but not in others "external" generalisations are unlikely to be informative. good reasons must be given for preventing dissenters from obtaining benefits from their dissent, or to put it differently, for the characterisation of such states' actions as illegal. some of the works examined here do not provide such reasons. 51 viscount stair d. m. walker* in the gilbert scott building of this university of glasgow, at the foot of the grand staircase leading up to the university court room and the senate room, and outside what used to be the law classroom, there is a carved stone tablet on the wall commemorating viscount stair. on the fifth centenary gates one of the names recalling the third century of the university's history is stair. when in 1985 the school of law was about to move into the accommodation newly converted for it, the school unanimously resolved that the premises be named the stair building. why do we, and why should glasgow university, and particularly its lawyers and the lawyers of scotland, remember and honour stair? before trying directly to answer that question, i must try to sketch the background 1 and stair's career.2 james dalrymple was born in ayrshire in 1619, son of the laird of stair and his wife, who were strong presbyterians. he came up to the university of glasgow from mauchline grammar school in 1633 and went through the arts curriculum. he graduated master of arts in 1637and was listed first in his year.3 at this time charles i was attempting to anglicise the presbyterian church of scotland and to impose a service book on it. this gave rise to protests, to the famous riot in st. giles cathedral in edinburgh, at which one jenny geddes is said to have hurled her stool at the officiating clergyman, and to the signing by large numbers of people of the national covenant in 1638.young stair probably signed the covenant. the general assembly of the kirk which met in glasgow in 1638 condemned charles's ecclesiastical policy, the book of canons, the service book and other elements of the king's policy. a covenanting army was raised and marched to the border but charles, by the pacification of berwick, agreed to the scottish demands. in this force young stair commanded a company in the earl of glencaim's regiment of foot. the scottish army then occupied newcastle and * professor emeritus, university of glasgow. 1. see pryde, scozland from 1603 ro the present day, ch. i; donaldson, scolland: james v -james vii, part iii; davies, the early stuarts, 1603-1660; g. n. qark, the later stuarts, 1660-1714. 2. see mackay, memoir of sir james dalrymple, first viscount stair; walker, the scoltishjun"scs, ch. 8, and references therein. 3. munimenta almae universitatis glasguensis, iii, 22. 143 the denning law journal insisted on remaining on english soil until a settlement was reached. a treaty was agreed at ripon in august 1641. but in march 1641, young stair, aged 22, had been invited by some of his former teachers to become a candidate for a vacant post of regent or teacher in the university of glasgow and, still in uniform, competed for the post and was appointed. under the system of regenting, a regent took an intake of students through the whole curriculum and did not confine himself to teaching a specific subject. but stair's teaching seems to have been mainly philosophy, particularly logic, and there survives a volume of dissertations on philosophical subjects which students had, as a requirement for graduation, to prepare and defend publicly before the regents as their examiners, and which is dedicated to stair.4 while stair was engaged in regenting, he also studied latin and greek literature, classical history and antiquities, and the civil law of rome. he also married. in 1647he resigned, went to edinburgh and in 1648was called to the scottish bar. 5 it is noteworthy that stair had no formal legal education. though it had been taught earlier in each of them, law was not then taught in any of the four scottish universities, and only if he had gone to france or the netherlands could stair have had the benefit of academic legal education. he learned entirely, accordingly, by private study. there were available various editions of the texts of the civil law of rome and various books thereon, all published on the continent, but we do not know which he may have read. the materials on scots law were very scanty. there were in existence the collection of scottish legislation from 1424to 1566known as the black acts, skene's lawes and actes of 1597, covering the same period and continued to 1597, skene's edition of regiam maiestatem and the auld lawes of 1609 and little more. there were no printed reports of decisions. there were several collections of notes of decisions and legal points circulating in manuscript, notably those now known as balfour's practicks,6 haddington's practicks,7 and hope'spracticks.8 there were no textbooks on scots law at all. sir thomas craig's jus feudale was a text on the feudal law of western europe with reference to its application in scotland, but was not a comprehensive work; it dealt only with the land law; though written about 1600 it was not printed until 1655, though probably known in manuscript earlier. there were accordingly in existence some collections of materials on scots law but no book, and it is hard to say that there was a system of law. certainly it was unsystematised and there were gaps and areas of uncertainty. the need for a comprehensive text on scots law, systematically arranged, may have been apparent to stair even in 1648. during the years stair had been teaching in glasgow, the english civil war had been fought and by 1648the forces of the parliament had triumphed and charles i 4. theses logicae, metaphysicae, physicae, mathematicae et ethicae, g.v. library, sp. coil. 62.3. 5. sro, cs 115 f. 182v. 6. printed 1754 and reprinted by the stair society in 1962-63. 7. still unpublished. 8. edited by lord president clyde and published by the stair society in 1937-38. 144 viscount stair was a prisoner. in january 1649, charles i was tried by his english subjects and executed. in february, charles ii was proclaimed king of scots and the scottish estates appointed commissioners to proceed to the hague to negotiate with him; young stair went as secretary to the commissioners. immediately before he left he was named one of a large commission appointed by parliament to undertake the revision of the law with powers to consider the customs and practices both of the civil and criminal courts "in order that the commissioners might frame a formal model or frame of a book of just and equitable laws to be established and authorised by his majestie and the estates of parliament, and might abrogate any bygone acts of parliament which had fallen into desuetude or become superfluous or unprofitable."9 the analogy with justinian's appointment of commissioners to frame the digest and the institutions is clear. again this may have suggested to young stair the need for a book, if not of just and equitable laws, at least of the accepted customs and rules. but there is no record of this commission ever having met, still less reported; life was too hectic in and after 1649 for law reform. but the appointment to the delegation to negotiate with charles ii and to the commission to reform the laws both suggest that young stair was regarded as an able young man, a rising man, and one well thought of. in 1650 another commission, again with stair as secretary, was sent to negotiate with charles ii at breda. in connection with both commissions, young stair is likely to have met charles ii, who was only a little younger than him. whether on these trips to the netherlands stair sought out any of the great dutch jurists then teaching, such as paul voet, vinnius, to or antonius matthaeus, or got hold of any of their books, is unknown but is possible. in may 1650, stair was appointed by parliament with others to meet charles ii when he landed at garmouth at the mouth of the spey and signed the solemn league and covenant, but he was not with the scottish army defeated by cromwell at dunbar in september 1650 or at worcester in 1651. thereafter charles ii escaped back to the netherlands and scotland was an occupied country; the scottish parliament was abolished and from 1652 the court of session was replaced by a body of commissioners for the administration of justice, half of whom were english. stair seems to have established amicable relations with the occupying power and when in 1657 one ofthe commissioners died, general monck, commander in chief in scotland, nominated stair as a good lawyer and one fit to be a judge. j t he took his seat on the bench on 1st july, 1657, aged 38 and of nine years' standing at the bar. he had come pretty far very quickly. 9.1649, aps vi (2), c.271. there had been earlier commissions in 1425 (aps ii, 10, c.l0), 1469 (aps, 11,97, c.20), 1473 (aps ii, 105, c.14), 1566(aps 1,29 and 111,40) (which resulted in the publication of the black acts), 1574 (aps, i, 30 and 111,89) (which resulted in the compilation ofbalfour'spracricks), 1578 (aps, iii, 105, d8), 1592 (aps iii, 564, c.45) and 1628 (aps, i, 34-35) renewed in 1633 (aps, v, 46). there were also later ones, in 1681 (aps, viii, 356, c.74) and 1695 (aps ix, 455, c.57). 10. vinnius' in iv libros insrirurionum commenrarius, a book long famous in law schools and repeatedly re-issued, was publis~ed in 1642. 11. aps vi (2) 764, 907, 908. 145 the denning lawjournal in 1660 charles ii was restored and stair went to london to pay his respects to the king, and doubtless reminded him that they had met before. he was knighted and when the court of session was restored in 1661 he was again made a judge.12 in 1664 he was advanced to be a baronet. in 1670 he was a member of a commission which negotiated with english commissioners on a possible closer union between the two countries, but negotiations broke down, we are told, on the insistence of the scots that scots law be preserved and not abolished in the interest of unity. 13 in 1669-72 he was also a member of a large commission charged to consider the regulation of the three supreme courts in scotland, session, justiciary and exchequer, and this commission in 1672 recommended various changes, many of which were adopted and regulated these courts for a very long time. in 1671 stair was promoted lord president of the court of session. he was not lord justice general (head of the criminal court), which office was then and until 1830 held by a lay lord, and all his career he had little contact with the criminal law, for which indeed he had a distaste. he also sat in parliament for wigtownshire and is credited with having sponsored various reforms, notably the subscription of deeds act 1681.14 he probably also had a hand in other important legislation of that year, such as the judicial sale act 1681, and the bills of exchange act 1681. but later in 1681parliament passed the test act1s which imposed on all persons in offices and places of public trust the duty to swear publicly and to subscribe an oath, ostensibly designed to secure the protection of the protestant religion but truly designed to secure the submission of all in important positions to the royal supremacy, and to obtain a repudiation of the national covenant and the solemn league and covenant. as a young man stair had probably signed the national covenant and he had been a party to getting charles ii to subscribe the solemn league and covenant. he declined to subscribe the test, was replaced as lord president, and retired to his home in galloway. in 1682 he thought it prudent to leave scotland and he established himself at leiden in the netherlands where he and several of his sons matriculated at the university; he became a mature student, aged 62. in his absence attempts were made to have him extradited and prosecuted for treason, and in 1685 he was actually indicted for high treason. 16 while in the netherlands, he associated with the refugees who grouped round william of orange, the hope of those who wished a protestant succession to the crowns, who was nephew of both charles ii and james vii and ii and also son in law of james. he became a confidant and adviser of william and when in 1688 william invaded england and james fled, stair came with william in the royal flagship. he acted as intermediary between william and the scottish convention 12. aps vii, 124. 13. e. u. laing. mss. 11. 521. 14. aps, viii, 242, c.5. 15. aps viii, 243, c.6. 16. aps viii, app. 32. see also viii, 490, c.52. 146 viscount stair which ultimately in april, 1689, offered the crown of scotland to william and mary. in march 1689, the lord president of the court of session, sir george lockhart, was conveniently assassinated by a disgruntled litigant and in october stair was reappointed to his old office and to the scottish privy council. he held office until his death in 1695. in 1690 he was created viscount stair, lord glenluce and stranraer.17 in that year too attacks by political enemies drove him to write and publish his apology defending his conduct. he left a large family, several of whom attained distinction. is his eldest son, john, was lord justice clerk, 1688-90, lord advocate 1687 -88 and 1690-91 and secretary of state 1691-95, and as such shared responsibility and obloquy for the massacre of glencoe. in 1703 he became the first earl of stair. the third son, hew, succeeded his father as lord president (1698-1737). the fifth son, david, became lord advocate, 1709-11 and 1714-20. more remote descendants included many distinguished in the law, including several judges, and in the army, and the family is still a leading one in the southwest of scotland. such was, in outline, his varied career, which included much distinguished public service. but it is not for his public service alone that he is remembered, but rather for his writings, and to these we must now turn. at the end of 1681, while in retirement in galloway, after the test act and his consequent resignation, he published at edinburgh a book, the institutions of the law of scotland, deduced from its originals and collated with the civil, canon and feudal laws and with the customs of neighbouring nations. it comprises a dedication to charles ii, and two parts with separate title-pages and pagination, the first comprising 22 titles, the second 9 titles, and there is also a small treatise entitled modus litigandi orform of process observed before the lords of coundl and session in scotland normally bound in. these deal, as he tells us,19 with the constitution of original rights, the transmission of original rights among the living and from the dead, and the cognition and execution of these rights. one should note the title. the word "institutions" is clearly derived from justinian's institutions indicating a general instructional book; "deduced from its originals" means, i think, that principles and rules are arrived at by deduction from more fundamental origins, sources of higher authority; "collated with the civil, canon and feudal laws and with the customs of neighbouring nations" means that scottish deductions are compared with the deductions arrived at by the earlier, wide-ranging, european systems and the customs of england, france and the netherlands. in 1683, while at leiden, he published at edinburgh the decisions of the lords of council in the most important cases debate before them, part first, containing decisions noted by him from 1661 to 1671 when he became president. the book runs to 720 pages and includes about 1200 cases in chronological order. this was 17. aps ix, 112. 18. on them see scots peerage, s.v. stair. 19. advertisement to second edition. 147 the denning law journal the first volume to be published in scotland containing reports of decisions in recognisably modern form. in 1685, while still at leiden, he published there a work entitled physiologia nova experimentalis, a treatise on natural philosophy or physics, which must have been projected or even written earlier, as it is mentioned in the royal licence he obtained for printing his institutions in 1681. it was, however, soon superseded by isaac newton's principia of 1687, but has interest as an account of the pre-newtonian view of the natural world. it is at present being translated for the first time. then in 1687 there appeared the decis£ons of the lords of council and session in the most important cases debate before them; part second, covering the years 1671 to 1681, the years when he was lord president, extending to 896 pages and comprising about 1200 cases. this continued the reports of the previous volume. 20 back in scotland, he published in 1693 a revised edition of his institutions, of which i shall speak more later. in 1695, at the end of his life, he published a vindication of the divine perfections, eighteen meditations on god as revealed by reason and revelation. considering his public duties, as lord president, member of the privy council and parliament, it was a considerable volume of publication. the institutions, phys£olog£a and divine perfections may be regarded as parts of a complete system of his philosophy, comprising knowledge of the relations of men, of the universe and of god, and connects with his original concern in glasgow fifty years earlier with metaphysics and ethics, and goes some way to explain his view of law as ultimately divinely ordained. his contract of 1681 with the printer21 refers also to a treatise containing four enquiries concerning human knowledge, natural theology, morality and physiology but unless the physiologia and the divine perfections are part of this enterprise, this work was never printed and is now lost. there have also been attributed to stair several anonymous pamphlets designed to win support for the revolution settlement of 1689 but the authorship of these is not certain. it is at present being investigated by computer analysis of the word pattern and language used. of these works, the two volumes of decisions must have been at the time of immense value and utility. they were the first collections of decisions to be published in scotland. they cover the first twenty years after the restoration in chronological order and probably include all the important and interesting decisions recorded by a very skilled lawyer who sat or presided when they were argued and decided and we know that he recorded them contemporaneously. to concentrate, however, on his most important work, the institutions. in the 20. several of stair's colleagues on the bench after 1661 also collected decisions, but none of them were published till later. these include gilmour's decisions, 1661-66 (published with falconer's decisions in 1701), nisbet, lord dirleton, whose decisions were published with his doubrs and quesrions in rhe law in 1690, falconer, whose decisions appeared with gilmour's in 1701 and hog, lord harcarse, whose decisions appeared in 1757, while others compiled pracricks, editions of the statutes or editions of books. they were a distinguished and industrious set of judges, one of the most illustrious benches ever to have sat in scotland. 21. printed in dallas sryles (1st ed. pt. ii, 152; 2nd ed. vol. i pt. ii, 76). 148 149 viscount stair dedication of the first edition to charles ii, he calls the work" a summary of the law and customs of your ancient kingdom of scotland", but he goes on "in which material justice (the common law of the world) is, in the first place, orderly deduced from self-evident principles, through all the several private rights thence arising, and in the next place, the expedients of the most polite nations for ascertaining and expeding the rights and interest of mankind, are applied in their proper places, especially those which have been invented or followed by this nation ... but there is not much here asserted upon mere authority ... but the original motives, inductive of the several laws and customs, are therewith set forth ... i have, as distinctly and clearly as i could, by this essay, given a view of the law and custom and the decisions of the session, since the institution of the college of justice, as they have been remarked and reported by the most eminent judges and pleaders from time to time, which i hope shall be more enlarged and improved by others." legal rights accordingly were deductions from higher principles, not merely rules laid down by authority. the second edition of 1693 bears to be "revised, corrected and much enlarged". it contains an advertisement, index of the titles, the text, and an appendix dealing with some recently enacted statutes. in the advertisement, stair points out that he has referred only to the later and more authentic and useful collections of decisions. also, "in the former edition, i designed the treatise to be divided into three parts as being the most congruous to the subject-matter of jurisprudence. the first part, being concerned with the constitution of original rights; the second, concerning the transmission of these original rights, among the living and from the dead; the third concerning the cognition and execution of all these rights. yet, finding it would be acceptable to divide the institutions of our law into four books, as the institutions of the civil law are divided, and, especially because there is a more eminent distinction in our law between heritable rights of the ground and moveable rights, i have divided this edition into four parts; the first being of original personal rights; the second of original real rights; the third of the conveyance of both; and the fourth of the cognition and execution of the whole." he goes on to say that he had divided the long titles in the first book and put them under more special titles and divided the paragraphs. there have been four further posthumous editions of the institutions of which the fifth, by professor j. s. more in 1832, has extensive notes substantially bringing the text up to date; the sixth, which reprints the text of stair's own second edition was published in 1981 to celebrate the tercentenary of the book's first publication. what had prompted stair to write his institutions? there are several possible factors, the study of justinian's institutions, his membership of the law reform commission of 1649, the example of the dutch jurists whose works he probably saw in the netherlands in 1649and 1650,22his membership of the commission on 22. these would include joost van damhouder (praxis rerum civilium, 1567),peter peckius (tractatus dejure sistendi, 1564), petrus gudelinus (de jure novissimo, 1624), hugo grotius (lnleiding tot de hollandsche rechtsgeleerdtheyd, 1621and de jure belli ac pacis, 1625), and simon vanleeuwen (het roomsch hollandsche recht, 1651). the denning law journal union in 1670,23 which showed the threat to scots law, the need in the comparatively settled times after the restoration for a book to guide judges and lawyers. there was still in the 1680's an almost complete dearth of textbooks; craig's jus feudale had been published in 1655 and was used by stair24but only covered part of the ground. it may have been simply the desire of a learned and diligent judge, partly for his own satisfaction, partly for the benefit of his colleagues and younger men, partly to assist and improve the administration of justice, to try to set down in logical form the principles on which the courts should act in administering justice. manuscripts date from as early as 1664 and copies of the work began to circulate in manuscript in the 1670's and this led him to publish it. "my modesty did not permit me to publish it, lest it should be judicially cited where i sat; but now, becoming old, i have been prevailed with to print it, while i might oversee the press."25 he also wrote: "the former edition was collected by me in many years and designed chiefly for my own particular use, that i might know the decisions and acts of session, since the first institution of it, and that i might the more clear and determine my judgment in the matter of justice."26 it is however hard to take this at face value. if stair, or any other lawyer, were compiling a book for his own use, his private reference book, it seems more likely that he would have compiled it as notes, with references, as was done by the compilers ofpracticks, rather than as a fully written out, discursive text. one must suspect that he had publication and the instruction of others in mind from the start, just as modem politicians assiduously keep diaries with an eye to their eventual publication as their memoirs. whether stair realised it or not, and whether he was seeking deliberately to do so or not, he was in fact doing what was being done all over western europe about that time. all over europe jurists were writing texts on the nascent distinct national legal systems which were evolving separately as distinct nation-states developing their distinctive legal system, utilising materials drawn from the civil, canon and feudal laws which had previously, to various extents, been common to them ally what was his view oflaw, in the most general sense of that term? he defined law as "the dictate of reason, determining every rational being to that which is congruous and convenient for the nature and condition thereof ... "28law then was not to him the command of the current political superior, but what human reason dictated. to him the absolute sovereign was divine law, which was also the 23. cf., cowell's institutionesjuris anglicani, 1605; zouche's elementajurisprudentiae, 1629. 24. on this see walker, "the background of the institutions" in stair tercentenary studies (stair society, 1981), p. 69. 25. dedication to first edition .. 26. preface to second edition. 27. k. luig, "the institutes of national law in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries", 1972 juridical review 193. 28. insl. i, 1, 1. 150 viscount stair law of all rational creatures and also called the law of nature. 29the law by which private rights were constituted, conveyed or extinguished were divine or human. 30 divine law was the law of nature written in the hearts of men and also called conscience,31equity32or the morallaw;33 human law was introduced by men, by tacit consent, custom or command of those having legislative power.34 human laws included the law of nations35 and the civil or municipal law of various communities.36 human positive law was needed to make precise the application of principles of natural law in particular circumstances.j7 his attitude was accordingly that rational creatures, by the exercise of their reason, saw law as the principles regulating conduct, principles dictated by god, nature, reason, conscience and morality. human positive laws stood on a lower plane, being men's attempts to make precise in particular cases what they thought god, nature and reason prescribed. thus stair's view would have been that the law of god or of nature dictated that after some time rights not exercised should be extinguished; the human law of scotland as to prescription lays down that some rights are extinguished after five years, some after twenty years, and some never. his view oflaw is very similar to that of aquinas38and he owes a good deal to the thought of the later spanish jurist-theologians, to vitoria, molina and, particularly, suarez. he was also certainly much influenced by grotius' de jure belli ac pacis of 1625, a book which ranges much more widely than its title would suggest and which he cites repeatedly. grotius also sought to deduce positive law from principles of the law of nature. stair's attitude to and his view of law in general is accordingly traditional and based in the medieval tradition; in its time it was possibly even rather oldfashioned; he has little affinity with contemporary or later theorists such as bodin and hobbes and he cannot be regarded as a precursor of the scottish enlightenment or the scottish school of common sense. this medieval theory of natural law was more held by catholics than protestants, but was also widely held by protestants in the 16th and 17th centuries, not least by calvin. there is nothing inconsistent with stair's presbyterianism in his holding a view of law previously developed mainly by catholic thinkers. as the law has developed today we have to devote all our attention to understanding the positive laws of men and one would be hard pressed to deduce some of the modern rules from dictates of god, reason, nature or conscience. 29. ibid .. 30. i, 1,2. 31. i, i, 5. 32. i, 1,6. 33. i, i, 7. 34. i, i, 10. 35. i, i, ii. 36. i, i, 12. 37. i, i, 15-16. 38. summa theologiae, i, 2, qu. 90-91. 151 the denning law journal but stair was trying to do more than set down the rules currently accepted in scotland. he was trying to deduce propositions from fundamental principles of universal applicability. "the principles of law are such as are known without arguing and the judgment, upon apprehension thereof, will give its ready and full assent; such as god is to be adored and obeyed, parents to be obeyed and honoured, children to be loved and entertained. and such are these common precepts which are set forth in the civil law, to live honestly, to wrong no man, to give every man his right.39but here we shall speak of the most general principles which have influence upon all the rights of men, leaving the more particular ones to the rights flowing therefrom in their proper places. "40he then lays down as the first principles of equity, natural law or conscience, obedience to god,41human freedom,42and human power to bind oneself,43and as the three prime principles of positive law, the liberty of men to make societies, to delimit every man's property and to maintain commerce with others. "the principles of equity are the efficient causes of rights and laws; the principles of positive law are the final causes or ends for which laws are made and rights constituted and ordered."44 that is: equity or natural law gives rise to and creates rights and laws; laws are made and rights constituted to give rise to principles of positive law. an example of his deducing propositions from fundamental principles can be seen in his treatment of reparation. before his time there had been recognised various kinds of wrongs which gave rise to claims by the victims for redress, such as assythment for injuries, spuilzie of goods, ejection from land and so on. stair puts it this way: obligations by delinquence are introduced by the law of nature;45 the obligation to the victim is created by injury or wrongdoing;46 apart from criminal consequences it gives rise to the right of exacting reparation for damage inferred thereby;47 the interests of a person which may be damaged are his life, limbs and health, his liberty, his fame, reputation and honour, his property.48 under these heads fall the recognised specific delinquences, such as injury, extortion, spuilzie, ejection, and others.49 what were stair's models? it is important to observe that while in a general way stair was clearly influenced by justinian's institutions he did not copy the structure or arrangement of that work.50nor did he set out to adapt that work to 39. ef., justinian, inst. i, 1, 3: honeste vivere, alterum non laedere, mum cuique tribuere. 40. i, 1, 18. 41. i, 1, 19. 42. 1,1,20; 1,2,1-16. 43. i, 1,21; i, 3 to i, 18. 44. i, 1, 18. 45. 1,9, 1. 46. 1,9,2. 47. 1,9,2 at end. 48. 1,9,4. 49. 1,9,7-30. 50. the structure of that work is: i: introductory matters, persons and family law; ii: property rights and wills; iii: intestacy; obligations by contract and quasi-contract; iv: delicts; actions. 152 viscount stair scotland nor to produce a scottish edition or version of it. so far as has been discovered the structure of his book is original and not closely founded on any earlier work. if that is so, it adds to his intellectual stature that of himself he devised such a logical structure. what were the sources of his particular propositions? in his apology of 1690 stair wrote: "and i did write the institutions of the law of scotland and did derive it from that common law that rules the world, and compared it with the laws civil and canon and with the custom of the neighbouring nations ... " by the common law which rules the world i understand him to mean the law of nature, conscience or the moral law. the sources most commonly referred to for the rules of human positive law applied in scotland are the decisions of the court of session, drawn largely from his own decisions, and from some of the practicks, particularly those of spottiswoode, hope and haddington. next are statutes of the scottish parliament. a long way behind these in frequency of citation are craig's jus feudale, the dutch jurists, particularly grotius, the bible, the roman civil law and the canon law. stair's book is accordingly a statement predominantly based on indigenous materials, not on either theoretical or foreign ones. the hierarchy of formal sources is (1) our ancient and immemorial customs called our common law, as declared in frequent decisions of the lords of session; (2) scottish statutes; (3) acts of sederunt of the lords; (4) recent customs and practices as evidenced by decisions and, failing other sources, (5) the judges' views of what equity and natural law prescribe. to him the civil, canon and feudal laws and the customs of neighbouring nations were not sources from which to copy so much as sets of principles and rules valuable as yardsticks for comparison. they might cast light on scots law by showing what the lawyers of other developed countries had deduced from ideas of the law of nature. stair made substantial reference, particularly in book i, to roman civil law but not as authoritative nor to adopt it but rather, when deducing the law of scotland from principles of natural law, to see how far the results corresponded with or departed from principles recognised in roman law. in some cases he suggests that a roman rule should be adopted in scotland to fill a gap, in default of native authority. similarly he recognises that in certain areas, marriage, testamentary succession and executry, scots law had, under the influence of the medieval church, accepted rules of canon law but by stair's time that had become an historical source and no longer a well from which to draw a living stream. so too with feudal law; stair founded substantially on craig's jus feudale but a large part of his account is based on the analysis of the customs and conveyancing practice of the 17th century and the decisions which had shaped and clarified these customs: it was a restatement of the feudal law of scotland and there is not much incorporation of or even cross-reference to the original feudal law of western europe. of those "customs of neighbouring nations" he refers mainly to england and france, but not nearly as much as did craig who pointed to numerous parallels with england, though he considerably overstated the similarity. 153 the denning law journal to what extent did stair create modern scots law? i think he did to a material extent. in the first place he put a great many rules and groups oflegal propositions into order, grouping them in a logical way, under general heads in a way that had never been done before. there had previously been recognised various rules about contracts and about harm to others and so on, but stair, following roman ideas, recognised the broad general category of obligations in general,5l which he then divided into conjugal obligations springing from marriage, 52 obligations between parents and children, 53obligations between guardians and their wards, 54 obligations to make restitution of things belonging to others,55 obligations to make recompense or remuneration, 56 obligations to make reparation for delinquencies, 57 and obligations conventional, by promise, paction and contract,58 followed by titles on the major particular kinds of contracts59 and concluding with liberation from obligations.60 previously, and to some extent afterwards, an obligation meant in scots law a bond, particularly to pay money; stair introduced the wider concept of obligations as a nexus between persons, created by family relationship, by unjustifiable harm, or by promise or agreement. secondly, under each of the titles his analysis and exposition of the principles is a great advance on anything that had appeared previously. previous writing, published and unpublished, recorded the substance of particular statutes or of the decision of particular disputes, but did not, as he did, state general principles or propositions and deduce from them the precise rules which determined particular disputes, with frequent illustrations from decisions which he and others had noted. most of the points collected in the earlier practicks are specific points only and it is not at all clear whether there is a higher and more general proposition. thirdly, at some points he filled gaps by suggesting the use of a principle derived from elsewhere, frequently from roman law. a notable one is the principle of the carrier's liability derived from the edict nautae, caupones, stabularii. what has been the importance and value of stair's institutions? the short answer is: enormous. from its first publication the institutions has been regarded as of outstanding importance and value. not only does it cover the whole private law but it presents the subject matter not as a series of dictates of a superior but as a body of principles deduced from fundamental propositions of just dealing, which principles are then elaborated, explained and exemplified and the exceptions stated. thus in relation to the right to be free from harm or injury, he expresses the basic proposition "that obligations by delinquence are introduced by the law of 51. i, 3. 52. 1,4. 53. i, 5. 54. 1,6. 55. i, 7. 56. 1,8. 57. i, 9. 58. i, 10. 59. i, 11-17. 60. i, 18. 154 viscount stair nature";61 the views of all men and all nations evince this by everywhere acknowledging the reparation of damages. this had a double aspect, punishment, which was a matter for god, and "the obligation of repairing his damage by putting him in as good a condition as he was in before the injury."62 that is the general principle. he then goes on to enumerate the interests which may be infringed by a wrongdoer. 63"according to our several rights and enjoyments, damages and delinquences may be esteemed. as first, our life, members and health, ... next to life is liberty and the delinquences against it are restraint and constraint ... the third is fame, reputation and honour ... the fourth interest that may be damnified is our content, delight and satisfaction and especially by the singular affection to, or opinion of the value or worth of anything that the owner hath ... the last damage is in goods and possessions." this gives us a framework or series of major heads under which the main applications of the principles of repairing damage can be fitted. it is still a sound logical basis for stating and explaining the law.64 then later65 he deals with the individual kinds of delinquences, assythment, extortion, circumvention and so on. the esteem in which the work has been held is evidenced by the number of times it has been cited in argument and decision and relied on as authority. it was being cited even in his lifetime and repeatedly in the 18th and 19th centuries, the classical age of scots law. it was constantly referred to by the later text writers. thus hume in 1821told his students: "he who has done most for us and stands certainly in the highest place is lord stair, an acute reasoner certainly and a profound and intelligent lawyer, who has given us a complete system of our law, from which all later authorities have drawn, and were obliged to draw, a great part at least of what is most valuable in their works."66 what accordingly has been stair's achievement, and why do we, why should we, honour him? in the first place he wrote the first connected narrative statement of the whole private law of scotland, laid out in clear logical order, and well supported by references to authorities. secondly, his text is an enormous advance on all previous writings on the subject. most of the earlier works, the practicks, were then still in manuscript, and some still are, and they were collections of notes and references, very useful materials, but not integrated into a readable text. thirdly, the earlier works, apart from craig, were collections of individual instances and did not infer inductively any general propositions which justified them and related instances. fourthly, the institutions is a creative work in that to a very large extent he created the private law of scotland as a complete and rational system, seeking to deduce specific rules from fundamental principles, not simply 61. 1,9, 1. 62. 1,9,2. 63. 1,9,4. 64. the writer, in his law of delict in scotland (1966), 2nd ed. (1981) found this classification of interests the best basis for a statement of the modem law. 65. 1,9,6. 66. lectures (ed. paton, stair society), i, 14. 155 the denning law journal the rules accepted in his time. fifthly, it is highly original in that it owes little to previous books in scotland, or, for that matter, books at rome or in england, though he certainly owes some of his ideas to the roman law. sixthly, it established scottish private law as a rational body of principles which existed until the present century, since when many of the principles have been overwhelmed by exceptions and changes enacted in the name of reform or obscured by excessively detailed provisions about particular cases. this statement in rational form was probably of great importance when, only 14 years after the revised edition, scotland entered into the union with england. the protection given for scots law in private rights by article 18of the treaty ofu nion would not have been of much value against the ignorance of the eighteenth century chancellors in the house of lords or the patronising disregard of parliaments (which in many respects continues to this day) if scottish lawyers had not had stair's institutions to point to to prove what their law of private rights was. an english chancellor, some fifty years ago, referred patronisingly to "those interesting relics of barbarism, tempered by a few importations from rome, known to the world as scots law." but it was not a scot, but oliver cromwell, who is said to have described the law of england, not much earlier than stair's time, as "an ungodly jumble". finally, and by no means least, stair's great work has been repeatedly accepted as authoritative, as laying down the law as much as does a decision of the court of session. sometimes passages have been explained or qualified but in all substantials it has repeatedly been accepted as the starting point for inquiry as to the principles relevant to a specific difficulty. in the course of time, of course, much of the detail of the law has been changed and there are many topics on which stair says little or nothing. but even the modem law can be fitted into the system and pattern which he established. the foundations which he laid remain, though some of the structures erected thereon have been replaced and many new ones added. but that should not detract from his achievement. i cannot do better in conclusion than quote some of the words of the memorial plaque in the entrance hall of the university: "a supreme master of jurisprudence who in his institutions laid an imperishable foundation for the law of scotland." glasgow has reason to be proud of stair. 156 rights of audience a scottish perspective the right hon. lord rodger of earlsferry* it is an honour for me to have been asked to give the child & co. lecture. when inviting me, sir nicholas phillips suggested that any talk might relate to a difference between procedures in england and scotland. it seemed to me that some discussion of rights of audience might be suitable, since the topic is not entirely free from controversy and a speaker from a scottish background might be able at least to supplement your thinking on the subject. first, a few words of introduction or elementary vocabulary for those contemplating the mysteries of scots law for the first time. in scotland we have solicitors who correspond to solicitors in england and wales. advocates are the scottish equivalent of barristers and they are all members of the scottish bar or faculty of advocates. until the legislation on the scottish legal profession in the law reform (miscellaneous provisions) (scotland) act 1990 advocates had virtually exclusive rights of audience before the scottish supreme courts the court of session in civil matters (including appeals) and the high court of justiciary (hereafter the high court) in criminal matters. similarly advocates had virtually exclusive rights of audience along with barristers before the judicial committee of the house of lords to which an appeal lies in civil matters. 1 even though part ii of the 1990 act contained no new term for solicitors who obtain rights of audience before the supreme courts, the law society's rules approved by the lord president of the court of session2 used the unlovely term "solicitor advocate" and, while some advocates have protested about this terminology, i suspect that it is here to stay and shall use it for the sake of convenience. the second point to notice is perhaps somewhat ironical. while the controversy over scottish advocates' exclusive rights of audience had continued for at least as long as that over barristers' rights,3 there is no doubt that the timing of the introduction of the scottish legislation in 1990 was determined by the introduction *lord advocate. the child & co. lecture 1993, published by arrangement with the right hon. lord rodger and child & co. i. for the detail see stair memorial encyclopaedia of scots law vol. 13 (edinburgh 1993) para. 1325. 2. eg. code of conduct (scotland) rules 1992, rule 2(1). the government's subordinate legislation used the term "rights of audience solicitor" which does not exactly trip off the tongue. see ego civil legal aid (scotland) amendment regulations 1993 (1993 s.1. no. 535). 3. for some of the background see a. rodger, 'the future of the legal profession in scotland: marching to an alien tune?' (1991) 1.r. 1,6 et seq. rights of audience-a scottish perspective of equivalent legislation for england and wales following the breakdown of the marre committee initiative. once the legislation was passed the necessary steps were completed fairly quickly in scotland and the first solicitor advocates were admitted in april and began to practise in may 1993.4 those admitted have indeed appeared before the court of session and high court. all this happened at a time when the english scheme was not yet in operation and still awaited the approval of the heads of division. the result is that we in scotland have some, though limited, experience of the new system in operation. the proposals to allow solicitors to acquire rights of audience in the supreme courts of scotland were not welcomed by the faculty of advocates. this is hardly surprising. none the less it is fair to say and it was noticed during the period of consultation on the proposals and during their passage through parliament that the public approach of the scottish bar was markedly different from that of the english bar. the english bar, supported by some at the very highest levels of the judiciary, mounted a vociferous campaign against the lord chancellor's proposals.s the tone of the scottish bar's campaign against the secretary of state for scotland's proposals was rather different. in their response to the government's consultation pape~ they, of course, made clear their opposition to what was proposed, but in that response and in most of the public utterances of the scottis~judges the rather apocalyptic tone adopted south of the border was missing. there may have been many reasons for this, but one, i believe, was that certain rather sweeping arguments which were strongly pressed in england and wales could simply not be put forward in scotland because of the different way in which scottish solicitors had practised over the years. to bring out the difference we need to look briefly at the historical position, even though any sketch must sacrifice a degree of accuracy for brevity. as i understand it,7 in england until the nineteenth century justice was mostly centralised in the king's courts and the judges would hear cases, civil and criminal, either at the centre in london or on circuit throughout the country. these courts were serviced by barristers who would go on circuit with the judges. the position was changed somewhat in 1846 when the county courts act for the first time established a widespread system of local courts. the traditional organisation of the bar and its discipline based on the circuit system began to break down. at the same time solicitors were given a right of audience in the new courts. in scotland by contrast there was an ancient system of local courts under a sheriff 4. cf. (1993) 38 journal of the law society of scotland 208. 5. the flavour emerges pretty clearly from the debate in the house of lords on 7 april 1989: official report fifth series, house of lards, vol. 505 cols. 1307 et seq. 6. 771elegal profession in scotland: a consultation paper (scottish home and health department. march 1989). 7. see e.g. a.h. manchester, a modern legal history of england and wales 1750-1950 (london. 1950) chapters 4-7. for the nineteenth century developments see especially r. cocks, foundations of the modern bar (london. 1983). 2 rights of audience-a scottish perspective and his substitutes.8 these courts existed throughout scotland and dealt with certain categories of civil and criminal business. although advocates had rights of audience in these sheriff courts, in practice in the earlier part ofthe nineteenth century advocates were not instructed very often since any additional cost of employing counsel could not generally be recovered from the other side.9 the people who actually appeared in the sheriff courts were procurators or agents solicitors to use the modern term and originally only those agents attached to the particular sheriff court could practise there. after 187310 agents could practise in any sheriff court in the country a reform which was considerably resented by the agents since it broke down their local monopolies, while leaving the monopoly of the faculty of advocates before the supreme courts untouched. it is also worth noticing that prosecutions in the sheriff courts were conducted by procurators fiscal who were usually local agents and who were appointed by the sheriff. gradually the procurators fiscal came more and more under the control of the lord advocate until in 1927 all appointments were vested in him and they became full-time civil servants. i i even this very brief outline of the two systems is enough to bring out two points. whereas in england it was only in 1846 that local courts came to the fore, they had always been important in scotland and they had always been manned by agents or solicitors. in civil matters this remained largely the case even after 1849 when clients were allowed to recover the cost of counsel's fees if the court certified that the case was appropriate for the employment of counsel. 12 what was found then is still found today. solicitors do a great deal of the routine work in the sheriff courts, including the preparation of pleadings. on the other hand counsel are frequently asked to revise pleadings, or to conduct legal debates or sheriff court proofs (ie trials) though it is still considered good manners for a solicitor to inform his opponent if counsel has been instructed. in criminal matters the role of agents or solicitors was even more marked. as we saw, the prosecutor, the procurator fiscal, would usually be a local agent and he would conduct the proceedings on behalf of the crown in the sheriff court. similarly, if the accused was represented, it would be by a local agent and this became a major part of the work of many scottish solicitors after the introduction of criminal legal aid in 1964.13 indeed counsel could not be employed in criminal legal aid cases in the sheriff court without special sanction 14 and this was not too readily given. it follows that, even before the recent legislation, solicitors could and 8. see an introduction to scottish legal history (stair society. edinburgh. 1958), chaps. 25 and 26. 9. j. m'g]ashan, practical notes on the jurisdiction and forms of process in civil cases of the sheriff courts of scotland (2nd edition, edinburgh. ]842), para. 397. 10. law agents (scotland) act 1873, s.2. 1]. for an excellent account of the history see stair memorial encyclopaedia vol. 17 (edinburgh, 1989), paras. 530 et seq. 12. m'glashan, practical notes (4th ed. by h. barclay, edinburgh, 1868), para. 439. 13. legal aid act 1964. 14. legal aid (scot]and) (criminal proceedings) scheme 1975, article 15(1)(b)(ii). 3 the denning law journal did appear in the role of prosecutor and defending lawyer in all kinds of case before the sheriff, whether it was before the sheriff alone or before the sheriff sitting with a jury. some of the cases would indeed be serious: where the sheriff sat with a jury, he could impose a sentence of imprisonment of up to two years (raised to three years in 1987) and he could remit the case to the high court if a more severe sentence was required. when the matter of reform of rights of audience came to be discussed in scotland in 1989-1990, the background was therefore rather different from the background in england and wales, where, as i understand the position, the vast bulk of defended criminal work was done by barristers. scottish solicitors had long possessed, and more importantly had exercised, very substantial rights of audience in both civil and criminal cases. unless, therefore, the faculty of advocates had been prepared to assert that at least two centuries of scottish legal history had been based on some fundamental mistake, it was simply not possible for them to adopt the stance that solicitors could not conduct cases properly and that only members of the bar should prosecute or defend significant cases. in the event the faculty chose to argue in effect that the work of the supreme courts was best conducted by a group of specialist pleaders who devoted their whole time and attention to preparing and presenting cases in court and who could therefore provide a better service to the court. the supreme courts, it was said, relied on that quality of service to operate at the level required of a supreme court and moreover, it was argued, the use of specialist pleaders made for the more efficient disposal of business. while this was effectively the same as the core argument ofthe english bar, the faculty presented it in a different tone because of the different background. it is doubtful whether the rather more black-and-white approach of the english bar was really any more effective in the end in persuading the government, the press or indeed the public. you would not expect me to stray into the area of the discussion about rights of audience for members of the crown prosecution service in england and wales. i think that i am, however, entitled to mention the position of procurators fiscal in scotland. as i have explained, they prosecute day and daily in courts throughout the country and in cases attracting significant terms of imprisonment. no-one would suggest that every procurator fiscal is perfect, but it is self-evident that for the most part they do the work well and i have no reason to believe that it would be done better or more economically if counsel were employed. it is sometimes argued that people employed full-time in a prosecution service would not be able to bring the same standard of independence and objectivity to the conduct of cases in court as do barristers, who appear one day for the prosecution and the next for the defence. the position would inevitably be exacerbated, it is said, if the person who prosecuted had taken any part in the investigation of the offence. the scottish experience does not bear this out. it is a matter of the ethos of the prosecuting authority. with us every procurator fiscal is fiercely proud of his independent role: it requires him to take decisions which he believes are right even though they may not please the police or the judge before whom he appears. for instance every working 4 rights of audience-a scottish perspective day procurators fiscal and their deputes exercise their discretion in deciding whether to institute proceedings or to abandon a case. so far from his superiors criticising him or holding him back from promotion for taking a decision, say, to abandon proceedings in an appropriate case, a procurator fiscal or his depute would be criticised if he failed to do so. while this approach pervades all levels of the crown office and the procurator fiscal service, we have a particular perhaps unique mechanism to ensure that it continues to prevail. at the very top of the system are thirteen crown counsel or advocate deputes who are appointed personally by the lord advocate. they appear for the crown in the high court and prosecute the most serious cases such as murder, rape or armed robbery. hitherto they have all been members of the bar who usually act as advocate deputes for about three years and then return to private practice. perhaps their position could be summarised in this way. whereas in england and wales prosecuting counsel are instructed by the crown prosecution service, in scotland crown counsel are commissioned by the lord advocate and give instructions to the procurator fiscal service. because they are in post for only a short time, they are not likely to become unduly prosecution-oriented. the crucial point is that these crown counsel take all the decisions on whether to indict the more serious cases and they also give instructions to procurators fiscal on hundreds of other points throughout the year. these instructions must be followed by the procurators fiscal. this ultimate element of independence is important, i believe, in preserving the ethos of the service and in maintaining public confidence in its independence. the mere fact that certain procurators fiscal may now have rights of audience in the high court does not in any way undermine the argument in favour of having this team of crown counsel drawn from outside as an ultimate safeguard of the independence of the system. so, while i have announced 15 that, as a result of the changes in rights of audience, in future i may appoint one of the advocate deputes from among the solicitor advocate members ofthe procurator fiscal service, i have stressed the need for any such advocate depute to act in all respects in the same way as the advocate deputes drawn from outside. moreover, to ensure that crown counsel continue to operate as they have done up until now, to begin with at least there will at most be only one member of the team drawn from inside the service who can be expected therefore to absorb the particular atmosphere in which crown counsel work. once the scheme has been operating for a few years the lord advocate of the day can decide whether this limit can safely be relaxed to any extent. in summary then on the matter of prosecutors i would say that there is nothing in our experience in scotland which would lead me to accept any argument that permanent members of a prosecution service are in principle incapable of conducting prosecutions in an independent and objective way. they can do so. what is essential is that they should be trained and required to act in this way. providing that is done, permanent members of a prosecuting service will be at least as vigilant as temporary prosecutors in vindicating their high calling as ministers of justice. 15. crown office staff notice. 5 the denning law journal if we turn now to the more general situation in scotland, i can start by giving you some statistics. there are at present 330 practising members of the faculty of advocates, most of them based and living in edinburgh but with a relatively small but increasing number based and living in glasgow, forty-four miles away. all advocates have rights of audience in both the court of session and high court, but most tend to work predominantly in one or the other. as at january 1994 there are in total 44 solicitor advocates, but unlike advocates they may choose to qualify for rights of audience only in one branch or the other. most have done so and accordingly there are 34 solicitor advocates with criminal rights of audience only, 11 with civil rights only and 1 with both. solicitor advocates come from all over scotland, but fifteen of the thirty-four with criminal rights come from the west of scotland where many of the high court trials take place, while seven of the eleven with civil rights are from edinburgh where the court of session is based. eight of those with criminal rights are members of the procurator fiscal service. there are another 26 solicitors in training at present and they are likely to be admitted at the end of april 1994 bringing the total to 52. you will appreciate that even at present the actual number of solicitor advocates is significant, being roughly 13% of the number of practising advocates. a number of solicitor advocates have joined together in an organisation known as solicitor advocate services in order to provide a point of contact through which solicitors may instruct them. these solicitor advocates are therefore seeking to provide their instructing solicitors with a service which is similar to that provided by advocates. it is therefore liable to be open to precisely the same criticisms, e.g. that the solicitor advocates are unfamiliar with the case, have not seen the client at an early stage or return instructions too late. we shall see. in order to qualify for rights of audience solicitors must have had relevant court experience for 5 years immediately before applying. 16 they also require to undergo a course of training approved by the lord president of the court of session. while some more experienced solicitors can obtain exemption from certain elements of the course, in broad outline they are required to attend a certain number of hearings of the court of session or high court, to sit an examination and to attend a course organised by the law society of scotland. i? they are then admitted at a special ceremony in the court of session. it is too early to judge what the lasting impact of the extension of rights of audience will be, but it looks as if it will be considerable. many of the pleas and procedural matters are now being done by solicitor advocates who can easily fit in such appearances, even if taking a particular trial might disrupt the rest of their business. but they are also taking on the conduct of trials. for instanc~ i understand that in a high court sitting in glasgow the accused or one of them was represented by a solicitor advocate in about one-sixth of the cases. two solicitor advocates have appeared in 16. solicitors (scotland) act 1980 s.25a(2)(c) and admission as a solicitor with extended rights (scotland) rules 1992, rule 3(2)(b). 17. admission as a solicitor with extended rights (scotland) rules 1992, parts iii-viii. 6 rights of audience-a scottish perspective effect as senior and junior in a murder trial. crown counsel report that some of the solicitor advocates have been very good indeed, others less so. perhaps that is just what one would expect. the civil practitioners seem to have made less use so far of their rights, but this may simply be because the opportunities are fewer and it is noteworthy that some have appeared both at first instance and in the inner house of the court of session, the civil appeal court. one has conducted a judicial review. overall it appears that the legislation has had the effect of introducing a significant degree of competition in the provision of representation in the supreme courts, though the competition may consist more in the existence of an additional number of persons who can take cases in the supreme courts rather than in the creation of a new rival kind of service. in view of this competition advocates have complained that solicitors who are solicitor advocates do not inform their clients that they could have the services of counsel, if they preferred. it should be noticed, however, that the law society rules expressly cover this point and require any solicitor (which includes a solicitor advocate) to explain all the relevant advantages and disadvantages of selecting a particular solicitor advocate or counsel. is even in the short time that the new rights have been operating, certain things have become clear. the first is the need for codes of conduct and practice for both branches of the profession to be revised to take account of the changed relationship between them. while the legislation was going through parliament, neither branch of the profession took any steps in this respect. more surprisingly, even once the legislation was passed, nothing was done. the law society of scotland produced a code of conduct, 19largely based on the faculty's code,20 but it did not deal with this matter. the faculty of advocates kept an eye on the new training schemes in which some advocates indeed acted as tutors, but they did not adjust their code of conduct on this particular point. the principal development occurred very quickly and came to a head during wimbledon fortnight 1993 hence earning the name by which it became known: "mixed doubles". the very simplest set off acts is this. a solicitor instructs an advocate to appear in the high court or court of session along with a solicitor advocate, acting either as the advocate's junior or, even more controversially, as his senior. at the end of june the then dean of faculty issued a ruling21 which forbade counsel to accept instructions to appear on this basis, although he indicated that some flexibility might be permitted in certain cases. the law society of scotland protested vigorously against the ruling and the director general of fair trading subsequently asked for information about it. speaking for myself, i do not consider that it would be objectionable in principle 18. code of conduct (scotland) rules 1992, rule 3. whether the rule is always observed in practice is, of course, another matter. 19. code of conduct (scotland) rules 1992, sched.1. 20. guide to the professional conduct of advocates (1988) (hereafter "guide"). 21. dean's ruling 29 june 1993: 'no advocate shall appear in any court, whether in a criminal or civil cause, with a solicitor advocate instructed for the same client.'. 7 the denning law journal for an advocate to be instructed by a solicitor to appear along with a solicitor advocate since the solicitor advocate would simply be performing the role which would usually be performed by another advocate. i have difficulty in seeing why it should be wrong for an advocate to appear in this way along with another person who, parliament has said, is entitled to appear in the high court or court of session. it seems to me that, subject to one point, in these circumstances the relationship between the advocate and the solicitor advocate should be much the same as that between two counsel. that relationship is well understood but has not been spelled out in the faculty's code of conduct. the corresponding rules between an advocate and a solicitor advocate would certainly need to be set out in formal terms in the codes governing the two branches of the profession. even if they were difficult to formulate in words, the framing of such rules would not seem to give rise to any great difficulty of principle. but the cases which actually provoked the dean's ruling were different in an important respect. what happened was that a solicitor advocate wished, qua solicitor, to instruct an advocate to appear along with the self-same solicitor acting as a solicitor advocate. it is fair to say, i think, that this particular set of circumstances was not specifically envisaged when the legislation was introduced. in these cases the analysis is very much more complicated since the two persons are really bound together in two quite distinct relationships: the relationship between instructing solicitor and counsel on the one hand; and on the other the relationship between two persons appearing together in effect as counsel. it need hardly be said that the relationship between an instructing solicitor and counsel is very different from that between counsel. so, for instance, one might have the situation where the counsel a was the senior and so prima facie entitled to tell his junior, the solicitor advocate, b, how the case should be handled, while b, qua instructing solicitor, was entitled to sack a if he disliked the line which was being adopted. the negotiation of fees between b, qua instructing solicitor, and a's clerk would also raise sensitive issues, not least in connexion with the proportion which b's fee qua solicitor advocate should bear to a's fee as senior counsel. while these are real problems, they are not necessarily insuperable. indeed it seems to me to be highly desirable even from the point of view of the bar alone that they should be solved in some way which does not debar advocates from this field of work. the fact that certain clients are known to have wished to instruct an advocate and a solicitor with rights of audience oll t~is basis suggests that there is a market for the provision of services in this way: putting the same point slightly differently, it would be unfortunate for members of the bar ifthey could not accept such instructions and earn the fees which the work would bring, especially if the result were that clients in future chose to instruct two solicitor advocates instead. it is therefore good to know that the law society of scotland are apparently working on a possible set of rules to deal with problems which undoubtedly exist. i mentioned that there was one qualification to the proposition that there would really be no difference between two advocates appearing together and an advocate and a solicitor advocate appearing together instructed by another solicitor. the 8 rights of audience-a scottish perspective qualification is that if we have two advocates, then neither can speak to a lay witness,22 whereas if we have an advocate and a solicitor advocate, the solicitor advocate can,23 but the advocate cannot, speak to the witness. for this and other reasons, the faculty have argued that the advocate and the solicitor advocate are in effect not operating on the famous level-playing field. this was indeed one of the reasons why the dean of faculty condemned any arrangement for a counsel and a solicitor advocate to appear together. the difficulty here results at least in part from the faculty's own rules of conduct. the relevant aspect of the faculty's rules is its "general rule ... that an advocate should not interview or discuss a case with, or in the presence of, a potential witness" ,24 the two usual exceptions being the client and an expert witness. 25 solicitors are bound by no such rule. you will recognise the faculty rule as being broadly similar to that applied by the bar council, the first formalised version of which was laid down in 1927.26 dock briefs always constituted an exception to the english version. quite when the rule was adopted by the scottish bar is hard to determine, since it was at one time a matter of pride for the scottish bar that decisions on questions of conduct were neither published nor recorded.27 none the less we can be sure that this was certainly not among the faculty's most ancient rules. we know this from an incident recorded by dr johnson's biographer, james boswell, who practised as an advocate in edinburgh. 28in 1774 he agreed to defend a certain john reid on a charge of sheep-stealing. he tells us that on the sunday evening before the trial began29 he "examined separately two exculpatory witnesses as to his getting the sheep (with the theft of which he was charged) from one gardner. one of them seemed so positive, notwithstanding my earnest request to tell me nothing but the truth, that i began to give some credit to john's tale; but it afterwards appeared that great endeavours had been used to procure false evidence". boswell was the son of ajudge and had been in practice for some years, and yet he apparently saw nothing improper in interviewing these potential witnesses at home on a sunday evening without any agent being present. admittedly his interviews appear to have done his client no good, for he was hanged. despite this unfortunate denouement, we must infer from boswell's account that the present rule came in at some later date. it is not unlikely that the scottish bar took it over from england. 22. guide. para. 9.2.4.1. 23. code of conduct (scotland) rules 1992, sched. 2, para. 7(6). 24. guide, nara. 9.2.4.1. 25. guide. para. 9.2.4.2. 26. annual statement of the general council of the bar 1927, p.7. the latest version is contained in the general council's code of conduct of the bar of england and wales adopted by the bar council 27 january 1990, paras. 607 and 609. 27. cf. lord clyde, 'the profession of the law' (1922) 38 scottish law review i and 29 at 39. 28. see w. k. winsatt, jr., f. pottle (eds.) boswell for the defence 1769-1774 (new york, toronto, london, 1959), entries between 15 july and 24 september 1774, pp. 227 et seq. 29. gp. cit., entry for 31 july 1774, p.237. 9 the denning law journal the justification for the rule is as difficult to pinpoint as its origin. the code of conduct of the faculty of advocates says that the spirit of the rule is "that counsel should not under any circumstances do or say anything which might suggest to the witness that he should give evidence otherwise than in accordance with his honest recollection or opinion" .30 but that certainly cannot have been the rationale of the rule as originally adopted in england. in the early nineteenth century the 'rule was that a barrister was not entitled to see either his client or a witness. the rule in that extended form never seems to have applied to clients in scotland again we have good evidence for that in boswell who certainly sees clients and sometimes sees them indeed without any agent being present.3\ the english rule against seeing clients in criminal cases seems indeed to have lasted until about 1889 when charles russell the future lord chief justice saw mrs maybrick whom he was defending in her famous trial for murder.32 (on this occasion the client was convicted, but was in due course reprieved.) yet the important thing to remember is that up until the middle of the nineteenth century parties to a civil litigation were not allowed to give evidence33 and a similar bar applied to accused persons until 189834 so the part of the english rule relating to clients could not have been intended to stop counsel from infecting their evidence. it is therefore doubtful whether that was the explanation of the emergence of the rule as it applied to witnesses. it is in any event rather unclear why the bar should think that discussions with counsel could be more dangerous in infecting witnesses' evidence than conversations with the instructing solicitor. the alternative rationale is that, by not speaking to the witnesses, counsel remain at one remove and so take a more objective approach, which is of advantage to the administration of justice as a whole.35 even if that were a proper justification for the rule today, it seems doubtful whether the rule was introduced to achieve this result .. certainly in the past there were suggestions that due to social vanity the bar had adopted a rule which operated not in the interests of barristers at all, but in the interests of attorneys who, by restricting barristers' access to clients and witnesses, were able to keep to themselves all the lucrative work involved in taking instructions from the client and seeing the witnesses. whether true or not, those suggestions surfaced in the 1840s when the english bar felt under threat from the growing number of attorneys who had rights of audience in the new county courts.36 in the face of this apparent threat of competition 30. guide, para. 9.2.4.4. 31. op. cit. (note 28), entry for 15 july 1774 when compared with the entry for 30 july 1774, p. 236 init. see also the entries for 14 july and 13 august 1774 relating to lady dundonald. 32. e. b. rowlands. 'the etiquette of the bar', (1895) 100 the law times 107 at p. 108 (first column). 33. the rule was abolished in england and wales by s.2 of the evidence act 1851 and in scotland by s.3 of the evidence (scotland) act 1853. 34. criminal evidence act 1898, s.1 which applied to both england and wales and scotland. 35. stair memorial encyclopaedia vol. 13, para. 1357; rowlands, 100 the law times 107-108. 36. 'the etiquette of the english bar: a barrister's grumble' (1898) 104 the law times 546. 10 rights of audience-a scottish perspective which seems to have been not dissimilar to the threat of competition now facing scottish advocates some barristers at least argued that the bar would be handicapped by those rules of etiquette which prevented them from seeing clients or witnessesy happily the level playing-field had not yet been invented, and so that metaphor was not invoked, but the sentiment was the same: it was not fair that barristers should have to compete with attorneys whose rules of conduct allowed them to see clients and witnesses in a way in which barristers could not. barristers should therefore dispense with the rules of etiquette which really in effect worked only to protect attorneys. as we know, that view did not prevail, though the fact that the bar council was asked for a ruling on the position on witnesses as late as 192738 suggests that some barristers may have been unhappy with the position even then. from time to time some advocates have questioned the strict application of the rule especially as it could seem to prevent them taking on minor sheriff court cases where the client did not wish to pay for both a solicitor and an advocate.39 it is probably the case, however, that most court of session judges support the application of the existing rule to advocates in the supreme courts because of the element of independence which it is thought to preserve. yet such a rule has never been applied to solicitors when appearing in the sheriff courts and parliament was not persuaded that it should be applied to them in the higher courts either. we therefore have two different rules of conduct applying to advocates and solicitor advocates in the supreme courts. while this may seem strange, it is essentially an extension of the practice in the sheriff court and parliament was well aware of what would happen in the supreme courts once the legislation came into effect. parliament left the matter to the professional bodies and to the court and so any changes in the rules in the light of experience gained in working in the new circumstances would be a matter entirely for them; the government would not be involved. even if for some reason the faculty came to question whether there was a sufficient ethical basis for the existing rule on speaking to witnesses,4o they would probably think twice before altering it since the practice of advocates or barristers not seeing witnesses can be defended on less lofty but very practical grounds which may well have been behind the continued existence of the rule. advocates and barristers are able to concentrate on appearing in court, advising on the preparation of cases and giving opinions precisely because they do not spend their time seeing witnesses and taking statements from them or from clients. if advocates or barristers did these things, 37. loc. cit. 38. annual statement oflhe general council of the bar 1927. p.7. j. e. singleton, conduct at ihe bar (london, 1933), pp.8 and 14 el seq. does little to explain the purpose of the rule. 39. such a question lay behind the note by dean to advocates' clerks 9 february 1977 on appearances by counsel without solicitors. see swir memorial enclyclopaedia vol. 13, para. 1347. the dean in question was the future lord mackay of clash fern . 40. the chainnan of the english bar has recently indicated that such rules of conduct may need to be examined. ii the denning law journal then they would be indistinguishable from solicitors and would not be able to provide the distinctive kinds of services which solicitors and their clients value. they would also have to set up offices of exactly the same kinds as solicitors with all the attendant overheads. so while an inability to speak to witnesses may be seen in a certain light as a competitive disadvantage, it surely carries with it the important corresponding competitive advantage that the advocate or barrister can offer a particular service without the distraction of dealing constantly with clients and witnesses and without the attendant overheads. a rule which secures the continuance of this type of legal practice can be defended on this basis. in any event the restrictions on advocates seeing clients and witnesses may have comparatively little practical significance in relation to competition with those solicitor advocates who are making themselves available for instruction by other solicitors. in such cases the instructing solicitor will usually have seen the witnesses and the solicitor advocate will be expected to see the client only in the presence of the instructing solicitor. 41 so the position of advocates and solicitor advocates acting on this basis may not be so very different which reinforces the point that they are simply another group of practitioners offering the same kind of service as advocates. in drawing these remarks to a close i am only too conscious that this has been a rather parochial discussion and that in particular i have omitted all mention of the possible far-reaching implications of the provisions of european law on lawyers' services and rights of establishment. apart from post-maastricht fatigue my only excuse can be that the possible emergence of an establishment directive means that these aspects are very much in flux. i have no doubt that change will come from that quarter too, but in the meantime we in scotland look forward to watching, and learning from, what happens in england and wales when the reforms in the courts and legal services act finally come to pass.42 41. code of conduct (scotland) rules 1992, sched. 2, para 3(4) and (5). 42.1 am grateful to mr alan maxwell of the lord advocate's department, mrs pat lawlerofthe faculty of advocates and mr bruce ritchie of the law society for assistance in preparing the revised text of the lecture. it was not possible to take account of developments since january 1994. 12 the curious history of trade union law andrew hodge* clarity of underlying principle since 1970 the pace and scale of change in the field of collective labour law have been remarkable, and it seems likely that this process of reform will continue. 1 the 1980s have seen a number of important enactments which seem to reflect a radical view of collective labour relations.2 sit john wood has pointed out that, in this difficult and fast changing legal environment, it is important to achieve "clarity of underlying principle"3 both in our analysis of existing law and in our efforts to predict future developments. it may be that the search for underlying principle requires some examination of the lessons of history. labour legislation and the arguments that have surrounded it have had an important influence on our social, economic and political history. should the law be used to underline or to dilute managerial prerogative? should it be used to encourage or restrain the organisation of workers into trade unions? some of our most respected labour law commentators might argue that there is a sense in which both of the above questions are irrelevant, or even that it is inappropriate even to ask them. the traditional approach to the problems of industrial relations emphasises or even assumes that this specialised and vexed branch of human relations should not be interfered with by the law.4 in a democratic society where it is believed that state intervention should be avoided unless it is demonstrably necessary, this is clearly an important approach which recognises the limits of the law. it is equally clear, however, that parliament and the courts have not adopted the traditional "abstentionist" view in practice. in particular, parliament has intervened in collective labour relations on a regular basis since the 1970s.5 the history of collective labour law might reveal little more than the misguided or even malicious folly of parliament in ignoring the abstentionist prescription, or, "of the school of law, university of buckingham. 1. during the 1989-90 parliamentary session it seems likely that the government will introduce a bill to abolish the pre-entry closed shop. it is also possible that measures will be taken to restrain unofficial or "wildcat" strikes especially those which occur in essential services. 2. viz., the employment acts, 1980, 1982 and 1988 and the trade union act 1984, 3. wood, "the collective will and the law" (1988) 17 h.]. 1. 4. see, e.g., wedderburn, the worker and the law (1971), p.l; if. howarth, (1988) 17 ilj. 11. 5. see, e.g. wedderburn, supra n.4; if. kahn freund, (1974) 3il]. 186. 92 the curious history of trade union law more accurately, the lack of a prescription. certainly, that might help to explain the sometimes fraught state of the law and of relations between governments of all political persuasions and the trade unions, particularly over the last 25 years. but history may be a source of other lessons and other views. it might, for example, point towards other considerations, perhaps non-industrial, which seem to parliament to have called for legislation. if it is accepted that the state has perceived such a need in the past it is very possible that it will do so again in the future. if that is so, it is important to identifyand analyse the conditioning factors that operate on the legislative mind, and to see if any pattern emerges which might help to explain the curious history of collective labour law. the virtue of abstention and the vice oflegalism to focus on the concerns of the state about collective labour relations is to challenge the traditional view which calls for their autonomy from the ordinary legal process. this traditional view requires a little further explanation. put very simply, the argument is as follows. employment is a complex relationship which is only inadequately depicted by the legal device of the 'contract of employment'. while the law of contract in its classical form emphasises individual responsibility and the exchange of resources through a freely arrived at bargain, the exchange of labour for wages is a very different kind of process. here the idea of a free bargain is misleading because of extreme inequality of bargaining power as between employer and employee. while the employer typically represents considerable resources of capital, enterprise and administration, the employee often can only represent his own strength and skill. generally speaking, these may be obtained by the employer elsewhere unless there is a severe labour shortage in the relevant industry or area. thus the employer is probably able to say to the employee: "these are the terms of my offer of employment, take them or leave them." even at this early stage in their relationship there is a very clear disparity of economic power and it is this imbalance that dominates employment throughout. it is a situation that does not rest easily within the conceptual framework of the bargain or within its legal manifestation, the law of contract. so, at this most basic level of labour relations, the law is thought to be out of touch with reality. for example, kahn freund has suggested that the employment relationship is really a command in the disguise of a bargain.6 what is the solution to this central problem of inequality of bargaining power? broadly speaking two quite different ways of approaching the problem might be suggested. first, the state, in order to protect the public interest, might intervene to redress the balance of the employment relationship. it might mitigate the effects of inequality of bargaining power by withdrawing the right to bargain at all. it could 6. kahn freund, labour and the law 2nd ed. (1977), p.6. 93 the denning law journal define the respective rights and obligations of employer and employee in a way which leaves no room for oppression.7 but it is possible that the state would have to do this through the legal process which, it is suggested, is inadequate to the task. the inadequacy of the legal system in this respect, and especially that of the courts, has been explained in a variety of ways ranging from its sheer ignorance of the relevant issues to class prejudice8 and the suggestion that english law is handicapped by an obsession with the power and the rights of the individual.<) as such, law as we now know it does not offer a viable solution to the problem of inequality of bargaining power. 10 in any event, the sheer scale of state intervention that would be required would tend towards the totalitarian. the traditional "abstentionist" school prefers a second and radically different approach. workers can mitigate the consequences of their lack of power as individuals by combining into trade unions which will protect their collective interests. at its most effective, this would unite a given workforce into a monolithic factor of production with which the employer would have to bargain. 11 but even here, it is argued, the law can do great damage because it has alwaysbeen hostile to the necessary process of combination and the abstentionist can draw upon plenty of historical evidence to support this view.12 ideally, the law should keep its distance from trade union organisation and from the process of collective bargaining. there is an appropriate role for the law, but it is essentially neutral supporting and guaranteeing an independent system of self-regulation rather than interfering with it or attempting to assume its functions.13 the public interest and the law since the 1860s parliament has paid periodic lip-service to the 'virtue' of abstentionism. 14 but actions speak louder than words, and the statute books reveal an addiction to the 'vice' oflegislation.1s to be fair, some of it seems to have been intended to support the system of collective bargaining by providing facilities for information and conciliation or by enhancing the organisational rights of trade unions.16 but there are other enactments which go or have gone to the very 7. this is reflected in what might be called the "pre-contractual" history of labour law when all "employment relationships" were governed by statute and the coercive powers of the justices of the peace. 8. griffith, the politics of the judiciary (1981), p.l85 et seq.. 9. see wedderburn, (1988) 17 1.l.j. 1. 10. however, the law has moved in this direction to the extent that, where a contract of employment has existed for a certain time, statutory rights attach to it, irrespective of the express or implied intentions of the parties, e.g. the right to redundancy payments and the right not to be unfairly dismissed. 11. the argument for trade unionism is put with some force by the u.s. supreme court in american steel foundries v. tri-city central trades council 257 u.s. 184 (1921). 12. see the combination acts 1799 and 1800 and, e.g., hornby v. close (1867) l.r. 2 qb. 153. 13. arguably, this is achieved by the kind of legislation referred to in n.l 0 supra. 14. see the remarks in favour of the policy of collective laissez fijire made by the royal commission on trade unions in its 1869 report. 15. especially those of the last twenty years. 16. see, e.g., industrial relations act 1971 and trade union and labour relations act 1974. 94 the curious history of trade union law substance of industrial relations by attempting to influence trade union government, to formalise collective bargaining and bring it within the jurisdiction of the courts or to restrain collective industrial action. 17 obviously, the vicious path of legalism has had its attractions. why? one of the many functions of parliament is to identifywhat it is that the public interest requires and to legislate accordingly. but what does the "public interest" mean? it cannot be identified scientifically; it is a matter of perception. at any given time the most important perception in legal terms is that of the political party that governs through a majority in the house of commons. what a government calls the public interest is a matter of political preference underwritten by the electorate, rather than of empirical research. the process of identifying and legislating for the public interest is inherently contentious. arguments about law and policy do not all take place within the strict constitutional framework, to the extent that such a thing exists. the proceedings of the house of commons and the hustings are only the most obvious examples of democracy at work. many of the most compelling arguments about legislation result from less formal but equally influential encounters between government and sectional interests that may be affected by any change in the law. the lord chancellor's recent proposals concerning the administration of justice clearly go to the interests of the legal professions who have clearly formed a view upon them. these views and counter-proposals are expressed as representing the public interest but it is not entirely coincidental that they also amount to a defence of existing rights, privileges and interests which are entirely sectional. similar forces are probably at work within the legislative process on a daily basis though perhaps less publicly than in the case of reform of the legal professions. like those professions, organised capital and organised labour represent powerful though perhaps wider sectional interests and there is a sense in which their historical and current predicament is comparable to that of contemporary lawyers. their struggle has been for the principle of self-regulation which, to them, serves the public interest which inevitably amounts to their own subjective perception of it. government and parliament may have a rather different view, again probably subjective but perhaps determined in the light of wider considerations or on the advice of expert bodies. the crucial legal and constitutional question is what happens when conflicting perceptions collide. the dynamic and inherently controversial relationship between the "public interest" as identified by parliament and as identified by narrower sectional interests is often fraught with difficulty and where the relevant sectional interest ,has enormous power at its disposal the potential for political and perhaps constitutional crisis is clear. the argument about how much power trade unions really have has raged for many years.18 the 'truth' about this seems to be very 17. see industrial relations act 1971 and, although they are clearly not intended to formalise collective bargaining, the employment acts 1980, 1982 and 1988 and the trade union act 1984. 18. for a summary of some of these arguments see arnold, the unions (1981), passim. 95 the denning law journal elusive. again, perception is all important and there are sections of the public who believe that the trade union movement and the process of collective bargaining have the potential to affect their lives very deeply and they expect the law to take a view to encourage the process, to formalise it or restrain it as circumstances appear to them to dictate. these concerns are obviously of interest to parliament. perhaps as important as the idea of abstentionism is the reality of government and the aspiration that it should be conducted in the wider public interest. the reality and the hope may have to be balanced against the technical logic of abstention and self-regulation. the delicate and sometimes disastrous relationship between the state and the sectional interests that are relevant to the process of collective bargaining may be as instructive in terms of underlying principle as the more specific relationship between capital and labour. collective bargaining and industrial relations generally cannot realistically be treated as an entirely private process because they have such wide ranging effects on society as a whole. the law is bound to reflect this.19 for present purposes, this historical survey focuses on the relatively narrow issue of the relationship between the state and the trade union movement and the development of the trade union law which reflects and influences that relationship. this is because the whole system of collective bargaining depends upon the existence and viability of representative and effective trade unions. the development of trade union law must be symptomatic of the wider concerns of the state and its perception of the public interest. the history of the relationship between trade unions and the state having explored the idea that the constitutional and political relationships between sectional interests and the state are as important as the economic relationships between those interests, it is time to test the idea against the reality of the history of trade union law. the exercise should be approached with two considerations firmly in mind: first, the extent to which the law has recognised the importance of the relationship between trade unions and the state; secondly, the ways in which it has attempted to regulate that relationship. for these purposes, the development of trade union law can be divided into a number of distinct phases each of which reflects a change in the nature of the relationship between labour and the law. phase i fear and prohibition the french revolution of 1789 caused a wave of paranoia to sweep over the ruling classes of europe great britain was no exception. indeed, there was a sense in which britain was especially vulnerable to the threat of revolution because of the scale of economic transformation that it faced in agriculture and industry which were of a kind that is often accompanied by social unrest. parliament 19. cf jenkins and sherman, collective bargaining (1977), ch.1. 96 the curious history of trade union law responded to the threat of political upheaval through repressive measures designed to prohibit any kind of non-state-sponsored collective action. the combination acts of 1799 and 1800 were intended to prohibit a wide range of organisations. they are chiefly remembered for their effect on the infant trade union movement.20 the acts may be seen as a refusal to recognise any significance in the concept of organised labour, but this view is difficult to sustain because if trade unions were not thought to represent a threat, there would have been little point in prohibiting them. it is more likely that the state perceived them as a threat to the established economic order, and therefore as a threat to existing political authority. the combination acts were a crude attempt to hold that threat in abeyance. the important point to notice is the perception of that threat. in 1824 the acts were repealed, but this did not result from any change in the perception of threat, nor from a sudden outbreak of liberalism.21 there was no intention to encourage the unrestricted organisation of labour. in fact, the act of 1824 was probably little more than an alternative technique of repression, based on the theory that trade unions were popular precisely because they were banned and somehow mysterious. it was hoped that the end of prohibition would cause the 'forbidden' fruit to wither.22 parliament retained its apparent belief in a threat to established order the critical relationship between government and sectional interest was recognised and the intention to neutralise that threat remained. all that had changed was the preferred technique of repression. in any event, industrial action remained legally difficult. there was no real evidence of liberalism. in fact 1824 saw an outbreak of militancy among the workforce and 1825 saw further legislation which created new and very broad criminal offences in respect of industrial action.23 the criminal law was not the only hazard facing trade unions during this early phase. the civil courts ensured that even if it was no longer illegal to belong to a trade union, the unions themselves would face serious organisational difficulties. traditionally, trade unions have always seen themselves as unincorporated associations loose, voluntary organisations with minimum legal content beyond the contract of membership embodied in the rulebook.24 due to the nature and purpose of the union, it was inevitable that the contract would require some submersion of individual rights in the interests of the whole. of course, this had the effect of restraining individual freedom of contract. the courts regarded this as an unlawful restraint of trade and consequently held that the union rulebook was unenforceable.25 it may be that the courts took this view because of their 20. pelling, a history of british trade unionism 3rd ed. (1976), pp.25-29. 21. combination laws repeal act 1824. 22. pelling, supra n.20, pp.29-32. 23. combination laws repeal amendment act 1825. 24. see s.,2(1) trade union and labour relations act 1974 though, practically speaking, this may have been superseded by more recent legislative developments. 25. see hornby v. close, supra n.12. 97 the denning law journal supposed obsession with individual freedom. it is equally possible that they saw the common law of restraint of trade as a means of minimising the perceived threat to established order by making union rules unenforceable in the hope that the unions themselves would dissolve into internal anarchy. so long as trade unions remained simple bodies, bound together by a loyalty born from adversity or sponsored by wealthy philanthropists and committed to social change,26 this legal technicality may have presented few problems. however, the growth of less radical but more sophisticated craft unions in the middle of the 19th century saw an increase in the complexity of union government. 27the "new model" unions also emphasised the provision of friendly society benefits a system of organised saving which did not indicate a commitment to the destruction of civilisation as it was then known. superficially, these were not threatening developments. indeed,' so far as the establishment was concerned, they must have represented a considerable improvement upon the syndicalism of earlier years. "new model" unionism involved trade union officials in the administration of large sums of money. the unenforceable character of union rules did not help them, and this represented one of their most serious grievances. at the same time, the influence of trade unions on the economy also grew. they succeeded in organising the "aristocracy of labour" the railwaymen, the engineers and other groups of workers whose co-operation was vital to continuing national prosperity, and who had an interest in it. the representatives of the state could be forgiven for thinking that the threat of organised labour was diminishing. instead, it was in the proce;is of assimilating itself into the complex system of sectional and national interests that seem to be at the core of british government. can it be a coincidence that it was at this stage, at the end of the 1860s, that government began to take account of this change of atmosphere and to listen to the trade union movement? phase ii recognition and tolerance paradoxically, the problems of mid-19th century trade unionism came to the attention of government because of an outbreak of industrial violence in sheffield. in 1867, a royal commission was instructed to examine the issues.28 note has already been taken of some of its conclusions, which seem to have been based on the principle of laissez faire or economic freedom. the apparent permanence and considerable economic power of the emergent trade union movement concentrated government minds on the need to remove some of the legal disabilities resulting from judicial decisions like that in hornby v. close.29 both the state and the sectional interest of organised labour had an interest in achieving some kind of modus vivendi. 26. e.g., robert owen's grand national consolidated trade union of the 18305. 27. pelling, supra n.20, chao 28. royal commission on trade unions 1867-69. 29. see, supra, n.25. 98 the curious history of trade union law the legislative result of this change of atmosphere is to be found in the trade union acts of 187130and 187631which were designed principally to mitigate the common law of restraint of trade. the effect of the 1871 act was to bring some kinds of trade union rules within the protection of the ordinary law of contract by exempting them from the law of restraint of trade and allowing them to be enforced in the courts.32however, the exemption was qualified in that it would not apply to any rule designed to oblige the member to break the contract of service that bound him to his employer.33 the act of 1871 also introduced a system of voluntary registration for trade unions. those whose rules met certain formal requirements could register as friendly societies under an existing statutory scheme.34 both the unions and the state gained advantages here. the unions acquired various fiscal advantages which assisted them in administration of financial benefits, while government acquired a valuable source of information about a powerful sectional interest, and some input into its affairs.35this may have indicated some recognition by parliament that trade unions were permanent and powerful. it also indicated a willingness to do business with them. economic and political developments, not least the extension of the franchise to the very people whom the unions existed to represent, made the need for some kind of relationship pressing.36 the trade union act 1871 was the basis of the law of organised labour for a century.37 but, as folke schmidt points out, government acceptance of the fact of trade unionism should not be seen as encouragement of it. "the laws on industrial action enacted in the 100 years between the trade unions act 1871 and the industrial relations act 1971 were based upon the idea of toleration. the fact that the trade unions were protected did not mean that they were loved by those in the establishment; certainly, the judges were critical and wanted to restore the law to what it was before 1871."38 it is certainly true that between 1871 and about 1910, the courts used the legislation of the 1870s in surprising ways. for example, the withdrawal of criminal conspiracy through the conspiracy and protection of property act 1875 was without prejudice to the judicial discovery of the tort of conspiracy in quinn v. 30. 34-35 victoria c.31 31. 39-40 victoria c.22. 32. trade union act 1871, section 3. 33. section 4. 34. section 6. 35. in the sense that there were formal criteria for the validity of the rules. in the absence of such validity, the union could not register: see section 14 and schedule 1. 36. see representation of the people act 1867. 37. until its repeal by the industrial relations act 1971. 38. schmidt, (1974) 3 i.l.). 69. 99 the denning law journal leatham a few years later.39 perhaps even more interesting was the attitude of the courts to trade unions as institutions at the beginning of the 20th century. a number of distinguished scholars have doubted the importance of the supposedly sterile issue of the organisational status of trade unions, perhaps because it bears the stigma oflegalistic abstraction.4o however, the ways in which parliament and the courts have defined and analysed their legal status may provide a useful indication of more general attitudes. there is a clear difference between seeing trade unions as loose, voluntary associations with minimum legal content and seeing them as sophisticated statutory or corporate bodies, endowed with valuable rights and encumbered with serious obligations both to their members, and to the rest of the world. this issue was addressed by the house of lords in the famous ta.lfvale railway case.41 the crucial question was whether a trade union, registered under the 1871 act, could sue and be sued as an organisation in its own name, in the same way as a corporation. the traditional view was that this was not possible, because unions were seen as simple unincorporated associations with no separate legal personality.42 in the course of argument before the house of lords, counsel for the defendant trade unions submitted that: "a trade union is not a corporation. it is like a club, not a legal entity: and there are good reasons for this view. if the society can be sued as such, the funds intended for the benefit of widows and orphans can be reached and perhaps exhausted in consequence of improper and illegal acts of the society's officers. ,,43 obviously, this statement accords with the traditional view that the union could not be seen as a legal entity. its only legal content was thought to be the contractual nature of its rules. that was the basis of the decision in hornby v. close44 and of the provisions of the 1871 act. lord brampton, however, departed from this view and argued that the legislation of the 1870s had elevated trade unions on to a more sophisticated legal plane. in his view, a registered trade union was a "newly created corporate body created by statute, distinct from the unincorporated trade unions consisting of many thousands of separate individuals."45 accordingly, a registered trade union, like a corporation, could sue and be sued in its own name. its funds became available to satisfy judgment and to purge its contempt of court, and in many respects this is still good law. 39. [1901] a.c. 495; see also temperton v. russell [1893] 1 qb. 715 (trade union sponsored industrial action amounting to the tort ofinducing a breach of contract) and}. lyons and sons v. wilkins [1896] 1 ch. 811 (picketing amounting to the tort of nuisance.) 40. see wedderburn, supra n.4. 41. taff vale railway co. v. russell, supra n.39; if. duke of bedford v. ellis [1893] a.c. 1. 43. [1901j a.c. 426, at p.435. 44. supra n.25. 45. [1901j a.c. 426, at p.442. 100 the curious history of trade union law the significance of lord brampton's view became clearer nine years later in amalgamated society of railway seroants v. osborne.46 in this case, a registered union had decided to maintain a political fund to be financed through a levy on its members. osborne, a member of the union, challenged the legality of the fund and of its purpose. the house of lords seized upon the notion that the registered union was a kind of statutory quasi-corporation and used it to assert a wide jurisdiction to review trade union rules and activities to ensure that they were consistent with the legislation. lord halsbury took the view that the acts of 1871 and 1876 contained an exhaustive definition of permissible union conduct.47 parliament, it seemed, had created a new species the registered trade union and had empowered it to represent its members in matters oflabour relations. its brief did not extend to any kind of political activity. the union was like any other corporate body, allowed to exist and function through privileges conceded to it by the state which retained the right to supervise and restrain its conduct through the courts. and just as the courts were entitled to restrain a corporation from any action ultra vires its charter, statute or memorandum of association, so they were entitled to prevent a registered union from acts not permitted by the trade union acts. lord macnaghten summarised the argument: "it is a broad and general principle that companies incorporated by statute for special purposes and societies, whether incorporated or not, which owe their status to an act of parliament, having their objects and powers defined thereby cannot apply their funds to any purpose foreign to the purposes for which they were not established or embark on any undertaking in which they were not intended by parliament to be concemed.,,48 much of this has been dismissed as mere "tory law", an indication of establishment hostility towards organised labour.49 it is possible that taffvale and osborne represent the consequences of the individualistic obsessions of the common law which make it incapable of constructing rational labour laws. that political preference, rather than legal reasoning, led to these decisions is now regarded as axiomatic.5o the 1880s and 1890s had seen the organisation of unskilled labour into trade unions, made militant by economic recession and more reminiscent of the syndicalist organisations of the 1820s and 1830s than of the craft unions whose interests had been vindicated in 1871.51 also, the franchise was 46.a.s.r.s. v. osborne [191oj a.c:. 87. 47. ibid., at p.92. 48. ibid., at p.94. 49. similar sentiments were expressed by trade unionists recently on the steps of the royal courts of justice after they had heard the court of appeal decline to remove an injunction against a proposed national dock strike. a few days later the decision was reversed by the house of lords. 50. see j. a. g. griffith, supra n.8. 51. pelling, supra n.20, ch.6. 101 the denning law journal extended to the point of universal male suffrage.52 "lib-lab" and even "labour" candidates had been elected to parliament.53 this was the end of an era. perhaps a conservative judiciary hoped to restrain its demise, or even to ease the transformation by restraining trade unions, to prevent them from becoming a sectional interest capable of challenging those equally sectional interests that were represented by the ruling establishment of the 19th century. however, in osborne lord shaw counselled caution and urged that a sense of perspective was important in considering the true significance of the trade union acts. he remarked that: "long before the statutes of 1871 and 1876 were enacted trade unions were things in being the general features of which were familiar to the public mind. they were associations of men bound together for common ends. statutes did not set them up and speaking for myself, i have some hesitation in construing language of statutory recognition as a definition imposing such hard and fast restrictive limits as would cramp the natural developments of the living organism. ,,54 . apparently, lord shaw saw the acts as an attempt to assist existing trade unions, not to establish them in a new form and then to regulate them through the legal system. his was the minority view. the orthodox view of these cases is that they represent the best possible reasons why the state and the law should keep their distance from the field oflabour relations. it was in the house of lords in the first decade of the 20th century that the seeds of doctrines of abstentionism and a!jtonomy of labour law were sown. equally, these elderly and seemingly reactionary judgments and the quasi-corporate theory of labour organisation that they produced seem to contain the seeds of the notion that trade unions are far too important to be left to their own devices. the thoughts of halsbury and macnaghten are, perhaps, inherent in the controversial judgments of lord denning speaking 50, 60, and 70 years later. 55 the idea that there may be an ideal, defined legal relationship between organised labour and constitutional government is as central to the story of labour law in the second half of the 20th century as is the relationship between capital and labour. the battle lines of abstentionism and legalism had been drawn, but first there was a lull in the proceedings. phase iii 1910-1960: a period of tranquillity at first sight, the period 1910 to about 1960 seems anything but tranquil. the relationship between government and organised labour developed in a variety of ways. 52. representation of the people act 1884. 53. pelling, supra n.20, ch.6. 54. osborne, supra n.46, at p.107. 55. see, e.g., lee v. showmens guild of great britain [1952] 2 qb. 329; breen v.amalgamated engineering union [1972] 2 qb. 175, and chea/lv.a.p.e.x [1983] qb. 126. 102 the curious history of trade union law in the first place, it is reasonably clear that the judicial view of trade unions was not wholly shared by parliament, especially during the period of liberal domination that lasted from 1906 until after world war i. the trade disputes act of 1906 gave trade unions a wide immunity against any tortious liability that might arise from trade disputes, 56 and to a large extent this neutralised the most obvious adverse effects of quinn v. leatham and taff vale. the trade disputes act 191357 mitigated osborne by permitting the unions to maintain political funds. but although parliament did much to mitigate the practical effects of these decisions, it did little to discredit the organisational theory of quasi-incorporation that made them possible.58 the concept of a concessionary relationship between the state and the trade unions, regulated through the courts, remained. it may be that parliament simply acted to minimise the chance of conflict between labour and the law. there was an abstention from conflict rather than an abstention from legalism. that is not to say that conflict was absent from this period, for during the 1920s the coal miners and transport workers emerged as the 'crack troops' of organised labour, confronting the government and its economic policies on a number of occasions between 1910 and 1926, most notably during the general strike. during the strike the union movement showed, at the very least, that it had the potential to mobilise the interests of labour to paralyse the economy, though this potential was not,actually realised in 1926. soon afterwards, the great depression began ,to bite. inevitably, the power of organised labour diminishes when demand for labour is flat. in 1927, the atmosphere of tentative collective laissez faire that had prevailed since the trade disputes act 1906 changed. the trade disputes act 1927 restricted the validity of the political fund by emphasising the rights of the individual over the interests of the collective entity.59 it also prohibited political strikes.6o the legal sub-structure of taff vale and osborne was revived. trade unions would be allowed to exist and to function provided that they restricted themselves to the conduct of industrial relations.61 however, the representatives of the state were wary of going too far down the road of regulation. the forces of labour had succeeded in creating a viable political party. at a time of instability in the party system, a radical attack on the unions might have swept the labour party into power.62 the two world wars in our period inevitably led to a great deal of social change. in particular, the relationship between trade unions and the state altered because 56. 6 edward 7, c.47. 57. 2-3 geo. 5, c.30. 58. but see trade union aci 1913, section 1 of which limits the importance of the statutory objects specified in the 1871 act. however, this was subject to section 2 which prohibited the registrar from registering a union unless it was within the statutory objects. 59. especially sections 2, 3, and 4. 60. section 1. 61. subject to n.58 supra. 62. the labour party formed governments in 1924 and 1929 but on neither occasion could it be said that it swept into office. 103 the denning law journal of the imperative need for national unity. during both world wars, government assumed wide powers to direct the economy, to control labour and to suspend collective. bargaining.63 the extent of regulation was enormous. in the circumstances, it is not surprising .that organised labour was prepared to accept this. it is surprising that this co-operation broke down on so very few occasions.64 this new, very close relationship between government and trade unions was especially significant during world war ii when trade unionists like ernest bevin became leading figures in the coalition government. they were able administrators and they could deliver the co-operation of their members. they were also able to demonstrate that a kind of socialism was viable during wartime, leading to an expectation that collectivism would be helpful during peacetime too.65 this period continued through to the election of the first independently viable labour government in 1945 and, arguably, even beyond its final defeat in 1951. the trade disputes act 1927 was repealed in 1946 so that the law returned to the collective laissezfaire that had prevailed between 1906 and 1927.66 but, again, the system of collective labour law was not the subject of any radical overhaul.67 the spirit of lord halsbury still hovered and the seeds of doctrinal conflict remained. the conflict did not arise between 1945 and 1951 because, while trade unionists were in government, there was no need for fundamental disagreement between the sectional interest and that of the state. also, on the economic front there was a very real sense in which the war was still being fought. the task of reconstruction was enormous. the drive for exports and simple need to feed, clothe and house the population were paramount. friendly and co-operative relations between the state and the trade unions continued through the early years of the conservative government which took office in 1951. senior ministers had worked with prominent trade unionists during the period of wartime coalition. subject to the issue of nationalisation there was much common ground between them.68 it seems clear that, during this period, a relationship of some kind existed between government and trade unions, and that this was thought to be important and positive by both sides. legally, it continued to rest upon the trade unions act 1871 which could mean different things to different people, as the disagreement between lords mcnaghten and shaw in osborne shows.69 but the political climate and the personalities of the time made extensive legal reg1!.lationof trade unions, 63. in both 1915 and 1940 strikes and lockouts became criminal offences. during world war ii, free collective bargaining was suspended and replaced with a system of compulsory arbitration. 64. e.g., the kent miners strike of 1941 which was settled: see wedderburn, supra, n.4, p.29. 65. some of the policies and proposals of the wartime coalition became the basis of a postwar political consensus. 66. trade disputes and trade unions act 1946. 67. indeed, the express purpose of the repeal was to restore "all enactments and rules of law" affected by the trade disputes act 1927. 68. pelling, supra n.20, pp.257-260. 69. see, supra, text pp.101, 102. 104 the curious history of trade union law through the 1871 act or otherwise, unnecessary. but this p~riod of tranquillity did not last. phase iv the 1960s: the beginning of conflict in the late 1950s and early 1960s, british society began a fundamental reassessment of the role of trade unionism, at a time when society as a whole was in the process of change. the cost of the second world war and the process of decolonisation had changed the ground rules of the british economy. the need for britain to "pay its way" became a dominant political theme, and the control of living standards became the core of economic policy.7oclearly, there was a tension between this theme and the need for trade unions to represent the rising aspirations of their members. while government developed a strong interest in the policy of pay restraint, the unions felt themselves to be obliged to oppose that policy for the benefit of their members and in order to preserve free collective bargaining. the relationship between the state and trade unions now contained a very basic and direct conflict of interest. government believed that pay restraint was clearly in the national interest. equally clearly, trade unions saw the imposition of pay restraint by the state as contrary to the interest of their members. this conflict dominated the atmosphere of the relationship, and its legal content, for the next 20 years. during the late 1950s and early 1960s, however, government was reluctant to use the law as an instrument of its policy towards the unions. certainly, there were judicial decisions which re-emphasised that trade unions, despite their 'privileges' were not 'above the law' and that there was a legal presumption against strikes.71 nevertheless, parliament attempted to avoid conflict and to promote co-operation by 'oiling the wheels' of the existing relationship, and drawing upon existing good will. the government set up a national economic development council which drew its members from government, capital and organised labour and was chaired by the chancellor of the exchequer.n its function was, and still is, to identify . obstacles to economic development and ways of overcoming them. this may be seen as a component of a new technique for the formulation of economic policy, relying upon negotiation between the state and the major economic interests. to begin with, this technique was not conspicuously successful. it was difficult to build a consensus around the policy of pay restraint, which remained unpopular. unfortunately, the validity of the whole exercise depended upon achieving such a consensus.73 pay restraint was inimical to the most basic interests of organised labour and, to some e"1ent, it was contrary to the interests of capital as well. because of this diversity of interest, the conservative governments of the late 1950s and 1960s were forced tu adopt alternative policies. interestingly, they did 70. e.g., selwyn lloyd's pay pause of 1962. 71. see, e.g., lee v. showmens guild, supra n.55, and thompson f5 co v. deakin [19521 ch.646. 72. created under the auspices of the chancellor of the exchequer. 73. pelling, supra n.68. 105 the denning law journal not proceed along the course of legal regulation of collective bargaining. instead, they were forced to rely upon short term fiscal and monetary adjustments as a way of managing demand and controlling the economy; again, without notable success. the labour party returned to power in 1964, but their predecessor's problems remained. the crucial question was how to achieve export led economic growth. for the wilson government, restraining consumption at home was only a part of the solution. the new administration also placed a great deal of faith in the modernisation and central planning of the economy. the basic concept of the nedc was expanded and a new department of economic affairs was created. its influence was to rival that of the treasury; its brief was to plan for and promote strong and sustainable economic growth. the co-operation of capital and of organised labour was plainly crucial to its success. it seems that trade unions were prepared to accept the desirability of planned economic growth in principle. in practice, there were serious' difficulties. financial problems, resulting partly from the instability of sterling, caused inflation. in an inflationary environment, it became very hard for union leaders to restrain the expectations of their members.74 in the middle and late 1960s there were serious national strikes among the railwayworkers, the dockers and the merchant seamen. again, government did not choose to use the legal system to meet the problem.75 instead, the search for informal consensus continued, albeit in a more public and perhaps desperate way than before. state intervention took the form of persuasion, emphasising that the national interest required restraint from sectional interests. many trade union leaders sympathised with the core of what ministers were saying, but it remained difficult for them to reconcile the proposed sublimation of their members' interests with their basic function, the promotion of those interests. in short, those leaders were unable to deliver the co-operation of their members.76 the principle of abstentionism, and the loose organisational structure that it allowed unions to retain, meant that they could not be controlled even by their own officials. the co-operative relationship between government, labour and capital began to crumble under the weight of spontaneous and unofficial industrial action. so did the government's economic policy. in this climate, it is not surprising that policy-makers began to doubt the sense of collective laissez faire and co-operative economic planning, or at least their ability to exist together. to many, it seemed that a new, more formal set of relationships was needed: between labour and capital, and collective bargaining and the law. in some minds at least, thoughts of taff vale and osborne revived.77 74. for an account of this period see harold wilson, the labour government 1964-1970 -a personal record, ch.l. 75. subject to the trade disputes act 1965 which had the relatively narrow purpose of overruling the controversial decision of the house of lords in rookes v. rookes [1964] a.c. 1192. 76. see pelling, supra n.20, pp.262-266. 77. see, e.g., a giants strength (inns of court conservative association, 1958). 106 the curious history of trade union law a royal commission, chaired by lord donovan, reported its findings in 1968.78 in its view, the complex relationships between labour and capital, collective bargaining and economic policy could only improve and stabilise if relations improved and stabilised on the shop floor. the views of union members were subverting the vital process of collective bargaining and turning it into the great imponderable of economic policy. shop floor tensions were the source of unofficial industrial action which, in tum, was a cause of economic dislocation. having identified the flaw in relations between competing economic interests and the national interest, the donovan commission had to recommend remedial action. the commission reaffirmed the virtues of the policy of abstentionism and the inadequacy oflegalism as an approach to industrial relations. however, it also proposed the enactment of industrial relations legislation which would formalise and strengthen collective bargaining. it was thought that government had a role, but that it should be value neutral. it would not claim a controlling interest, but it would create machinery for the registration of collective agreements in the interests of consistency and certainty. it would also act as a source of information and advice. none of this was outside of the supposed 'tradition' of abstentionism. however, there were other proposals which contemplated a much more direct and legalistic relationship between the state and the unions. for example, it was proposed that union rules should conform with statutory standards formal and substantive, and that union members should acquire the legal right not to be unfairly excluded or expelled from their union, as a corollary to the right not to be unfairly dismissed by an employer. these were legalistic proposals contemplating the development of organisational norms by the state, and their embodiment in the law. the donovan report is often cited as the central text of the abstentionist analysis, yet it can also be seen as a vindication of the legalistic view in taff vale and osborne. the commission was prepared to propose quite extensive legal regulation of collective bargaining, and of the trade unions themselves. the trade union movement reacted to these proposals with considerable suspicion and some alarm at the prospect of legal involvement in collective bargaining, and in their own internal affairs. so far as they were concerned, the law should be used to underpin collective bargaining by guaranteeing minimum conditions of employment and the right to strike, but it should go no further than that. 79 the government, convinced that a new approach was needed, published a white paper entitled "in place of strife".8o ostensibly, the document adopted the donovan analysis, but it also proposed that the role of the law should be strengthened. the newly created office of secretary of state for employment and productivity would carry with it a power to impose a conciliation pause before 78. cmnd. 3623. 79. for a more detailed summary of the principal recommendations and of trade union reactions to them see balfour, unions and ihe law (1973), ch.2. 80. cmnd. 3888. 107 the denning law journal unofficial industrial action. trade unions would be obliged to ballot their members before sanctioning official action. new statutory duties would be enforceable by way of fines, through an industrial board. "in place of strife" contemplated an enhanced role for government in the field of industrial relations. the aim seems to have been to use the law to modernise and plan collective bargaining in order to modernise and plan the economy. however, the proposals failed because of the inability of the parliamentary labour party and of the cabinet itself to unite around them. the unions were vehemently opposed to the creation of a new, more interventionist legal regime. the labour party was unable to overcome that opposition. in place of introducing legislation, parliament was forced to accept a "solemn and binding" undertaking from the tuc that it would use its best endeavours to prevent or resolve unofficial strikes. it would not accept any legal intervention in the internal affairs of unions, nor any legal restraints upon their freedom of action.8l as parliament was unable to act, government was forced to depend for the success of its policies upon the goodwill of a sectional interest. this was in stark contrast to the position in 1871 when trade unions had to rely upon parliament to carve out their place in the legal system. for the first time it was possible to say that in the relationship between the state and organised labour, it was the sectional interest that had the upper hand. the economic and constitutional tensions that were contained in this development erupted into conflict in the decade that followed. phase v the 1970s: crisis and experiment when a new conservative government took office in the summer of 1970, it saw itself as having received a clear mandate to use the law to reform industrial relations. there had been a 'legalistic' school within the conservative party throughout the 20th century. while in opposition, the party had published an 'alternative' to "in place of strife" entitled "fair deal at work".82 its recipe for reform contemplated a substantial injection oflegal supervision oflabour relations. while the unions continued to preach the creed of abstentionism, government became committed to the policy of legalism. the industrial relations act 1971 drew heavily upon "fair deal at work" which was in tum influenced by the federal labour relations law of the united states. american labour law depends upon organised collective bargaining, and there is a sense in which congress is responsible for its existence. however, the whole process and the trade unions themselves are subject to a wide range of legal obligations, and to the supervision of the national labor relations board and the 81. for a first hand account of this period see wilson, supra na, chs. 28-31. see also balfour, supra n.79, ch.3. and jenkins, the bailie of downing street (1970). 82. conservative political centre, 1968. 108 the curious history of trade union law secretary of labor. m3 an atmosphere of economic and political crisis, a belief in legalism and the transatlantic influence these were the conditioning factors that led to the industrial relations act. the provisions of the act are discussed exhaustively elsewhere, but its major principles should be mentioned.84 as has been said, the trade union act 1871 had created a system of voluntary registration of trade unions. the 1971 act enhanced the importance of registration. a "union" that failed to register would not be a "trade union" at all for the purposes of the act. registration was not possible unless the union rules appeared to a chief registrar to be fair, responsible and democratic. if at any time the rules failed to meet the statutory criteria, the chief registrar could apply to the new national industrial relations court for an order cancelling any existing registration.85 the significance of this new, stronger concept of registration is obvious. it meant that the state, through the chief registrar and the court, would have power over trade union government to an extent that was far greater than anything contemplated by the law, before or since. the theme of legal intervention in the internal affairs of unions was repeated in a statutory right to membership or non-membership of a trade union.86 it was in the nature of a voluntary association that it had the right to regulate its own membership this was a part of the culture of abstentionism. similarly, the efficiency of collective bargaining was thought to depend upon solidarity, frequently enforced through union membership agreements. the act moved away from those principles.87 many saw this as an attempt to impose the lawyer's conception of individual liberty upon organisations which, by their very nature, take a more collectivist view of freedom. another effect of the 1971 act was to give labour law its own distinctive legal system. collective bargaining and industrial action were to be analysed by reference to a code of unfair industrial practices, based on the unfair labor practices of us labour law.88 these new concepts were to be applied through a system of industrial tribunals and a national industrial relations court.89 the tribunals had existed since 1964, with very limited jurisdiction. the nirc was an innovation. it was exclusively concerned with labour law and, like the industrial tribunals, was composed of a legally qualified chairman (in this case a high court judge) and two 'wingmen' with industrial relations experience. the court was of similar status to the high court 83. see national labor relations act 1935 as amended in 1947 and the labor-management reporting and disclosure act 1959, 29 u.s.c. s.152 et seq.. 84. see, e.g., r. simpson and j. wood, industrial relations arid the 1971 act (1971) and, as a retrospective, kahn freund, (1974) 3 il.j. 186. 85. industrial relations act 1971, part iv. 86. sections 5 and 6. 87. the act abolishes the device of the pre-entry closed shop but permitted the adoption of the american device of the 'agency shop': see sections 7 and ii-18. 88. sections 54 and 55 of i.r.a. 1971; if national labor relations act 1935, 29 u.s.c. sections 158(a)5, 158(d) et al .. 89. i.r.a. 1971, part vi. 109 the denning law]0urnal and had the right to imprison or fine for contempt of court a power that it used to disastrous effect during its brief life.9o the industrial relations act was a bold attempt to regularise and supervise the conduct of industrial relations. the role of law was increased, and an attempt was made to systematise it. the government took the view that it was responsible for economic policy and for the protection of the national interest. it also had the right to require that industrial relations be conducted in an efficient and orderly way. law appeared to be the best way of ensuring that they were. although law, as an instrument of policy, can influence and harness processes and interests and can act as an umpire between them, it cannot define them. if a new system of law is to survive it must have the co-operation of those who are affected by it. clearly, the required co-operation was not forthcoming from the trade union movement. the industrial relations act failed because of organised opposition. this was largely passive. on the whole, the unions simply failed to acknowledge the act's existence.9i there were a number of emotionally charged legal actions which brought the act into disrepute. the state had committed itself to legalism and to offering a highly organised system of industrial relations. the offer was not only resoundingly rejected, it was never seriously considered. the industrial relations act jeopardised relations between the government and the trades union movement, though there is evidence that the real objection was to the act's legalism and not to the conservative government itself.92 between 1972 and 1974, the economy staggered from crisis to crisis. the price of oil increased dramatically, there was runaway inflation and a series of national strikes, culminating in the miners' strike of 1973-4. in february 1974, the prime minister sought a dissolution of parliament and fought the ensuing general election on the emotive issue of "who governs britain?" by now, the electorate could be forgiven for thinking that no-one could govern without the consent of the unions. the labour party was able to form a minority government. one of its first measures was the repeal of the industrial relations act.93 in october 1974, the new government was confirmed in office with a parliamentary majority of only 3 seats. through its own bitter experiences in the late 1960s, and those of the conservatives, the labour party seems to have concluded that economic policy and pay restraint were only obtainable with the active co-operation of the unions. legal regulation of collective bargaining was thought to be unworkable. indeed, some conservatives had also come around to this view.94 the relationship 90. see churchman v.joint shop stewards committee [1972] 1 w.l.r. 1094. for a readable account of some of the difficult cases that arose from the act, see lord denning, the closing chapter (1983), pp.164-177. 91. a colleague who taught a course for shop stewards in the early 1970s found that many would turn their backs to her whenever the act was mentioned. 92. see the reported remarks of lord carr in arnold, supra n.18, pp.22 and 23. 93. trade union and labour relations act 1974, s.1. 94. young, one of us (1989), pp.108-11o. 110 the curious history of trade union law between government and the trade union movement had to be placed on a new footing. the labour government approached the problem by emphasising the concept of partnership and inviting the union movement to participate in the creation and execution of economic policy. this approach was implemented through the novel, device of the "social contract", an agreement by which the unions promised pay restraint in return for the adoption of socialist policies, legal guarantees of trade union independence and organisational rights and a code of minimum workers' rights.95 symbolically, the trade union and labour relations act 1974 provided that trade unions were not bodies corporate and that they were not to be treated as if they were.96 thus, the ghosts of taff vale and osborne were laid to rest, though some of their practical consequences remained. a great deal of our modem labour law was created under the influence of the social contract.97 for a time, both government and labour were able to deliver their sides of the bargain. there was an absence of confrontation and inflation was brought under control, but by 1978 the flaws in the social contract became apparent. when an agreement comes under pressure it tends to fall apart, yet where such pressure is exerted government has to make difficult decisions. if government depends entirely upon an accommodation with a sectional interest, it is vulnerable. due to external pressures, the goverment was forced to cut public expenditure and to take demand out of the economy. this was a result of powerful sectional interests operating in the financial markets.98 government was seen to be reneging on its obligations under the social contract. in these difficult conditions, the government was unable to agree on an appropriate level of pay increases with the tue. the social contract became an economic impasse. the state reverted to the language of intervention and control. the government tried to impose pay norms, and the courts restricted the immunities of trade unions in respect of industrial action.99 in the autumn of 1978, it was expected that the government would seek a new electoral mandate in order to get the social contract back on course. it failed to do so, raising the suspicion that it had lost touch with reality. during the winter, the tension between government and organised labour resulting from pay policy exploded into a "winter of discontent." the authority of the government, already tenuous because of the lack of a parliamentary majority, crumbled. the social contract was, in a sense, the high water mark of the concept of abstentionism. certainly, it involved a very close and direct relationship between 95. for an account of and views on this period see arnold, supra n.18., chao 96. section 2(1). 97. e.g., employment protection act 1975; trade union and labour relations act 1974; trade union and labour relations (amendment) act 1976; sex discrimination act 1975; race relations act 1976; employment protection (consolidation) act 1978. 98. interests that were arguably vindicated by the intervention of the international monetary fund. 99. especially the court of appeal while lord denning was the master of the rolls: see, e.g., b.b.c. v. hearn [1977] 1 w.l.r. 1004 and express newspapers v. mcshane [1979] 1 w.l.r. 390. (h.l.). if. mcshane v. express newspapers [1979] i.r.l.r. 79 (c.a.). 111 the denning law journal the government and organised labour, but the relationship was to be regulated by negotiation and bargain rather than by law. to that extent, it was the antithesis of taff vale, osborne and the industrial relations act 1971. in another sense, however, the conservative and labour governments of the early 1970s had a similar vision. both believed in economic policy through the consent of sectional interests. there is evidence that, on the whole, the trade unions and the heath government had the beginnings of a fruitful relationship. i if the industrial relations act had been given a chance, it might have become the basis of a kind of social contract or tripartism, involving government, capital and labour. the labour government wanted the same kind of relationship, but set about creating it in a different way, without law, because of the experience of the 1960s and its 'special relationship' with the unions. it is arguable that the story of the early 1970s is the story ohwo attempts to build a 'corporate' state, based on the positive agreement of national and sectional interests. the first attempt was legalistic. it failed. the second was abstentionist. it failed too. the relationship between the state and trade unions was in a state of crisis. the 1980s a new approach? during the 1979 election campaign, james callaghan instructed the electorate that: "the question you will have to.consider is whether we risk tearing everything up at the roots."z apparently, some conservatives were unimpressed by the corporatism and collectivism of the 1970s. it was their intention to discard them. plainly, this would profoundly affect the relationship between the trade unions and the state, such as it was. the new prime minister and her advisors believed that there was little point in seeking consensus with the unions in the traditional sense. however, there seems to have been a desire to change the union-government relationship into one of "positive partnership".3 the question was, how to go about making that change. the new government, after winning yet another general election fought on the issue of union power, promised measured legal intervention in industrial relations and in the internal affairs of trade unions. some elements in the conservative party were anxious not to plunge into a 'root and branch' reform of the kind that had been attempted in the early 1970s. the three conservative governments that have held office since 1979 have approached the perceived 'problem' of trade union power in two basic ways. first, they have used economic policy. in the early 1980s the government confronted inflation by attempting to control the money supply. initially, this deepened an existing world recession. high interest rates and a strong currency 1. see, supra, n.92. 2. quoted in young, supra n.94, p.l31. 3. ibid., p.1i6. 112 the curious history of trade union law made it hard for british industry to compete abroad, and suppressed demand at home. because of this, industry shed labour. it has already been noted that when demand for labour is weak, the power of organised labour is reduced. in this climate, the problems of the 1970s were unlikely to recur, or at least to have the same effects. it is questionable whether the decline in the power of the unions was an intended or an unintended consequence of broader economic policy. it may be that it was simply a welcome by-product. thus, the relationship between the state and organised labour was regulated, not by statute and judicial decisions, but by the more mercurial laws of economics. secondly, the conservative government has approached its relationships with the unions through legislation. there have been four major acts of parliament, and a fifth may be expected very soon. the first was the employment act 1980. as well as restricting trade union immunities in respect of industrial action,4 the 1980 act reintroduced donovan's idea of a legally enforceable right to trade union membership. initially, the right not to be unreasonably excluded or expelled from a union applied only in limited circumstances, i.e. where a union membership agreement was in operation.5 like donovan, "in place of strife", and the industrial relations act 1971, this represents state intervention in the internal affairs of unions. it reflects the individualistic conception of trade union government preferred by lawyers as demonstrated in, for example, lord denning's dissenting judgments in breen v. aeu6 and, after the 1980 act, in cheal/v. apex.7 the second major legislative development was the employment act 1982 which has the effect, inter alia, of limiting the legalityof union recognition requirements.8 conceptually, the acts of 1980 and 1982 echo the idea of the unfair industrial practice, which was a central feature of the industrial relations act. the trade unions act 1984 was the most direct legal intervention in the internal affairs of unions since 1971. most importantly, the act requires that trade unions ballot their members before instructing them to take industrial action.9 again, this echoes "in place of strife" and the 1971 act. however, while earlier proposals and enactments required that this obligation should be enforced by government, the 1984 act approached the problem of enforcement by a more indirect route. the absence of a ballot would deprive the union of immunity against any tortious liability that might arise from industrial action.]osuch liability could only be imposed at the suit of the victim of tort. in most cases, this would be the employer with whom the union was in dispute. thus, the state provides a legal framework for those who wish to use it, but distances itself from the responsibility, 4. section 17. 5. section 4. 6. [1971] 2 qb. 175. 7. [1983] qb. 126. 8. section 12. 9. sections 10 and 11. 10. section 10(1). 113 the denning law journal and political minefiejd, of enforcement. here, the old distinction between legalism and abstentionism seems to blur. parliament defines legal norms, but their application is left to the participants in the process of industrial relations who may, or may not, choose to go to court. the 1984 act also requires that all members of a trade union's permanent executive committee should be elected by secret ballot. ii the employment act 1988 repeats and extends the theme of the 1984 act. the express aim of both statutes was, and is, to enhance the power of individual trade union members and to make union government accountable to those whom it exists to serve.12 the 1988 act tightens the requirements of election of the permanent executive committee,13 and gives individual members the right to force a pre-industrial action ballot, through the courts,14 and of inspecting the union's accounting recordsy very importantly, the act builds upon the employment act 1980 by giving every trade union member the right not to be unjustifiably disciplined. 16this is not restricted to members who are covered by a union membership agreement. nor is the concept of "discipline" restricted to exclusion or expulsion as it was in 1980. also, while the concept of unreasonable exclusion or expulsion in the 1980 act was largely undefined, i 7 the 1988 act defines a number of circumstances in which disciplinary action will be deemed to be unjustifiable. these include discipline for failure to support industrial action, even if such action has been approved by ballot, and disciplinary action for suggesting that there is impropriety in union government, unless that suggestion is made in bad faith.18 in addition, a union member who wishes to use the legal system to protect these rights may seek the assistance of a new commissioner for the rights of trade union members. 19 the employment act 1988, and by implication the trade union act 1984, has been criticised as "an objectionable intervention in trade union affairs".2o yet it is notable that the legislation of the 1980s, though radical, is largely enforceable at the suit of private persons employers and individual trade union members. unlike "in place of strife" and the industrial relations act, there are few new regulatory powers in the secretary of state for employment. indeed, it has been ii. section i. 12. trade unions and their members: cmnd. 9s (1987). 13. section 12. 14. section i. 15. section 6. 16. section 3. 17. except by reference to codes of practice issued periodically by the secretary of state for employment. 18. section 3(3). 19. sections 19 and 20. the first case brought with the assistance of the commissioner came before the high court on 26 june 1989 in the form of an application for an order to restrain industrial action by the n.u.r. because of the allegedly defective conduct of the required ballot. the application was rejected. 20. mckendrick, (1988) 17 i.j.l. 141. 114 the curious history of trade union law suggested that that office may face abolition in the near future.21 there are no new statutory bodies, with the exception of the commissioner for the rights of trade union members, and no new courts. thus, although the law has been reintroduced into industrial relations on a scale that has not been seen since 1971, the government is careful to distance itself from the application of the law which, it seems, is the responsibility of the individuals and organisations that are affected by it, and it is the individual that is emphasised most. the philosophies of legalism and abstentionism seem to be finely balanced, and there is a deafening silence as to the nature of the relationship between trade unions and the state. by all accounts, they now have very little to do with each other.22 in the late 1980s, the very idea of collective bargaining in the traditional, industry-wide sense, seems to be under review and the courts are involved in industrial conflict on a day-to-day basis. however, it is far from clear that this is resulting in lower wage demands. as the economy overheats, and inflation returns, some of the industrial problems of the 1970s seem to be retuming. by the end of the decade it should be possible to make a preliminary judgment about the efficiency of the new legal framework, as it is tested by resurgent industrial conflict. there is one aspect of legal development in the 1980s that is very striking. it is the way in which, by increments, the broad policy of "in place of strife" and the industrial relations act 1971 has been implemented without the foundations of the constitution being shaken. trade unions, which never wished to exist as corporate bodies, are now treated as if they were by the 1984 and 1988 acts, in spite of the protestations of section 2 of the trade unions and labour relations act 1974.23 ballots must be held on a wide range of occasions. the policy of legalism has been installed while ministers fastidiously maintain their distance. what is remarkable is that this has become a rare subject of political consensus.24 in a sense, it is at least arguable that taffvale, osborne, "in place of strife" and the industrial relations act have been vindicated. it is even possible that they never ever went away, and that the social contract was the aberration in the story. will the next stage be a movement towards 'positive' partnership? 21. though it has been suggested by the secretary of state for employment that he may present a bill designed to restrain strikes in essential public services. 22. on 28 june 1989, the then secretary of state for transport declined to intervene in the current railway dispute, on the basis that it was for management and labour to resolve their own differences. this may be inconsistent with the suggestion in n.21, supra.a similar view has been taken in the context of the ambulance workers' work to rule' of autumn/winter 1989. 23. indeed, mckendrick, supra n.20, compares the provisions of the employment act with the model 'table a' articles of association in the companies act 1985. 24. in that even the labour party is not publicly committed to the repeal of all the labour relations legislation of the 1980s. 115 the denning law journal conclusion as an historical survey all that has been said can only scratch the surface of the long and complex development of collective labour law, but at the same time it is possible to see the begining of some historical patterns. first, it appears that trade union legislation has been as much the product of concern about the relationship between public and sectional interests as of a desire to influence the operation of the labour market. in fact there seems to be little evidence of a preoccupation with industrial relations as such. on the whole, it seems that there has been more interest in minimising the wider consequences of poor labour relations on the economy and of trade union power on the ability of government to govern according to its own perception of the public interest. at one extreme, the combination acts of 1799 and 1800 present a particularly crude example of all of this and while the trade union acts of 1871 and 1876 denote an important change of attitude the law that they contained turned out to be as much about legal control of trade unions as they were about liberalisation. more subtly, "in place of strife", its successor the industrial relations act 1971 and the social contract all reflect, in different ways, a preoccupation with the need to govern effectivelywhile bearing in mind the views and the power of organised labour. taken at face value, the legislation of the 1980s seems to have less to do with these preoccupations in the sense that the unions seem to have been excluded from the corridors of power to the extent that government does not consider itself to have an important relationship with them at all. however, it is far from clear that this legislation should be taken at its face value. in any event, the lessons of history may show that the abstentionist view of industrial relations is destined to continuing disappointment. the second interesting pattern reflects the way in which the concerns of the 1960s and 1970s remain the concerns of the 1980s and the striking homogeneity of the legislative approach to them. the early ideas of the donovan commission which were reflected in "in place of strife" and the 1971 act have been vindicated in recent legislation to an extent that is surprising. many of donovan's proposals which were so controversial at their inception are now firmly entrenched in the law, in substance if not in form. in that context, the social contract of 1974 to 1978 may be seen either as an historical aberration or as an attempt to formalise an idealised view of the pre-donovan period. it was certainly an attempt to place relations between the state and collective bargaining on to a secure footing. like most other attempts, it was hardly an unqualified success. the history of trade union law in britain has been unhappy and confused and that fact alone may be a sufficient reason for taking the traditional abstentionist view. as a theory it has certainly contributed more to british industrial relations scholarship than any other. but history seems to indicate that it has always operated as a hope or value judgment rather than as a description. even during its supposed heyday, as an official policy the spectre of legalism haunted the feast, always ready to return if the industrial relations system and therefore the state 116 the curious history of trade union law came under pressure. now it has returned with a vengeance. it was probably knocking on policy makers' doors as early as the late 1950s.1t is unlikely to leave in the near future and it is hard to be sure that it ought to. as it stands, a pause for thought and sensible rationalisation and codification seem to present the best hope for clarity of underlying principle and for a praiseworthy "phase vi" in the curious history of collective labour law. 117 freedom of the press: freedom from the press* sir david calcutt, qc as the parliamentary summer recess once again approaches, it is perhaps appropriate that we should be considering the balance which has yet to be effectively struck between the freedom of the press, and freedom from the press that is, the freedom of the press to investigate and to inform the public about matters oflegitimate public interest; and the freedom ofthe individual to be protected from public exposure, by the press, of private matters, but in which the public has no legitimate interest. after all, it is now over five years since the government called for and called for as a matter of urgency a report on the measures needed (whether legislative or otherwise) to give further protection to individual privacy from the activiti~s of the press. it is now over four years since the government accepted, in principle, the recommendations of the committee on privacy and related matters that a package of changes (including some legislative changes) was needed, and accepted the recommendation that this must positively be "the last chance" for the press to get its act together, failing which statutory support would be inevitable. it is now over two years since the government asked me to review and to review urgently the new arrangements which the press had put in place for self-regulation, and to say whether, in my view, those arrangements should now be modified or put on a statutory basis. it is now over 18 months since the government expressly accepted, in terms, my conclusion that the press complaints commission was not an effective regulator of the press. it is now over 15 months since the national heritage select committee published its report recommending statutory support for the voluntary regulation of the press. it is now over 12 months since the secretary of state for national heritage assured parliament that the government envisaged a white paper setting out the government's final views on press self-regulation, and said that the government would do its best to ensure that its response to the select committee's report would be published before * the child & co. lecture 1994. the denning law journal the summer recess by which, i had assumed, he meant the recess of 1993. but, to date, no white paper, still less any government legislative initiative, has yet been forthcoming. my purpose in addressing you today is not simply to repeat what the privacy committee said in its report, nor what i said in my review (though i will summarise it); but rather to take stock of all initiatives, to see where we are or rather, where we have so far failed to be and to see where things may go or may fail to go from here. the background is familiar enough. with increased concentrations of media ownership, with decreasing overall newspaper circulation figures, and with coverprice wars becoming increasingly intense, the temptation to go for the simply prurient story, in pursuit of increased sales, often regardless of who may get hurt, becomes increasingly difficult to resist. go back five years, if you will, to the 1988-89 session of parliament. in that session there had been widespread support for two members' bills, one relating to the protection of privacy, the other to a right of reply. one had been introduced by mr john browne, the other by mr tony worthington. each bill had been given a second reading. each had completed its committee stage in the house of commons. neither of these proposals was new. similar bills had been introduced in the previous parliamentary session by mr william cash, and by miss ann clwyd. and these bills had themselves each been based on earlier bills. public concern, in 1989, was temporarily assuaged by the familiar device of setting up a committee to recommend what should be done. the committee's terms of reference are now worth repeating. they were: "in the light of the recent public concern about intrusion into the private lives of individuals by certain sections of the press, to consider what measures (whether legislative or otherwise) are needed to give further protection to individual privacy from the activities of the press, and to improve recourse against the press for the individual citizen . . ." considering, for one moment, those terms of reference, the focus of attention was to be on the press; it did not extend to the whole of the media. this limitation had its advantages; it also had its obvious disadvantages. secondly, the inquiry was to focus particularly on those measures needed to provide adequate protection to an individual's privacy: it was not principally 'concerned with such other protection as might be needed. thirdly, the government itself expressly contemplated that legislation might be needed. it was made plain from the outset that the committee's report was required urgently. parliament had been told that it was intended that the committee should report within one year; and ministers on several occasions had spoken publicly of the need for a speedy report. 2 freedom of the press: freedom from the press the committee received a great deal of evidence. a number of witnesses, particularly those from the press, provided the committee with detailed analyses of press practice, and of the wide constraints already placed on them. by contrast, a number of people whose privacy had been the subject of intrusion by the press, often in distressing circumstances, sent the committee detailed dossiers of their experiences. many witnesses argued strongly for press freedom to investigate wrong doing. by contrast, many members of the public wrote to us advocating restrictions on the press. these ranged from the outright prohibition of particular activities, to various forms of recompense, and to a variety of punishments for editors and journalists. the report of the committee was completed almost within the year, and published in june 1990. it was unanimous. the report recognised the balance which needed to be· struck between freedom of expression and an individual's right to privacy. the committee took the view that freedom of expression was fundamental in a democratic society, but concluded that this could not be at the expense of other important rights, including an individual's right to privacy. the committee made a number of recommendations. they were intended to form part of one overall balanced package. the principal parts of that package can be summarised in this way. first, any new means of redress would need to be carefully targeted, and should not range more widely than was needed to meet existing gaps in protection. secondly, any new wide-ranging statutory civil rights, aimed at the protection of infringement of privacy, although practicable, would not then as part of the balanced package have been appropriate. thirdly, the most blatant forms of physical intrusion pratices involving' 'doorstepping", bugging, and the use oflong-range cameras should, subject to appropriate defences, be outlawed. fourthly, the existing statutory restrictions on reporting should be strengthened, so as to provide added protection for children and the victims of sexual offences. fiftwy, the press's own arrangements for voluntary self-regulation should be revised and strengthened by setting up a new press complaints commission (as detailed in the report), to replace the old press council. lastly, if the press failed to demonstrate that non-statutory self-regulation could be made to work effectively, then the new regulatory arrangements would have to be given statutory support; and the form which that support would need to take was spelt out plainly and in considerable detail. in the light of what has happened, it is important to see what was said, in june 1990, when the report (cm. 1102) was published, both by the government and by the opposition. the then home secretary (mr david waddington, as he then was) said that the government warmly welcomed the general approach which the committee had taken on the delicate issue of balancing privacy for the individual against the maintenance of freedom of expression. he said that the government was attracted by those 3 the denning law journal recommendations which offered the possibility of an immediate remedy against the worst excesses of the press. he said that this was positively "the last chance" for the industry to establish an effective non-statutory system of regulation. if a non-statutory commission were established, the government, he said, would review its performance after 18 months of operation, to determine whether a statutory underpinning was required. if no steps were taken to set up such a commission, the government, he said, albeit with some regret, would proceed to establish a statutory framework, taking account of the committee's recommendations. mr waddington supported this by an article in the times the following day. he said that he considered the committee's recommendations offered a genuine opportunity to restore the responsible exercise of press freedom to all our newspapers. but if, after a trial period, they did not, the government he said, would not flinch from introducing statutory regulation of the press. this was, then, emphatically to be "the last chance" for the press to put its own house in order. if that failed, the government had made it perfectly plain that statutory support would be needed. no suggestion was then made that such statutory support would give rise to any constitutional difficulties. mr roy hattersley, speaking for the opposition, gave an unqualified welcome to the report's positive proposals. he drew attention to the home secretary's own express belief that newspapers would respond'to this one "last chance"; but he said that he (mr hattersley) had his doubts; and that was why the second recommendation the introduction of statutory regulation by an official body was absolutely essential if the "year of grace" was ignored and if the press did not mend its ways. so, the opposition, too, took the view that this was to be the "last chance"; and that if it failed, statutory regulation would follow; and, again, no constitutional anxieties were raised. but, following publication of the committee's report, the government itself has so far failed to initiate any of the recommended measures which required legislation. the press, did, however, abolish the old press council, and set up, in its place, a new press complaints commission. but the new commission, as set up by the press, differed significantly from the commission which the privacy committee had had in mind, the details of which had been fully spelt out in the report. the principal differences were these. first, the members of the commission were to be appointed, not by a body which was itself independent of the press (as the report had recommended), but, in effect, by a body which was the creature of the newspaper industry. secondly, the report had recommended that the commission should not act as an overtly campaigning body for press freedom; but there were signs that the commission was once again asserting, as the old press council had done, a positive role for the commission in defending press freedom. thirdly, the commission operated a code of practice produced and monitored, not by the commission (as the report had recommended), but by the industry. 4 freedom of the press: freedom from the press fourthly, the industry's code of practice reduced, in several significant respects, the protection which the privacy committee had proposed for individuals: it failed to hold the balance fairly between the industry and the individual. fifthly, the industry's code of practice widened the concept of "public interest' , , thereby significantly reducing the level of protection which ought to have been provided for individuals. . sixthly, the commission was generally unwilling to operate a "hot-line" to prevent anticipated breaches of the code, as the old press council had proposed, and as the committee had recommended. finally, the commission was then unwijiing itself to initiate inquiries, as the old press council had done and as the committee had also recommended. the new commission began work on 1january 1991. this meant that the i8-month period the time when the government had promised a review of the commission's performance to determine whether statutory underpinning was required expired in july 1992. it so happened that the end of this 18-month period coincided with the serialisation in the press of andrew morton's book, diana: her own true story and this itself gave rise to a good deal of further public concern about the behaviour of the press. the government invited me to undertake the review of the performance of the press complaints commission. my terms of reference are again worth repeating. they were: "to assess the effectiveness of non-statutory self-regulation by the press since the establishment of the press complaints commission and to give my vie~s on whether the present arrangements for self-regulation should now be modified or put on a statutory basis; and to consider whether any further measures might be needed with intrusions into personal privacy by the press." the thrust of the review was thus different from that of the earlier report. the thrust of the report had been to consider what measures were necessary to give further protection to individual privacy. the thrust of the review was to assess the effectiveness of the new self-regulatory arrangements. the terms of reference of the review plainly contemplated the possibility that the voluntary arrangements might need to be put on a statutory basis. there was no suggestion that, if a statutory basis were needed, any constitutional difficulties would be likely to arise. it seemed to me that, in conducting the review, i was entitled to take, as my starting point, the report of the privacy committee (including the recommended statutory support which would be needed if the proposed new self-regulatory arrangements proved to be ineffective). after all, that report, as i have already pointed out, had been unanimous; it had been accepted, in principle, both by the government and by the opposition; and the government was well aware of my views about the fall5 the denning law journal back statutory support which would be needed, and yet had chosen to come back to me to undertake the review. i do not trouble you with the detail of the review. the main conclusions which i reached, on the effectiveness of press self-regulation, were these. first, the new press complaints commission was not an effective regulator of the press. secondly, it had not been set up in a way, and was not operating a code of practice, which enabled it to command not only press but also public confidence. thirdly, it did not, in my view, hold the balance fairly between the press and the individual. fourthly, it was not, in my view, the truly independent body which it should have been. finally, as constituted, it was, in essence, a body set up by the industry, and operating a code of practice devised by the industry and which was over-favourable to the industry. it was with regret that i had to reach these conclusions, and, having considered (and rejected) the possibility of modification, i recommended that the government should put press regulation on the statutory basis detailed in the report of the privacy committee. i also recommended that the criminal offences relating to physical intrusion and covert surveillance, which had been proposed by the privacy committee, should be enacted. i also recommended that the government should give further consideration to the introduction of a new tort of infringement of privacy. on 14 january 1993 the government published my review. the secretary of state for national heritage (mr peter brooke) said in parliament that the government accepted the case i had made for new criminal offences to deal with specified types of physical intrusion and covert surveillance; but the case i made was essentially no different in this respect from the recommendations which the committee had made some 18 months earlier, but which the government had thus far disregarded. the government also accepted my recommendations that further consideration should be given to introduction of a new tort of infringement of privacy. more significantly, the government also agreed with me that the press complaints commission, as then constituted, was not an effective regulator of the press, that it was not truly independent, and that its procedures were deficient. my recommendation that the government should not put press regulation on a statutory basis raised, so mr brooke said, separate and more difficult issues which needed to be carefully weighed. the government, he said, was conscious that action to make such a body statutory would be a step of some constitutional significance, departing from the traditional approach to press regulation in the united kingdom; and that in the light of those considerations, the government, he said, would be extremely reluctant to pursue that route. that reasoning, i have to say, and in the light of what had gone before, and which i have just outlined, struck me as curious. why should such statutory support be so significant a constitutional step that the 6 freedom of the press: freedom from the press government should be reluctant to introduce it? neither mr waddington nor mr hattersley appeared to have taken that view in 1990. the answer must surely depend on the likely effect of the proposed statutory support. if, of course, the likely effect would be to result in censorship and gagging of the press, and to prevent responsible investigative journalism so as to shield the wicked from exposure, that would indeed be a step of some constitutional significance. but if the change simply makes effective, by providing adequate sanctions, that which is presently ineffective, where is the "significant constitutional step"? and what is its vice? if the concept of press regulation is accepted by the press, as it surely must be (the press having set up the press complaints commission), then it must surely follow that it is effective regulation that is accepted. or is the press only prepared to accept press regulations so long as that regulation is ineffective? that would be a cynical view indeed. but, as the editor of one of our broadsheets once put it: "the people who own and run our popular press are driven by commercial imperatives that brook no interference." the statutory support which the privacy committee proposed in the event of the failure of the press complaints commission (and which i recommended in my review) was designed to make, and would have the likely effect of making, a positive contribution to the development of the highest standards of journalism. it would have enabled the press to operate freely and responsibly. it would have given it the backing which was needed, in a fiercely competitive market, to resist the wildest excesses. the committee's recommendations were designed to ensure, and would have the likely effect of ensuring, that privacy, which all agreed should be respected, was protected from unjustifiable intrusion, and protected by a body in which the public as well as the press had confidence. so much, then, for a summary of the position of the report of the committee and of my review. my review was, in fact, only one of several initiatives which were then being undertaken in respect of the press. i should now say something of the other initiatives, so that the two government-sponsored inquiries can be seen in a wider context. mr clive soley introduced a bill entitled freedom and responsibility of the press. that bill proposed the establishment of a body, to be known as the independent press authority, which would seek the presentation of news, by papers and periodicals, with due accuracy. the authority's proposed powers would have included the power to determine questions of factual inaccuracy, and the power to order an editor or publisher to publish a correction in the manner specified. mr soley's bill was given a second reading by a large majority. it had completed its committee stage, but it was nevertheless' 'talked out" at its report stage in march 1993, and so effectively became dead. although mr soley's concern and proposals were different from mine, his proposals like mine envisaged statutory support in the field of press regulation. he proposed a legally enforceable right to correction, and a statutory complaints authority to enforce that right. 7 the denning law journal there was another intiative which was being pursued at the same time. in october 1992 the national heritage select committee had announced that it would conduct an inquiry into privacy and media intrusion. its primary concern was to be with the privacy of private citizens, rather than public figures. that committee took evidence during the winter of 1992-93. its report was published in march 1993. the select committee expressly reached the significant conclusion (which i had also reached) that the press complaints commission, as then constituted, was not an effective regulator of the press. the committee recommended that a statutory press complaints tribunal should not be established (as i had recommended), but rather that there should be appointed an ombudsman with statutory powers to oversee the regulation of the media. the committee also recommended that certain types of intrusion should be made "civil offences" and other types criminal offences. thus the select committee, though differing from me about the means,' was also of the view that some form of statutory support was needed if press regulation were to be effective. it really goes a good deal further than that. although the select committee disagreed with my proposals and did so with some theatrical display, the committee's proposals do not differ very much, in their effect, from mine. a voluntary press commission, which has the support of a statutory ombudsman vested with statutory powers and sanctions, is a very different creature from a voluntary commission which has no such statutory support. and a commission, so supported, is not essentially different, in its effect, from a statutory complaints tribunal. the select committee's proposals, if anything, went further than mine. the conduct caught by their proposed criminal offences would have been wider; and the committee recommended the introduction of "civil offences". on 10 june 1993 the report of the select committee was debated in the house of commons. the secetary of state for national heritage said that governments should normally seek to respond to select committee reports within 2 months, and that he regretted that it had not been possible to do so on this occasion. he said that the political range and importance of the committee's recommendations made a response within the normal time-table impossible. but he assured the house that the government would do its best to ensure that its response was published before the summer recess. but, as i have already indicated, the 1993 summer recess came, and went, without any response having been made. there has been a further initiative which i should also mention. at the end of july 1993, the lord chancellor's department in response to my recommendations, published a consultation paper which sought views on a possible new civil remedy for infringement of privacy. perhaps we may look, for one moment, at what had been going on in the courts and elsewhere. in kaye v. robertson and another ([ 1991] f.s.r.62; the times, 21 march 1990) the case of the well-known actor who was photographed and interviewed in his hospital bed the court of appeal, though granting relief on the ground of malicious falsehood, denied any right at common law for the protection of individual privacy. 8 freedom of the press: freedom from the press leggatt, l.j., said this: "we do not need a first amendment to preserve the freedom of the press, but the abuse of that freedom can be ensured only by the enforcement of a right to privacy. this right has so long been disregarded here that it can be recognised now only by the legislature. especially since there is available in the united states a wealth of experience of the enforcement of this right both at common law and also under statute, it is to be hoped that the making good of this single shortcoming in our law will not be long delayed." in the later case concerning the photographs of the duchess of york, with mr john bryan, in august 1992, latham j. had refused an injunction to prevent publication of the photographs, on the ground that english law did not (as was well-known) protect personal privacy. lord lester of herne hill (house of lords, 24 may 1994) has said that the courts are still capable of developing common law remedies for wrongful infringement of privacy, and that they should be allowed to do so. but, as against that, it has been pointed out in the consultation paper that, even if this were possible, development by common law is uncertain both as to timing and as to content; and that it should be for parliament to legislate on privacy, and not for the courts to create a new right. in launching the consultation paper, the lord chancellor said this: "the time has come to ensure that the law protects the privacy of everyone. this is a matter which has been the subject of cross-party study for many years, and i think it right to offer concrete proposals for reform. the way ahead now is to provide a new remedy for individuals, with appropriate defences." the lord chancellor's consultation paper suggested, in particular, five things. first, that the right of privacy should now be recognised in law; secondly, that the existing law offered only limited protection for privacy; thirdly, that there should be a new civil remedy, allowing an individual to take a case to court if the infringement caused substantial distress; fourthly, that privacy should cover a person's health, personal communications and family and personal relationships; and finally, that the defences of consent, lawful authority, absolute or qualified privilege and public interest defence should, at the least, be available. but the consultation paper makes it plain that legal aid would not be made available; although "conditional fee arrangements" have been canvassed as a possible alternative, this must be a significant shortcoming. but, for my present purposes, it is again worth noting that the proposals made in the consultation paper again envisaged a form of statutory support for at least part of the ground covered by press regulation. in the result, those outside the press who have recently had to consider this difficult problem in any depth have all reached the conclusion that self-regulation, without more is not enough, and that some form of statutory support is needed. 9 the denning law journal meanwhile, the press complaints commission has, since january 1993, itself pursued a number of initiatives. i should mention those which strike me as being the most significant. on 24 february 1993, it was reported in the guardian that the commission expected to agree new measures designed to speed up the handling of complaints, and that an increase in the commission's budget was also likely to be agreed. in may 1993, the commission announced a series of measur:es designed to reinforce public confidence in the authority of the commission. membership of the commission and of its appointments commission would be altered so as to meet a perceived misconception regarding the commission's independence. and the commission not the industry would take final responsibility for the code of practice. in june 1993, the committee launched a new "help-line" service. its stated purpose was to assist members of the public who were concerned that the code of practice was likely to be breached in a press investigation relating to them. but the service aimed to provide no more than information about the publication of the news agency involved. it was a pale thing compared with the "hot line" which had been proposed by the old press council, and recommended by the privacy committee. in july 1993, the industry's code of practice was revised in a number of respects. first, explicit responsibility was placed on editors for the actions of their journalists. secondly, specific provision was made about the use of long-lens photography to take pictures of people on private property. thirdly, the appropriate manner of reporting of cases involving a sexual offence against a child was expanded and spelt out. finally, "public interest" exceptions were given definition, and so narrowed. in september 1993 the commission made the anticipated changes in its membership. in addition to the independent chairman, the commission, as newly constituted, was to comprise eight non-press members and seven editors. in january 1994, after the episode concerning the photographs of the princess of wales in the gym, the commission appointed one of its lay members, professor pinker, to act as the privacy commissioner, giving him powers to investigate urgent complaints about privacy, and to bring those complaints to the commission for decision under the code of practice. plainly the code has now been strengthened, and now comes closer to the recommendation of the privacy committee. but why, one may ask, was this not done in the first place? and, even so, has enough been done? and can the industry now deliver effective regulation? even the present arrangements fall short of the recommendations of the privacy committee. where stands the press itself in all of this? in matters affecting press regulation, the press tends to speak with one voice. in whatever way the press may present it, self-regulation appears to be the limit to which the press itself is prepared to go; and initiatives suggested by others which contemplate a modest degree of statutory support receive a uniformly hostile press reception, often bordering on paranoia. the press, as the messenger, is not usually at its most detached and objective when it comes to reporting stories critical of the press and of its own statutory arrangements. to freedom of the press: freedom from the press the fragility of the present arrangements was dramatically highlighted by the events surrounding the publication, in november 1993, by the sunday mirror (and then by the daily mirror) of the photographs taken of the princess of wales in the gym. so far as the sunday photographs were concerned, the chairman of the press complaints commission condemned on the sunday their publication, as a breach of the industry's code of practice, and said that he expected the mirror group of newsapers to avoid any further publication of the photographs. but on the following day the monday the daily mirror repeated publication of the gym photographs, and described the press complaints commission as a body which existed "to protect the liars amongst our disreputable rivals". it was not so much the publication of the sunday photographs that was significant, but rather the contempt shown for the commission on the following day. peace, at least outwardly, was restored later that week, but only after an apology had been made by the mirror group, and, more remarkably, after the chairman of the commission had withdrawn remarks made by him. if that is the way in which a significant player is prepared to treat publicly its own regulatory body, what hope is there for effective self-regulation? as the secretary of state was reported to have said at the time, the press complaints commission must make a "quantum leap" if self-regulation was to survive. finally, and more importantly, where now stands the government in all of this? i have so far taken the parliamentary story up to the debate which took place in june 1993. during the autumn of 1993 there were many reports of impending government activity, but, again, nothing happened. and the criminal justice and public order bill contained no relevant clauses. in february 1994, it was reported in the independent (14 february) that a comprehensive white paper on press regulation would be published in march, but that ministers had yet to agree on introducing a new civil law of privacy. it was said, however, that the cabinet committee on home affairs had given clearance to the secretary of state to proceed with his long-awaited white paper on the press. one of the more entertaining episodes in the press's campaign to maintain selfregulation, was the production, in february 1994, by the combined efforts of the association of british editors, the guild of editors, and the international press institute, of a paper called media freedom and media regulation. produced, no doubt, in the expectation that the government was indeed about to produce its long-awaited white paper, the press, by describing its paper as "an alternative white paper", at least demonstrated that the press assumed that the government was unlikely to propose what the press itself would have wished. as it is, we now have an "alternative white paper", but no original "white paper". in march 1994 it was reported in the press (the times, 12 march) that the prime minister had ordered a re-think on long-awaited government plans to tighten regulation of the press, and that a white paper, due to be published in march, had been torn up amid signs that the effort to lessen press intrusion had run into serious difficulties. 11 the denning law journal in april 1994 it was reported (the daily telegraph, 9 april) that the prime minister had intervened to give the press' 'one last chance" to introduce effective self-regulation over invasions of privacy. the report was in these terms. "after months of wrangling in whitehall over the content of a government white paper on privacy, mr major has decided that there should be a final review period in which newspapers can demonstrate a willingness to make self-regulation work. however, later this spring, ministers still intend to publish a long-awaited privacy white paper containing proposals for legislation. a draft privacy bill, accompanying it, is intended to act as a "sword of damocles" hanging over the media. mr major has decided to hold the bill in reserve to be introduced only if it becomes evident that the media have spurned the final opportunity to address growing concern over gross invasions of privacy. " no-one would suggest that the issues involved are anything other than complex which is presumably one reason, at least, why the government set up an inquiry in the first place. no-one can quarrel with a desire, on the part of the government, to get it right. but, assuming the report is accurate, "a final review period", "a final opportunity", and another "one last chance" all sound distinctly ominous: we have been there before. but why should there be such inordinate delay? there may sometimes be good sense in some delay; but undue delay may raise wider questions about political will and determination. as mr gerald kaufman, who was the chairman of the national heritage select committee, said at the end of the debate in pariament on 10 june 1993 "if no action is taken, the press will slide backwards in the belief that it has got through its crisis and that it is now all clear for it to return to some of the deeply objectionable ways from which, we hope, it is beginning to emerge." but that was now said over a year ago. it is for this reason that it now becomes important to consider the government response made in a debate in the house of lords in may. on 24 may, lord ackner, in committee, moved an amendment to the criminal justice and public order bill to insert a new clause directed to breaches of privacy with intent to obtain and publish information (as proposed by the privacy committee). earl ferrers, speaking on behalf of the government, said this. "there is now doubt that the behaviour of certain sections of the press, intruding into personal lives of both celebrities and ordinary members ofthe public, has, on occasion, been nothing less than deplorable. . . when any suggestion is made that there should be legislation to curtail such activities, there is a pathetic cry of 'don't touch the press'. if there is to be freedom of the press and there should be it is a privilege which carries a two-way responsibility. in any proposal for legislation which attempts to balance two rights, there are inevitably problems of principle and of definition which have to be resolved. it is essential that any proposals in this field should find the right balance between, 12 freedom of the press: freedom from the press on the one hand, the application of criminal and civil law , and, on the other hand, the freedom of the press and the rights of others, notably the right to privacy. any legal formulation in this difficult and sensitive area must be defined as clearly and unambiguously as possible if we are to ensure that it catches unacceptable intrusions but that it allows legitimate investigative work to continue. i shall not conceal from the committee that we have found it very difficult to reconcile those conflicting claims and to ensure the necessary precision in any legislative proposal. the various efforts which have been made in the past to control the excesses of the press behaviour are only too well known. the committee is aware of how much time has passed and the fact that the government have not yet made up their mind on these important questions. but i can assure the committee that the government have not been idle. it has become plain to us that the issues involved are very complex and sensitive, but they need to be considered as a whole in order to ensure that the balance is properly struck." so far, then, so good. but there then followed an indication that the whole matter would one day but not yet be thrown back into the public arena. the minister said this. "with an issue of such importance, it is essential that we get things right and that any proposal should be the subject of fully informed and national consideration . . . we propose to issue a white paper on the whole subject of press intrusion into privacy. in addition to dealing with the questions of self-regulation and a new civil tort, the white paper will also consider in some detail the various questions, both of practice and of principle, to which any extension of the criminal law in this area would give rise. this will give parliament and the public an opportunity for us to take a wider and fuller view." the minister had given no indication when the white paper would be published. lord ackner asked for this information; but the response was not encouraging. the minister said that the white paper would be produced when it was ready, but that it was unlikely to be immediate, because the government had yet to make up its mind. but if the government does not make up its mind, what will happen? lord renton enquired about the true nature of the government's intended paper. was it truly to be a white paper (as the minister had described it), which, as lord renton put it, was' 'rather conclusive and usually a prelude to legislation"? or was it, in truth, what is commonly spoken of as a "green paper" i.e. a consultative paper? the minister replied in these terms. "it is clear to say my noble friend lord renton and the committee that the government have not yet made up their mind and are considering the position. the object of a white paper is to enable the government to say 'there are our 13 the denning law journal thoughts', and find out what is the reaction of the public. that will be the purpose of the white paper. " in saying this, the minister was simply confirming what he had said earlier. but ifthe government's purpose is to engage in national and public consideration, in what are acknowledged to be very complex and sensitive issues, was there any real point in setting up the privacy committee in the first place? and who is likely to guide national and public consideration, if it be not the press? but if there is to be such consideration, why should there also be the delay? the real issue, i suspect, may be a very different one. it is this. does the government really have the political will and dertemination to do what it judges needs to be done? fu rther delay, followed one day by a paper which perhaps offers another" last chance", and which invites public consideration, followed possibly by yet another "last chance", may only serve to foster at least the thought that, notwithstanding all the recommendations which have been made, there is, in fact, no political will to do anything about it at all. as the 1994 summer recess approaches, with still no government repsonse, so too and perhaps you may say "thankfully" does the long vacation; and i leave all these thoughts to you for your peaceful vacation contemplation. 14 the challenges facing the law commission in the 1990s the right hon. lordjustice beldam* an early task assigned to me as newly arrived chairman of the law commission was to write the introduction for the forthcoming annual report for 1984/85.' that year had included the 20th anniversary of the law commission and provided the opportunity to reflect how far the commission had kept faith with the aims of its founders. it could not be denied that during the 20 years there had been many changes in the aspirations and in the staffing and methods of work of the commission. nevertheless it seemed to me, as i looked back over the achievements of past commissioners, that the commission had indeed kept faith by establishing and maintaining among informed opinion the reputation and status of an independent constitutional law reform body. it had done this through research, extensive consultation, the ability to harness specialised academic and professional opinion and, notwithstanding the occasional dissent, a capacity to agree on solutions which commanded the widest support. in this achievement members of the society of public teachers of law have played and are continuing to play an outstanding part. as commissioners, as independent consultants, as members of committees to which projects have been referred, as well as privately responding to the commission's working papers, members have made invaluable contributions to the cause oflaw reform and to the esteem in which the commission's work continues to be held. my recent arrival relieved me of any inhibitions which modesty might otherwise have imposed, but not unnaturally i felt pride and satisfaction when this appraisal appeared to command extensive if not universal support. it is entirely in the tradition of the commission that contrary views questioning this assessment of the commission and its achievements received equal if not more attention at the commission. in the following year, writing in the new law journal,2 mr alec samuels suggested that the law commission should be abolished and replaced by a department in the charge of a junior minister and a senior official under the lord • chairman, the law commission. this address was given at the annual conference of the society of public teachers of law, 1989. i. law com. no. 155. 2. "the law commission. do we really need it?", (1986) 136n.l.j. 747. 11 the denning law journal chancellor with responsibility for law reform. whilst not denying the commission's considerable achievements, it had really done only the "easy things" he believed. mr samuels has often been a proponent of the view that the law commission should have a higher profile and more "political clout" to enable it to overcome the inertia of government departments towards reforms generally and to the law commission's recommendations in particular. 3 the commission, he believed, needed as a chairman a forceful personality, a public presence, likely to make an impact in the corridors of power and fight the battles of the commission to secure implementation of its recommendations. early in the following year mr richard oerton, who was for many years an assistant solicitor with the commission and a most popular and respected member of its staff, published his book a lament for the law commission.4 he had seen the working of the commission from the inside and he cast his critical eye over the performance of successive chairmen, commissioners and parliamentary draughtsmen. it is quite understandable that someone who has devoted a substantial period of his life working with passionate intensity to achieve the goal of codification of the law of landlord and tenant should feel a sense of disillusion that the commission had failed to meet the challenges for which its founders created it. whether mr oerton would have felt the disillusion, and indeed pessimism, he expresses had parliament implementated the commission's reports on the obligations oflandlords and tenants5 on covenants restricting dispositions, alterations and change of user6 and on forfeiture,7 is at least doubtful; there can, however, be no doubt that any consideration ofthe challenges which face the law commission into the 1990sshould take full account of the serious points which mr samuels and mr oerton have made. mr oerton because he laments the passing of the law commission as, in his view, it was intended to be and mr samuels because he fears the ineffectual body which he believes it may become. in fact each of them has focused on contradictions in the position of the law commission which were clearly perceived at the time of its creation. astute civil servants in those departments most likely to be affected by the creation of an independent law reform agency8 raised questions about the extent of the commission's role and about its responsibilities. in the result, they were left unresolved so that they could be worked out pragmatically as time went on. much has already been written about these difficulties. at the colloquium which was held in 1986to mark the 20th anniversary of the founding of the law commission and of the faculty of laws at queen mary college many suggestions were put 3. "personal view: 20 years of law reform", (1985) 135n.l.j. 808. 4. richard oerton joined the law commission in 1972 and became an assistant solicitor in 1978. 5. law com. no. 67. 6. law com. no. 141. 7. law com. no. 142. 8. e.g. , the home office. 12 the challenges facing the law commission in the 1990s forward to overcome some of those which remain. 9 to continue to develop the role of an independent constitutional law reform body, while maintaining the quality and standard of its work, will i think present the commission with a continuing challenge into the 1990s. in some respects the altered aspirations of the commission and the changes in its methods of work have eased the difficulties perceived at the time of its creation. first and foremost of the difficulties over which argument took place was the question of the commission's independence. 10 was the commission to possess a power of initiative so that it could undertake of its own accord studies in branches of the law with which government departments might be intimately concerned? if so, a report recommending legislation which the department was unwilling to introduce could represent an embarrassing challenge to the minister concerned. there could be no question of a body such as the commission failing to publish its report. if, therefore, the commission was to be an independent body in the true sense of the term its activities should be confined to areas of the law which were not the responsibility of specific departments. such a view, however, conflicted with the aspiration that the law commission should have responsibility for all the law. the advocates of the idea of a law commission ii saw it as one of its prime functions to ensure that legislation introduced by government departments did not conflict with an overall plan for comprehensive law reform. the second objection raised to the creation of a law commission was of particular concern to the home office who were responsible for providing the staff and facilities for the criminal law revision committee. the home office was not only responsible for the criminal law and its administration but it was in a position to influence the subjects on which the committee worked and the terms in which they were referred to the committee. if the commission were to have responsibility for all the law, then the home office argued it could have an adverse affect on the responsibility of its ministers for the state of the law in the criminal courts. similarly, they argued, ministers responsible for the state of the law in their respective fields could also find that the commission was straying into their preserve. ironically such a view seems to have supposed that the recommendations of the law commission would in fact be enacted with little chance of debate or change being made during the process of legislation. ministers would in effect be bound to implement the recommendations of the commission even though they might not support the particular reforms. also discussed were the further difficulties posed by the legislative procedures of the house of commons. it was realised at once that comprehensive law reform might well produce a substantial demand on legislative time. consequently a need 9. for the papers presented see graham zellick (ed.), the law commission and law reform. london: sweet & maxwell (1988). 10. described by lord scarman as "considerable, but nottotal", jarreharel nehru memorial lecture 1979 but by mr samuels as "spurious", (1986) 136n.l.j. 808. ii. lord gardiner and professor andrew martin q.c. 13 the denning law journal was perceived to change the procedure of the house of commons to make the passage of law reform bills easier. at about this time the select committee on procedure of the house to consider the expediency of appointing a committee for the second reading of bills, so reducing the time required for proceedings of such bills in the house, was set up. in its reportl2 the committee considered ways in which the passage oflaw reform bills might be facilitated, and pointed out that the mere description of them as law reform bills did not necessarily mean that large questions of policy or questions likely to give rise to differences on party lines might not arise. thus the committee, contrary to some distinguished lawyers, appreciated that even law reform proposals which on the face of it appeared uncontroversial might give rise to political differences. the value of the special standing committee procedure of the house of commons, in considering law reform proposals, was emphasised by the attorney-general, sir patrick mayhew, when he spoke at the colloquium in 1986. he instanced the hearing of evidence by such a committee during the passage of the criminal attempts bill in 1981 and of the matrimonial and family provision bill, 1984, as examples of the way in which such a procedure can serve to still prejudice and alarm at commission proposals .13 at the time of its creation it was expected that one of the principal tasks of the law commission would be to codify whole branches of the law.14 obviously any code bill was likely to be a very substantial measure but, although concern was expressed at lack oflegislative time for law commission bills generally, there was no discussion in depth about the difficulty which would be presented by a bill which codified a whole branch of the law such as criminal law or the law of landlord and tenant. although it is already difficult to recapture the spirit of 1965, from contemporary records and debates and the aims of the commission's founders it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that in the mid-1960s law reform was seen as a desirable aim in itself. there was little or no discussion about the resources which would be needed for the commission nor about its overall cost. still less was there a discussion on whether a commission would be "cost effective". the need for a commission was clearly perceived and the immensity of the task which it was given to do (to take and keep all the law under review) ensured that in years to come there would be plenty of work to which it could turn its attention. implementation would surely follow the recommendations and if legislative time was a problem it would no doubt be somehow found. it is therefore not surprising that the commission for which mr oerton sounded his lament was a body which he perceived ought to be staffed by lawyers dedicated to reform, whose eyes were firmly on the coherence and structural elegance of the law, rather than on mere practical utility, who could make law reform their professional career rather as parliamentary draughtsmen might make a career of drafting parliamentary bills. 12. 1st report, feb. 1965. 13. the law commissian and law reform, supra n. 9. 14. see s. 3(i) law commissions act 1965. 14 the challenges facing the law commission in the 1990s by the 1980s,15however, a profound change had set in. public spending had reached an unacceptable level (it was said) and consequently economies were called for. control of public spending required that all projects needed to be justified and priorities established. all departments, including the lord chancellor's department, had to compete for a limited amount of funds. better use needed to be made of the skilled staff available. so it was that the staff inspection review which was carried out at the law commission in the early 1980s brought disillusion to mr oerton and i expect to a number of others. in a number of its major projects the commission had set itself challenges which it had been unable to meet. having abandoned its codification of the law of contract and of the law of landlord and tenant, the commission was still trying to produce a criminal code.16 at that stage the commission appeared as far as ever from concluding it. nevertheless the thoroughness and the quality of the commission's work was widely recognised. the commission might thus have seemed a serious candidate for economies in keeping with the new zeals and new ethos for public expenditure. the fact that the commission has survived, virtually in unaltered form, though with less ambitious aspirations and different methods of work, is in itself a tribute to the work of former members of the commission in meeting the challenges of the past. if in deciding on its programmes of work or in producing its recommendations the commission had been perceived as contributing little to the improvement of the law it would not have survived. nevertheless, as readers of our annual reports will know, the staff inspection report brought about a profound change in the way in which the commission was to undertake its work. five of the six senior solicitors in the government service were eventually withdrawn and the commission was expected to replace their expertise as and when required by commissioning work outside and by taking on additional research assistants. at the same time the commission, in order to make the best use of the financial resources available to it, had to cost its projects and to consider priorities. a number of projects which had been started several years earlier which were long and difficult remained to be completed. in addition the commission began to tum its attention to less ambitious projects. drawing on the work which it had previously done, it produced reports on particular aspects of the law of landlord and tenant and is continuing to do so. in the criminal law the commission continued systematically but steadily to work towards a criminal code. with the generous and outstanding assistance of the code team from the society of public teachers of law of professor smith, professor griew and professor dennis, completion of this important project became a reality. 17i view the final implementation of the criminal code as one of the major challenges facing the commission in the 1990s.no-one should underestimate the difficulties 15. its onset was already noted in 1979 by lord scarman. 16. law com. no. 56, 8th annua/ report, paras. 3 and 4. 17. law com. no. 143 and no. 177. 15 the denning law journal which will have to be faced and i shall return to them later. nevertheless publication of the code on aprill989 was among the greatest of the commission's achievements and it gave a significant boost to the morale of the commission. there are now many who believe that the enactment of the code would make a major contribution to simplification and rationalisation of the criminal law of this country. in the first annual report of the commission, under the subject of the future of law reform, the commission stated: "the most important lessons for the future learnt during the first year of the commission's existence are two: that haste is the enemy of sound law reform and that law reform must concern itself as much with the form, arrangement and procedures of the law as with its substance." my predecessor, lord justice gibson, in his lecture on the law commission's expressed the view that the commission would probably not wish for very much longer to carry out its duty of reviewing all the law by deciding what to do next within the existing programmes. it seemed to him likely that more resources would be applied to shorter projects which offered the prospect of useful reforms. some were already planned in the law of landlord and tenant. he saw the commission doing more of its work in response to government references, as it was then doing in contract law, and in providing assistance to departmental projects as the team led by brenda hoggett was then doing in preparing the review of child care law. there was no danger he felt of the commission ceasing to be the watchdog of all the law and dwindling into something resembling a law research division of a ministry of justice. he saw the problem as one of the best ways of allocating resources. the commission had, and should develop, the ability to examine, to organise and to prompt more in the way of reviewing the law and of projects of law reform than it could carry out by the use of its own permanent resources. the commission has actively pursued these ideas. indeed during lord justice gibson's time at the commission he, in conjunction with professor jolowicz, had already promoted an important seminar on civil procedure. this seminar, which was held in september 1985, stimulated widespread discussion which in due course led to.the civil justice review set up by the lord chancellor's department. in its recommendations the review suggested two topics which might be referred to the law commission. the first was class actions and the second the hearsay rule. i shall return to them later. during the past three years the commission has carried these ideas into practice. its criminal law team has prepared papers on a number of contemporary problems for presentation at seminars organised by the judicial studies board. it says a great deal for the foresight of mr brian davenport qc, 18. "the law commission", [1986] current legal problems, p.57. 16 the challenges facing the law commission in the 1990s whose term as commissioner responsible for the criminal law expired at the end of last year, that all of these studies have been of influence in their respective spheres in one way or another. the stimulation of discussion on topics of contemporary importancel9 and debate and the informing of opinion by accurate, thorough and detailed research both on their history and on the way in which the law has developed in other common law countries is, i believe, an important use of the commission's resources. whilst work of this kind is not contained in any programme item, nor has it been referred to the commission under section 3(l)(e), the promotion of reform of the law appears clearly from the law commissions act20 as a principal purpose for which it was set up. the commission has from its early days perceived that the encouragement of discussion on aspects of the law which appear outdated and in need of change is an important step in sounding public opinion. there are now 1,500 judges, full and part-time, who attend seminars of the judicial studies board. with first-hand experience of the difficulties currently presented by the procedure and practice in the criminal courts, they are an obvious source of advice on these projects. the commission recognised the value of this source of practical experience when it set up the consultation groups which considered the provisions of the draft criminal code. the papers presented at several recent judicial studies board seminars have been very well received and the commission in tum has received useful comments. quite apart from clarifying particular aspects of law and procedure, by undertaking studies and publishing papers of this kind the commission fulfils its duty to promote law reform by keeping interest alive and by encouraging many who perhaps otherwise would not make their views known to take part in the process of change. on the civil side of the judicial studies board too, trevor aldridge the commissioner responsible for property law has lectured on recent developments in the law of landlord and tenant. these initiatives not only stimulate the interest of the judiciary in changes in the law, they create awareness that the commission is as concerned to improve form and procedure in its practical day to day aspects. the reference received by the commission to consider the law of corroboration in criminal cases is a sign of this awareness and presents the commission with a new and stimulating challenge in the criminallaw.21 in addition to embarking on these smaller projects it seemed appropriate to review the progress which the commission had made with its programme items which represent the major part of its work. work which remained to be done could form the basis of a fourth programme of law reform which had been under discussion for some time. in addition the commission wished to add new projects 19. the team prepared papers on" sentencer as factfinder", "binding over in the crown court" and "challenge for cause". 20. section i(i) "for the purpose of promoting the reform of the law ... " 21. the reference was made by the lord chancellorunders. 31(e)ofthe law commissions act 1965. 17 the denning law journal upon which it hoped to work in the near future. the need for the lord chancellor to justify expenditure on the commission's projects meant that it was obviously desirable to discuss the programme with his officials. when the commission's first programme was being discussed lord gardner attended meetings with the commission and took part in the discussions. so we discussed our plans with the lord chancellor's officials. in these talks the form and purpose of a law commission programme became a significant issue. the duty of the commission to prepare and submit to the lord chancellor from time to time such programmes is a fundamental one. the commission cannot, of course, work on programme items until they have been approved by the lord chancellor but, as professor stephen cretney has said,22 two of the most important advantages of the programme technique are: i. that by producing a programme the commission not only makes public its views that the law on this subject is in need of simplification and reform, it also demonstrates a commitment that it will work on those items as and when its resources permit. 2. it confers a mandate on the commission to be involved in the work of reform of the law on that subject. in the course of these discussions the commission was aware of the change of ethos from 1965and of the need for realism. it seemed obvious that little purpose would be served by seeking approval for a fourth programme which contained many items of great scope on which the commission could neither begin work itself nor commission independent research for several years. lord gardner replying to the debate in the house of lords23 on the commission's first programme gave no help about the size or duration of a programme. he described the words "to prepare and submit ... from time to time programmes" as beautifully flexible and as capable of covering programmes of ten years duration or three months. it is of course always open to the lord chancellor or any other minister to refer specific questions of law reform to the commission under s.3(l)(e), and this suggests that it was intended that programmes should be submitted at regular but not necessarily equal intervals. after a space of fifteen years, i believe a further programme was overdue! as previous chairmen have said, in the overall plan of the commission's work there is a place for each type of project. however in addition to deciding the scope and object of a programme of law reform, a management plan of the commission's year to year work is needed to decide what resources are necessary and to enable the lord chancellor's department to convince the treasury that they should be provided. the resources will need to cover work not only on programme items and on references made to the commission, but also the work undertaken by the commission in keeping all 22. "the programmes milestones or millstones", the law commission and law reform, supra n. 9. 23. h.l.deb. 9th dec. 1965, vol. 467. 18 the challenges facing the law commission in the 19905 the law under review. consequently both must be realistically chosen. the need to justify the commissioners' projects and their priority in this way poses challenges for the commission, which was certainly not perceived at the time of its creation. nevertheless these challenges have arisen against a background which may enable the commission to fulfil more effectively its role as a watchdog of all the law. i mentioned the reluctance which some government departments originally expressed at the idea of accepting the commission's proposals or of working with the commission to achieve reform. it is no secret that recruitment oflawyers for government service has become increasingly difficult and that the shortage is now acutely felt. it is a shortage from which the commission itself is not entirely immune. one obvious way in which government departments could try to diminish the effect of this shortage would be to seek assistance from the commission whose duty it is to give advice and information under s.3(1)(e). of course the department would have to feel confident that the commission would produce advice and assistance of the calibre on which it has built its reputation and that it will do so on time. to build up this confidence the commission must gradually increase its connections with the government departments in question. an outstanding example of just how successful such co-operation can be may be gauged from the results of the work of professor hoggett's family law team with the department of health & social security and with the lord chancellor's officials in producing the children's bill currently before parliament. equally in the criminal law the commission has made an encouraging start in collaborating more closely with the home office in trying to ensure that the appropriate priority is accorded the projects undertaken. one of the fruits of this collaboration was law com. no. 180, "jurisdiction over offences of fraud and dishonesty with a foreign element", which resulted from a joint initiative between the commission and the home office and which incidentally also enabled the commission to do one of the difficult things which had been left undone in 1978 when the commission reported on the "territorial and extraterritorial extent of the criminal law" (law com. no. 91). in outlining the background to our fourth programme of law reform, i have tried to show that maintaining and developing the law commission's role as an independent constitutional law reform body is, in itself, no mean challenge. i would now like to mention some of the more specific challenges contained within the fourth programme which are likely to set the agenda at least for the early years of the 1990s. the criminal law to try to promote implementation of law commission proposals has not generally been seen (overtly at least) as part of the commission's function. of course our reports are couched (confidently, i hope) in persuasive terms seeking to convince government, or indeed in the absence of government a reforming 19 the denning law journal backbencher, ofthe virtues of our proposals. yet, as i have already pointed out, in s. 1(1) of the law commissions act promotion oflaw reform is the very rationale of the commission's existence. once a report had been delivered to the lord chancellor, the commission seemed powerless to prevent the contraction of what a former commissioner so graphically called "legislative pneumoconiosis".24 in his address to the law reform agencies conference in hobart in july 1981 the then chairman of the law commission, mr justice kerr, speaking on the political aspects of law reform in the united kingdom, said: "it is the necessary political will which we must create. but this can only be done by a long and wearisome process of persistent persuasion and pressure. " when the commission with the code team had to decide on the contents of a draft criminal code, the commission was in what i understand the americans to call "a no win situation". if the commission codified existing law with all its difficulties and inconsistencies in the face of the many reform proposals which had been produced during the last twenty years, it would have been said that there was no point in implementing a code in that form for it would have immediately been out-of-date. on the other hand, if the reform proposals were codified, some of which were controversial, implementation of the code would require substantial parliamentary time, so no government would be willing to implement it. i believe the commission was right to decide on the strategy adopted of codifying the proposals of responsible and distinguished bodies such as the butler committee25 and the criminal law revision committee. it seemed more likely that the difficulties raised by the second approach could be overcome than those of the first. in the result, therefore, the code included proposals on incapacity and mental disorder designed to give effect to the butler committee's proposals but modified in the light of further consultation. the provisions relating to offences against the person were based upon the recommendations of the 14th report of the criminal law revision committee26 and had been scrutinised by a small group of practitioners presided over by lord justice lawton under whose chairmanship the criminal law revision committee had produced its proposals. although the commission was well aware that some of the proposals of the 15th report of the clrc on sexual offences27 in 1974 might prove controversial, nevertheless it would have been quite inconsistent not to have included those provisions and 24. for examples of the concern of previous commissioners, see professor cretney "the politics of law reform a view from the inside" and dr peter north "law reform processes and problems", 101l.q.r. 358. 25. report 1975, cmnd. 6244. 26. 1980 cmnd. 7844. 27. 1984 cmnd. 9213. 20 the challenges facing the law commission in the 19905 those of the 16th and 17th reports28 on the same topics. when the criminal code was published on 17th april 1989 the reactions were almost universally favourable but perhaps predictably the provisions of the 15th report of the criminal law revision committee concerning buggery and incest did prompt criticism and eventually lead to a home office spokesman in answer to a parliamentary question confirming that the government had no intention of implementing such recommendations. at the time of the decision to include in the code the proposals of the clrc's 14th report on offences against the person, the commission did not know that a select committee of the house of lords would shortly be set up to consider the law of murder and sentences of life imprisonment. the report of the committee presided over by lord nathan was published on 18th september 1989. the completion of the criminal code and its publication in april this year presents the commission with an entirely new type of challenge in the years ahead. that is to consider ways in which to promote the code and ensure that it passes onto the statute book. it is important that the impetus which the project has gained should not be lost. many practitioners are convinced that it represents the way forward in the criminal law but gravely underrate the difficulties of implementation. how should we proceed? one way of reducing opposition to the code would be to produce a supplementary report on those controversial subjects. further consultation would be needed and proposals would be presented in bills drafted in a style which is consistent with the scheme of the code. if these bills were enacted, the prospects for the code would be enhanced for it is noticeable that where there is recent legislation based upon reports of the commission, as for example in criminal damage29 and public order offences,3o no criticism has been directed at the code as far as i am aware. at the same time, i believe the commission must lose no opportunity of stimulating discussion on the best way to secure the code's implementation. to this end, i hope the commission will encourage and support seminars and discussions organised for this purpose. one such seminar is planned for january 1990 in cambridge and i am sure others will follow. the promotion of the code will in itself be a major challenge but there are other challenges facing the commission in the criminal law which by themselves could be regarded as formidable. two projects which have occupied the commission for a considerable time are conspiracy to defraud and binding over to keep the peace. no-one who has worked on the subject of conspiracy to defraud would underestimate the difficulties facing the commission. should the principle on which the criminal law act 1977 was founded, that acts lawfully done by one person should not become unlawful merely because two or more persons agree that they shall be done, prevail over the arguments of convenience for retaining an 28. 1984 cmnd. 9329, 1985 cmnd. 9688. 29. law com. 29. 30. law com. 123. 21 the denning law journal offence which enables prosecutors to present the real scope of a defendant's activities in more readily understandable form than an indictment co'lcaining 61 or 62 counts; whether the retention of such an offence infringes .he underlying principle that every accused person is entitled to know precisely the offence charged against him and if the argument of principle prevails, whether a general fraud offence can be created which is consistent with the continued existence of the present theft acts offences. these challenges are not new. they have already defied previous efforts of the commission, the clrc and the roskill committee.31 an acceptable solution will, i am sure, be found. binding over too, a question referred to the commission in november 1980, presents an equally difficult challenge. notwithstanding the praise lavished by blackstone on preventive justice,32 very real questions are now asked about the legitimacy of the process in modern times of binding over to keep the peace and be of good behaviour. it has, however, undoubted utility in some situations. it is economical in court time and is widely supported by magistrates and judges alike. as will be seen from item 5 of our fourth programme, the commission expects shortly to begin work on a project on the preliminary offence of aiding and encouraging crime. work on corroboration has already begun. all these projects amount to a programme of work in the criminal law as demanding as any the commission has ever undertaken in this field. family law there are few subjects which have presented the commission with greater or more sustained challenge during its existence than family law. i would approach any forecast of future challenges with great diffidence in any case but do so particularly in the presence of professor hoggen who in addressing the solicitors' family law association annual conference earlier this year pointed out the courage that is needed to predict the future course of any developments in family law. in her address,33 professor hoggen drew attention to the pace of social change which had made it necessary for the commission to keep family law under continuing review. the family law team at the commission has been particularly successful in keeping pace with social change. its projects continue to reflect the changes in social behaviour and the climate of opinion which follows. professor hoggett highlighted the radical changes which have been brought about in the law relating to children by the children bill. the success of the co-operation between the family law team at the commission and government agencies and departments is, as i have said, one of the most encouraging features of our current 31. 1986, fraud trials committee report. 32. bk iv, ch. xviii, 251. 33. "family law into the 19905", (1989) 19family law 177. 22 http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0014-7281(1989)19l.177[aid=7381726] http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/external-references?article=0014-7281(1989)19l.177[aid=7381726] the challenges facing the law commission in the 19905 programme. professor hoggett speculated on the results which might be achieved if a similarly comprehensive review of both substantive and procedural aspects of family law, in particular in the aspects of domestic violence and of occupation of the family home as it applies to adults, could be undertaken. if the same remedies could be available in all courts together with the ability to transfer where appropriate from one court to another upon the model of the children bill, a great improvement would occur in this field oflaw. publication by the commission in may last year of the discussion paper on the ground for divorce34 was intended to confront the problem that many believed the operation of the present law of divorce falls short of the objectives of reducing the conflict and bitterness which so often is involved. as we enter the 1990s, the commission will be considering whether to propose changes in the law and whet~er the option discussed of divorce after a process of transition can be developed into an acceptable proposal. the subject of item 9 of our fourth programme, the law relating to mentally incapacitated adults, is a topic of increasing significance in a "greying" population. the commission hopes that in undertaking the project it will be assisted by representatives of relevant government departments and other agencies who have wide practical experience and insight into the difficulties which will have to be taken. the common law the report of the review body of civil justice considered two recommendations35 that the lord chancellor should commission an enquiry by a law reform agency. the first suggested an enquiry into the hearsay rule and the current machinery for rendering it admissible; the second, that a study should be undertaken by a law reform agency of the case for extending the availability of representative or class actions or establishing other procedures to be available in cases in which there were large numbers oflitigants whose claims or defences have a common basis. in response the lord chancellor has enquired whether the law commission would be prepared to assist in both these initiatives. the commission has tentatively agreed to do so. a number of other organisations are interested and involved, the supreme court rules committee, the lord chancellor's department, as well as outside organisations such as the consumer association. a report on the hearsay rule, whilst challenging, would not take the commission into new territory. in its report on the parol evidence rule the commission demonstrated the value of close analytical attention to evidential rules.36 the very complicated structure which the rules relating to hearsay evidence have now assumed, could well benefit from a similar analysis. class actions, on the other hand, would not only take the commission into entirely new territory. although it is not difficult to think of some fairly 34. "facing the future", law com. no. 170. 35. nos. 26 and 27. 36. law com. 154. 23 the denning law journal straightforward alternatives to the existing rules which would give the court greater control over multiple litigation, recent cases37 have demonstrated how easily conflicts can arise between parties appearing to have similar interests and that there are fundamental difficulties involved in taking the conduct of an action out of the control of the individual plaintiff or defendant. to secure the full benefits of a class action procedure, however, the aim must surely be to try to ensure that one action, and one action only, should be brought to decide the various issues arising from the circumstances giving rise to the common questions of law or fact between the parties. the concept of a class action is one largely borrowed from the american courts where it has not been wholly successful. the procedures which have been developed to deal with cases in which there are many plaintiffs who have suffered as a result of a single disaster have run up against the difficulty of ensuring that on the one hand the number of separate proceedings is reduced as far as possible and on the other that individuals are not deprived of a right of action which is their own property. this has led the courts to put in place complicated certification procedures and the "opt in" or "opt out" process of trying to secure that no person potentially affected by the outcome of the action is unfairly bound by the result. how to resolve the difficult question of substituting class rights for personal rights and how to establish satisfactory rules of procedure to protect the position of individual plaintiffs is in itselflikely to be a substantial challenge. if in addition the commission had to consider the kind of consumer class action for which the consumer council is pressing,38 the difficulties would be even more far reaching. 39 when, in the article in the m adem law review to which i have referred, mr alec samuels stated that the law commission had only really done the easy things, he was doing less than justice to the past work of the commission. ifhe had said that in the course of undertaking a number of difficult projects the commission had left undone some of the difficult things which it might have done, this would, i think, have been a more accurate and acceptable statement. a number of these difficult things have been retained in the fourth programme. item 4 of the law commission's first programme concerned the civil liability for dangerous things and activities. the commission recommended that an examination of the basic principles should be undertaken with a view to their clarification, simplification and unification. however in september 197040 the commission confessed it was unable to complete its work on this item although it had reached the clear conclusion on the work which it had done that the law relating to strict liability, including liability for the fault of an independent contractor was complex, uncertain and inconsistent in principle. because it had been unable to include an 37.e.g.,daviesv.elililley&co. [1987] 1 w.l.r.1l36. 38. "group actionslearning from opren", oct. 1988. 39. daar v. yellow cabs co. 196767 col. 2d 695;re hotel telephone charges 500 f 2d 86. 40. in law com. 32. 24 the challenges facing the law commission in the 1990s investigation into the principles ofliability governing accidents involving personal injury the commission felt it could not confine its conclusions to accidents to property and so reported without making recommendations. nearly twenty years later the debate about the basis of liability for injury and damage continues unabated. the trend seems now more firmly set towards the view that such liability should be borne by those who are undertaking the activity concerned and not by those who are injured or suffer loss. the rationalisation of the rules relating to different activities such as the storage of gas or oil products, the conduction of electricity, the escape of fire and water, would hardly seem beyond the scope of the commission though it would undoubtedly present it with a considerable challenge to arrive at a solution which will be acceptable to such interested parties as insurers, contractors, employers and government departments. the complexity of many modern processes and the apparent inevitability of disasters causing injury and extensive damage suggest that the commission should consider this question as soon as its resources allow. when the commission reported on contribution under item 1 of its first programme,41 it made no recommendations to answer the question whether contributory negligence should be a defence in an action for damages for breach of contract because, it said, it would call for a deeper study than could conveniently be given to it in the paper on contribution. it is a question which has continued to trouble litigants and to give rise to a significant number of cases in the law reports, as well as conflicting decisions.42 the commission was asked to reconsider this question in 1987.43 at that time the commission did not have the resources available to take the matter further, though a preliminary paper was prepared. the advent of a commissioner with special responsibility for common law subjects has meant that this matter can be reconsidered and i have no doubt that recommendations will be made before the end of 1991. hardly a day goes by without there being some reference to the swift approach of 1992, though it might be more appropriate to refer to 1993. progress towards a single european market will undoubtedly give added impetus to harmonising the laws of member states. over the past twenty-five years there have been other initiatives directed to unifying the law of international sale of goods and the formation of contracts for sale. more recently the vienna convention on international sales law was opened for signature in 1981 and became effective on 1st january 1988. the government is currently considering whether to ratify the convention and it seems most likely that it will do so. after the law commission had decided to suspend work on the production of a contract code,44 it decided to publish a series of working papers on particular aspects of the law of contract. within a very short period the commission had published a working paper on 41. law com. 79. 42. see vesta v.butcher [1988] 3 w.l.r. 565. 43. by lesley anderson and andrew bell of manchester university. 44. the lord chancellor so announced in the house of lords on 9th july 1973. 25 the denning law journal firm offers.45 as long ago as 1937 the law revision committee had reported that the law on this subject was unsatisfactory and often operated unfairly. countries based on the civil law generally regarded an offer as irrevocable either for the period of time indicated for its acceptance or for a reasonable time and broadly speaking the vienna convention adopts this position. increasing trade with our european partners will inevitably lead to more and more contracts for the international sale of goods being based on the convention and it is therefore desirable that the law on this subject should be re-examined with a view to its simplification and if possible harmonisation with those other systems. it would clearly become unacceptable to have different rules for contracts for sale of goods to a buyer in the hague and a buyer in birmingham. over 100 years ago, mellish lj asked rhetorically whether the law is right or wrong in saying that a person who has given to another a certain time within which to accept an offer is not bound by that promise to give that time.46 the time has surely come to give him an answer! since 193747 reform has been proposed to the rule that a person not a party to a contract could not sue upon it even though there were express provisions contained in the contract for his benefit. this problem still awaits solution, despite calls in the court of appeal and in the house of lords for legislative reform.48 when the commission decided to suspend work on its contract code in 1973, no further work was done on the question of third party rights in contract. the time now appears to be ripe to meet the challenge posed by this difficult problem. conclusion in this review of the challenges facing the law commission in the 1990s i began with the assertion that one of the commission's principle achievements was the establishment of its reputation as an independent, constitutional, law reform body whose work was held in the highest esteem. nobody would suggest that to maintain that reputation for independence, integrity of thought, scholarship and thoroughness in meeting the individual challenges of the kind i have referred to would be an easy task but i believe with the continued support and encouragement of the society of public teachers of law, inter alia, and with the talent that the commission continues to command it will meet and conquer those challenges as it has met and overcome the equally difficult challenges of the past. 45. law com. 60. 46. seedickinson v. dodds (1876) 2 ch. d. 463. 47. see 6th interim report, law revision committee. 48. dillon lj inforster v.silvermere golf &equestrian centre (1981) 125s.]. 397;wooden investment development ltd. v. wimpey [1980] i all e.r. 571, lord salmon, lord keith and lord scarman. 26 a new framework for education in schools and the link with judicial review jonathan robinson* widespread interest in the law of education as it affects state.-maintained schools is rapidly developing for two reasons. first, a political and controversial 'freemarket' philosophy underlies both recent and proposed legislation. the aims are to give power to parents and substantial independence to governing bodies of schools, while reducing the powers of the local education authority (lea), changing the role of the latter from a 'provider' to that of an 'enabler', 1 with the strong possibility of the eventual demise of leas. the government's perspective is clear from the concluding chapter of its white paper choice and diversity a new framework for schools (the' 1992white paper'), 2 which describes the proposals for legislation as " ... the final stages of a great transformation in education which will take at least a decade to work through: a child tested at the age of7 this year will not be taking [the general certificate of secondary education] until 2001."3 these proposals purport to be given effect in the education bill 1992 (the' 1992 bill'). secondly, the creation of an entirely new legislative framework, starting with the education act 1980, has led to a pronounced increase in the number of applications for judicial review, a trend which has been encouraged by the fact that a minor can be granted legal aid in his or her own right without reference to parental means. 4 by contrast) a shortage of barristers and solicitors specialising in this area oflaw is a matter of concern but hardly surprising. in order to understand the legislation (especially subordinate) and the extensive flow of departmental circulars) a legal adviser must be familiar with teaching and administrative practice and the relationships between the secretary of state and the department for education * senior lecturer in law, university of buckingham and a consultant solicitor. this article is based on a paper which wasgiven to the education law association at the institute of education, london on november 30, 1992. 1. the structure of local governmem in england (des, april 1991), para. 19. 2. cm. 2021,1992. 3. ibid., ch. 15, para. l. 4. civil legal aid (general) regulations 1989, reg. 16. 175 the denning law journal (dfe),5 the lea, school governors, teachers, pupils and parents. this article aims to demonstrate the extent to which a relatively new specialism is influencing the development of administrative law in the context of education in schools in england and wales and in particular the development of judicial review as a remedy in that context. the relevant legislation is considered as succinctly as accuracy permits, whereas the many issues (for example, the curriculum; financial matters; the roles of governing bodies, leas and the secretary of state; admissions and exclusions; children's special educational needs; religious education) merit detailed examination. the 1992 white paper is referred to as a source to explain current reform of the law of education in schools, as is the 1992 bill. the final terms of the latter remain liable to substantial amendment, not least as to detail by the government (probably as the bill passes through the house of lords). even prior to publication of the bill it was reported that conservative education chairmen from both towns and counties were seeking major concessions from the secretary of state, 6 the general duty of the lea section 7 of the education act 1944(the '1944 act') requires the statutory system of public education to be organised in three progressive stages primary, secondary and further education7 and imposes a duty on the lea, so far its powers extend " ... to contribute towards the spiritual, moral, mental and physical development of the community by securing that efficient education throughout those stages shall be available to meet the needs of the population of their area." the lea's duty is more specifically set out in section 8(1), which requires leas to secure provision of primary and secondary schools for its area ", , , sufficient in number, character and equipment to afford for all pupils opportunities for education offering such variety of instruction and training as may be desirable in view of their different ages, abilities and aptitudes, and of the different periods for which they may be expected to remain at school, including practical instruction and training appropriate to their respective needs." there is also a duty to have regard inter alia to the need to secure that special educational provision is made for children who have special educational needs under the education act 1981. accordingly, the lea maintains county schools (which are attended by approximately 75% of pupils in the state-maintained sector), special schools for children with special educational needs and voluntary schools (which usually have a denominational foundation). the education reform act 1988introduced grant5. formerly the department of education & science (des). 6. see, e.g., education, vol. 180 no. 13, pp. 241 et seq.. 7. city technology colleges and colleges for the technology of the arts are not 'maintained' education reform act 1988, s. 105. 176 framework for education in schools linked with judicial review maintained (gm) schools, which are outside lea control and receive a grant from the dfe, equivalent to the sum which they would have received from the lea, plus an addition to cover the services which are not provided by the lea.8 section 8 does not, however, impose an absolute duty on the lea. in r. v. surrey county council education commiuee, ex parle h,9 slade lj in the court of appeal approved the proposition that " ... there is no question of parliament having placed the local authority under an obligation to provide a child with the best possible education. there is no duty on the authority to provide such a utopian system, or to educate him or her to his or her maximum potential." the section has also been said only to impose a 'target' duty, with the effect that where an lea fails without any fault on its part to comply for a limited period with the standard set by section 8 (for example, due to a shortage of teachers), it is not automatically in breach of the section.lo on the other hand, the court of appeal in r. v. birmingham city council, ex parte equal opportunities commission (no. 2)11 held that the lea, in performing its duty under the 1944act, was also under a duty by virtue of section 23(1) of the sex discrimination act 1975not to discriminate on the ground of sex. while there is no unlawful sexual discrimination in the provision of places for boys and girls in selective secondary schools, the lea when securing that sufficient schools are available for providing secondary education is obliged to take account of places which are available free. neill lj, giving the judgment of the court, stated that the relevant 'pool' of free places certainly included gm schools. that judgment also emphasised that the sex discrimination act 1975 and comparable legislation in the field of race relationsl2 required close examination when the duties and obligations of bodies responsible for the provision of public sector education were being formulated. the court commented on the need for future legislation inter alia to enable the elimination of discrimination to take place in accordance with a suitable and sensible timescale. by pointing to disparities which will be likely to vary from year to year and which will also be due to factors over which the authorities cannot possibly exercise control, the court has drawn attention to the dilemma which leas face at a time when the number of gm schools is increasing. a further element of flexibility when assessing the performance by leas of their statutory duty was suggested when the court observed that it might therefore 8. education reform act 1988, ss. 52 and 79. the secretary of state has power under s. 81(i)and reg. 24 of the education (grant-maintained schools) (finance) regulations 1992(5.1. 1992/55) to recoup the maintenance grant from the lea. 9. (1985) 83 l.g.r. 219 (c.a.). 10. per woolflj inr. v./nner london education a uthon'ty, exparuali(1990) the times, february 21 (q.b.d.). see also meade v. london borough ofharingey [1979] 2 alle.r. 1016(c.a.) per eveleigh lj at p. 1027as to the necessity in a state of emergency (a just and reasonable excuse) to close schools for a while in order to achieve the end of making education available in accordance with the statutory duty. ii. (1992) the times, october 27 (c.a.). 12. see note 91, infra. 177 the denning law journal be right to provide that unlawful discrimination could only be proved if over a period a pattern of discrimination could be established. leas and a funding agency for schools the government intends to create a funding agency for schools (the 'fas'), sharing with leas and ultimately taking over the duty to provide sufficient secondary and primary school places in the area when 75% of secondary (or primary) pupils in the lea are in gm schools;l] to " ... ease the transition to grant-maintained status" (i.e., encourage schools to opt for gm status);14 and, in the course of a move towards unitary local authorities, to see leas increasingly as 'enablers' (securing provision for services) rather than 'providers' of services. is it will be interesting to see whether pressure from leas and other bodies for the entry point for the f as to be raised to a minimum of 50 per cent, or (as proposed, for example, by the national association of head teachers in their response to the white paper)16 for there to be a single changeover point transferring responsibility for the provision of school places to the f as at that level, results in any change to the current proposal. 17 1980-1992:the scheme of the legislation the education act 1980 although wide-ranging in its reforms, 18it is arguable that for current purposes the most significant provisions of the education act 1980 (the '1980 act') are contained in sections 6 to 9 and schedule 2, enabling parents to express a preference for a school and providing for appeals against a decision on the admission of a child to a school. the 1980 act uses the word "preference", whereas recently the word "choice" has been used (arguably for political purposes), both in the parent's charterl9 and the education (schools) act 1992.20 it signalled the 'market' approach by the conservative government, in which parents were destined to playa significant role, in the first instance by promoting competition between schools by the exercise of a 'preference'. chapter 5 of the 1992 white paper envisages an increasing responsibility at school level for arranging school admissions. gm schools and leas will be 13. education bill 1992, part i. 14. cm. 2021, 1992, ch. 7, pp. 33 et seq.. 15. ibid., ch. 6, paras. 2, 3 and 5. 16.national association of head teachers' response to the secretary of state's white paper 'choice and diversity', september 1992, ch. 3, para. 9. 17. education bill 1992, cl.7(4) and sch. 2. 18. for example, school government; admissions to schools; school anendance orders; establishment and alteration of schools; assisted places at independent schools; school meals; nursery education. 19. 'the right to choose' is emphasised at pp. 8 and 9, although the parent's charter later states (correctly) that" ... you have the right to say which school you prefer" (des emphasis). 20. s.l6(3) see n. 58 infra. 178 framework for education in schools linked with judicial review expected to consider whether joint arrangements to co-ordinate admissions would help reduce delay and uncertainty for parents, but leas will continue to have final responsibility to ensure that all children attend school or are otherwise suitablyeducated.21 the education act 1981 the education act 1981 (the' 1981 act') implemented the central recommendation in the report of the warnock committee in 1978 (special educational needs),22 with the result that instead of defined categories of 'handicap', children have "special educational needs" (sen)23if they have a "learning difficulty"24 which calls for "special educational provision"25 to be made for them.26 at the heart of the 1981 act is the object that children, including those in gm schools,27who have special educational needs shall receive a suitable education, sofar as possible in an ordinary school (the policy of integration). 28for children with special educational needs assessed under section 5 of the 1981 act and for whom the lea are of the opinion that they should determine the special educational provision that should be made, the lea must make and maintain a statement of those needs under section 7 and arrange the special educational provision specified in the statement, unless a parent has made suitable arrangements. there are rights of appeal under section 8 to an appeal committee (which has only limited powers) and to the secretary of state. according to paragraph 15of des circular 22/89, since the implementation of the 1981 act attention has tended to focus on the two per cent of the school population who have statements under section 7, in some areas drawing attention away from the larger group, for whom none the less leas and school governors have duties under the act. in response to widespread concern as to the failure by leas fully to implement the 1981 act (that failure being expressed cogently by the audit commission)29 and after consultation,30 the government has responded by proposing to repeal and re-enact the 1981 act almost entirely.31 clauses 143-145 of the 1992 bill reflect the policy of integration of children with learning difficulties in ordinary schools so far as possible. leas will retain their responsibilities for assessments 21. education act 1944,55.7 and 8, read with the education bill 1992, c1.7. 22. cmnd. 7212, 1978. 23. education act 1981,5.1(1) (emphasis added). 24. ibid., 5.1 (2) 25. ibid., 5.1 (3) 26. the warnock report estimated that up to 20%of school children would have a special educational need requiring some additional provision at some stage during their school life. 27. education reform act 1988, s.100. 28. education act 1981, s. 2(2). 29. geuing in on the a ct provision for pupils with special educational needs: the national picture, a joint report by the audit commission and hm inspectorate of schools (hmso, 1992). 30. special educational needs access to the system (dfe, 15 july 1992). 31. education bill 1992, part iii and schs. 8 and 9. 179 the denning law journal and statements under the 1981 act.32 the secretary of state shall issue, and may from time to time revise, a code of practice giving practical guidance in respect of the discharge by leas of their functions under this part of the proposed act.33 among the more significant reforms, parents will have the right to express a preference for a particular ordinary or special maintained school for their child;34 and special educational needs tribunals will be established to determine all appeals.35 none the less, there are well-informed reservations as to whether the current proposals for reform of the 1981 act are sufficient,36 not least in respect of special educational provision for the estimated 18 per cent of non-statemented children, the absence oflegislation as to what information should be specified in a statement, and the practical operation of regional tribunals. the education (no.2) act 1986 the education (no.2) act 1986 (the '1986 act') is primarily concerned with school government and the composition of the governing bodies of schools. section 1 requires every school to have an instrument of government (its constitution) and articles of association (regulating the conduct of the school). the 1986 act marks a pronounced change in the roles and rights of governors, the lea and parents respectively. parent and lea governors are given equal representation with lea,31 and the theme of accountability is emphasised by the requirement that governors shall report annually to parents38 and hold an annual meeting with parents.39 links with the local business community are emphasised by virtue of the provisions as to co-opted governors under section 6. the lea's control over the curriculum is diluted, first by section 18, under which the governing body can determine how the lea's secular curriculum shall be modified to meet the particular needs of a school, and secondly by provisions inter alia to secure balanced treatment of political issues40 and to ensure that sex education shall, so far as reasonably practicable, be " ... given in such a manner as to encourage ... pupils to have due regard to moral considerations and the value of family life. "41 the issue of discipline is addressed (providing for exclusion and reinstatement of pupils and appeals).42 under section 42, the governors have control of the use of school premises 32. ibid., d. 147. 33. ibid., ds. 140 and 141. 34. ibid., d. 149 and sch. 9, paras. 3 and 4. 35. ibid., ds. 150-154. 36. e.g.,p~tting righr rhe 1981 educarionacr: eighreenfurrher amendmenrs by the independent panel for special education advice (ipsea september 1992). 37. education (no.2) act 1986, s. 3(2)-(5); s. 4(2). 38. ibid., s. 30. 39. ibid., s. 31. 40. ibid., s. 45. 41. ibid., s. 46. 42. ibid., ss. 22-28. 180 framework for education in schools linked with judicial review outside school hours (subjectto provisos). in general terms the 1986 act as a whole was the precursor to the major reforms introduced two years later. the education reform act 1988 although the education reform act 1988 (the '1988 act') effects fundamental. reforms, these are in a sense developments based on the foundations laid by the previous legislation, relatively little of which is repealed or amended. part i of the 1988 act legislates for schools (whereas part ii deals with higher and further education, which are not within the scope of this article). the three substantial innovations are: (i) the introduction of a national curriculum; (ii) delegation of responsibility to schools for their budgets; and (iii) provision for schools to acquire grant-maintained (gm) status. the national curriculum was introduced by chapter i of part i of the 1988 act, which also provides for the assessment and testing of pupils in maintained schools against attainment targets at ages 7, 11, 14 and 16. chapters ii and iii provide for admission of pupils up to the limit of a school's capacity and for delegation of a school's 'budget share', implementing local management of schools (lms) by governing bodies and empowering them to appoint and dismiss staff from their school. the method for acquiring and the consequences of gm status for schools, funded by a grant from the secretary of state,43is dealt with under chapter iv of part i. the procedure requires two resolutions by the governors and ballot(s) of the parents, and publication of the proposal for the acquisition of gm status, in accordance with sections 60 to 63 of the 1988 act. the 1988 act also provides, inler alia, for the powers and conduct of the governing body, transfer of property and staff, finance, admissions, religious education, control over alteration and change of site, discontinuance, winding up and disposal of property. city technology colleges and colleges for the technology of the arts may be established under part i, chapter v, and under section 105 the secretary of state may contribute towards their establishment and running. the 1992 white paper made it clear that the government intended to increase the number of gm schools44and to require leas to increase delegation of their budgets to other schools under lms.45a single new body, the school curriculum and assessment authority, will replace and combine the functions of the national curriculum council and the schools examination council.46it appears that to a considerable extent the government is relying upon schools to opt for gm status, whereas the credibility of that policy has been questioned with reference to resources. on the one hand, it is said that gm status must confer a financial 43. education reform act 1988, s. 52. 44. ch. 7, pp. 33 er seq •. 45. ch. 6, para. 3. 46. education bill 1992, cis. 214-218, with provision for wales under cis. 219-223. 181 the denning law journal benefit, because the political imperative is to see the drive for gm status to succeed;47on the other hand, funding is likelyto be constrained across the board in the current economic climate, a situation which is not· made easier for schools when they attempt to assess the advantages of gm status and are presented with differing sets of figures from the dfe and the chartered institute of public finance and accountancy. 48part ii of the 1992 bill repeals and substantially re-enacts the provisions of the 1988act relating to gm schools (and in particular chapter iv of part i of the 1988 act), but with a significant change contained in clause 17 of the 1992 bill, which is designed to facilitate a vote by parents as to whether or not a school should apply for gm status by limiting the statutory procedure to one (rather than two) prior resolutions by that school's governors. the education (schools) act 1992 the purpose of the education (schools) act 1992 (the '1992 act') was to revolutionise the method of inspection of schools and to provide a standard against which to measure their performance. inspection of schools the present regional structure will be radically changed in the case of secondary schools with effect from september 1993 and primary and special schools from september 1994. under the 1992 act, chiefinspectors (hmci) and inspectors of schools (hmi) are appointed by order in council for england and wales respectively,49administered by the office for standards in education (ofsted). the general duties of hmci are to keep the secretary of state informed as to the quality of education and the educational standards achieved in schools; whether financial resources made available to schools are managed efficiently; and the spiritual, moral, social and cultural development of pupils at schoo1.50 they also have, inter alia, advisory functions and specific duties to set up and maintain a register of inspectors; to give guidance to hmi and review the system of inspecting schools; and to promote efficiency of inspections by encouraging competition in the provision of services by registered inspectors.51 an inspection team must include at least one member without personal experience in the 47. the government may have to accept an increase overall of expenditure on education in order to protect schools which might be potential losers on acquiring gm status. 48. the difference is in the analysis of the finances of leas which have exceeded their education standard spending assessment for 1991-92. under new financial arrangements, schools in those leas may be better off financially by deciding not to apply for gm status (the times educarional supplement, august 14, 1992). 49. education (schools) act 1992, s. 1 (england) and s. 5 (wales). 50. ibid., s. 2(1). 51. ibid., s. 2 generally and s. 2(3) in particular. in the case of an inspection under s. 9, before entering into any arrangements for an inspection, the chief inspector shall, after consulting the appropriate authority for the school concerned as to the tender specification, invite tenders from at least two registered inspectors at arm's length from each other s. 9(7) and sch. 2, para. '2. 182 framework for education in schools linked with judicial review management of any school or the provision of education in any school (otherwise than as a governor or in any other voluntary capacity) and whose primary function on the team is not that of providing financial or business expertise. 52 the lea may provide services for the inspection of schools whether or not they are maintained by that lea,53 in such a way as can reasonably be expected to recover the full cost by way of charges made by the lea for its services. 54 separately, the lea may inspect a maintained school for a specific purpose.55 schedule 2, para. 9 provides for reports to be made by the registered inspector and for such reports to be made available to members of the public and for such steps to be taken as are reasonably practicable to secure that every parent of a registered pupil at the school receives a copy of the summary as soon as is reasonably practicable. information about schools the secretary of state has power to make regulations under section 16of the 1992 act requiring governing bodies of maintained schools (and proprietors of independent schools)56 to provide information, including destinations of pupils leaving a school. 57such information is intended to be such as is likely to assist parents in choosing schools for their children (emphasis added);58 to increase public awareness of the quality of education at and educational standards of schools; and to assist in assessing the efficiency of management of the financial resources of schools. this is the basis for controversy as to the validity of data as to examination results without taking account of the 'value added' according to the socioeconomic background of the pupils and other factors. 59 from the autumn term 1992, all maintained schools have had to publish their record of "unauthorised pupil absence" (i.e. truancy) in their prospectuses and annual reports and from 1993 this information will be included in performance tables published locally in respect of all schools.60 'failing' schools inspection reports are intended to identify "schools at risk", and the secretary of state will have the ultimate power to appoint an 'education association' to take over the management of an 'at risk' school or groups of schools. the education 52. ibid., ss. 9(7) and sch. 2, para. 3(2). 53. ibid., s. 14(1)-(3). 54. ibid., s. 14(4). 55. ibid., s. 15. 56. ibid., s. 16(9). 57. ibid., s. 16(2). 58. ibid., s. 16(3) see notes 19 and 20 supra. 59. see, e.g., d. hutchison, chief statistician to the national foundation for educational research, school records making sense of school results (1991). in response to criticisms of results from raw data, the government is consulting as to publication of results which reflect 'value added' by schools. 60. cm. 2021, 1992, ch. 5, para. 8. 183 the denning law journal association will consist of a chairman and typically some five other part-time members appointed by the secretary of state and the education association has, in relation to each of the schools for which it is responsible, the powers and funding ofa gm body.61 subordinate legislation and des/dfe circulars while the subordinate legislation which is still in force dates back to 1944, the substantial flow of regulations affecting schools commenced (not surprisingly) from 1980. among many possible examples of the most significant statutory instruments are those relating to information made under the 1980act;62to special educational needs under the 1981act;63to school government under the 1986(no. 2) act;64and to gm finance65and the national curriculum66 under the 1988 act. the number of departmental circulars (and administrative memoranda) from the des (now the dfe) and the welsh office, both current at 1january 1979and issued thereafter, is (to say the least) substantial. the standard disclaimer as to the status of a circular reads: "the guidance in this circular does not constitute an authoritative legal interpretation of the [act] or the [regulations]: that is a matter for the courts." none the less, the circular is highly influential, and it is arguable that for the lea to disregard guidance in a circular may amount to the lea acting so unreasonably or irrationally or unfairly as to justify prima facie an application for judicial review. among the better known and recent circulars are no. 11/88 as to admission of pupils to county and voluntary schools under the 1980 and 1988 acts; no. 22/89 and addendum dated 10 march 1992 as to procedures for assessments and statements of special educational needs under the 1981 act and consequential regulations; nos. 7/88 and 7/91 as to local management of schools; and no. 10/88 as to grant-maintained schools. one recent example of the status of circulars is the addendum to circular 22/89 dated 10 march 1992, which made revisions to existing guidance in the light both of recent judicial decisions, notably r. v. secretary of state for education and science, ex parte e,67 and legislation. in spite of the fact that circulars only 61. education bill 1992, part v. 62. education (school information) regulations 1981 (s.i. 1981/630); education (information on school examination results) (england) regulations 1991 (s.i. 1991/1265). 63. education (special educational needs) regulations 1983 (s.i. 1983/29); education (special educational needs) (amendment) regulations 1990 (s.l. 1990/1524); education (special educational needs) (approval ofindependent schools) regulations 1991 (s.l. 1991/449). 64. education (school government) regulations 1989 (s.l. 1989/1503). 65. education (grant-maintained schools) (finance) regulations 1992 (s.l. 1992/555). 66. regulations relate to assessment arrangements; attainment targets and programmes of study; and exceptions. 67. [1992] 1 f.l.r. 377 (c.a.). 184 framework for education in schools linked with judicial review constitute 'guidance', in practice they determine the day-to-day implementation of education policy.68 complaints to secretary of state in addition to powers conferred by legislation as to specific matters, the secretary of state can exercise two significant powers under section 68 or section 99 of the 1944 act, either on his own initiative or as a result of a complaint to him. if the secretary of state is satisfied, either on a complaint by any person or otherwise, that the lea or the governors of schools (county, voluntary or gm) or other specified institutions have acted or are proposing to act unreasonably, under section 68 the secretary of state can give such directions as appear to him to be expedient. it has been held that the courts can enforce compliance with a bonafide direction by way of an order of mandamus. 69section 99 empowers the secretary of state, either on a complaint by any person or otherwise, to give directions where the lea or school governors are in default by virtue of a failure to discharge their statutory duty; the section specifically provides that any such direction is enforceable, on an application made on behalf of the secretary of state by mandamus. these sections have not been regarded as providing a suitable means of avoiding litigation in order to have a grievance investigated and rectified due to the time which it takes for the dfe to investigate a complaint and for the secretary of state to reach a decision. the position is aggravated if a failure to make a complaint to the secretary of state risks invalidating an application for judicial review by virtue of the argument that complaints under the 1944 act may be a means of appeal which must be first used before making such an application. it is also contrary to the principle that there should be the minimum of delay in reaching decisions when the upbringing of a child is at issue/a a factor which may encourage the courts to intervene by way of judicial review where the education of a child is at issue. it also remains to be seen whether a reorganisation within the dfe to deal with a recent and substantial increase in the number of complaints by parents will result in a more prompt and effective remedy for parents under the 1944 act. the ombudsman and the local ombudsman a complaint of maladministration against the dfe can be investigated by the parliamentary commissioner for administration (the ombudsman) and a 68. see the law of education 9th ed. (butterworths), division e circulars, circular letters and administrative memoranda. 69. secretary of state for education and science v. tameside metropolitan borough council [1977] a.c. 1014 (h.l.). 70. children act 1989, s. 1(2). 185 the denning law journal complaint of maladministration against the lea can be investigated by the commissioner for local administration (the local ombudsman). parents are increasingly making complaints to the local ombudsman in respect of actions or omissions by the lea, but it is regrettable that where there is a finding of maladministration causing an injustice that decision is not enforceable and is on occasions ignored by a local authority. it is a measure of the importance of the local ombudsman's decisions in respect of the law of education that they are now reported on a regular basis.71 the growth of judicial review in england and wales among lawyers who specialise in the law of education there is concern that voluntary organisations who advise parents may come to see judicial review as a remedy of first rather than last resort and generally that there may be a temptation to make applications which are precipitate or inappropriate. it is essential that clients should be advised that judicial review is not the same as an appeal. an act of parliament may grant decision-making powers or discretions and impose duties upon a decision maker, who may be an individual, a body of persons or a corporation. the statute mayor may not provide machinery for an appeal against that decision and the appellate process.72 once the decision has been made and any appeal process has been exhausted, the merits of the decision are not open to judicial review. it is usually necessary for the applicant to have used all available appeal procedures before judicial review can even be considered. clients also find it difficult to accept that in proceedings for judicial review the court is concerned only to see whether the decision-maker has contravened the law by acting in excess of the powers which parliament has confided in him 73 and that the function of the court is therefore a limited supervisory one.74 before initiating proceedings for judicial review, care must be taken to assess whether what is being sought is not an oblique appeal,75 and that prima facie there is a ground within the three heads which lord diplock suggested that administrative action is subject to judicial review 'illegality'; 'irrationality' (in the sense of being so unreasonable that no reasonable authority would have come to that particular conclusion); and 'procedural impropriety'. 76 71. see, e.g., education and the law (longman). 72. r. v. independent television commission, ex parle t.s. w. broadcasting ltd. (1992) the times, march 30 (h.l.). 73. associated provincial picture houses ltd. v. wednesbury corporation [1948] 1 k.b. 223 (c.a.), per lord greene mr at p. 233. 74. kent v. university college london (1992) the times, february 18 (c.a.). 75. r. v. secrezary of state for education and others, ex parle banham (1992) the times, march 9 (q.b.d.). 76. council of civil service unions and others v.minister for the civil service [1984] 3 w.l.r. 1174, at p. 1196 (h.l.). when suggesting the grounds for judicial review (illegality, irrationality and procedural impropriety), lord diplock did not rule out the addition of further grounds, " ... particularly the 186 framework for education in schools linked with judicial review practitioners are often faced with a major problem when a client has allowed time to elapse before taking legal advice as to an administrative decision. an application must be made promptly and in any event within three months from the date when the grounds for application first arose unless the court considers that there is good reason for extending the period for applying.77 an application for legal aid may have to be made on an emergecy basis within the time limit. there is a further complication which has to be explained to a client, namely that success in judicial review proceedings may be an illusion, because the court has discretion whether or not to make an order. there may be proven procedural impropriety, but the court may decide that it did not affect the outcome and that no order should be made. this recently occurred when the court held that a selection panel of governors which had been constituted to appoint a headteacher should not operate with less than its complement of numbers, but on the facts the judge refused to grant relief.78another example of the illusion of success occurs when one party obtains an order by the court that there has been procedural impropriety, whereupon the other party repeats the decision-making process, the second time properly, so that the original decision in effect is reinstated. against that background, various issues which have been the subject of applications for judicial review are now considered. procedural errors removal of governors the power of removal now exists by virtue of section 8(5) of the 1986 act. this issue was considered in inner london education authority v. brunyaie and another,79 when the house of lords unanimously held (per lord bridge of harwich) that" ... individual governors, so long as they hold office as such, have both the right and the duty to exercise the function of their office independently in accordance with their own judgment. it follows implicitly ... that the power of removal cannot be exercised in a way that would amount to a usurpation of the governors' independent role."80 governors who are appointed by the lea are not, therefore, delegates and cannot be required to vote on any particular issue as the authority wishes.81in r. v. westminster roman catholic diocese trustee, ex parte andrews82 the court of appeal decided that it was bound by brunyate and therefore concluded that the removal of two governors who would not support the trustee's scheme for reorganisation of a school had not been a valid exercise of the trustee's powers. possible adoption in the future of the principle of 'proportionality' which is recognised in the administrative law of several of our fellow members of the european ... community .... " 77. r.s.c. order 53, rule 4. 78. r. v. birmingham city council, ex parte mckenna (1991) the times, may 16 (q.b.d.). 79. [1989] i w.l.r. 542 (h.l.) (when s. 21(1) of the education act 1944,now repealed and replaced by s. 8(5) of the education (no.2) act 1986, was at issue). 80. ibid., at p. 547. 81. ibid., at p. 548. 82. (1989) the independent, july 27 (c.a.). 187 the denning law journal the 'political proportionality' principle by contrast, in r. v. warwickshire county council, ex parte dill-russell and another83 the court of appeal upheld a decision by the divisional court that a council can (by removal under section 8(5) of the 1986 act) replace school governors after a county council election in order to facilitate better synchronisation of appointments of governors and county council elections. warwickshire's intention had not been to abrogate the independence of governors (as was the case in brunyate) but rather to preserve political proportionality on governing bodies, corresponding with the representation of political parties on the council. the relevance of statutory consultation the divisional court has held that a failure to consult, and the conjoined failure to consider the education implications of a lea's scheme to withdraw a school's site from the scope of the statutory transfer to the education assets board,84vitiated the decisions of the urgent matters sub-committee, and of the policy and resources committee in r. v. tameside metropolitan borough council, ex parte governors of a udenshaw high school and another. 85the lea's bona fide scheme to withdraw the site from the scope of the statutory transfer if the school obtained grantmaintained status fell on this single point of failure to consult. school admissions the house of lords recently refused leave to appeal against the decision in r. v. bromley london borough council, ex parte 06 that there is a clear duty on the lea not in any way to differentiate between applicants living within the lea's area and those living outside it when considering applications for admission, following the decision of the court of appeal in r. v. shadow education committee of the london borough of greenwich, ex parte the governors of john ball primary school and others.87 in deciding greenwich, the court of appeal applied the rules of statutory interpretation. lloyd lj also identified what he described as " ... the seeds of a possible theoretical difficulty" if there was an influx of children to greenwich, but he decided that on the particular evidence there was little practical difficulty.88 farquarson lj considered that the so-called 'floodgates' argument (as to numbers of pupils likely to cross the border between the adjacent leas) did not have much reality. 83. (1990) the times, december 7 (c.a.). 84. education reform act 1988, ss. 74 and 198. 85. (1990) the times, june 27 (q.b.d.). 86. [1992] 1 f.l.r. 174 (q.b.d.). 87. (1990) 88 l.g.r. 589 (c.a.). 88. ibid., at p. 598. 188 framework for education in schools linked with judicial review by contrast, in bromley, watkins lj commented that for a lea to provide an efficient education as required by sections 7 and 8 of the education act 1944, in the light of the interaction between those sections and section 6 of the 1980 act (imposing parental preferences), was 'painfully difficult', especially where there was oversubscription. watkins lj and owen j saw much practical difficulty and it did not surprise them to learn that representations had been made to the secretary of state to have the law changed. 89 greenwich also bound the queen's bench divisional court in r. v. royal borough of kingston upon thames, ex parte kingwe1l90 in which mr. kingwell was considerably aggrieved that, long after he had moved into the borough so that his daughters could be educated at a selective, single-sex grammar school (and he had paid his community charge to the borough), the borough as lea changed its admissions policy in the light of the decision in greenwich, giving his daughters no priority over applicants living outside the lea's area. the case illustrates the effect of the threat of or an actual application for judicial review, because less than a month after mr. kingwell commenced judicial review proceedings, the admissions limit of his preferred school was increased (against opposition) and his elder daughter was offered a place. that did not, however, deter him from pursuing his application to have the new admissions policy declared unlawful, although his challenge was unsuccessful. the primacy of parental preference was also demonstrated in r. v. cleveland county council and others, ex parte commission for radal equality,91 when the court of appeal held that the mandatory duty to comply with a parental preference imposed by section 6(3) of the 1980act was not qualified by section 18 of the race relations act 1976. the child was of mixed race and the mother was distressed by the suggestion that her motives in seeking a transfer for her daughter to another school were in any way racially governed. in any event, the court of appeal decided that the transfer of the child was not an act of segregation on racial grounds. on the other hand, in r. v. governors of the bishop challoner roman catholic comprehensive girls' school andanother92 the house of lords upheld the decision of the court of appeal that a voluntary aided school's admissions policy of giving preference to christians, preferably catholics, was lawful under the exception in section 6(3)(a) of the 1980act when the school was oversubscribed and had to have an admissions policy. children with special educational needs the procedures under the 1981 act are sufficiently complex for the court of 89. (1992] i f.l.r. 174, at p. 181 (q.b.d.). 90. [1992] i f.l.r. 182 (q.b.d.). 91. (1992) the times, august 25 (c.a.). para. 49 of des circular 11/88 reminds leas and governors of the race relations act 1976 and the sex discrimination act 1975. 92. (1992] i w.l.r. 99 (h.l.). 189 the denning law journal appeal to have acknowledged with appreciation the provision by counsel for the secretary of state of a 'flow chart', which was annexed to the transcript of the judgments in r. v. secretary of state for education and science, ex parte e,93 in which the provision for a child's special educational needs was not adequately specified in the statement made under section 7 of the 1981 act. although part i i of the lea's statement described e as "experiencing difficulties in literacy and numeracy skills", part iii of the statement dealt only with special educational provision for e's literacy difficulties and failed to mention the numeracy difficulties. an addendum dated 10 march 1992 to des circular 22/29 (supra) was subsequently issued, clarifying guidance on statutory procedures under the 1981 act and the form and content of statements, revised to take account of the judgment in ex parte e and other decisions.94 the secretary of state's quasi-judicial function the question has been raised as to the quasi-judicial function of the secretary of state when considering an application for gm status, while at the same time actively encouraging such applications in line with his party's political policy. r. v. secretary of scate for education and science, ex parte avon county council (no. 2)95 established that the secretary of state is entitled to have a political policy, provided that the machinery of the act is complied with and the minister has acted lawfully, because the minister is accountable to parliament in respect of his assessment of the best method by which to secure the objects of the legislation. the secretary of state can properly decide to approve an application by a school for gm status even if such approval will effectively frustrate an lea's reorganisation scheme. ralph gibson lj considered that avon's application was misconceived in so far as it asked the court to intervene in what was, when analysed, a dispute as to educational policy between avon and the minister. it was common ground that the approval of g m status for beechen cliff would frustrate the re-organisation. ralph gibson lj observed that " ... [t]he minister, however, was acting under powers given by parliament in the act of 1988. if he was acting lawfully within those powers, there is no purpose in seeking to demonstrate that the proposals put forward by avon are, in the view of those putting them forward, superior for the purposes of advancing the quality of secondary education for the children of bath. parliament did not entrust the making of that judgment to the court but to the minister who is answerable in respect of his decisions to parliament."96 nicholls and mustill ljj concurred. 93. [1992] 1 f.l.r. 377 (c.a.), (supra). 94. r. v. secretary of state for education and science, ex parte lashford [1988] 1 f.l.r. 72 (c.a.);r. v. lancashire county council, ex parte c.m. (1989) fam. law 395 (c.a.). 95. (1990) 88 l.g.r. 737 (c.a.). 96. reference is to lexis transcript. 190 framework for education in schools linked with judicial review conclusion from 1980to 1992the emphasis was on legislation, both primary and subordinate, which created a new framework for education in schools and a diminishing role for leas. applications for judicial review increased to a pronounced extent, because the complexity of the new relationships between schools and the secretary of state and leas has inevitably led to questions as to procedures and the legality of decisions made under that legislation. the 1992 bill received its second reading on 9 november. its objectives are formidable to establish funding agencies for schools in england and wales and to redistribute responsibility for, and the provision of, education at school; to encourage the majority of schools to opt for gm status; to reform the arrangements for children with special educational needs; to amend the law on admissions and school attendance orders; to establish education associations for failing schools; and to establish a school curriculum and assessment authority. extensive regulations will have to be made in order to give effect to the primary legislation. doubts have already been raised as to whether the central thrust of government policy a substantial increase in the number of gm schools will be achieved, not only because of questions as to the financial benefits or otherwise, but also due to the lack of any requirement that schools should hold regular ballots of parents on this issue, rather than leaving the initiative primarily with the governing body. when the 1992 bill is considered in the context of the education (no.2) act 1986, the education reform act 1988, the education (schools) act 1992and the further and higher education act 1992(which is outside the scope of this article), the scale and pace of reform of the law of education is seen to be exceptional. demand for advice and representation in this field has expanded dramatically, involving not only lawyers in private practice or employed in the public sector, but also law centres, educational psychologists and a wide variety of charitable organisations. as a result, the law of education is set to become one of the most prominent specialist areas this decade. 191 "we have a law ... ": the trials of jesus of nazareth r. p. booth* to the roman judge, pilate so records the evangelist, john the jews protested that they had a law, and by that law jesus should die because he had made himself the son of god.l this claim illustrates the conflict of laws permeating the proceedings which culminated in jesus' cruciftxion. even amongst the jews, the pharisees and the saducees followed different versions of theocratic law, but had, perforce, to unite to frame charges that would induce a roman court to pronounce a death penalty. in addition to the interplay of different legal systems, the uncertain boundary between judicial decision and executive action is explicit in the proceedings before pilate, and implicit in the attendance before herod. another aspect of this conflict lies in the contrast between jewish culture in which law is the will of god and thus theology, and roman culture where law is the will of a human sovereign. thus, the historical importance of the trials of jesus can hardly be over-estimated; their impact on subsequent relations between jews and gentiles was cataclysmic, and their religious signiftcance for the christian is self-evident. they also constitute a fascinating study for the comparative lawyer. pursuing what has been termed the 'forensic' method,2 an attempt will be made in this essay to assess the often conflicting literary evidence about the trials, and to determine how far the evidence thus found to be more probably authentic, is supported by the relevant law of that period. * solicitor. formerly senior lecturer in law, university of buckingham. 1. 19,7. the translation of the new testament used in this essay is the revised standard version. 2. this involves treating the gospel statements mutatis mutandis as if they were the depositions of a witness in civil litigation. they are thus liable to be over-ridden by stronger evidence to the contrary, but if unopposed will be accepted unless their content is intrinsically improbable. admittedly, the weight to be attributed to gospel assertions as evidence is reduced by the greater credulity of the ancients and by the possible distortion of the tradition in its oral transmission and translation into greek. this approach is, however, to be contrasted with that of many radical new testament critics who consider there is so much dubious material in the gospels that their study of a statement commences with a presumption of its inauthenticity. we explain our method more fully injesus and the laws of purity, sheffield academic press (1986), pp. 15-18 and in concrasts gospel evidence and christian beliefs, paget press (1990), pp. i-ii. the denning law journal the bulk of the evidence of the proceedings is found in the christian gospels. underlying the gospel accounts there seem to be three sources or eye-witnesses3 who are largely independent of each other. mark provides the ear liest 'law report' of jesus' trials (including arrest).4 matthew5 substantially follows (i.e., copies) mark, and although he includes some new material (e.g., the dream of pilate's wife and pilate's washing of his hands),6 it is marginal to the course of the proceedings. luke's version7 supports much of mark's evidence, but introduces from his own source ('l' not the common source, 'q')8 important additional material (e.g., the allegations before pilate of perverting the nation and forbidding tribute) which is discussed below. because of this new material and because luke's greek vocabulary differs materially from mark's in the places where his narrative does agree with mark's, it seems that luke's report stems not only from a different tradent9 but from a different eye-witness or witnesses. again, john's report of the trials10 is so different in content from mark's and luke's that he may well represent a third independent eye-witness whose assertions must be weighed. other early christian evidence is of a general nature. i i the only talmudicl2 evidence of the judicial reason for jesus' death is at sanhedrin 43a; "on the eve of passover yeshu was hanged. for forty days before the execution took place, a herald went forth and cried, '[yeshu] is going forth to be stoned because he has practised sorcery and enticed israel to apostasy. anyone who can say anything in his favour, let him come forward and plead on his behalf.' but since nothing was 3. in the main, the evangelists collected stories which had first been related by eye-wimesses and then passed on, usually orally, until they reached an evangelist. if the author of john's gospel was "the beloved disciple" (13,23), then he was an eye-wimess himself. mark, too, may have been a first-hand wimess of some events (14,51), particularly if he was the son of the mary whose home was a rendezvous of the first christians; additionally, he is said to have been the 'interpreter' of peter. 4. probably, mark wrote his gospel in a.d. 65-7, and matthew and luke between 80 and 100 a.d .. of mark's 661 verses, matthew repeats in very similar greek 600 and luke, 350. therefore, most scholars agree that matthew and luke copied from mark. see further hereon, b. h. streeter, the four gospels, macmillan (1927), ch. vii. 5. 26,47 -27,31. 6.27,19; 27,24. 7.22,47-23,25. 8. in addition to mark's gospel, matthew and luke used another source, probably written, called 'q' (german, queue, source) from which they copied. but each used also his private source of tradition called by scholars 'm' and 'l' respectively. 9. a tradent is a person who passed on orally the stories about jesus before they reached the evangelist. the different routes which the stories could take before reaching the evangelists, and the complexities involved in examining whether a similar story contained in two or more gospels originated with separate eye-wimesses, or were merely passed down wholly or partly different lines of tradents, are discussed by the present writer in contrasts, supra n. 2, pp. 112-16. 10. 18,2-19,16. ii. e.g., i thessalonians 2,15: " ... the jews who killed both the lord jesus and the prophets". there is specific evidence in the acts ofthe apostles (3, 13-15; 13,27 -28), but since that book was also written by luke, we class it with his gospel. 12. the references in this essay are to the babylonian talmud, although there is also a palestinian talmud. the former contains the mishnah (see n. 47 infra) with commentary and discussion on it by later rabbis, and was finally compiled, c. 550 a.d .. 2 the trials of jesus of nazareth brought forward in his favour, he was hanged on the eve of the passover."13 although this is useful support for john's assertion that jesus was crucified on the day before passover, 14the assertions of charges of sorcery and leading israel astray and of a leisurely wait for a defence, are outweighed by the cumulative gospel evidence to be adduced below. there is scant evidence about the trial in secular histories of the time. josephus, the roman-jewish historian, wrote c. 93 a.d.: "when pilate, upon hearing [jesus] accused by men of the highest standing among us, had condemned him to be crucified, those who had in the first place come to love him, did not give up their affection for him."15 part of the passage about jesus in which the quoted words appear (the testimonium flavianum) is considered to have been interpolated by christians, but this neutral sentence may well be genuine. it alleges the participation of both the jews and pilate in the proceedings, but does not state the charges. tacitus, writing c. 115-7 a.d., only mentions pilate. speaking of the christians, he said: "christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of tiberi us by sentence of the procurator, pontius pilate."16 it is, therefore, the gospel evidence which we must assess in an attempt to establish the likeliest course ofthe proceedings which led to the crucifixion. for ease of examination these proceedings can be separated into the arrest, the proceedings before the jews, the proceedings before pilate, the proceedings before herod, and the judgment of pilate. the arrest mark speaks of an arresting party comprising judas with "a crowd with swords and clubs, from the chief priests and the scribes and the elders."17 luke, also, describes a jewish arresting party, for he refers to the "chief priests and captains of the temple and elders, who had come out against [jesus]." 18however, john asserts that judas arrived with a "band of soldiers and some officers from the chief priests and the pharisees," 19 and later calls them, "the band of soldiers and their captain and the officers of the jews. "20 the greek words translated "band of soldiers" and "captain" are respectively speira and chiliarchos; the former strictly means a roman cohort and the latter, the commander of a thousand roman soldiers. thus, we already have a conflict of evidence with mark and luke attesting a jewish arrest and john, a combined roman and jewish one. it is doubtful, though, that mark and luke can be treated as separate witnesses on this issue. although their 13. e. t. soncino, nezikin, vol. iii, p. 281. 14. john 13,1;18,28. mark (14,12) and luke (22,14) place the crucifixion on the passover. 15. antiquities 18,64 (e. t. loeb, vol. ix, p. 51). 16. annals 15,44 (e. t. loeb, vol. v, p. 283). 17. 14,43. 18.22,52. 19. 18,3. 20. 18,12. 3 the denning law journal comparable passages2l describing the arrest are similar, there are sufficient differences to suggest that luke is not copying mark; the similarities, however, make it likely that their reports of the arrest emanate from a common witness. thus, we have one witness (john's source) asserting roman involvement in the arrest, and one witness (mark's and luke's source) denying it. mark is writing sooner after the event than john, but the passion story, including the trial is thought to have acquired a fairly fixed form at an early date, so john's source may likewise be early. the possible historicity of much of john's narrative has been increasingly recognised by modem scholars. as c. h. dodd has written: "behind the fourth gospel lies an ancient tradition independent of the other gospels, and meriting serious consideration as a contribution to our knowledge of the historical facts concerning jesus christ."22 since the literary evidence is evenly balanced between mark/luke and john, we must investigate other evidence of the identity of the arresters. opposing john's evidence that a cohort of soldiers attended judas, is the very size of a cohort which comprised a tenth of a legion which in tum comprised 3-6,000 men. so a cohort comprised at least 300 men and probably more,23 since it was commanded by a chi/iarch, literally the commander of 1000 men. admittedly, a cohort of soldiers was permanently stationed in the antonia citadel on the north side of the temple,24 but it seems unlikely that so large a contingent would be commissioned to arrest one man even if his attendants might be armed, for judas would presumably have told the chief priests of the small number of jesus' group of disciples. when, about 25 years later, paul was arrested by the tribune of the cohort after being mobbed by the crowd in the temple, luke only records that the tribune "took soldiers and centurions,"25 i.e., presumably not the whole cohort. on the other hand, this counter-evidence argues mainly against john's assertion of the size of the roman contingent, and only to a lesser extent casts doubt on john's accuracy as to the presence of any roman soldiers. the fact, attested by all the evangelists, that jesus was taken to the high priest's house, indicates that the arrest was probably instigated by the jews,26 so we must search for evidence as to whether or not the jews could obtain assistance from the romans in arresting a person for the purpose of jewish legal proceedings. to this end, there follows a brief survey of the relationship between roman and jewish jurisdiction in j udaea at this time. in 63 b.c., the roman pompey had defeated in battle the last of the native maccabean rulers, and had conquered palestine. in conformity with their usual colonial practice, the romans reserved the maintenance of law and order to 21. mark 14,43-52 and luke 22,47-53. 22. historical tradition in the fourth gospel, cambridge (1963), p. 423. 23. see e. schiirer, the his!ory of chejewish people in the age ofjesuschrisc, t. &t. clark (1973), vol. i, pp. 362-3. 24. op. cit., p. 366. 25. acts 21,32. 26. contra, p. winter, on che trial of jesus, de gruyter, berlin (1961), pp. 48-9. 4 the trials of jesus of nazareth themselves, but successive rulers allowed the jews continued self-government in matters of private law.27 the reserved law was administered on behalf of rome by puppet kings or tetrarchs like the idumean herods or, more directly, by a roman praefectus at caesarea. on herod the great's death in 4 b.c. the rule ofjudaea was granted by augustus to herod's son, archelaus, and that of galilee to herod's son, antipas. due to archelaus' mis-rule he was deposed in a.d. 6 and judaea became a roman province governed by a praefectus. pontius pilate was praefectus from a.d. 26 to 36 and was hated by the jews because of his disregard for their customs and privileges. he had ordered his troops to enter jerusalem with ensigns bearing the emperor's image (which contravened the second mosaic commandment), and had applied the treasures of the temple to the building of an aqueduct.28 in view of this mutual hostility it seems unlikely that the chief priests would seek the assistance of the romans to effect an arrest which their temple officers could easily achieve; nor is it likely that the romans would give such assistance if requested. in exercise of their imperium through the power of coercitio the romans could arrest in judaea whomsoever they wished, but they would normally use this power only where law and order, and hence rome's dominium, were threatened. thus, even when the tribune ordered paul's arrest, it was because "all jerusalem was in confusion" during the attempt at lynch-justice, not because of paul's alleged preaching against jewish law, and defilement of the temple.29 his subsequent defence before felix, the governor, was that he had not caused a disturbance in the temple, the synagogues or the city.30moreover, the jewish authorities did not themselves lack power to apprehend; on two occasions they arrested apostles in jerusalem,31 and paul apparently obtained authority from the high priest to arrest christians even outside palestine, in damascus.32 since there was no public commotion at the time of jesus' arrest, we find mark's evidence (supported by luke's version) more probable, namely that jesus' arrest was effected by judas and others sent from the chief priests, scribes and elders being the three component parts of the sanhedrin. this was the supreme judicial and legislative body for civil and unreserved criminal law in judaea, subject always to the romans' power to intervene. it is very likely that prominent among the arresting party were the captains of the temple and their assistants, i.e., the temple police who would enforce the wishes of the chief priests or the sanhedrin. on receiving 27. thus josephus reports that when julius caesar in 47 b.c. appointed hyrcanus and his children to be ethnarch and high priest of the jews, they were given such high priestly rights as existed in . .aa:ordance with their laws, and "if any question shall arise concerning the jews' manner oflife, it is my pleasure that the decision rests with [hyrcanus and his children]": antiquities 14, 194-5. 28. josephus, antiquities 18,55-62; war 2, 169-177. according to the mishnah the building of an aqueduct was arguably an authorised use of temple funds (shekalim 4, 2). 29. acts 21,28-32. 30. acts 24,11-12. 31. acts 4,3; 5,17. 32. acts 9,1-2; 26,12. 5 the denning law journal judas' information,33 the chief priests may themselves have had authority to bring jesus before the sanhedrin in its aforesaid capacity as a criminal court. the next scene is before the high priest, who was the president of the sanhedrin.34 proceedings before the jews according to mark,35 jesus' arresters lead him to the high priest, presumably to his house as matthew interprets,36 where all the chief priests, elders and scribes were gathered. luke37 states that jesus was led to the high priest's house, but he mentions no meeting until the morning. according to john,38 jesus was led to the house of annas, a former high priest (but, following custom, still called 'high priest'). the evidence concerning the nature of this nocturnal proceeding conflicts. mark appears to assert that it was a formal meeting of the sanhedrin for "the chief priests and the whole council sought testimony against jesus to put him to death";39 the greek word here translated "council", is sunedrion, i.e., sanhedrin. in luke, there is no meeting of the jews at night jesus is just detained until a morning meeting.40 in john, jesus is questioned by annas only and then sent to caiaphas (the high priest in office), but he is not brought before the sanhedrin until early the following morning,41 thus, the only witness attesting a night meeting of the sanhedrin is mark's source, whereas the accounts of luke and john, which deny a night meeting, are otherwise so different in content as to postulate separate witnesses lying behind them. the weight of the literary evidence is therefore opposed to a nocturnal meeting of the sanhedrin. against this literary evidence we must place the external evidence that (a) if the sanhedrin were to meet at night, the house of the high priest would be a natural place, since the "hall beside the xystus"42 (the normal meeting place) would be inaccessible after the gates to the temple mount had been closed at night, and (b) as a. n. sherwin-white has shown,43 if there had been only one meeting of the sanhedrin, and that in the morning, it would have required great haste to resolve the jewish legal issues and bring charges to pilate before the start of his latemorning leisure; roman gentlemen normally arose early, and had finished their matutinal labours by about the start of the sixth hour (after sunrise).44 since jesus 33. mark 14,1o-1l. 34. schurer, supra n. 23, vol. ii, p. 215. 35. 14,53. 36.26,57. 37.22,54. 38. 18,13. 39. 14,55. 40.22,66. 41. 18,28. 42. incorrectly called in the mishnah, "the chamber of hewn stone": see schurer, supra n. 23, vol. ii, pp. 223-5. 43. in roman society and roman law in the new testament, oxford (1963), pp. 44-6. 44. see also j. carcopino, daily life in ancient rome, routledge (1941), pp. 150-2. 6 the trials of jesus of nazareth was crucified at or shortly before that hour,45it would have been necessary for the jews to have approached pilate not much later than the fourth hour, i.e., about 10.00 a.m ..46sherwin-white is surely right to say that to reach pilate in time would have been difficult without a nocturnal meeting of the sanhedrin unless the proceedings of the sanhedrin were much shorter than mark indicates. on the other hand, evidence supporting luke and john's denial of a night meeting is the mishnah's provision at sanhedrin 4,1 that capital cases (i.e., those involving the death penalty) were not to be tried at night. this evidence is weakened, though, by uncertainty as to whether this provision, which was finally compiled c. a.d. 200,47 prevailed in the time ofjesus. some of the detailed court procedure there set out suggests the refining oflater years; the fluidity ofthe jewish legal system prior to the destruction of the temple in a.d. 70 is discussed below. assessing the literary and external evidence together, mark's evidence supported by the evidence of the time factor does produce a balance of probability in favour of a nocturnal meeting. but what kind of a trial took place at this nocturnal meeting? according to mark, it was a formal meeting of the sanhedrin, and this seems more probable than john's evidence that jesus was questioned by annas alone and then sent on to caiaphas, for apart from peter's denial we are not told what, if anything, happened there; the sequence as recorded seems to indicate little judicial purpose. in luke, as already mentioned, nothing happened at night. however, luke and mark agree that there was a formal meeting of the sanhedrin at some time so that john's evidence of an informal questioning by annas is outweighed. klausner has argued that the meeting of the sanhedrin was not convened to try jesus for offences against jewish law, but was rather a preliminary investigation whose result would have been submitted to pontius pilate for full adjudication under roman law ifhe thought appropriate.48 klausner cites the numerous egyptian papyri containing records of trials conducted by the romans and showing that the roman governors of egypt entrusted preliminary enquiries to the local egyptian authorities. there is no record in josephus or elsewhere that this procedure was applied in judaea, and the hostile relations described above render it unlikely that the sanhedrin would assist the roman judicial system in this way. josephus does report the case of jesus, son of ananias, who in the seventh decade a.d. continually prophesied destruction upon jerusalem and the temple, and did not desist even after chastisement by order of the sanhedrin. he was then delivered by that court to albinus the roman procurator for more severe scourging (which did not terminate 45. mark 15,33; luke 23,44. 46. time was never more than approximate, when timekeeping depended on the sun-dial and the water-clock, and sun-rise was a changing base: see carcopino, supra n. 44, pp. 148-150. 47. the mishnah contains the rulings of the scribes and rabbis on many aspects of jewish life which were passed on orally until committed to writing in the 2nd century a.d. and finally compiled in this book. it includes rulings dating from c. 200 b.c., but the difficulty of dating early rabbinic material is great and, with some proposals, is discussed by the present writer in jesus, supra n. 2, pp. 130-50. citations from the mishnah state the tractate (chapter) title sometimes preceded by 'm'. 48. jesus of nazareth, e. t. macmillan (1925), pp. 333-4. 7 the denning law journal the dirge albinus pronounced him mad and let him go!).49there, however, the sanhedrin did not conduct a mere preliminary investigation. it transferred the case not for full trial but for greater penalty. regarding the charges levelled at jesus in the nocturnal sanhedrin trial, both mark and luke assert that the high priest asked jesus whether he was the christ, the son of the blessed (luke son of god);50in luke the two titles were put to jesus separately, and are the only accusations laid before the sanhedrin. now, as the court's function was presumably to investigate offences against jewish law, the high priest's questions were irrelevant since 'christ' (chrislos) was the greek translation of the hebrew massiah (literally, the anointed one), and it was no offence against jewish law mistakenly (or correctly!) to claim to be the messiah; indeed, there were several aspirant messiahs around the time of jesus (see below), and no action was taken against them by the jews. for after all, the messiah was to be a national military hero in the model of king david, who would rid the jews of the roman yoke. a typical view of the messiah's role is expressed in a psalm of solomon thought to be the work of a pharisee in the period 63-48 b.c.: "behold, 0 lord, and raise up unto them their king, the son of david, in the time which thou, 0 god, knowest, that he may reign over israel thy servant; and gird him with strength that he may break in pieces them that rule unjustly. purge jerusalem from the heathen that trample her down to destroy her, with wisdom and with righteousness."s! a claim to be such a figure was, amongst the jews, laudable rather than indictable. a claim to be the son of god was similarly considered to be unobjectionable, even if extravagant. this title was first used of israel itself,52and the king came to hold it as the representative of the people. 53the discovery of the dead sea scrolls has provided evidence that in the years before jesus' birth the davidic messiah figure was gaining esteem as the son of god (4q plorilegium, 10-14). thus, claims to be the christ or the son of god did not approach the legal definition of blasphemy. it is ruled at leviticus 24,15 that "whoever curses his god shall bear his sin," and in v.16 that "he who blasphemes the name of the lord shall be put to death." the hebrew word-root translated 'curses' in v.15 (q-l-l), can bear the wider meaning of 'dishonour', but the root translated 'blasphemes' in v.16 (n-q-b), literally means 'pierce' (the name) and it is, 49. war 6, 300-9. 50. mark 14,61; luke 22,67,70. 51. psalm 17,23-25, e. t. h. e. ry1eand m. r. james, psalms of1hepharisees, cambridge (1891),pp. 137-8. 52. exodus 4,22-23; hosea 11,10. 53.2 samuel 7,14; psalm 2,7. 8 the trials of jesus of nazareth perhaps, in reliance on this strict meaning that the scribes, according to the mishnah,54 ruled that the accused is not culpable unless he pronounces the divine name (the tetragrammaton, y-h-w-h) itself. it is possible that in jesus' day more weight was given to the v .15 aspect of'dishonouring' god, but as discussed above, claims to be the messiah or the son of god could not be so construed. moreover, we cannot be sure that the sanhedrin followed the mishnaic law on the definition of blasphemy in jesus' trial and on other legal issues even ifthe law in the mishnah was current in jesus' day. for the rulings in the mishnah are by pharisaic scribes and rabbis, since the legal approach of the pharisees dominated in judaism after the fall of the temple in a.d. 70 and the consequent eclipse of the priestly sadducaic party. in jesus' time, the chief priests and the other sadducaic aristocracy were the major party in the sanhedrin, although there was a substantial pharisaic minority. 55in contrast to the pharisees, who gave force to the written law of the scriptures as interpreted and extended by the oral decisions of the scribes (later written down in the mishnah), the sadducees considered only the written law as binding, and this created hostility between the two parties.56 a judicial consequence of the different approaches is shown in the definition of blasphemy. the sadducees would probably give force to v .15 of leviticus 24 which, as already discussed, includes the dishonour of god57 whereas the pharisees, giving greater weight to v.16's reference to the name of the lord, would only find blasphemy where the tetragrammaton was uttered (and only then if a prior warning had been given!). notwithstanding the sadducaic majority in the sanhedrin, in many matters the legal views of the pharisees prevailed over those of the sadducees because otherwise the mass of the people who revered the pharisees would not tolerate the sadducees in official positions.58 it seems, however, from mark 2,7 that the wider definition of blasphemy based only on the written law was accepted even by the scribes in jesus' day, for there some scribes, having heard jesus purport to forgive sins, protest that it is blasphemy since "who can forgive sins but god alone?" regarding the charges of blasphemy before the high priest, even if jesus had claimed to be the son of man, that would hardly have constituted dishonour of god. although that son was the first of creation, 59and a heavenly being,60 and came to god with the clouds ofheaven,61 he was conceived of as a separate person, quite distinct from god. 54. sanhedrin 7,5. 55. see acts 23,6-10. 56. as evinced at acts 23,6-10 and m. yadaim, 6-8; josephus, antiquities, 13,297-8. 57. but see, contra, h. cohn, the tn'al and death of je~us, harper & row (1967), pp. 101-3. 58. josephus, antiquities, 18,17. 59. enoch 48,1. 60. enoch 46,2. 61. daniel 7,13. the view ofr. akiba (fl. c. 120-40) that david and god sat side by side on the thrones mentioned at daniel 7,9, although criticised, did not provoke allegations of blasphemy (sanhedrin 38b). 9 the denning law journal in addition to the substantive law, there is evidence from the jewish law of procedure militating against a conviction of jesus for blasphemy in that a confession by the accused is unlikely to have formed sufficient evidence to justify such a conviction. both the deuteronomic code (early 7th century b.c.)62and the tosephta (c.200 a.d.)63 stipulated that the evidence of two witnesses was necessary to convict on a capital charge, so that this was almost certainly the law in the time of jesus. the possibility that the accused's admission would remove the need for other witnesses is excluded, according to the scribes, by another tosephta provision64 that one of the differences between civil and criminal cases is that whereas in civil cases a person is bound by his own admission, in criminal cases a confession, in or out of court, is not evidence against him.65 nonetheless, mark asserts that after jesus had admitted being the christ, the son of the blessed (god), and added that the high priest would see the son of man sitting at the right hand of power and coming with the clouds of heaven, the high . priest declared this to be blasphemy, tore his coat (as was legally required),66 and the sanhedrin condemned jesus as deserving death.67it thus seems clearthat it is the claim to be the christ, the son of god, which the priest treats as blasphemous since jesus has not claimed to be son of man he has told the priest only that he, the priest, will see that son. in contrast to mark, in luke, on hearing jesus' admission that he was the son of god, the sanhedrin did not pronounce him guilty of blasphemy, but asked rhetorically what further testimony they needed. 68 this indicates not that they had convicted him of a jewish offence but rather that they had obtained the evidence necessary to convict him of a roman offence before pilate. the psalm of solomon (supra) shows what a direct threat to rome's dom£n£um a claim to be the davidic messiah constituted. supporting mark's assertion of blasphemy is john's assertion of a general allegation by the jews that "we have a law, and by that law he ought to die, because he has made himself the son of god. "69pitted against these assertions is the evidence of substantive and procedural law that the admissions could not support a conviction for blasphemy, and on a balance of probability luke's evidence is preferable that the admissions provided rather the testimony which the sanhedrin expected pilate to accept as showing treason. yet other charges were levelled at jesus before the sanhedrin according to 62. deuteronomy 17,6 (capital offence) and 19,15 (any offence); numbers 35,30 (capital offence). 63. sanhedrin 11,1. the tosephta ("the added things") is a collection of rulings traditionally thought to be supplemental to those in the mishnah, and to have been compiled shortly after the mishnah. it is sometimes cited by a 't' before the tractate title. 64. shevuot 3,8. 65. if the confession is itself blasphemous, it is arguable that those present in court could in a second trial give evidence of that blasphemy. 66. m. sanhedrin 7,5. 67. 14,62-64. 68.22,70-71. 69. 19.7. 10 the trials of jesus of nazareth mark.70 he records that many bore false witness against jesus, but their witness did not agree. the only specific allegation mark reports is that some falsely witnessed that they had heard jesus say, "i will destroy this temple that is made with hands, and in three days i will build another, not made with hands."71 mark adds that even these witnesses did not agree, but matthew implies his understanding that they did, for he reports, "at last two came forward and said, 'this fellow said, "i am able to destroy the temple of god, and to build it in three days.".' "72this hearsay seems to be a distortion of a claim of jesus which john reports, "destroy this temple and in three days i will raise it up",b where john adds that jesus spoke of the temple of his body. in any case, in john, jesus is not threatening to destroy the temple, he is claiming what he could do if it were destroyed. evidence supporting the authenticity (and the truth) of the temple allegation at jesus' trial is provided by luke's source; witnesses (false, says luke) atthe trial of stephen, aboutthree years later, testified, "we have heard [stephen] say thatthis jesus ofn azareth will destroy this place, and will change the customs which moses delivered to us."74 it seems more probable that jesus merely prophesied the destruction of the temple (correctly) rather than personally threatened to destroy it. for in mark, jesus says outside the temple, "do you see these great buildings? there will not be left one stone upon another that will not be thrown down. "75jesus uttered similar prophecies of doom on god's day of judgment for jerusalem76 and chorazin, bethsaida and capernaum.77 but, of course, the sanhedrin was solely and rightly concerned with the evidence given before it, namely (according to mark) that jesus had threatened to destroy the temple. it is not inconsistent that mark reports two witnesses as having testified in the quoted identical words, and yet states that their evidence did not agree. 78as already noted, the deuteronomic code provided that a man should not be convicted of any capital offence on the evidence of a single witness. this was interpreted to mean that the evidence of the two or more witnesses must agree exactly. thus, in the history of susannah (written c.b.c. 150-200) the conviction of susannah for adultery was set aside when, on reexamination, one witness said that the act took place under a mastick tree, while the other said under a holm tree.79the law seems gradually to have increased in strictness, since in later times according to the mishnah, the witness was asked on what date in the month, on what day, at what hour and in what place it was 70. 14,56-59. 71. 14,58. 72. 26,60-61. 73.2,19. 74. acts 6,14. 75.13,2. 76. matthew 23,37-38. 77. 11,20-24. 78. 14, 58-9. 79. vv. 52-58. 11 the denning law journal committed, and if one witness said the third day or hour and the other said the fifth, then the evidence of both was invalid.80 it is therefore possible that the witnesses, although agreeing on jesus' words concerning the destruction of the temple, disagreed about where, or more likely when, he spoke them. however, matthew's implication that the evidence of the witnesses about the temple did agree, is arguably stronger than mark's evidence to the contrary, since there would have been no cause for the high priest to demand why jesus did not answer the witnesses, if their evidence was invalid.81 the evidence indicating that jesus was condemned for blasphemy arising out of the temple threat, is supported by evidence ofthe substantive law. for it has been seen that following the broad definition of leviticus 24,15, in jesus' day, as exemplified in connection with jesus' forgiveness of sins, it was considered blasphemy to "dishonour" god. the temple was associated with god's honour because his name rested there.82it was obviously permissible for god himself through the prophets to threaten the destruction of the temple,83 but for a man to do so, might well have been considered blasphemous. the penalty expressed at leviticus 24,15 for "cursing god" (interpreted as including dishonouring god) is that the offender shall "bear his sin". the same verbal root, q-l-l, is used of cursing father or mother at leviticus 20,9 and there the penalty is death, so we may suppose that "bear his sin" should be so understood at 24,15.84 from this review of the marcan and lucan evidence concerning jesus' trial before the sanhedrin, aided by evidence of the procedural and substantive jewish law affecting blasphemy, it seems more probable that jesus was found guilty of blasphemy in that he had threatened to destroy the temple. there has been much debate over whether the sanhedrin possessed the power to execute the death penalty in a.d.33, but the preponderance of evidence is that it did not. the instances where the jews did cause death in this period appear to have been cases of 'lynch law' rather than of judicial sentence.85 admittedly, there is a talmudic saying that forty years before the destruction of the temple the right to try capital cases was taken from israel,86 which, allowing some imprecision, could mean that the sanhedrin's power to carry out the death penalty survived until a.d.33. it seems more likely that forty years was used to signify 'a long time' and that a cessation at the commencement of direct roman rule of judaea in a.d.6 is 80. sanhedrin 5,1. 81. 14,60. 82. 1 kings 8,29. 83. micah 3,12; jeremiah 26,6,18. 84. so, j. d. m. derrett, law in ehe new teseamene, darton, longman & todd (1970), p. 454; contra, cohn, supra n. 57, p. 101. 85. thus stephen at acts 7, 57-60, and james, the brother of jesus at josephus, antiquieies 20, 200-203. 86. sanhedrin 41a. 12 the trials of jesus of nazareth intended.87 moreover, john reports the jews as saying, "it is not lawful for us to put any man to death"88 and even in c. a.d.90 there were probably those who could have corrected john or his source if this tradition had been wrong. the strongest evidence against the jews' possession of the power to impose the death penalty arises from the nature of roman rule. as noted above, following augustus' deposition of archelaus in a.d.6, an equestrian praefectus was appointed to govern judaea as a roman province. because the ordo, a list of crimes for which a citizen in rome could be punished, was established long after rome acquired provinces to administer, the praefectus based his jurisdiction on his imperium which he held just like a proconsul or imperial legate who governed a province. imperium, although limited by statute, originated in the unbridled royal power which the consuls inherited from the kings of rome. in criminal jurisdiction the imperium gave the powers coercere et animadvertere (to compel obedience and to punish). although, as mentioned, rome had granted the jews permission to follow their own laws where public order was unaffected, it is most unlikely that tiberius had allowed them to exercise the death penalty. the edicts of augustus to the proconsul of cyrene in 7 -6 b.c. had shown this power to be reserved to the governor of a province, for in writing about non-capital charges augustus adds, "this does not apply to capital charges which the governor must hear and decide either by himself or by providing a jury."89 the admitted exception in judaea to this rule was that, according to josephus90 and a wellknown temple inscription,91 the sanhedrin was allowed to execute trespassers on the inner temple, but such trespassers could ipso facto only be gentiles.92 the above cumulative evidence persuades us that the sanhedrin did not have power at this time to execute the death penalty and so is unlikely to have pronounced it vainly. mark thus correctly states thatthey judged (katekrinan) jesus to be worthy of death (enochon thanatou),93 i.e., a judicial opinion rather than a sentence.94 consequently, to secure jesus' death, the sanhedrin had to arrange for two or three of its members, or others, to lay such information against jesus as would 87. josephus, war, 2, 117, reports that augustus on appointing coponius to be the first praefectus of judaea in a.d.6, delegated to him the power to rule on his behalf and exercise his authority including the right to inflict capital punishment. 88. 18,31. 89. quoted by sherwin-white, supra n. 43, p. 15. 90. war, 5,194. 91. the clermont-gannau inscription, "no foreigner is to enter within the forecourt and the balustrade around the sanctuary. whoever is caught will have himself to blame for his subsequent death." 92. although, concerning proselytes, see booth, contrasts, supra n.2, p. 104, n.30a. 93. 14,65. 94. cj., v. taylor, st. mark, macmillan (1953), p. 570. it is arguable that as there was no power to impose the death penalty, there were no capital cases in jewish law, and ifthere were no capital cases, the special rules affecting them, such as the trial being in daylight, did not apply after a.d. 6. however, this smacks of sophistry, and 'capital' was more probably construed as meaning a case where the accused, if found guilty, would be 'deserving of death' under jewish law. 13 the denning law journal induce pilate to order the roman death penalty, namely cruciftxion. and such was the punishment for sedition and political insurgency. 95 hence the meeting of the sanhedrin the following morning which is attested by mark, luke and john. 96 we may accept luke's evidence97 that it was at this morning meeting that the high priest addressed to jesus the questions about the messiahship discussed above. jesus' admission of the messiahship, which involved, in jewish expectation, inheritance of the royal throne of david, and hence a kingly claim, provided the evidence the jews wanted in order to found a charge of treason before pilate. the question naturally arises: why at the nocturnal meeting did the sanhedrin investigate and ftnd proved a charge of blasphemy arising from jesus' words against the temple when, to secure their presumed object of jesus' death, it was only necessary to ftnd for pilate evidence of treason which they achieved in the morning meeting? the answer may lie in the politics of the sanhedrin. for, although controlled by the sadducees, the sanhedrin, as noted above, contained a substantial pharisaic minority, and the pharisees received much popular support. the arrest of jesus by the sadducean chief priests in order to arraign him before the hated pilate would. probably have been condemned by the pharisees, and hence the people, if jesus had not then been accused before the sanhedrin of a breach of jewish law. once jesus had been convicted of a death-deserving offence against jewish law, however, the pharisees probably did not object to the sentence being ordered by a roman praefectus for a roman offence, given the unfortunate circumstance of roman dominion. proceedings before pilate sherwin-white has noted how well the procedure before pilate accorded with the roman court practice, extra ordinem.98 because legal proceedings in a province did not normally concern a crime in the roman ordo (list of crimes), which primarily contained the crimes of high society and even if the crime, like treason, was in the ordor the praefeccus was not required to follow that procedure the praefectus had complete freedom in the charges he accepted and in the penalties he imposed, apart from the mandatory cases of cruciftxion (the arbitriumjudicantis). the praefectus tested the facts alleged in the charge by his own cognitio (investigation) rather than by the method of examination and cross-examination by advocates as adopted by the common law. 98. supra, n. 43. 99. the lex julia maiestatis enacted by julius caesar in 46 b.c. created the capital offence of crimen laesae maiestatis, the crime of injuring the majesty of the emperor, and under this head of the ordo insurrection and treason were prosecuted at rome. 95. paulus, the 3rd-century jurist writes: "auctores seditionis et tumultus vel concitatores populi pro qua/itate dignitatis aut in ctucemtolluntur aut bestiis obiiciuntur aut in insulam deportantur" (sententiae 5.22.1); cj., the neronian persecution of christians (tacitus, annals 15,44). 96. 15,1; 22,6; 18,28. 97.22,66. 14 the trials of jesus of nazareth thus, in a cognitio extra ordinem the accusation is not of a particular crime, but of facts upon which the praefectus is invited to adjudicate. this freedom to decide whether the facts alleged constituted a crime is shown by pilate's response in luke to the chief priests' allegation "i find no crime in this man."l it also seems to be implicit in festus' reply about paul to the chief priests, " ... if there is anything wrong about the man, let them accuse him."2 thus, the evidence of the proceedings before pilate in luke's report seems to be the more probable. there the jews alleged specific facts, namely that they found jesus to be perverting the nation (i.e., inciting the people against rome), forbidding the giving of tribute to caesar, and claiming to be christ, a king.3 mark asserts that the chief priests "accused jesus of many things", which is strangely placed after pilate's immediate question on arrival, "are you the king of the jews?"4 in john, pilate more credibly opens the proceedings by asking the jews what accusation they bring, but there is less credibility in the jews' reply, "if this man were not an evildoer, we would not have handed him over",s since the chief priests would have known that such an allegation was insufficiently specific to lead to a conviction. pilate's next question to jesus, whether he was the king of the jews,6 suggests that john's tradition (like mark's) has omitted an accusation by the jews to this effect. the other accusation by the jews in john, "we have a law and by that law he ought to die because he has made himself the son of god",? also lacks credibility, being opposed by the evidence oflegal history, as discussed above. pilate's alarm at this allegation would admittedly be understandable since as a roman and inheritor of greek culture, he would have understood sonship of god as a claim to supernatural or divine status.s however, it is unlikely that the chief priests would ask pilate to condemn jesus for a religious offence against jewish law. they would know that pilate would refuse to involve himself in such matters; thus, in john's report pilate had previously said, "take him yourselves and judge him by your own law."9 similarly, festus, the procurator (later title for praefectus) ofjudaea c.a.d. 60-62, reports regarding the jews' accusations against paul: "when the accusers stood up, they brought no charge in his case of such evils as i supposed; but they had certain points of dispute with him about their own superstition and about one jesus, who was dead, but whom paul asserted to be alive. being at a loss how to 1. 23,4. 2. acts 25,5. 3.23,2. 4.15,2-3. 5. 18,29-30. 6. 18,33. 7. 19,7. 8. romans and others affected by hellenism would understand the title, 'son of god', to signify a 'divine man' who, because he effected miracles of healing or other wonders, was reputed to be descended from the gods. in this way, alexander the great, pythagoras, plato and several fraudulent persons were assigned divine ancestry. see further booth, conrrasrs, supra n. 2, pp. 175-7. 9. } 8,3 1. 15 the denning law journal investigate these questions, i asked whether he wished to go to jerusalem and be tried there regarding them." 10 the more probable gospel evidence, since it is supported by the evidence of legal history, is that pilate first asked the jews what accusation they brought against jesus, and that the jews in reply accused him of perverting the nation, forbidding the giving of tribute, i 1 and of claiming to be christ, a king. these charges may be the 'many things' to which mark refers. 12 the evidence of pilate's question, "are you the king of the jews?", attested by all three independent witnesses,13is persuasive that this was the main charge brought against jesus; this would certainly seem the most serious to pilate in the unsettled circumstances of the time. for josephus records how after the death of herod the great (b.c.4) judaea was filled with insurrection; judas, simon and athronges led rebellions and acclaimed themselves kings, and josephus summarises: "anyone might make himself king as the head of a band of rebels whom he fell in with ... " 14 it cannot have helped jesus' cause that barabbas, whose freedom the crowd chose by passover custom rather than jesus', had been awaiting crucifixion for murderous insurrection. l5 nonetheless, despite the natural roman sensitivity to royal claims, pilate, according to luke,16 after questioning jesus about his kingship, decided in exercise of his arbilrium judicancis not to recognise the allegations as constituting an offence. luke's assertions here are supported by the evidence in mark's and john's accounts of pilate's reluctance to convict jesus}7 bearing in mind the febrile political atmosphere, the likelihood that the jews could prove that jesus had claimed to be messiah, and that jesus did not defend the allegation, this reluctance to convict is initially surprising. 18pilate probably did accept the jewish allegations of jesus' messianic claims, but perhaps could not take those claims seriously. the clue may lie in the mockery. the taunting of jesus and his adornment in royal trappings by the soldiers of both pilate and herod 19 (infra) suggests that neither pilate nor herod could conceive that the humble galilean peasant who refused to defend himself against a capital charge, could be a threat to rome or to law and order, whatever titles he might care to give himself. 10. acts 25, 18-20. 11. indeed, luke relates at 20,20 that the spies who asked jesus about tribute to caesar intended to preserve his reply so as to deliver him up to the jurisdiction of the governor. ' 12.15,3. 13. mark 15,2; luke 23,3: john 18,33. 14. anciquities 17,273-85. 15. 15,7. 16.23,4. 17. mark 15,9,14; john 18,31,39; 19,6. 18. pilate might have been less reluctant to convict jesus if he had known of the people's earlier intention reported by john: "perceiving then that they were about to come and take him by force to make him king, jesus withdrew again to the hills by himself' (6,15). 19. mark 15,17-19; luke 23,11. 16 the trials of jesus of nazareth so, on learning that jesus came from galilee, pilate sent him to herod (antipas) who happened to be in jerusalem at the time.20 proceedings before herod antipas the ignorance of the other evangelists concerning these proceedings should not constitute counter-evidence to luke's assertions since even mark was writing over 30 years after the tria1.21 however, if there was no possible reason why pilate should consider that herod could claim jurisdiction over jesus' case or that he should be offered jurisdiction out of courtesy, the absence would arguably be counter-evidence. accordingly, the conflict of laws will be considered. it is commonplace to-day for a court to exercise criminal jurisdiction over any person present in its territory if the crime is alleged to have been committed in its territory; indeed, the ground for jurisdiction is the commission of the crime in the territory, and the accused who has left the territory may be extraditable from his country of refuge. it seems likely thatforum delicti was also the basis of criminal jurisdiction in the early years of the roman empire, but that with the growth of legal theory the concept of a person being triable in the province of his residence (forum domicilit) arose.22 it is unlikely, however, that the courts of an accused's country of residence ever had jurisdiction to the exclusion of the courts of the place of commission of the act, since it is usually the law and order of that place which is jeopardised. in the times of trajan (a.d.98-117) or hadrian (a.d. 117-138) the jurist celsus wrote that it was clear that the governor of the province in which the act was done ought to handle it; he added that some governors sent the accused back to his province of origin after a preliminary investigation, but that this should only be for special reason.23 however, the position may well have been more fluid eighty years or so earlier in jesus' day, so we should not allow the uncertain evidence of the law to outweigh luke's evidence. moreover, josephus notes the formidable influence of herod the great, antipas' father, beyond his realm, saying, "no other sovereign had been empowered by caesar, as he had, to reclaim a fugitive subject even from a state outside his jurisdiction. "24 it may be that pilate, knowing of antipas' father's unusual privilege of extradition, offered antipas jurisdiction over jesus, a man from his tetrarchy,25 as a courtesy; this would accord with luke's report that their previous enmity was dissolved that day.26 the weight of luke's evidence concerning pilate's transfer 00esus to antipas is increased by his apparent accuracy over detail in the report. his assertion of hostility between pilate and herod is supported by evidence of an incident 20. luke 23,6-7. 21. see n. 4 (1). 22. see generally on this conflict point, sherwin-white, supra n. 43 (i), pp. 29-31. 23. d.48.3. ii. 24. war 1,474. 25. a tetrarchy, literally government of a quarter of a territory, had come in roman times to mean merely the area governed by a minor native dependent ruler. 26.23,12. 17 the denning law journal probably occurring c. a.d .31 which is recorded by the alexandrian jewish writer, philo (c. b.c.20-a.d.50). according to philo, four sons of herod the great (of whom antipas would clearly be one) protested to pilate on behalf ofthe enraged populace when pilate introduced into herod's palace in the holy city religiously offensive votive shields. moreover, they sent letters of complaint to emperor tiberius who severely rebuked pilate and ordered the removal of the shields to pilate's palace at caesarea.27 a sourness in pilate's previous relations with herod is consequently credible! that herod accepted the offer of jurisdiction is supported by luke's report that he questioned jesus at length, and that the chief priests and scribes were allowed to make their accusations.28 admittedly, his transfer of jesus back to pilate would be consistent with a refusal to adjudicate, but there seems to be no reason to doubt luke's assertion that the sending of jesus back indicated that herod found him innocent.29 further, a rejection of pilate's offer of jurisdiction would hardly have produced the reported repair of their relations. again, luke's report that herod desired to see jesus and to witness him work a miracle,30 seems credible since mark reports that when herod heard of jesus' ministry, he believed that john the baptist whom he had beheaded, had been resurrectedpl but jesus was as reticent before herod as before pilate so that herod mocked him, clothed him like a king, and returned him to pilate. 32 luke does not state the nature of the accusations made by the chief priests and scribes before herod. like pilate, herod would not normally33 have been concerned with breaches of jewish religious law, though partially jewish himself,34 since the local sanhedrins would adjudicate upon such matters in his tetrarchy.35 equally, while he assiduously curried favour with emperor tiberius,36 it is doubtful whether he would have been particularly disturbed by the allegations that jesus forbade the giving of tribute to caesar. he would have been 27. legario, 299-305. a grievance of herod may have been pilate's slaughter of galileans who were in jerusalem to sacrifice (luke 13,1). 28.23,9-10. 29. although the party who supported the return of the herodian dynasty to power in judaea (the herodians) had, according to mark, plotted with the pharisees to kill jesus early in his ministry (3,6), and attempted with them to incriminate jesus over paying tribute to caesar (12,13-17). cf., the doubtful story of antipas' father's intent to kill the baby jesus (matthew 2,7,16). 30. 23,8; cf. 9,9. 31. 6.16. 32. luke 23,11. 33. although, as in the case of the errant shields noted above, he was willing to complain of such a breach if it would bring him political advantage in favour with the people or embarrassment of an enemy. 34. his mother, malthake, was a samaritan but his father, herod the great, was a descendant of the idumaeans who were forcibly converted to judaism by john hyrcanus c. 130 b.c. 35. schurer, supra n. 23(1), vol ii, p. 184 et seq.; sherwin-white, supra n. 43(1), p. 142. 36. most notably in the negotiations between vitellius, governor of syria, and the king of the parthians; herod sumptuously entertained both in a tent on the new bridge overthe euphrates, and then sent a complete report of the negotiation to emperor tiberius, completely up-staging vitellius whose function it was to report (josephus, antiquities 18, 104-5)! 18 the trials of jesus of nazareth more alarmed by the allegations that jesus was perverting the people, and claiming to be a king. as already mentioned, according to mark,37 herod believed jesus to be john the baptist returned to life, and this was probably because jesus' preaching and attraction of the crowds was reminiscent of john. it was because herod had feared that john's preaching and influence over the people would lead to a rebellion, that he had imprisoned john,38 although a contributory factor was probably john's fierce condemnation of herod's marriage, in contravention of jewish law, to his half-brother's wife.39 accordingly, it seems likely that the accusations of the jews before herod would be that jesus had been inciting the jews of galilee to rebellion, and claiming there that he was a king. luke reports that jesus had previously been warned to leave galilee because herod wanted to kill him,40 so that herod's return of him to pilate must have been due to a wish for strategic reasons not to disagree with pilate, or because on actually meeting jesus, he could not, as suggested above, treat him as a credible threat to law and order. perhaps if pilate had not been involved, and herod himself had arrested jesus in galilee, herod would have imprisoned or killed jesus without trial. his arbitrary treatment of john shows that executive action rather than judicial enquiry was his approach to situations affecting law and order. josephus writes of john's end: "herod decided therefore that it would be much better to strike first and to be rid of him before his work led to an uprising, than to wait for an upheaval, get involved in a difficult situation, and see his mistake."41 pilate's judgment all the evangelists attest pilate's wish to release jesus. in mark and john, pilate suggests to the jews that he should release jesus pursuant to the annual amnesty for one prisoner at the passover, but the jews demand instead the release of barabbas, the rebel. 42in luke, the jews cry outfor barabbas' release although the passover amnesty is not mentioned.43 there does not appear to be any jewish or other source which supports the evidence of a passover amnesty, but the evidence of mark and john that it prevailed in jesus' time is not opposed by contrary evidence. john's assertion is compelling that it was the jews' warning that ifhe released jesus he was not caesar's friend, which caused pilate to change his mind and order 37.6,16. 38. josephus, antiquiries 18, 118-119. 39. mark 6,17-18. 40. 13,31, and see n. 29(2). 41. ibid .. if, indeed, john was beheaded because of herod's rash vow to salome, then arbitrariness was compounded with caprice (mark 6,21-28). 42. 15,9; 18,39. 43. 23,18. some manuscripts of luke's gospel do contain the explanation, "now he was obliged to release one man to them at the festival", but it is usually considered a scribal gloss conforming the text with mark 15,6 and manhew 27,15. 19 the denning law journal jesus' crucifixion.44 his failure to heed this warning might well have reverberated in rome, and its likely authenticity is heightened by it being so politically apposite in this period. according to josephus, julius caesar in his aforementioned decree appointing hyrcanus and his sons to be ethnarchs and high priests, declared that they should be "numbered among our particular friends", and philo refers to agrippa, (grand-son of herod the great) as a friend of caesar also in a political rather than a personal sense.45 the historicity of the gospel evidence about pilate's judgment is supported by the evidence of roman law. thus, because the cognitio extra ordinem originated in the governor's executive action by virtue of his imperium, the governor rather than pronouncing a verdict of guilty or not guilty, simply ordered the penalty. pilate, following this procedure, ordered jesus to be scourged and delivered him to be crucified.46 again, it conformed with jewish law that pilate, in luke, declared that because nothing deserving death had been done by jesus, he would merely chastise him and then release him.47 for although it sounds bizarre to a modern western lawyer that an accused, found to have done nothing criminal, should be chastised, this was a permissible option in the exercise of coercitio (the ruler's enforcement of order) as contrasted with cognitio (judicial investigation of facts, possibly followed by penalty). there were three levels of beating lusus (cudgels),flagella (whips) and verbera (lashes). the beating with lusus being the least painful of the three, was the executive action linked with a warning, so luke's report of pilate's proposal here accorded with roman practice. not surprisingly, a severe beating accompanied the capital sentence, so that mark is precise and correct in asserting, "having scourged jesus [pilate] delivered him to be crucified. "48 conclusion this attempt to weigh the evidence of the gospels, of other roughly contemporaneous writers, and of jewish and roman law, suggests that on a balance of probability the course of the trials was as follows. 1. jesus was arrested by order of the chief priests of the jews. 2. he was found guilty by the sanhedrin of blasphemy on the evidence that he had threatened to destroy the temple, and he was adjudged worthy of death. 3. the chief priests or other agents of the sanhedrin alleged before pilate that jesus had perverted the nation, forbidden the giving of tribute, and claimed to be the king of the jews. 44. 19,12-13. 45. in flaccum, 40. 46. mark 15,15; luke 23,25; john 19,16. 47.23,15-16. 48. 15,15. 20 the trials of jesus of nazareth 4. initially, pilate in exercise of his discretion under the cognitio procedure refused to accept that these allegations showed that jesus' claims constituted a threat to roman dominium and therefore a crime, and he sent jesus to herod, tetrarch of galilee, who agreed with him. 5. finally, pilate, persuaded by fear of the political consequences to himself if he did not punish an alleged native king, ordered that jesus be scourged and crucified. during this survey we have observed how (a) to achieve jesus' death without outraging the pharisees and people, the chief priests had to secure his conviction for a jewish offence deserving death, and then persuade a roman court that he was guilty of a roman capital offence; that (b) the offence of threatening the temple was not punishable by rome, while the offence of sedition alleged by the jews before pilate, was not criminal in their own courts; that (c) a roman governor was willing to cede jurisdiction to a neighbouring native puppet ruler; that (d) pilate's preference to take executive action by warning jesus and ordering chastisement, was over-ridden by the jews' demands for the penalty of crucifixion; and that (e) greek secular culture, represented by a roman provincial governor, was confronted by theocratic jewish culture which, nevertheless, by its crowd averred, "we have no king but caesar." the conflict of laws, jurisdictions and cultures thus revealed were tragically symbolised in the crucial superscription (attested by all evangelists49 and conforming with roman practice), "jesus of nazareth, the king of the jews" which, adds john,50 was written in hebrew, in latin and in greek. 49. mark 15,26; luke 23,38; john 19,19. 50. 19,20. 21 pornography: a plea for law reform susan edwards * introduction the growing effluvium of violent pornography in our midst, the inability of the obscene publications act 1959 to effectively curb this incoming tide, the unwillingness of the director of public prosecutions to prosecute the publishers of the books american psycho and juliette on the grounds that there is no reasonable prospect of conviction and the recent misplaced comments of mr. michael jack of the home office that in matters relating to pornography we have nothing to fear from europe, prompts me to look once again at the pornography debate and current legislation.l this article proceeds, first, with an overview of the nature of the pornography flooding the domestic market; secondly, with a re-statement of the argument extended by those who see intervention of the law in this area as an anathema; thirdly, proceeds to examine the interpretation of the obscene publications act 1959 in decided cases; and finally concludes with some modest proposals for reform. what is pornography today? what is considered pornographic today is indeed a very different species compared with what was considered pornographic a century ago or even what was deemed pornographic when the williams committee2 were deliberating in 1979. moreover, we live in a very different ideological and political climate. for example, in the 19th century women had no locus standi, and no voice. today, whether enforced or not we have legislation which criminalises racial hatred,3 prohibits indecent and racist chanting4 and allows women redress from discriminatory practices.5 we have a political climate in which it is said women have a voice. that voice is unanimously saying "no" to pornography. * senior lecturer in law, university of buckingham. l. s. edwards, "a plea for censorship", n.l.j. (1991), 1478. 2. the report of the committee on obscenity and film censorship, cmnd. 7772 (1979). 3. public order act 1986; race relations act 1976. 4. football (offences) act 1991, s. 3(i). 5. sex discrimination act 1976. 41 the denning law journal i, pornography as sex pornography is considered by those who know only of 'soft pornography' to be exclusively a matter of sex, a matter of the erotic, of physical intimacy, of intercourse, in which both men and women play an equal part, and wherein the message being conveyed in the visual and written script is that she desires what is being done to her. and thus 'soft pornography' is a matter of freedom and is a matter of personal choice. in this we are misled and deliberately so. many literary authorities have been similarly misled. for d. h. lawrence:6 "pornography to one man is the laughter of genius to another." montgomery hyde wrote:7 "it is generally agreed that the essential characteristic of pornography is its sexuality. " this is the patriarchal illusion which is created. it is an illusion which those who make and profit from pornography must sustain if the institution is to survive. sex hatred, sex abuse, sexual insult, must be formulated and contextualised within the arena of 'sex' in order that the exploitation, degradation and violence becomes obscured and when apparent must be understood as action the victim desires and has precipitated, thereby conflating her victimisation through her alleged complicity. above all, pornography must be constituted outside the realm of reality and constructed instead as part of a fantasy world. it is in the interest of the pornography profiteers that 'soft pornography' becomes the sample case on which we judge all pornography and what we understand pornography to be and around which we focus the debate of censorship and of freedom. catherine mackinnon,8 the american feminist lawyer and jurisprudent, identifies the way in which the parameters of the debate have been so cleverly articulated: "pornography has been considered a question of freedom to speak and depict the erotic, as against the obscene or violent." ii, pornography as violence pornography, whether portraying or depicting violence, is not about sex. it is about violence. the nature of violence is sexualised from the manner in which it is inflicted, in the nature of the pleasure it is designed to deliver to the observer, and 6. cited in h. montgomery hyde, a hisrory of pornography (1964), p. 10. 7. ibid., p. 15. 8. c. a. mackinnon, "feminism, marxism, method and the state: an agenda for theory", (1982) signs, vol. 7 no. 3, 515-544 at p. 531. 42 pornography: a plea for law reform in the 'pleasure' it is falsely portrayed as delivering unto its victims. mackinnon writes:9 "in pornography, the violence is the sex." iii. pornography as metaphor pornography is also a powerful medium of communication and propaganda. it communicates sexual and violent scenarios, and sexualises the subordination of women. andrea dworkin,lo the feminist anti-pornographer, writes: "in the subordination of women, inequality itself is sexualised: made into the experience of sexual pleasure, essential to sexual desire." pornography socialises men by conflating sex with violence, and by presenting the woman in the pornography as always wanting or secretly desiring what is happening to her, thereby reducing mens' responsibility for any of the harm inflicted, providing them with a vocabulary of excuses and justifications which render the element of exploitation and degradation non-existent by making the harm legitimate through her consent. i i this is the message pornography communicates. dworkin writes:12 "the insult pornography offers, invariably, to sex is accomplished in the active subordination of women: the creation of a sexual dynamic in which the putting-down of women, the suppression of women, and ultimately the brutalization of women, is what sex is taken to be." there is not only the harm done to the person filmed in the pornography but the social harm perpetrated by the message which is being sold again and again, and again. this message educates men about sex and about their relation to women. this message is a lie. it is just as much a lie as was freud'sl3 conclusion that women are narcissistic, masochistic and passive. it took the psychoanalyst, karen horney,14 to argue that those traits of womankind were the product of her social and politically situated self rather than any innate trait. jacques lacan 15 proposed instead, by reversing the freudian method that unconsciousness preceded language, that language preceded the unconscious. adapting this lacanian formulation as a metaphor for pornography, pornography in part precedes our 9. c. a. mackinnon, "not a moral issue", (1984) yale law and policy review, vol. ii no. 2, 321-345 at p.343. 10. a. dworkin, "against the male flood: censorship, pornography and equality", (1985) harvard law journal, vol. 8, 1-29 at p. is. ii. see laurie taylor, "the significance and interpretation of replies to motivational questions: the case of sex offenders", (1972), sociology no. 6,12-29. 12. dworkin, supra n. 10, at p. 9. 13. s. freud, new imroductory lectures (1974), p. 116. 14. k. horney, feminine psychology (1967). 15. j. lacan, the four fundamemal concepls of psychoanalysis (1977). 43 the denning law journal sexual relations, communicating to men a conflation of sex and violence and a pleasure in that conflation. thes scenar£os then form part of the socially structured fantasy world. pornography creates and shapes mens' sexual fantasy and pornography provides the script for transforming that fantasy into reality. censorship, freedom and harm freedom for many is a philosophical idea, an abstraction without limitation, an ideal to be defended and upheld and an ideal which can become dislocated from the real world in which freedoms are concretised. as voltaire16 is said to have declared: "i disapprove of what you say, but i will defend to the death your right to say it. " i am sure that freedom of thought and conscience does not embrace freedom to abuse and debase women and children. freedom is quintessentially about power. it is not something which can be given by one human being to another. nor is it something which can be denied by one of another. the freedom being defended in pornography is specifically designed to uphold the power of those to subordinate, abuse and insult women. it is freedom to degrade and abuse which is the freedom which is so zealously defended and guarded. the freedom defended has nothing to do with the faceless notion of choice, which is the argument pornographers prefer to advance, that people should be free to read and see what they like. it has little to do with political and intellectual freedom. this is the fundamental confusion. the principle expanded in the work of john stuart milll7 that, "the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilised community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others . . ." has provided the philosophical and intellectual rationale for legal intervention and non-intervention. the late lord devlin'sis contribution to this philosophical question of law and morality was similarly premised on the view that the law should intervene only when there was demonstrable harm. pornographers have dodged the loaded question of 'harm', intellectually orchestrating the debate around the neutrality of 'choice'. yet it would appear that current interpretation of obscenity legislation protects sexual violence exploitation and the 'harm'. consider, for example, that if the 16. commonly attributed to voltaire though actually made up by c. s. tallentyre. drawn to my attention by my colleague, owain blackwell. 17. j. s. mill, on liberty, 13 (c. shields ed. 1958). 18. p. devlin, the enforcement of morals (1959). 44 pornography: a plea for law reform pornography is in the written word and if the material is considered so disgusting that it is deemed likely to repulse the ordinary man then it is protected through a decision not to prosecute. in england and wales material which depicts sexual violence is prosecuted and convictions follow only if the material is likely to "deprave and corrupt", and is then considered 'obscene' within the meaning of the statute. in the u.s., the first amendment19 similarly guards and defends the free speech of the pornographer and the free choice of the pornography consumer. those of us who make a plea for censorship are depicted as right wing, repressive, anti-sex and anti-homosexuality. censorship in some of its guises smacks of state repression, police brutality and the silencing of political opposition. but what happens if the state are the police and the mob that howls at the door? a pro-censorship position does not emerge out of a vacuum but is a specific response to a particular position. censorship may be defining your limits while recognising my freedom. censorship is as misunderstood in western europe as it is in the united states, writes dworkin:20 "censorship is deeply misunderstood in the united states, because the fairly spoiled, privileged, frivolous people who are the literate citizens of this country think that censorship is some foggy effort to suppress ideas. for them, censorship is not something in itself an act of police power with discernible consequences to hunted people; instead, it is about something abstract the suppressing or controlling of ideas." our freedom, that is the freedom of women, can only be recognised by limiting the choices of men. dworkin,2' in her evidence to the 1986 meese commission on pornography, educates in communicating to us the real nature and content and harm of pornography: "my name is andrea dworkin. i am a citizen of the united states, and in this country where i live, every year millions of pictures are being made of women with our legs spread. we are called pussy, our genitals are tied up, they are pasted ... in this country where i live as a citizen, women are penetrated as animals and objects for public entertainment, women are urinated on and defecated on ... there is amputee pornography, a trade in 19. u.s. constitution first amendment. congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. 20. supra n. 10, at p. 3. 21. a. dworkin, personal testimony to the meese commission 1986. attorney-general report on pornography and prostitution. washington dc: us department of justice. 45 the denning law journal women who have been maimed in that way, as if that is a sexual fetish for men. in this country where i live, there is a trade in racism as a form of sexual pleasure ... black skin is presented as if it is a female genital, and all the violence and all the abuse and the humiliation that is in general directed against the female genitals is directed against the black skin of women." there is not a description of american pornography whereby we can switch off and say "but this isn't the pornography here amongst us." this is a description of the very kind of pornography being sold and consumed in the u. k.. and the more the material reaches the far limits of human endurance and suffering, the more heightened becomes, not our sensitivities, but our tolerance level, and the more blunted our senses as the legal watershed rises, embraces and condones more and more explicit sex and, more worryingly, more and more insult, degradation and harm to women and children. it is just not clear any more that the law in its present form and the crown prosecution service, predicting the response of juries in taking a decision not to prosecute, thereby usurping the jury, can ensure that this kind of material is censored. the harm pornography does is specific. it is physical. it is ideological. in the production of pornography women and children suffer harm and abuse. the meese commission22 reached this conclusion: "substantial exposure to sexually violent materials as described here bears a causal relationship to anti-social acts of sexual violence and, for some sub-groups, possibly to unlawful acts of sexual violence." the nature of the material itself demands that we take this matter out of the realms of choice. as geoffrey robertson23 has wisely remarked: " ... it is not always necessary to fight to the death for the right to debase others." but how can we prevent this incoming tide? has the law in this area been considered desirable, and how far has it been successful, if at all? and what is to be done about curbing this world trade in pornography? engaging with the law whilst feminists are unanimous in saying 'no' to pornography, there is a deep schism over the role of law in its regulation. after all, the law has not earned itself any points in its protection, defence or equal treatment of women. and, there are plenty of deeply degrading images of women in popular cultural presentation 22. ibid.: attorney-general report on pornography. 23. geoffrey robertson, obscenity, p. xviii. 46 pornography: a plea for law reform which would be left untouched by any legislative intervention. we have seen over recent years ample evidence that the criminal law is woefully inadequate to deal with the incoming tide of violent and sadistic depictions of the sexual abuse, killing and torture of women and children currently found in the written word, in film and in video masquerading under the protective guise of 'art and literature' or else protected by a belief that the material is so terrible that the effect is one of shock rather than to deprave and corrupt. in short, criminal law in this area is a dead duck. the limitations of existing law, both here and in north america, have led to divers efforts to reform obscenity legislation and to develop forms of control other than those currently available within the criminal law. in the u.k., antipornography campaigners have sought to strengthen existing criminal law and at the time of writing a private members bi1l24 is being discussed in the house to develop alternative legal controls by adapting existing sex discrimination legislation. law reformers in other jurisdictions have sought a solution in the civil law. it has been a major consideration of the critique of law by contemporary feminists to transform law in a way which embraces womens' experiences and is therefore more consonant with their lives.25 the defects within the existing legislation are highlighted, yet again, by the recent decision of the director of public prosecutions not to prosecute the publishers of de sade's juliette,26 a vile book glorifying in the grossest way the torture and killing of children. details ofthe book circulated to m.p.'s in july 1992 provided the galvanising force behind ministerial pressure for a revision of existing legislation. a similar decision to prosecute was taken in respect of bret ellis' american psycho.27 the defects however lie not only within existing legislation but with cultural and governmental apathy and a slavish adherence to the view that obscenity is a matter for private members and not for the government. current legislative provision regulating obscenity straddle several statutes. some statutes embrace a wide definition of obscenity as where material is considered (indecent and obscene) and applies to material imported which is not of eec origin, and to material sent through the post.28 in 1959 the liberalisation of the law in england and wales came with the introduction of the obscene 24. private members bill, currently being debated at the time of this article going to press. 25. see s. edwards, policing domestic violence (1989); susan edwards, women on trial (1984); helen kennedy, eve was framed (1992); martha fineman and nancy sweet thomadsen (eds.) at the boundaries of law (1991); carol smart, feminism and the power of law (1989); marianne wesson, "sex lies and videotape: the pornographer as censor", (1991) w ashingron law review, vol. 66, p. 913. 26. marquis de sade,julieue, arrow, london. 27. b. ellis, american psycho, picador, london. 28. there are four separate rungs of procedure: first, legislation founded on the 'indecent and obscene' test, customs consolidation act 1876, s. 42; the post office act 1953,s. 11; secondly the common law relating to 'outraging public decency'; thirdly, offences relating to children, protection of children act 1968; fourthly, the obscenity legislation covered by the obscene publications act 1959 and 1964 depends on the 'deprave and corrupt' test where the 1964act extends the legislation to possession of an obscene article. 47 the denning law journal publications act, whilst in the united states liberalisation occurred within the u.s. supreme court decision in roth v. united states,29 which held that the test for obscenity was "whether to the average person, applying contemporary community standards, the dominant theme of the material taken as a whole appeals to prurient interest." in accordance with the obscene publications act 1959:30 " ... an article shall be deemed to be obscene ifits effect or (where the article comprises two or more distinct items) the effect of anyone of its items is, if taken as a whole, such as to tend to deprave and corrupt persons who are likely, having regard to all the relevant circumstances, to read, see or hear the matter contained or embodied in it." by section 53 of the criminal law act 1977cinematographic exhibitions were brought into the ambit of the 1959 and 1964 acts.3l and by 1990, the broadcasting act extended those provisions to television broadcasting.32 in an attempt to ensure uniformity in the application of the law throughout england and wales, the criminal law act 1977, section 53, provided that a prosecution under section 2(1) of the 1959 act shall not be instituted except by or with the consent of the d.p.p .. the gradual seizing up of the law has led to a decrease in prosecutions and an increase in seizure and forfeiture. in respect of seizure and forfeiture powers, under section 3 of the 1959 act, the police may apply to a justice of the peace who may issue a warrant. the criminal justice act 1977, section 25, provides that a warrant under section 3 may not be issued except on information laid on or on behalf of the d.p.p. or by a constable. these provisions followed the successful private forfeiture of the book last exit to brooklyn by hubert selby.33 since 1977 the use of seizure and forfeiture as a means of control has increased. to expedite matters, given the number of items seized in each case, only a selection of sample material is accepted by the courts in evidence, following r. v. crown court at snaresbrook.34 in this case, police selected sample items to be put forward as prosecution exhibits in each class. the appellant could, ifhe disagreed with this procedure, put forward two samples of his own. the appellant objected to the procedure and sought a declaration that this was wrong in law and sought mandamus. the key provisions are contained within the obscene publications act. under section 3 it is for the person objecting to the forfeiture to show why any 29. roth v. united states 237 f 2d 796 (1957). 30. obscene publications act (1959), s. l(i). 31. criminal law act 1971, s. 53; obscene publications act 1964. 32. broadcasting act 1990, s. 162 (1). 33. last exit to brooklyn: r. v. calder and boyars ltd. [1968] 3 w.l.r. at p. 985d. 34. (1984) 79 cr. app. r. 184. see also r. stone, "obscene publications: the problems persist", [1984] crim.l.r. 139. 48 pornography: a plea for law reform article should not be forfeited. owing to the increasing difficulties of bringing successful prosecutions under section 2 of the obscene publications act, forfeiture proceedings are preferred. i. statutory interpretation for a successful prosecution under section 1 of the 1959 act the prosecution must adduce that the article in question is obscene. this turns on whether the article is likely to "deprave and corrupt". this requirement is a formula derived from the judgment of cockburn cj in r. v. hicklin:35 " ... i think the test of obscenity is this, whether the tendency of the matter charged as obscenity is to deprave and corrupt those whose minds are open to such immoral influences, and in whose hands a publication of this sort may fall." after the passage of the obscene publications act 1959 through parliament the "deprave and corrupt" test, although still undefined, became transformed from a matter which could largely be assumed if the material was deemed to be obscene, to one which could only be decided on by the effect of the material alone. judges have had great difficulties in interpreting the true meaning and intention of parliament as embraced by this test, a phrase neither defined in statute nor in the case law. in the prosecution of penguin publishers following their publication of d. h. lawrence's lady chatterley's lover inr. v. penguin books ltd., byrne j,36 applying a literal interpretation, told the jury: " ... to deprave means to make morally bad, to pervert, to debase, or corrupt morally. the words 'to corrupt' mean to render morally unsound or rotten, to destroy the moral purity or chastity of, to pervert or ruin a good quality, to debase, to defile .... " rogers j in the prosecution of the publishers of hubert selby j r's the last exit to brooklyn, in r. v. calder and boyars37 at the trial said: " ... those other vital words 'tend to deprave and corrupt' really mean just what they say. you have heard several efforts to define them. 'tend' obviously means 'have a tendency to' or 'be inclined to'. 'deprave' is defined in some dictionaries, as you have heard, as 'to make morally bad; to pervert or corrupt morally' and the word 'corrupt' has been defined as 'to render morally unsound or to pervert' ... " 35. r. v. hicklin (1868) l.r. 3 q.b. 360, at p. 371. 36. lady chatterley's lover: r. v. penguin books [1961] crim.l.r. 176, at p. 224. 37. supra, n. 33. 49 the denning law journal the appeal court found no fault with this direction, although allowed the appeal on other matters which related to the absence of the trial judge's proper direction respecting the 'public good' defence under section 4. lord wilberforce in whyte38 found the phrase somewhat opaque and incapable of precise definition. outlining the way in which the courts have dealt with the term, he said: " ... first, that no definition of 'deprave and corrupt' can be provided (r. v. calder and boyars ltd.), though the words are meant to be strong and emphatic (see knuller (publishing, printing and promotions) ltd. v. director of public prosecutions per lord reid and lord simon of glaisdale); secondly, that judges or juries must decide for or against a tendency to 'deprave and corrupt' as a question of fact and must do so without expert, i.e. psychological or sociological or medical, advice (r. v. anderson)." ii. the effect of the material in arriving at a decision on obscenity a number of other considerations provide the context in which the material 'on trial'is to be judged. the article must be taken as a whole, that is the whole of the article, or book, or film must be considered in its context. however, the key matter or litmus test upon which all seems to turn is the likely effect of the material, the effect being defined as the likelihood or tendency that the article will deprave and corrupt. aversion in the form of shock, loathing, revulsion or disgust does not qualify. on the contrary, the aversion potential or aversion effect has actually been used as a defence against an allegation of the likelihood that an article will deprave and corrupt and is therefore obscene, and also as a justification for the decision taken not to prosecute (discussed infra). in considering whether an article, when read as a whole, is obscene the court must take into account the effect on the likely audience. having considered all these matters, an article is considered obscene for the purposes of the act whether published for gain or not. judges in consideration of the 'effect' of such material have considered procurement of sexual fantasy, sexual arousal, leading morally astray, and criminal conduct as of relevance. whilst physical illness, shock, distress and trauma are of course effects, they have been deemed of no relevance. a. fantasy: the effect on the mind given the ambiguity and uncertainty within the statute and lack of guidance in case law, courts are not sure what precise effect they are looking for, and the matter still remains indeterminate. lord wilb~rforce,39 whilst he queried in whyte whether the effect might include imitative behaviour of a criminal kind, preferred the effect on the mind, as of central relevance and the primary target: 38. d.p.p. v. whyte and another [1972] 3 all e.r., at p. 19a. 39. ibid., at pp. 18j and 20c. 50 pornography: a plea for law reform "it is criminal conduct, general or sexual, that is feared (and we may note that the articles here treated of sadistic and violent behaviour) or departure from some code or morality, sexual or otherwise, and if so whose code, or from accepted or other beliefs, or the arousing of erotic desires 'normal' or 'abnormal', or as the justices have said 'fantasies in the mind .. .' influence on the mind is not merely within the law but is its primary target." lord cross40took this further into the realms of sexual arousal: "it is, i think, reasonable to suppose ... that the products of such fantasies would in some cases be accompanied or followed by masturbation." b. lead morally astray in knuller v. d.p.p. 41the house of lords held the word 'corrupt' to mean to "lead morally astray". lord simon said: "corrupt is a strong word. the book of common prayer, following the gospel, has "where rust and moth doth corrupt". the words "corrupt public morals" suggest conduct which a jury might find to be destructive to the very fabric of society." c. imitation judges in obscenity cases have not held "deprave and corrupt" to imply that the effect is one of imitative behaviour, although rogers j42in r. v. calder and boyars did say that to deprave was "to make people do wrong acts". in contrast, the criminal and family courts both here and in the u. s., when dealing with the sexual offender or sexual difficulties within marriage, are unequivocable about the real life effects of such material. in r. v. holloway, lawton lj43said: "in the course of our judicial experience we have dealt with cases of sexual offenders who have undoubtedly been incited to engage in criminal activity and criminal conduct by pornographic 'hard porn'. those of us who have had to deal with matrimonial cases in the family division ... know that sometimes, matrimonial troubles are started by husbands who have been reading or seeing this kind of material and try to introduce in the matrimonial bed what they have read or seen. there is an evil in this kind of pornography. it is an evil which in our opinion has to be stopped." 40. ibid., at p. 25e. 41. knuller (publishing printing andpromorions) lrd. v. d.p.p. [1972] 2 all e.r. 898; [1973] a.c. 435, at p.491b. 42. hubert selby, lasr exir ro brooklyn (1987 edition), at p. vii. 43. r. v. holloway [1982] crim.l.r. 467. 51 the denning law journal u.s. case law shows that the courts and judges have been more robust and more convinced of a correlation. in hoggard v. swte:44 "we readily agree that the material was prejudicial. it could hardly be otherwise. but the argument that its probative value was lacking fades under scrutiny. this pornography and the offence being tried had a clear correlation: the pornography depicted deviate sexual acts of a forty two year old man and a six year old boy. more importantly, the pornography was used as the instrument by which the crime itself was solicited. the child was encouraged to look at the pictures and then encouraged to engage in it. the value of the evidence as proof of the crime is obvious." in the state v. herberg,45 where the defendant had tortured his 14 year old female victim (including cutting off her fingers, gagging, rape, choking) in ways too horrific to detail here, and where books of sadism and torture were found in his possession, the minnesota supreme court said: "it appears that in committing these various acts, th~ defendant was giving life to some stories he had read in various pornographic books." iii. the effect on whom? one of the major problems of the legislation has been the formulation of the effect of the material on a specific audience. the test of obscenity is both relative and subjective, thus reversing the hicklin formula, where once an article was deemed to be obscene the effect was presumed to follow. on the relative conception of obscenity, lord wilberforce46 in whyte had this to say: "both the policy and the language of the act have been plentifully criticised: the former we cannot question, and with the latter we must do our best. one thing at least is clear from this verbiage, that the act has adopted a relative conception of obscenity ... an article cannot be considered as obscene in itself: it can only be so in relation to its likely readers." kenneth jones ]47 reiterated this principle of relative obscenity in the case against the defendant company in respect of the film last tango in paris: "there is no absolute test of obscenity ... the test of obscenity is a relative one." 44. hoggardv. srare 277 ark 117,640 s.w.2d (1982), cert. denied, 460 u.s. 1022 (1983), cited in c. mackinnon, "pornography, civil rights, and speech", (1985) harvard civil righrs civil liberries law review vol. 20, no.1 winter, at p. 46. 45. srare v. herberg 324 n.w.2d 346, 347 minn. 1982 cited in mackinnon, supra n. 44, at p. 50. 46. whyre, supra n. 38, at p. 17c. 47. lasr tango in paris: arrorney-general's reference (no.2 of 1975) [1976] 2 all e.r. 753, at p. 757g. 52 pornography: a plea for law reform lord pearson48 however took a very different view. the meaning of 'obscene' was neither relative nor subjective. the obscene can be discerned by something inherent and by the purpose or intention of the material in question: "the question whether an article is obscene depends not only on its inherent character but also on what is being or is to be done with it." when considering the likely effect of the material, case law has not treated all recipients with the same regard. a distinction is made between persons not exposed to such materials and therefore considered not depraved and corrupted, although potentially capable of being so depraved and corrupted, and persons considered already beyond the pale, well familiarised with such materials and thereby, some have argued, incapable of being depraved and corrupted. an extraordinary illogic! so in a world of bosch' ian people, the obscene publications act would be dead and redundant since there would be no one to deprave or corrupt, the depraved and corrupted being already depraved and corrupt! this was precisely the point persuasively argued by the defence in whyte. the fact that young people were excluded from the bookshop in question was taken to mean that those entering the bookshop were already beyond being depraved and corrupted and therefore no effect on the likely audience could properly be adduced. the prosecution appealed to the house of lords. lord wilberforce49 alluded to the obvious absurdity of this position. the act, he said: " ... could never have been intended to except from the legislative protection a large body of citizens merely because, in different degrees, they had previously been exposed, or exposed themselves, to the 'obscene material' ." in assessing the likely effect 'on whom', the courts have also considered a specific category of persons, viz. those persons most likely to see, hear or read it. the target audience then is "persons who are likely, having regard to all relevant circumstances, to read, see or hear the matter contained or embodied in it. "50 clearly in the case of material for sale in an adult bookshop prohibiting persons under 18,the likely audience cannot include the under 18and so the courts are not considering the effect on this age group of the material before them. accessibility and availability of the material become at least theoretically key issues in this assessment of target audience. lord wilberforce51 in whyte took the view that: 48. whyte, supra n. 38, at p. 20h. 49. ibid., at p. 199. 50. obscene publications act 1959, s. 1. 51. whyte, supra n. 38, at p. 199. 53 the denning law journal "in the case of a general shop, open to all and sundry, and offering all types of books, common sense suggests the conclusion that likely reasons are a proportion of all such persons as normally resort to such shops ... " consideration of accessibility and availability are also influenced by the price of the material, following the interpretation of "all relevant circumstances" as per byrne]52 in r. v. penguin books. when referring to lady chatterley's lover he said: "3/6d you might think would be putting this book within the grasp of a vast mass of the population. they would nevertheless find them physically within their grasp and therefore find themselves arguably within the definition of 'primary audience'." however, it is to be noted that in practice this consideration has been lamely applied both in arriving at a decision of 'obscene' and in the restriction of sale. consider, for example, the availability of 'soft pornography' to the eight year old child. many high street newsagents display this material traditionally on the top shelf although there is still nothing in law requiring them to do so. soft porn magazines are stocked in such quantities today that they take up two shelves and in the smaller newsagent these top two shelves may well be at shoulder height of the eight year old. in this case children are very much drawn into the pool of the likely audience and this would surely make such magazines a suitable case for prosecution. similarly in a family bookstore, such as dillons, it is to be expected that the family and, by definition, children are the target audience, situated as this chain store is in the high street shopping malls. and yet this bookshop still stocks copies of juliette 53and american psycho54 at a child shoulder height. it cannot be said that younger children are unlikely to be able to afford to purchase these books at £10.95 and £8.95 respectively. iv. taking into consideration any defence which may be raised a. section 4: public good. if there are not enough obstacles to prosecution then this section provides the author or the maker with a defence. section 4 entitles the author/publisher to adduce evidence that the article in question, even if considered obscene, is worthy of artistic or literary merit, a contradiction in terms. section 455 states: "a person shall not be convicted of an offence against section two of the act, 52. r. v. penguin books, supra n. 36. 53. juliette, supra n. 27. 54. american psycho, supra n. 27. 55. obscene publications act 1959,5.4. 54 pornography: a plea for law reform and an order for forfeiture shall not be made under the foregoing section, if it is proved that publication of the article in question is justified as being for the public good on the ground that it is in the interests of science, literature, art or learning, or of other objects of general concern." here the opinion of experts may be canvassed to affirm or negate this question. it cost the crown £1,131. 17s. 3d. to bring the test case r. v. penguin books ltd., which involved much expert opinion on the literary merit. byrne j,56 in the lady chatterley trial, in his summing up said: "you must consider the book as a whole. the mere fact you are shocked and disgusted, the mere fact you hate the sight of the book does not solve the question. " the jury returned a unanimous 'not guilty' verdict. the judge, however, had his say in making no order as to costs! section 4 is an important provision, the purpose of which is to defend and protect works of literature where sexual explicitness is quintessential to the narrative as in lady chatterley. there are few, if any, cases today where section 4 is used. potential section 4 cases are dealt with by non-prosecution. r. v. sylverie and gibson,57 known as the "human earrings" case, where human foetus' of three months gestation were freeze dried, made into droplet earrings and put on display in a private art gallery, might have been such a case if the accused had been proceeded against under the obscene publications act, or if their appeal to have the opportunity of such a prosecution had been successful. a public good defence was denied by otherwise charging and proceeding against the defendants via the common law offence of outraging public decency. b. ejusdem generis defenders of pornography frequently argue that the material has a social value in preventing excesses of behaviour and in providing a sexual outlet for men. in the 'bens books' trial the defence put forward the argument that pornography was for the public good because it had a therapeutic value. counsel for defence: this is a picture of a female in chains, tied up, and a naked man pointing a sword at the woman's genitals. dr. richards: this is for the public good because it produces a masturbatory situation. i would certainly prescribe it for a patient. counsel: picture of a naked man with a cat of ninetails striking a woman on her genitals. 56. cited in geoffrey robertson, obscenity, supra n. 23, at p. 41. 57. r. v. gibson and another [1990] crim.l.r. 738; [1991] 91 cr. app. r. 341. 55 the denning law journal dr. richards: this can stimulate a man. it has great therapeutic value. counsel: girl, with distress in her face, arms manacled, and has cuts, she is tied up. a man with a bayonet is inflicting cuts. dr. richards: i have known patients who could benefit by masturbating on this.58 inr. v. stanzforth andr. v.jordan58 the defence soughtto rely on section 4 and submitted evidence of the medically therapeutic value of obscene materials. the case of jordan was referred to the house of lords on a point of law of general public importance: "whether on the true construction of section 4 of the obscene publications act 1959 expert evidence is admissible in support of the defence under that section to the effect that pornographic material is psychologically beneficial to persons with certain sexual tendencies in that it relieves their sexual tensions and may divert them from anti-social activity." the house of lords held that to argue that such material was "medically therapeutic" was no defence. c. so evil so revolting: the aversion defence it has been argued that the capacity to deprave and corrupt becomes negated when the material depicted is so evil and revolting (an argument, i suggest was probably extended in discussions ofjuliette to which i return later). shock and disgust has been deemed both highly relevant and irrelevant. on the one hand, shock and disgust has been held not to solve the question: byrne j in r. v. penguin books60 and stable j in the trial of stanley kaufman's the philanderer. 61 at the same time, the shockability of the material has been crucial to a defence. in r. v. calder and boyars,62 the book, depicting homosexuality, drug-taking and brutal violence, was said not to incite others but rather to act as a deterrent. salmon lj, echoing the sentiment of the defence, said: "the only effect that it would produce in any but a minute lunatic fringe of readers would be horror, revulsion and pity ... " this argument was extended by mr. mortimer for the defence in the oz magazine trial, r. v. anderson.63 lord widgery cj, commenting on the status of 58. mary whitehouse, a most dangerous woman? 59. r. v. stanijorth, r. v.jordan [1976] 1 all e.r. 714; d.p.p. v.jordan [1977] a.c. 699. 60. r. v. penguin books, supra n. 36. 61. s. kaufman, the philanderer; r. v. martin seeker and warburg ltd. [1954] 2 all e.r. 683. 62. r. v. calder and boyars, supra n. 33, at 984b. 63. r. v. anderson [1971] 3 all e.r., at p. 1160h (oz magazine). 56 pornography: a plea for law reform the aversion argument, said: " ... in this court counsel argued, and this court held rightly argued, that the failure of the learned judge to put what one might call the aversion argument was fatal to the retention of the conviction." the failure of the trial judge to put this aversion 'defence' before the jury in summing up was the major ground for quashing the conviction. it seems that the aversion theory has often been put forward as a 'defence' under section 1 and in addition has been extended as a reason for not prosecuting. considering the latter, the aversion theory was extended by the attorney general to the house of commons in explaining his decision not to prosecute norman mailer's the naked and the dead. 64 again, this is also very likely to have been one of the considerations the present d.p.p. took into consideration when deciding not to prosecute the publishers of juliette and american psycho ... "in the light of the defences that may be raised. "65 the aversion test has been described by lord denning as a "piece of sophistry" .66 the pornography industry sales stands as a testimony to the fact that the aversion theory is indeed a piece of sophistry and fails, in my view, since whilst the average reader or reasonable man may be the test for deciding whether something is obscene it is erroneous to apply this same test to determine whether or not the average reader will be averse to the content of a book, film or video. there are plenty of non-average, non-reasonable persons for whom much of this material is bought for pleasure rather than mere idle curiosity and who are certainly not aversed. moreover, it is precisely the non-average, non-reasonable man who is fast becoming the norm. geoffrey robertson, in reference to mishkin v. new york, 67 shows how the u.s. supreme court pointed to the inherent fallacy of this argument, as per brennan j: "where the material is designed for and purely disseminated to a c1earlydefined sexual group, rather than the public at large, the prurient appeal requirement of the roth test is satisfied if the dominant theme of the material taken as a whole appeals to the prurient interest in sex of members of that group." v. beyond the fantasy debate the nature and content of the material available has changed since 1977. we are well beyond the fantasy debate. we are beyond depictions of heterosexual 64. n. mailer, the naked and the dead cited in robertson, obscenity, supra n. 23. 65. private correspondence dated 6th march 1992. 66. r. v. commissioner of police of the metropolis, ex parte blackburn [1973] 2 w.l.r. 43, at p. 48. 67. mishkin v. new york 383 u.s. 502 (1966), cited in robertson, obscenity, at p. 54, supra n. 23. 57 the denning law journal intercourse in explicitness which arouses. the material readily available in 1993 depicts imitatory violence, real violence, torture and assault in a context which some find sexually arousing.68 we are witnessing violent crimes on women and children on film which may result for some recipients in orgiastic relief and for others in the desire to imitate and to go beyond the realm of fantasy. the effect of such material shifts, as does the meaning of deprave and corrupt. whatever case law has decided, pornography is harmful and does lead to violence against women and children. the law still clings to the view that the test of obscenity is subjective and relative and not objective thereby failing to address the harm of pornography subsumed within it. meanwhile, as the anti-censorship lobby musters its forces, dworkin69 contends: "some women must die during the course of the debate you would like us to have." difficult to quantify, difficult to measure, nevertheless pornography has a quintessential responsibility for sexual violence against women. women and children are harmed in and because of the pornography,70 which continues to pour in from other countries masquerading under the 'freedom of trade' banner from the european community. the trouble with the obscene publications act is that it is drafted with the object of regulating matters of morality, sexuality, prurient and lascivious conduct otherwise known as obscenity and not with the object of regulating the kind of graphic depictions of extreme violence and torture. the 'deprave and corrupt' test envisaged was one which would be capable of drawing a distinction between a work of literary merit and works of smut, a distinction articulated by stable pi when summing up in the trial of stanley kaufman's the philanderer: "i do not suppose there is a decent man or woman in this court who does not wholeheartedly believe that pornography, filthy books, ought to be stamped out and suppressed ... but in our desire for a healthy society, if we drive the criminal law too far, further than it ought to go, is there not a risk that there will be a revolt, a demand for change in the law, and that the pendulum may swing too far the other way and allow to creep in things that at the moment we can exclude and keep out?" yet the test of obscenity is assessed not on the intrinsic nature of the material (so as to avoid drawing lines which are considered by some impossible to draw), but on 68. c. itzin (ed.), pornography: women violence and civil liberties (part three). 69. a. dworkin in a speech televised for channel 4, broadcast 6th november 1991. 70. c. itzin (ed.), supra n. 68. 71. r. v. marlin seeker and warburg, supra n. 61, at p. 688e. 58 pornography: a plea for law reform the subjective assessment of the likely effect of such material. since stable j's deliberations the material which masquerades under the banner of pornography has not merely widened from smut including explicit sex and nudity, but changed, to include the sadistic torture and killing of, and violence against, women and children, where the formula depends on a lethal conflation of violence and sex. there should be a reformulation of the object of concern, wherein not only an objective assessment of the material based on harm should be made but the purpose of the publication should also be a consideration; as per stable j in r. v. seeker and warburg:72 "you have to consider whether the author was pursuing an honest purpose . . ."; and lord pearson in whyte:73 "the question whether an article is obscene depends not only on its inherent character but also on what is being or is to be done with it." alas for the written word, which in the case of juliette describes in detail the dismemberment of women and hideous torture of children. american psycho similarly glorifies and luxuriates in the horrific killing of women. such books, the d.p.p. has decided, are unlikely to result in a conviction on the ground of the likely defences that may be raised. what defence is there to raise? and if there is a defence, and the law has facilitated one, the law promotes the intrinsic harm contained in these books. what these decisions raise is first the question of what, indeed if anything in the written word, would be considered prosecutable. secondly, they highlight a major lacuna in current legislation respecting the protection of children. whilst the possession of an indecent photograph of a child is a criminal offence,74 it is apparent that any act of murder, torture or sexual crime recorded and detailed in the written word is no offence at all. on the contrary, such crimes in print are protected. vi. law reform since the setting up of the crown prosecution service in 1985 the prosecutions under section 2 of the obscene publications act 1959 have actually declined from 583 in 1984, to 174 in 1990 (see tables 1 and 2). 72. ibid., at p. 688c. 73. whyte, supra n. 38, at p. 18g. 74. criminal justice act 1988, s. 160. 59 the denning law journal 0.. 00 0...... '<1'\000 1i"ir--' accessed 12 december 2019. 4 ibid. 5 ibid. 6 ibid. 7 miriam haley accessed 15 april 2020. the denning law journal 195 sentence, minimum five years; and third-degree rape of a woman unnamed by the media, carrying maximum of four years, no minimum. on three charges weinstein was declared not guilty: two counts of predatory sexual assault carrying a possible life sentence, and an alternative count of rape in the first degree.8 upon sentencing, harvey weinstein was taken into custody to serve 23 years. as he set out for rikers island, with a detour via bellevue hospital to spend 10 days suffering chest pains attributed to the heart, his attorneys immediately announced that the verdicts and the sentence would be appealed.9 readers who demur at the notion that books pertaining to this issue, this trial, this phenomenon should be reviewed in the denning law journal might take time to reflect upon why they adopt that position. lawyers who believe that their reading should be limited to ‘straight’ law or so-called black letter law and books concerning them may consider themselves in and of the legal elite. however, the best lawyers surely are those who take themselves outside their all-too-comfortable zone of assumed superiority and seek to engage with expositions addressing real circumstances and situations that do come before the legal world for resolution and redress. the sexual offences act 2003 sought to resolve the troubling question of consent in the domain of sexual offences. yet complaint is still heard about this issue, from both sides of the equation: those who believe that the law is not ‘fair’ in the way it deals with victims and survivors of rape and other sexual impositions and exploitations, and those believing that the law treats alleged offenders unfairly. reading the three volumes here under review – or at least reading the review – may provide some insights that could be useful, surely a possibility to be considered in an area that is so often seen as fraught with contradiction. this is all the more necessary to consider in light of the ways in which lawyers were implicated in the culture giving rise to or at least supporting and arguably condoning behaviour now recognised as illegal. ronan farrow’s catch and kill and she said by jodi kantor and megan twohey were published before the trial began. following the personal memoir, brave, by rose mcgowan,10 they are the first of what can be predicted as an avalanche of books addressing the film and television industry, and the exploitation 8 reuters, ‘harvey weinstein trial: how events unfolded’ the guardian (24 february 2020) accessed 15 april 2020. 9 our foreign staff, ‘harvey weinstein transferred to rikers island jail after ten days in hospital’ the telegraph (6 march 2020) accessed 12 december 2019. 10 rose mcgowan, brave: a revealing and empowering memoir (harpercollins 2018). 196 book review of women harbouring the simple wish to fulfil their career ambitions. just as in the world generally when these crimes occur, the stereotypical response of too many is to transfer responsibility for their rape and harassment to the women themselves. the alternative approach is to assert that, because some at least gained fame through weinstein’s films, they have nothing about which to complain. countering this, both catch and kill and she said acknowledge the importance of power imbalance in the industry, exploited by harvey weinstein and reputedly others. this power imbalance begins with the structure of society as a whole, which elevates men above women in business, economic and political institutions, and in male-female relations. the tendency for women to blame themselves, or construe their own actions as foolish and unlikely to be believed, adds to the likelihood that conduct such as that engaged in by weinstein will not be subject to legal action. brave recounts this from the perspective of one directly a part of the industry. in narrating her experience of hollywood and her encounter with harvey weinstein, rose mcgowan speaks to the power factor as intrinsic to the long, long struggle it took in order to have her life and career disrupting story believed. the weinstein episode is, for her, merely one part of what she characterises as the ‘cult’ of hollywood. just as they raise this question, all three books need to be read against the backdrop of why it is that men, in the main, people the upper echelons of the movie world and ‘call the shots’. brave addresses this issue too in the context of the world in general. how and why is it that men rise to the top, whilst women are seen as ‘lucky’ or, more generally, taking advantage of their sex and sexuality, whenever they succeed, whether in show business or any other calling? why are women considered to have slept their way to the top, or (when they ‘fail’ and complain about sexual imposition) considered to be liars whilst men succeed through talent and ability alone (or are assumed to do so, albeit success comes tempered by other considerations such as family background, political connections, status of mentors, and even without talent or ability), and are almost invariably the accepted truth-tellers when charged with sexual crimes and misdemeanours? these questions permeate the revelations recounted by rowan farrow and jodi kantor with megan twohey. they are questions that any critical thought needs to address, for at the heart of catch and kill and she said are the stories of women, mostly told reluctantly, exposing the systematic, repetitious, slimy and sleaze-infused conduct engaged in by harvey weinstein – as they allege, and is corroborated by the payoffs and, now, findings of guilt. equally so, there is the expose by, on the one hand, farrow, and on the other, kantor and twohey, of the way weinstein was enabled in his conduct by those within and outside the film and television industry. apart from the diligent uncovering of the women’s stories, farrow relates how people at the top of the media collude in covering up potentially the denning law journal 197 criminal conduct, in this case, in order to protect weinstein and his filmmaking. so, too, alongside the methodical baring of ‘what happened’ to the women, kantor and twohey reveal how it is that lawyers work – even connive – to cover up and to undermine the women’s experience. just as the encounters of the women are not isolated, abnormal or extraordinary, being part of the everyday lives of millions of women the world over, so too the collusion and connivance of men (and some women) at the top of the media industry and the legal profession are played out with monotonous regularity globally.11 in many ways it is these latter exposures that provide the most profoundly telling elements of these important books. the conduct and the covers-up are all, sadly, par for the course – yet it is the media heads’ and the attorneys’ repeated involvement that confirms the difficulty confronted by the elements in society that seek an end to sexual and sexist harassment, abuse and rape of women, along with the victimisation and bullying that comes after, or accompanies, these human rights wrongs. catch and kill comprises five parts, as well as a prologue and an epilogue. beyond the journalistic skill, diligence and persistence in tracking interviewees and gaining their confidence, ronan farrow’s book is revelatory in its exposure of the tight media control and collusion that kept harvey weinstein’s conduct a wellknown story in show-business circles, at least amongst the men and some women, without gaining traction in the world outside that circle. the most damning aspect from a media critical perspective is the trail leading to the story’s being canned by nbc. in the end, this meant ronan farrow took it to the new yorker where its publication became a major story in itself. at the beginning and as he progressed in his research and gaining interviews, and in putting the story together at nbc, he had strong support from his producer, rich mchugh, clearance from nbc news general counsel, susan weiner, and the go-ahead from richard greenberg, the nbc veteran who had editorial governance of the story. at a crucial juncture, noah oppenheim, executive in charge of the today show, appeared equivocal. the result of this was the story’s being sent by oppenheim ‘upstairs’ to nbcuniversal. there, it was blocked.12 ronan farrow discovered that earlier attempts to write up the exploits of harvey weinstein had been stifled and stopped at various levels of the media, by executives and media advisors sympathetic to weinstein.13 the women were labelled untrustworthy, the narrative was considered 11 see for example ja scutt, the incredible woman – power and sexual politics (artemis publishing 1997) vols 1 and 2. 12 ronan farrow (n 2) 135, 141, 147–8, 153–9, 191–2. 13 readers concerned about this approach to transparency and the media as the important fourth estate may be reminded of the cover-ups acknowledged, now, about jimmy savile and his unremitting trail of abuses conducted inside and outside institutions in the united 198 book review unnewsworthy, weinstein was considered too powerful, miramax and then the weinstein company were extolled as bringing new ideas and daring to filmmaking, journalists were told they should dig deeper: their research was inadequate, that ‘legal’ would not pass their stories, that the risk and the potential cost of a lawsuit outweighed the possible newsworthiness of the report, if it were newsworthy at all. in all likelihood, at least some of those at the top who stifled the stories were offenders themselves14 or, wishing for the opportunity to be so, lived vicariously through the descriptions of harvey weinstein’s exploits recounted to them by their reporting teams. no doubt having heard this, and seeing no negative consequences, only support and cover-up, some gained the courage or arrogance to do it themselves. the approach of the upper echelons of the media was repeated by lawyers engaged by miramax and the weinstein company, and those whom women contacted with complaints about harvey weinstein. this is well recorded in she said. consisting of nine chapters and a preface, the book relates in chapter 3 ‘how to silence a victim’ precisely how this is done, and was done, to conceal or cover-up the serial predatory conduct carried out under the guise of setting up professional meetings with actresses or subordinates. yes, victims can be and are silenced by their own fear and the manipulative conduct of a perpetrator which generates shame, embarrassment, self-doubt and even terror. but this is not the only way to manufacture silencing. research by megan twohey into federal equal opportunity commission (eeoc) and equivalent state bodies in new york and los angeles, where the weinstein companies were located, found no records of claims lodged by weinstein’s targets. yet at california’s department of fair employment and housing, grace ashford, a new york times junior colleague working on the story, unearthed a report showing a number of workplace complaints filed in relation to miramax. as a consequence of its origin, the report kingdom: ja scutt, ‘charity, celebrity and the corporate condonation of child sexual abuse’ (online opinion, 19 november 2012) accessed 23 may 2020. 14 roger ailes is one such media consultant for presidents richard nixon, ronald reagan and george hw bush, and for rudy giuliani’s first new york mayoral campaign, in 2016, he was an adviser to the donald trump presidential campaign, reportedly assisting with debate preparation. chairman and ceo of fox news and fox television stations, in july that same year he resigned as a consequence of allegations of having engaged in multiple acts of sexual harassment against women in the fox organisation: melissa albert, ‘roger ailes’, encyclopaedia britannica (2010) accessed 12 april 2020. the 2019 film bombshell is a factional recounting of roger ailes at fox and the sexual harassment allegations: bombshell (imdb) accessed 12 april 2020. the denning law journal 199 was written in bureaucratise, with the nature of each allegation indicated through numerical codes, plus dates and addresses and its resolution. yet nothing in the report disclosed the names of the parties, nor how they dealt with or were affected by the complaint and its outcome.15 people appeared to have disappeared, and so it proved. when megan twohey reached a government official who might have some answers, she was told ‘the complaint against miramax and any other related records had been destroyed under an agency policy that prevented the retention of documents after three years’,16 whilst another policy decreed that the name of the party filing the allegation could not be revealed. the law and its potential for addressing and resolving sexual harassment claims were central to the investigation being carried out by megan twohey and jodi kantor. their aim was not only to illuminate the in-depth sociological and historical investigation on which they had embarked, but to pinpoint flaws in, or the potential of, the legal process. megan twohey therefore followed up with women lawyers who held national and even international reputations, through regular television appearances as champions for women litigants. one with whom she spoke was gloria allred. she was circumspect in raising the question as earlier she had been approached by gloria allred’s attorney daughter lisa bloom, an approach surely triggered by an awareness of the story twohey was following with her colleague kantor. declining to refer to weinstein, twohey asked for advice on the process she should follow to obtain an historical sexual harassment record from a californian state government agency. only long after the exchange, with allred effectively declining to help, did toohey discover that allred’s firm held records relating to weinstein. allred had negotiated confidential settlements for clients who had made claims of sexual harassment and assault against weinstein.17 this highlights a practice that raises concern not only in the united states but elsewhere, including the united kingdom and australia.18 15 jodi kantor and megan twohey (n 2) 49. 16 ibid 50. 17 ibid 76. 18 the law society, ‘ndas and confidentiality agreements’, problems at work, accessed 23 may 2020); ja scutt, ‘the privatisation of justice – power differentials, inequality and the palliative of conciliation and mediation’ in jane mugford (ed), alternative dispute resolution (australia institute of criminology 1986); also in ja scutt, the incredible woman – power and sexual politics (n 11) vol 1, 159–184. 200 book review confidentiality agreements are projected as favourable to victims, enabling them to get on with their lives, retaining privacy and escaping shunning by employers or potential employers. in the united kingdom, the media frequently pursues action to have court sanctioned confidentiality clauses lifted or set aside. this they do in the interests of the public right to know and the transparency of the justice process as well, of course, as a matter of ‘news’. although this may seem to undercut the rights of victims, as brave clearly reveals, the interests of victims are not well served by non-disclosure orders (ndas). far from women being shielded or protected by privacy, the women who raise complaints are subjected to the precise prospect they were persuaded they would avoid. the industry learns who is ‘difficult’, who ‘creates trouble’, who simply doesn’t take the sexual importuning as a part of the job. future prospects narrow. auditions fall through. job offers are withdrawn. hence, although some of those who have taken the confidentiality route stay to persist in their efforts to make a career in film, television or theatre, some inevitably return to the obscurity from whence they came. in researching the weinstein story, megan twohey and jodi kantor heard the reality lying behind the fairy tale that non-disclosure agreements (ndas) are negotiated for claimants’ advantage and in their favour. allred acknowledged this. after outlining the supposed benefits for her clients of such agreements, she confirmed that confidentiality clauses operate as a cover up for the perpetrators of sexual misconduct. the powerful figure ‘wants peace, wants to end it, and wants to move on’, says allred, the contention being that this is merely a quid pro quo, an ad idem in that both seek to move beyond the claim and the event leading to it.19 as it proves, however, the perpetrator, powerful man, does not want to move on ‘in the same way’ as the victim wishes. not for him moving on carrying shame and fear and career disruption with him. far from it. he wants to move on in the same way as he has moved on in the past, never curbing his conduct nor ending his exploitative and power grabbing ways of putting women down. non-disclosure agreements allow him to do so. . those devising them, on both sides of the negotiating table, know this. lawyers fashioning these contractual arrangements are in no doubt. the truth is, just as this practice does not help future victims to escape, the perpetrator, that powerful man, remains free to exploit and damage, exert power and subjugate and, where the women resist, destroy careers. like rose mcgowan, mira sorvino and ashley judd had their careers truncated through the collusion of media and lawyers in protecting harvey weinstein’s. they suffered the consequences of confidentiality agreements written between other actresses or workers with miramax and the weinstein company. years later, when the 19 jodi kantor and megan twohey (n 2) 78. the denning law journal 201 #metoo movement gained traction not only in hollywood, but internationally, directors came forward to acknowledge their part in protecting harvey weinstein along with their own film industry fortunes. so ronan farrow quotes the aotearoa/ new zealand director peter jackson as saying that when he was ‘considering mira sorvino and ashley judd in the lord of the rings, weinstein had interceded’.20 miramax ‘told us they were a nightmare to work with and we should avoid them at all costs,’ said jackson, adding that at the time there was ‘no reason to question what these guys were telling us’.21 in hindsight, acknowledges jackson, ‘this was very likely the miramax smear campaign in full swing’.22 catch and kill refers directly in is title to the media collusion underpinning the weinstein story: ‘catch and kill’ is the term coined to describe the taking up of a story, then ‘killing’ or ‘spiking’ it, so that it never appears. the expose is effectively stricken from the record. where the story takes the attorney track rather than trailing into the pathway of the journalist, the confidentially agreed settlement acts to put a firm cap on any exposure of harm, nullifying legal consequences. thus are the women silenced. thus are the misdeeds of harvey weinstein and his cohort disappeared. this meshes with rose mcgowan’s narration of the weinstein world. brave addresses the phenomenon as part of the ‘cult’ of hollywood or that is hollywood. growing up in a cult in the italian countryside, the children of god, rose mcgowan is well-versed in the practice of sect capture, control and collusion. women are susceptible as devotees, and women are susceptible as being drawn in, to become a part of the supporting structure that maintains the power of the ruler of the cult. ronan farrow describes how this cult phenomenon worked for mira sorvino. daughter of former actor (now deceased) paul sorvino, mira sorvino, is a harvard graduate cum laude. a united nations ambassador to combat human trafficking, she also ‘advocated for [other] charitable causes related to the abuse of women’.23 at the 1995 toronto international film festival, where she was promoting woody allen’s film mighty aphrodite, she ‘found herself in a hotel room with weinstein’.24 unfortunately, she did not know – the truth so frequently concealed by the media’s ‘catch and kill’ approach to stories, and the attorneys’ confidentiality agreements – that this was harvey weinstein’s modus operandi. mira sorvino described that a shoulder massage (making her ‘very uncomfortable’) led to a ‘sort of chasing around’ and ‘trying to kiss’ leading to her having to 20 ronan farrow (n 2) 239. 21 ibid 239–40. 22 ibid 240. 23 ibid. 24 ibid 238. 202 book review ‘scramble away’ whilst ‘improvising ways to ward him off’.25 having protested that it was ‘against her religion to date married men’, sorvino left the room no doubt believing that her escape meant that was the end of the matter.26 but persistence appears to have been a weinstein trait, using career-orientated ploys to trap his targets. hence, several weeks later when she was in new york city, sorvino received an after-midnight phone call from weinstein, asserting that he wished to meet up with her to discuss new marketing ideas for mighty aphrodite. an offer to meet with him at an all-night diner met with the rejoinder that he was ‘coming over to her apartment’, upon which he ‘hung up’. sorvino called a friend, asking him to come to her apartment to ‘pose as her boyfriend’. weinstein arrived first, bypassing the doorman. when, clutching her ‘twenty-pound chihuahua mix’ to her chest, she told him ‘her boyfriend was on his way’, weinstein departed, ‘seeming dejected’.27 the response when sorvino later spoke to a miramax female employee, relating the harassment, is described in catch and kill: wearing ‘a look on her face, like i was suddenly radioactive’, the woman’s reaction ‘was shock and horror that i had mentioned it’.28 hotel rooms appear to be de rigueur for predatory sexual harassers and rapists, at least in the film industry. rose mcgowan describes an episode early in her film career, when she worked as an extra and was targeted by ‘a guy on the set who was probably in his late forties’ (she was a young teenager).29 reminding him of her father in his nicer moments, he was friendly and jokey in his interaction with her. an invitation to ‘walk around downtown with him and some of the other extras’ was interpreted by her as just that – a group expedition. it proved to be a predatory meeting arranged with her alone, leaving mcgowan feeling ‘dirty and ashamed’.30 now, as an adult, she recognises the man as ‘just another industry paedophile’,31 but then she did not realise it. she classed the episode as an unwelcome sexual experience rather than as the assault it was. lawyers who, in reading this together with other incidences recounted in brave along with catch and kill and she said, turn away as if this is irrelevant to their professional work show all too clearly how relevant it is, and how their ignorance and condescension are a part of the legal system’s problems. 25 ibid. 26 ibid. 27 ibid 241. 28 ibid. 29 rose mcgowan (n 10). 30 ibid 74. 31 ibid 75. the denning law journal 203 similarly as to the rose mcgowan encounter with harvey weinstein, whom she determinedly, throughout the book, refers to never by name but as the ‘studio head’. in brave mcgowan writes that this took place in 1997, when she was promoting at the sundance film festival the four movies in which she appeared that year, one short and three films. her (female) manager animatedly advised that weinstein was sitting behind her, rose, in the cinema. later, mcgowan learned from her that the studio head had summoned her (rose) to a business meeting the following day. this was set for 10.00 am at the restaurant in ‘the fanciest hotel in park city, the stein eriksen’.32 the restaurant was, of course, not to be. what was to be was the hotel room … comprising the entire floor of the hotel. later reflection had her realise that the ‘grim faced restaurant host’ who directed her away from the dining room to weinstein’s hotel room, and the two assistants who exited the suite as she entered, had foreknowledge of what awaited her. in this backward reflection, she surmised that the duo saw her somehow as grubby and soiled even before she put one foot through the door.33 her genuine thought was that weinstein had set up a business meeting because he cared about what she might say about the films, their production and their marketing. the view of others, she now realises, was that she was there for a purpose other than work. it was she who was wrong.34 it was only later that rose mcgowan discovered that warnings had been given to other actresses ‘about what could happen when this studio head summoned you to a meeting’.35 even later, she found out more, namely that although unknown to her as a new person in the industry, harvey weinstein ‘had a long track record of preying on young women’.36 even as long ago as 1997, his way of ‘doing business’ was ‘an open secret in the industry’.37 ‘everybody’ in the business side of hollywood knew that if a young, female actress was called to a meeting, ‘it was probably going to go differently’ from what she expected.38 what comes through strongly in mcgowan’s book is the failure of those with the power and responsibility to halt this exploitation and abuse, mainly of actresses, sometimes of young actors, to do so. she could focus on the lawyers, as do jodie kantor and megan twohey, or the media as does rowan farrow. her book’s contribution lies, however, directly in the responsibility (or lack of responsibility) on the part of the film industry itself. what, she remarks, is the role of the union, 32 ibid 115–6. 33 ibid 115–9. 34 ibid 199. 35 ibid 119. 36 ibid. 37 ibid. 38 ibid. 204 book review the screen actors guild? no support of women in the industry there, against the predatory conduct the industry knows is endemic. why do producers not step in, when they know that directors are notorious for taking advantage of their role to engage in exploitation and abuse, and, not infrequently, bullying?39 when a producer is on a film set with one of those notorious directors and young, vulnerable actresses or any actresses for that matter, each of whom may be vulnerable, why not step in? why not at least warn or, better still, warn the director off? why does the industry continue to employ and even worship directors and producers and others on-set who use their positions in an industry swathed in ‘glamour’ to indulge their selfish predilections, or to fail to call a halt to unprofessional and indeed criminal conduct? brave takes the matter beyond harvey weinstein and into the industry as a whole, alongside the issue of power and male-female relations, with the impact of film and television and their depiction of women in the wider world. surely the legal profession, as a part of both the inner and the wider world, should pay attention rather than shrug off these books and their message as lacking traction. why, asks rose mcgowan, should her job as an actress entail ‘being a piece of meat to be consumed and savaged and judged …’40 she describes walking the red carpet at film premiers in this way, doing what she is asked by the photographers, standing and twirling, looking back over her shoulder so that both her face and the rear of her body can feature in the image to be sold to the highest bidder. hollywood, she writes, ‘thinks this is normal – they started it – but it’s not normal’.41 this stereotyped view of what is ‘beauty’ is projected onto the world stage, with every female participant a part of the projection.42 underlying this is the question why women who are political activists, directors and producers in their own right are categorised simply as ‘actresses’ when the crimes of sexual abuse and rape are revealed.43 mcgowan’s demand is that the industry as a whole should change, to represent women as real human beings, in real roles, rather than as the artificial appendages common in movies where they are secondary characters to the main event, the male character. 39 ibid 75. 40 ibid 131. 41 ibid. 42 ibid. 43 see for example miriam haley (n 7); ashley judd is a producer and political activist: ‘ashley judd’, (imdb) accessed 12 april 2020; rose mcgowan is a director: ‘rose mcgowan’ (imdb) accessed 12 april 2020. the denning law journal 205 beyond the immediate issue of #metoo in hollywood, catch and kill, she said, and brave extend their reach as commentary and critique of power and responsibility. beyond the expose by ronan farrow of the surveillance carried out against the authors and rose mcgowan – possibly others – by a company known as ‘black cube’ on behalf of harvey weinstein and his company,44 each of the books and their authors add an additional dimension. this makes an excellent coda for any review and reader who considers the responsibility she or he holds as a member of the community and within the legal profession. as to catch and kill, ronan farrow’s personal reflection of his response to an episode in his own life indicates that even good men can lack insight. even men striving to be decent men can be so much a part of the culture that they condone or at least consider that women should ‘go along to get along’ or simply stay still, be quiet and get on with life. ronan farrow confesses to this in relation to the revelation by his sister, dylan farrow, that their father woody allen had sexually abused her as a child,45 a contention allen has denied.46 when the harvey weinstein story is in doubt, ‘people’ at the top of nbc going cold on it, an exchange occurs between brother and sister, dylan and ronan, highlighting that indeed the personal is political. she asks about the story, fearing that farrow may drop it because of the pushback coming from nbc’s higher echelons. when he responds that there are other priorities, she replies that she knows ‘what it’s like to have people stop fighting for you’.47 later, when pressure returns for him to drop the story, he reflects upon his and her family’s reaction when dylan farrow advised of her intention to revive her allegation of sexual assault against woody allen. the notion of ‘just moving on’ played a significant part in the exchanges, at home in connecticut where the discussion took place.48 finally, when the story is published by the new yorker, he is forced to face up to his own connivance with the powerful, in his evasive response to questions about the (lack of) ethics of his former employer nbc in ‘killing’ the story.49 44 ronan farrow (n 2) 95–6. 45 ‘dylan o’sullivan farrow’ (imdb) accessed 12 april 2020; bbc, ‘dylan farrow: outrage “after years of being ignored” ’ (bbc, 17 january 2018) accessed 12 april 2020. 46 bbc, ‘woody allen denies abusing his daughter dylan farrow’ (bbc, 8 february 2014) accessed 12 april 2020. 47 ronan farrow (n 2) 182. 48 ibid 190. 49 ibid 401–2. 206 book review brave has rose mcgowan reciting precisely why it is that she – along with dylan farrow and countless others – cannot simply ‘just move on’.50 referring to an incident during filming, where one of the male actors sexually assaulted her, she responds to the director who denies all knowledge of the incident, then reinvents it as ‘one actor spilling water on another’.51 when in so doing he states that his job as director is ‘to make sure all my actors – male and female – feel as comfortable and protected as possible at all times’ she responds that she did not ‘feel comfortable’.52 the director was, she says, speaking out of turn, engaging in misogyny, victim blaming and gaslighting in the dismissal of her experience. the body, she says, has memory. the memory of the mind changes every time an episode is returned to, reflected upon. but, she adds, the body’s memory is ‘more accurate’ than that of the mind.53 rightly, then, she said ends with the story of brett kavanagh at college, which surely will engage readers of the denning, touching as it does upon the allegations made by dr christine blasey ford during the senate hearings on the nomination of kavanagh to the united states supreme court. in june 2018, dr blasey ford e-mailed a friend ‘about her unease’ that the ‘favorite for scotus’ was the man who ‘assaulted [her] at high school’.54 his being her age meant that if appointed he would be on the court ‘for the rest of [her] life’.55 jodi kantor and megan twohey interview blasey ford, follow the story, watch the senate hearings on television, see her give her evidence. watch brett kavanagh in his responses.56 then recite the outcome, namely that kavanagh is appointed. in all this, albeit aeons apart in their upbringing and career choice, just like rose mcgowan, dr christine blasey ford would say her body hasn’t forgotten. 50 rose mcgowan (n 10). 51 ibid 102. 52 ibid. 53 ibid. 54 jodi kantor and megan twohey (n 2) 193. 55 ibid. 56 for his denial, see lawrence hurley, andrew chung and amanda becker, ‘with anger and tears, kavanaugh denies sex assault allegation’ (reuters, 27 september 2018) accessed 12 april 2020; christina wilkie, ‘kavanaugh denies latest accusation: “this is ridiculous and from the twilight zone” ’ (cnbc, 26 september 2018) accessed 12 april 2020; eli watkins, ‘kavanagh denies two additional accusations to senate judiciary committee’ (cnn politics, 28 september 2018) accessed 12 april 2020. the denning law journal 207 these three books should be required reading in all law schools, at least. each has its own impact, its own perspective and approach. together, they provide a profound antidote to the traditional way women have been seen and used in the film industry, and the traditional way in which the law has regarded women and shaped its response to rape, sexual exploitation and abuse. one might hope that readers of the denning would understand the imperative need for extending the scope of their libraries. jas © may 2020 freedom of the press: freedom from the press* sir david calcutt, qc as the parliamentary summer recess once again approaches, it is perhaps appropriate that we should be considering the balance which has yet to be effectively struck between the freedom of the press, and freedom from the press that is, the freedom of the press to investigate and to inform the public about matters oflegitimate public interest; and the freedom ofthe individual to be protected from public exposure, by the press, of private matters, but in which the public has no legitimate interest. after all, it is now over five years since the government called for and called for as a matter of urgency a report on the measures needed (whether legislative or otherwise) to give further protection to individual privacy from the activiti~s of the press. it is now over four years since the government accepted, in principle, the recommendations of the committee on privacy and related matters that a package of changes (including some legislative changes) was needed, and accepted the recommendation that this must positively be "the last chance" for the press to get its act together, failing which statutory support would be inevitable. it is now over two years since the government asked me to review and to review urgently the new arrangements which the press had put in place for self-regulation, and to say whether, in my view, those arrangements should now be modified or put on a statutory basis. it is now over 18 months since the government expressly accepted, in terms, my conclusion that the press complaints commission was not an effective regulator of the press. it is now over 15 months since the national heritage select committee published its report recommending statutory support for the voluntary regulation of the press. it is now over 12 months since the secretary of state for national heritage assured parliament that the government envisaged a white paper setting out the government's final views on press self-regulation, and said that the government would do its best to ensure that its response to the select committee's report would be published before * the child & co. lecture 1994. the denning law journal the summer recess by which, i had assumed, he meant the recess of 1993. but, to date, no white paper, still less any government legislative initiative, has yet been forthcoming. my purpose in addressing you today is not simply to repeat what the privacy committee said in its report, nor what i said in my review (though i will summarise it); but rather to take stock of all initiatives, to see where we are or rather, where we have so far failed to be and to see where things may go or may fail to go from here. the background is familiar enough. with increased concentrations of media ownership, with decreasing overall newspaper circulation figures, and with coverprice wars becoming increasingly intense, the temptation to go for the simply prurient story, in pursuit of increased sales, often regardless of who may get hurt, becomes increasingly difficult to resist. go back five years, if you will, to the 1988-89 session of parliament. in that session there had been widespread support for two members' bills, one relating to the protection of privacy, the other to a right of reply. one had been introduced by mr john browne, the other by mr tony worthington. each bill had been given a second reading. each had completed its committee stage in the house of commons. neither of these proposals was new. similar bills had been introduced in the previous parliamentary session by mr william cash, and by miss ann clwyd. and these bills had themselves each been based on earlier bills. public concern, in 1989, was temporarily assuaged by the familiar device of setting up a committee to recommend what should be done. the committee's terms of reference are now worth repeating. they were: "in the light of the recent public concern about intrusion into the private lives of individuals by certain sections of the press, to consider what measures (whether legislative or otherwise) are needed to give further protection to individual privacy from the activities of the press, and to improve recourse against the press for the individual citizen . . ." considering, for one moment, those terms of reference, the focus of attention was to be on the press; it did not extend to the whole of the media. this limitation had its advantages; it also had its obvious disadvantages. secondly, the inquiry was to focus particularly on those measures needed to provide adequate protection to an individual's privacy: it was not principally 'concerned with such other protection as might be needed. thirdly, the government itself expressly contemplated that legislation might be needed. it was made plain from the outset that the committee's report was required urgently. parliament had been told that it was intended that the committee should report within one year; and ministers on several occasions had spoken publicly of the need for a speedy report. 2 freedom of the press: freedom from the press the committee received a great deal of evidence. a number of witnesses, particularly those from the press, provided the committee with detailed analyses of press practice, and of the wide constraints already placed on them. by contrast, a number of people whose privacy had been the subject of intrusion by the press, often in distressing circumstances, sent the committee detailed dossiers of their experiences. many witnesses argued strongly for press freedom to investigate wrong doing. by contrast, many members of the public wrote to us advocating restrictions on the press. these ranged from the outright prohibition of particular activities, to various forms of recompense, and to a variety of punishments for editors and journalists. the report of the committee was completed almost within the year, and published in june 1990. it was unanimous. the report recognised the balance which needed to be· struck between freedom of expression and an individual's right to privacy. the committee took the view that freedom of expression was fundamental in a democratic society, but concluded that this could not be at the expense of other important rights, including an individual's right to privacy. the committee made a number of recommendations. they were intended to form part of one overall balanced package. the principal parts of that package can be summarised in this way. first, any new means of redress would need to be carefully targeted, and should not range more widely than was needed to meet existing gaps in protection. secondly, any new wide-ranging statutory civil rights, aimed at the protection of infringement of privacy, although practicable, would not then as part of the balanced package have been appropriate. thirdly, the most blatant forms of physical intrusion pratices involving' 'doorstepping", bugging, and the use oflong-range cameras should, subject to appropriate defences, be outlawed. fourthly, the existing statutory restrictions on reporting should be strengthened, so as to provide added protection for children and the victims of sexual offences. fiftwy, the press's own arrangements for voluntary self-regulation should be revised and strengthened by setting up a new press complaints commission (as detailed in the report), to replace the old press council. lastly, if the press failed to demonstrate that non-statutory self-regulation could be made to work effectively, then the new regulatory arrangements would have to be given statutory support; and the form which that support would need to take was spelt out plainly and in considerable detail. in the light of what has happened, it is important to see what was said, in june 1990, when the report (cm. 1102) was published, both by the government and by the opposition. the then home secretary (mr david waddington, as he then was) said that the government warmly welcomed the general approach which the committee had taken on the delicate issue of balancing privacy for the individual against the maintenance of freedom of expression. he said that the government was attracted by those 3 the denning law journal recommendations which offered the possibility of an immediate remedy against the worst excesses of the press. he said that this was positively "the last chance" for the industry to establish an effective non-statutory system of regulation. if a non-statutory commission were established, the government, he said, would review its performance after 18 months of operation, to determine whether a statutory underpinning was required. if no steps were taken to set up such a commission, the government, he said, albeit with some regret, would proceed to establish a statutory framework, taking account of the committee's recommendations. mr waddington supported this by an article in the times the following day. he said that he considered the committee's recommendations offered a genuine opportunity to restore the responsible exercise of press freedom to all our newspapers. but if, after a trial period, they did not, the government he said, would not flinch from introducing statutory regulation of the press. this was, then, emphatically to be "the last chance" for the press to put its own house in order. if that failed, the government had made it perfectly plain that statutory support would be needed. no suggestion was then made that such statutory support would give rise to any constitutional difficulties. mr roy hattersley, speaking for the opposition, gave an unqualified welcome to the report's positive proposals. he drew attention to the home secretary's own express belief that newspapers would respond'to this one "last chance"; but he said that he (mr hattersley) had his doubts; and that was why the second recommendation the introduction of statutory regulation by an official body was absolutely essential if the "year of grace" was ignored and if the press did not mend its ways. so, the opposition, too, took the view that this was to be the "last chance"; and that if it failed, statutory regulation would follow; and, again, no constitutional anxieties were raised. but, following publication of the committee's report, the government itself has so far failed to initiate any of the recommended measures which required legislation. the press, did, however, abolish the old press council, and set up, in its place, a new press complaints commission. but the new commission, as set up by the press, differed significantly from the commission which the privacy committee had had in mind, the details of which had been fully spelt out in the report. the principal differences were these. first, the members of the commission were to be appointed, not by a body which was itself independent of the press (as the report had recommended), but, in effect, by a body which was the creature of the newspaper industry. secondly, the report had recommended that the commission should not act as an overtly campaigning body for press freedom; but there were signs that the commission was once again asserting, as the old press council had done, a positive role for the commission in defending press freedom. thirdly, the commission operated a code of practice produced and monitored, not by the commission (as the report had recommended), but by the industry. 4 freedom of the press: freedom from the press fourthly, the industry's code of practice reduced, in several significant respects, the protection which the privacy committee had proposed for individuals: it failed to hold the balance fairly between the industry and the individual. fifthly, the industry's code of practice widened the concept of "public interest' , , thereby significantly reducing the level of protection which ought to have been provided for individuals. . sixthly, the commission was generally unwilling to operate a "hot-line" to prevent anticipated breaches of the code, as the old press council had proposed, and as the committee had recommended. finally, the commission was then unwijiing itself to initiate inquiries, as the old press council had done and as the committee had also recommended. the new commission began work on 1january 1991. this meant that the i8-month period the time when the government had promised a review of the commission's performance to determine whether statutory underpinning was required expired in july 1992. it so happened that the end of this 18-month period coincided with the serialisation in the press of andrew morton's book, diana: her own true story and this itself gave rise to a good deal of further public concern about the behaviour of the press. the government invited me to undertake the review of the performance of the press complaints commission. my terms of reference are again worth repeating. they were: "to assess the effectiveness of non-statutory self-regulation by the press since the establishment of the press complaints commission and to give my vie~s on whether the present arrangements for self-regulation should now be modified or put on a statutory basis; and to consider whether any further measures might be needed with intrusions into personal privacy by the press." the thrust of the review was thus different from that of the earlier report. the thrust of the report had been to consider what measures were necessary to give further protection to individual privacy. the thrust of the review was to assess the effectiveness of the new self-regulatory arrangements. the terms of reference of the review plainly contemplated the possibility that the voluntary arrangements might need to be put on a statutory basis. there was no suggestion that, if a statutory basis were needed, any constitutional difficulties would be likely to arise. it seemed to me that, in conducting the review, i was entitled to take, as my starting point, the report of the privacy committee (including the recommended statutory support which would be needed if the proposed new self-regulatory arrangements proved to be ineffective). after all, that report, as i have already pointed out, had been unanimous; it had been accepted, in principle, both by the government and by the opposition; and the government was well aware of my views about the fall5 the denning law journal back statutory support which would be needed, and yet had chosen to come back to me to undertake the review. i do not trouble you with the detail of the review. the main conclusions which i reached, on the effectiveness of press self-regulation, were these. first, the new press complaints commission was not an effective regulator of the press. secondly, it had not been set up in a way, and was not operating a code of practice, which enabled it to command not only press but also public confidence. thirdly, it did not, in my view, hold the balance fairly between the press and the individual. fourthly, it was not, in my view, the truly independent body which it should have been. finally, as constituted, it was, in essence, a body set up by the industry, and operating a code of practice devised by the industry and which was over-favourable to the industry. it was with regret that i had to reach these conclusions, and, having considered (and rejected) the possibility of modification, i recommended that the government should put press regulation on the statutory basis detailed in the report of the privacy committee. i also recommended that the criminal offences relating to physical intrusion and covert surveillance, which had been proposed by the privacy committee, should be enacted. i also recommended that the government should give further consideration to the introduction of a new tort of infringement of privacy. on 14 january 1993 the government published my review. the secretary of state for national heritage (mr peter brooke) said in parliament that the government accepted the case i had made for new criminal offences to deal with specified types of physical intrusion and covert surveillance; but the case i made was essentially no different in this respect from the recommendations which the committee had made some 18 months earlier, but which the government had thus far disregarded. the government also accepted my recommendations that further consideration should be given to introduction of a new tort of infringement of privacy. more significantly, the government also agreed with me that the press complaints commission, as then constituted, was not an effective regulator of the press, that it was not truly independent, and that its procedures were deficient. my recommendation that the government should not put press regulation on a statutory basis raised, so mr brooke said, separate and more difficult issues which needed to be carefully weighed. the government, he said, was conscious that action to make such a body statutory would be a step of some constitutional significance, departing from the traditional approach to press regulation in the united kingdom; and that in the light of those considerations, the government, he said, would be extremely reluctant to pursue that route. that reasoning, i have to say, and in the light of what had gone before, and which i have just outlined, struck me as curious. why should such statutory support be so significant a constitutional step that the 6 freedom of the press: freedom from the press government should be reluctant to introduce it? neither mr waddington nor mr hattersley appeared to have taken that view in 1990. the answer must surely depend on the likely effect of the proposed statutory support. if, of course, the likely effect would be to result in censorship and gagging of the press, and to prevent responsible investigative journalism so as to shield the wicked from exposure, that would indeed be a step of some constitutional significance. but if the change simply makes effective, by providing adequate sanctions, that which is presently ineffective, where is the "significant constitutional step"? and what is its vice? if the concept of press regulation is accepted by the press, as it surely must be (the press having set up the press complaints commission), then it must surely follow that it is effective regulation that is accepted. or is the press only prepared to accept press regulations so long as that regulation is ineffective? that would be a cynical view indeed. but, as the editor of one of our broadsheets once put it: "the people who own and run our popular press are driven by commercial imperatives that brook no interference." the statutory support which the privacy committee proposed in the event of the failure of the press complaints commission (and which i recommended in my review) was designed to make, and would have the likely effect of making, a positive contribution to the development of the highest standards of journalism. it would have enabled the press to operate freely and responsibly. it would have given it the backing which was needed, in a fiercely competitive market, to resist the wildest excesses. the committee's recommendations were designed to ensure, and would have the likely effect of ensuring, that privacy, which all agreed should be respected, was protected from unjustifiable intrusion, and protected by a body in which the public as well as the press had confidence. so much, then, for a summary of the position of the report of the committee and of my review. my review was, in fact, only one of several initiatives which were then being undertaken in respect of the press. i should now say something of the other initiatives, so that the two government-sponsored inquiries can be seen in a wider context. mr clive soley introduced a bill entitled freedom and responsibility of the press. that bill proposed the establishment of a body, to be known as the independent press authority, which would seek the presentation of news, by papers and periodicals, with due accuracy. the authority's proposed powers would have included the power to determine questions of factual inaccuracy, and the power to order an editor or publisher to publish a correction in the manner specified. mr soley's bill was given a second reading by a large majority. it had completed its committee stage, but it was nevertheless' 'talked out" at its report stage in march 1993, and so effectively became dead. although mr soley's concern and proposals were different from mine, his proposals like mine envisaged statutory support in the field of press regulation. he proposed a legally enforceable right to correction, and a statutory complaints authority to enforce that right. 7 the denning law journal there was another intiative which was being pursued at the same time. in october 1992 the national heritage select committee had announced that it would conduct an inquiry into privacy and media intrusion. its primary concern was to be with the privacy of private citizens, rather than public figures. that committee took evidence during the winter of 1992-93. its report was published in march 1993. the select committee expressly reached the significant conclusion (which i had also reached) that the press complaints commission, as then constituted, was not an effective regulator of the press. the committee recommended that a statutory press complaints tribunal should not be established (as i had recommended), but rather that there should be appointed an ombudsman with statutory powers to oversee the regulation of the media. the committee also recommended that certain types of intrusion should be made "civil offences" and other types criminal offences. thus the select committee, though differing from me about the means,' was also of the view that some form of statutory support was needed if press regulation were to be effective. it really goes a good deal further than that. although the select committee disagreed with my proposals and did so with some theatrical display, the committee's proposals do not differ very much, in their effect, from mine. a voluntary press commission, which has the support of a statutory ombudsman vested with statutory powers and sanctions, is a very different creature from a voluntary commission which has no such statutory support. and a commission, so supported, is not essentially different, in its effect, from a statutory complaints tribunal. the select committee's proposals, if anything, went further than mine. the conduct caught by their proposed criminal offences would have been wider; and the committee recommended the introduction of "civil offences". on 10 june 1993 the report of the select committee was debated in the house of commons. the secetary of state for national heritage said that governments should normally seek to respond to select committee reports within 2 months, and that he regretted that it had not been possible to do so on this occasion. he said that the political range and importance of the committee's recommendations made a response within the normal time-table impossible. but he assured the house that the government would do its best to ensure that its response was published before the summer recess. but, as i have already indicated, the 1993 summer recess came, and went, without any response having been made. there has been a further initiative which i should also mention. at the end of july 1993, the lord chancellor's department in response to my recommendations, published a consultation paper which sought views on a possible new civil remedy for infringement of privacy. perhaps we may look, for one moment, at what had been going on in the courts and elsewhere. in kaye v. robertson and another ([ 1991] f.s.r.62; the times, 21 march 1990) the case of the well-known actor who was photographed and interviewed in his hospital bed the court of appeal, though granting relief on the ground of malicious falsehood, denied any right at common law for the protection of individual privacy. 8 freedom of the press: freedom from the press leggatt, l.j., said this: "we do not need a first amendment to preserve the freedom of the press, but the abuse of that freedom can be ensured only by the enforcement of a right to privacy. this right has so long been disregarded here that it can be recognised now only by the legislature. especially since there is available in the united states a wealth of experience of the enforcement of this right both at common law and also under statute, it is to be hoped that the making good of this single shortcoming in our law will not be long delayed." in the later case concerning the photographs of the duchess of york, with mr john bryan, in august 1992, latham j. had refused an injunction to prevent publication of the photographs, on the ground that english law did not (as was well-known) protect personal privacy. lord lester of herne hill (house of lords, 24 may 1994) has said that the courts are still capable of developing common law remedies for wrongful infringement of privacy, and that they should be allowed to do so. but, as against that, it has been pointed out in the consultation paper that, even if this were possible, development by common law is uncertain both as to timing and as to content; and that it should be for parliament to legislate on privacy, and not for the courts to create a new right. in launching the consultation paper, the lord chancellor said this: "the time has come to ensure that the law protects the privacy of everyone. this is a matter which has been the subject of cross-party study for many years, and i think it right to offer concrete proposals for reform. the way ahead now is to provide a new remedy for individuals, with appropriate defences." the lord chancellor's consultation paper suggested, in particular, five things. first, that the right of privacy should now be recognised in law; secondly, that the existing law offered only limited protection for privacy; thirdly, that there should be a new civil remedy, allowing an individual to take a case to court if the infringement caused substantial distress; fourthly, that privacy should cover a person's health, personal communications and family and personal relationships; and finally, that the defences of consent, lawful authority, absolute or qualified privilege and public interest defence should, at the least, be available. but the consultation paper makes it plain that legal aid would not be made available; although "conditional fee arrangements" have been canvassed as a possible alternative, this must be a significant shortcoming. but, for my present purposes, it is again worth noting that the proposals made in the consultation paper again envisaged a form of statutory support for at least part of the ground covered by press regulation. in the result, those outside the press who have recently had to consider this difficult problem in any depth have all reached the conclusion that self-regulation, without more is not enough, and that some form of statutory support is needed. 9 the denning law journal meanwhile, the press complaints commission has, since january 1993, itself pursued a number of initiatives. i should mention those which strike me as being the most significant. on 24 february 1993, it was reported in the guardian that the commission expected to agree new measures designed to speed up the handling of complaints, and that an increase in the commission's budget was also likely to be agreed. in may 1993, the commission announced a series of measur:es designed to reinforce public confidence in the authority of the commission. membership of the commission and of its appointments commission would be altered so as to meet a perceived misconception regarding the commission's independence. and the commission not the industry would take final responsibility for the code of practice. in june 1993, the committee launched a new "help-line" service. its stated purpose was to assist members of the public who were concerned that the code of practice was likely to be breached in a press investigation relating to them. but the service aimed to provide no more than information about the publication of the news agency involved. it was a pale thing compared with the "hot line" which had been proposed by the old press council, and recommended by the privacy committee. in july 1993, the industry's code of practice was revised in a number of respects. first, explicit responsibility was placed on editors for the actions of their journalists. secondly, specific provision was made about the use of long-lens photography to take pictures of people on private property. thirdly, the appropriate manner of reporting of cases involving a sexual offence against a child was expanded and spelt out. finally, "public interest" exceptions were given definition, and so narrowed. in september 1993 the commission made the anticipated changes in its membership. in addition to the independent chairman, the commission, as newly constituted, was to comprise eight non-press members and seven editors. in january 1994, after the episode concerning the photographs of the princess of wales in the gym, the commission appointed one of its lay members, professor pinker, to act as the privacy commissioner, giving him powers to investigate urgent complaints about privacy, and to bring those complaints to the commission for decision under the code of practice. plainly the code has now been strengthened, and now comes closer to the recommendation of the privacy committee. but why, one may ask, was this not done in the first place? and, even so, has enough been done? and can the industry now deliver effective regulation? even the present arrangements fall short of the recommendations of the privacy committee. where stands the press itself in all of this? in matters affecting press regulation, the press tends to speak with one voice. in whatever way the press may present it, self-regulation appears to be the limit to which the press itself is prepared to go; and initiatives suggested by others which contemplate a modest degree of statutory support receive a uniformly hostile press reception, often bordering on paranoia. the press, as the messenger, is not usually at its most detached and objective when it comes to reporting stories critical of the press and of its own statutory arrangements. to freedom of the press: freedom from the press the fragility of the present arrangements was dramatically highlighted by the events surrounding the publication, in november 1993, by the sunday mirror (and then by the daily mirror) of the photographs taken of the princess of wales in the gym. so far as the sunday photographs were concerned, the chairman of the press complaints commission condemned on the sunday their publication, as a breach of the industry's code of practice, and said that he expected the mirror group of newsapers to avoid any further publication of the photographs. but on the following day the monday the daily mirror repeated publication of the gym photographs, and described the press complaints commission as a body which existed "to protect the liars amongst our disreputable rivals". it was not so much the publication of the sunday photographs that was significant, but rather the contempt shown for the commission on the following day. peace, at least outwardly, was restored later that week, but only after an apology had been made by the mirror group, and, more remarkably, after the chairman of the commission had withdrawn remarks made by him. if that is the way in which a significant player is prepared to treat publicly its own regulatory body, what hope is there for effective self-regulation? as the secretary of state was reported to have said at the time, the press complaints commission must make a "quantum leap" if self-regulation was to survive. finally, and more importantly, where now stands the government in all of this? i have so far taken the parliamentary story up to the debate which took place in june 1993. during the autumn of 1993 there were many reports of impending government activity, but, again, nothing happened. and the criminal justice and public order bill contained no relevant clauses. in february 1994, it was reported in the independent (14 february) that a comprehensive white paper on press regulation would be published in march, but that ministers had yet to agree on introducing a new civil law of privacy. it was said, however, that the cabinet committee on home affairs had given clearance to the secretary of state to proceed with his long-awaited white paper on the press. one of the more entertaining episodes in the press's campaign to maintain selfregulation, was the production, in february 1994, by the combined efforts of the association of british editors, the guild of editors, and the international press institute, of a paper called media freedom and media regulation. produced, no doubt, in the expectation that the government was indeed about to produce its long-awaited white paper, the press, by describing its paper as "an alternative white paper", at least demonstrated that the press assumed that the government was unlikely to propose what the press itself would have wished. as it is, we now have an "alternative white paper", but no original "white paper". in march 1994 it was reported in the press (the times, 12 march) that the prime minister had ordered a re-think on long-awaited government plans to tighten regulation of the press, and that a white paper, due to be published in march, had been torn up amid signs that the effort to lessen press intrusion had run into serious difficulties. 11 the denning law journal in april 1994 it was reported (the daily telegraph, 9 april) that the prime minister had intervened to give the press' 'one last chance" to introduce effective self-regulation over invasions of privacy. the report was in these terms. "after months of wrangling in whitehall over the content of a government white paper on privacy, mr major has decided that there should be a final review period in which newspapers can demonstrate a willingness to make self-regulation work. however, later this spring, ministers still intend to publish a long-awaited privacy white paper containing proposals for legislation. a draft privacy bill, accompanying it, is intended to act as a "sword of damocles" hanging over the media. mr major has decided to hold the bill in reserve to be introduced only if it becomes evident that the media have spurned the final opportunity to address growing concern over gross invasions of privacy. " no-one would suggest that the issues involved are anything other than complex which is presumably one reason, at least, why the government set up an inquiry in the first place. no-one can quarrel with a desire, on the part of the government, to get it right. but, assuming the report is accurate, "a final review period", "a final opportunity", and another "one last chance" all sound distinctly ominous: we have been there before. but why should there be such inordinate delay? there may sometimes be good sense in some delay; but undue delay may raise wider questions about political will and determination. as mr gerald kaufman, who was the chairman of the national heritage select committee, said at the end of the debate in pariament on 10 june 1993 "if no action is taken, the press will slide backwards in the belief that it has got through its crisis and that it is now all clear for it to return to some of the deeply objectionable ways from which, we hope, it is beginning to emerge." but that was now said over a year ago. it is for this reason that it now becomes important to consider the government response made in a debate in the house of lords in may. on 24 may, lord ackner, in committee, moved an amendment to the criminal justice and public order bill to insert a new clause directed to breaches of privacy with intent to obtain and publish information (as proposed by the privacy committee). earl ferrers, speaking on behalf of the government, said this. "there is now doubt that the behaviour of certain sections of the press, intruding into personal lives of both celebrities and ordinary members ofthe public, has, on occasion, been nothing less than deplorable. . . when any suggestion is made that there should be legislation to curtail such activities, there is a pathetic cry of 'don't touch the press'. if there is to be freedom of the press and there should be it is a privilege which carries a two-way responsibility. in any proposal for legislation which attempts to balance two rights, there are inevitably problems of principle and of definition which have to be resolved. it is essential that any proposals in this field should find the right balance between, 12 freedom of the press: freedom from the press on the one hand, the application of criminal and civil law , and, on the other hand, the freedom of the press and the rights of others, notably the right to privacy. any legal formulation in this difficult and sensitive area must be defined as clearly and unambiguously as possible if we are to ensure that it catches unacceptable intrusions but that it allows legitimate investigative work to continue. i shall not conceal from the committee that we have found it very difficult to reconcile those conflicting claims and to ensure the necessary precision in any legislative proposal. the various efforts which have been made in the past to control the excesses of the press behaviour are only too well known. the committee is aware of how much time has passed and the fact that the government have not yet made up their mind on these important questions. but i can assure the committee that the government have not been idle. it has become plain to us that the issues involved are very complex and sensitive, but they need to be considered as a whole in order to ensure that the balance is properly struck." so far, then, so good. but there then followed an indication that the whole matter would one day but not yet be thrown back into the public arena. the minister said this. "with an issue of such importance, it is essential that we get things right and that any proposal should be the subject of fully informed and national consideration . . . we propose to issue a white paper on the whole subject of press intrusion into privacy. in addition to dealing with the questions of self-regulation and a new civil tort, the white paper will also consider in some detail the various questions, both of practice and of principle, to which any extension of the criminal law in this area would give rise. this will give parliament and the public an opportunity for us to take a wider and fuller view." the minister had given no indication when the white paper would be published. lord ackner asked for this information; but the response was not encouraging. the minister said that the white paper would be produced when it was ready, but that it was unlikely to be immediate, because the government had yet to make up its mind. but if the government does not make up its mind, what will happen? lord renton enquired about the true nature of the government's intended paper. was it truly to be a white paper (as the minister had described it), which, as lord renton put it, was' 'rather conclusive and usually a prelude to legislation"? or was it, in truth, what is commonly spoken of as a "green paper" i.e. a consultative paper? the minister replied in these terms. "it is clear to say my noble friend lord renton and the committee that the government have not yet made up their mind and are considering the position. the object of a white paper is to enable the government to say 'there are our 13 the denning law journal thoughts', and find out what is the reaction of the public. that will be the purpose of the white paper. " in saying this, the minister was simply confirming what he had said earlier. but ifthe government's purpose is to engage in national and public consideration, in what are acknowledged to be very complex and sensitive issues, was there any real point in setting up the privacy committee in the first place? and who is likely to guide national and public consideration, if it be not the press? but if there is to be such consideration, why should there also be the delay? the real issue, i suspect, may be a very different one. it is this. does the government really have the political will and dertemination to do what it judges needs to be done? fu rther delay, followed one day by a paper which perhaps offers another" last chance", and which invites public consideration, followed possibly by yet another "last chance", may only serve to foster at least the thought that, notwithstanding all the recommendations which have been made, there is, in fact, no political will to do anything about it at all. as the 1994 summer recess approaches, with still no government repsonse, so too and perhaps you may say "thankfully" does the long vacation; and i leave all these thoughts to you for your peaceful vacation contemplation. 14 the denning law journal 41 denning law journal 2019 vol 31 pp 41-76 the fédération equestre internationale speaks for the horse who has no voice and the court of arbitration for sport listened: equine welfare and anti-doping in equestrianism dr laura donnellan* introduction the strict liability standard employed by the fédération equestre internationale (fei) in equine doping cases has been a source of contention among academics, riders and trainers. the fei disciplinary tribunal and the court of arbitration for sport (cas) have consistently upheld the standard and no alternative has been considered. at the core of the application of the strict liability standard has been the protection of the equine athlete. with the dual aims of the protection of equine athletes and equality between competitors, the fei imposes a provisional equine suspension when a horse’s sample records an adverse analytical finding. the standard of strict liability and the imposition of provisional suspensions together put the welfare of the horse to the fore. while the intentions of the fei have been based on this noble premise, ambiguities and inconsistencies have undermined the effectiveness of the equine anti-doping and controlled medication regulations (eadcmrs). the aim of this article is to examine whether the regulatory framework, the eadcmrs, is fit for purpose and adequately protects the equine athlete. the article will focus on two main principles that underpin the eadcmrs, namely provisional equine suspensions and the standard of strict liability. recourse will be made to seminal cases that will act as a lens through which the regulatory framework can be assessed. a recent case involving american dressage competitors and the imposition of provisional equine suspensions highlighted the need for the fei to make more explicit the basis on which the rule was created. the cas upheld the fei’s policy of provisionally suspending horses for two-months on grounds of animal welfare and ensuring a level playing field. however, the cas agreed with the appellants as to the lack of clarity surrounding * lecturer in law, school of law, university of limerick, ireland. 42 the fédération equestre internationale speaks for the horse who has no voice and the court of arbitration the provisional suspension. in examining the application of the principle of strict liability, the article will determine whether it is an appropriate standard and whether a relaxation of the standard is feasible or if it would compromise the welfare of the horse. in order to put the regulatory framework into context, the article will discuss the purpose of anti-doping, the history of doping and equine sports and the ethical issues that equine doping invokes. it will trace the development of the eadcmrs against the background of positive tests at the 2004 olympic games in athens and the 2008 olympic games in beijing. following the subsequent appeal of fei tribunal decisions to the cas, all of which the cas upheld, the fei set about establishing a more robust regulatory framework. while the current regulations are comprehensive, their verboseness has led to confusion, testament to this is the number of appeals of fei tribunal decisions to the cas. the purpose of doping in equine sport: equine welfare the relationship between humans and horses can be traced back thousands of years. while it is unclear why horses were first domesticated, it is surmised that they were first used for the purposes of meat and subsequently as ‘tools’ for transportation.1 horses played an important role in world war i and world war ii; however, after world war ii, working horses all but disappeared.2 increased mechanisation and the ensuing increase in leisure time changed the role and indeed perception of the horse from a tool of transportation or a source of food to a ‘leisure animal’.3 horses first competed in the olympic games in stockholm in 1912. today, there are only three olympic sports where human and equine athletes compete together: jumping, eventing and dressage.4 the pivotal role of the 1 martine hausberger, helene roche, severine henry and kathalijne visser, ‘a review of the human–horse relationship’ (2008) 109 applied animal behaviour science 1, 2. 2 ma atock and rb williams, ‘welfare of competition horses’ (1994) 13(1) revue scientifique et technique de l’oie 217, 23 accessed 7 april 2019. 3 ibid. hausberger et al. (n 2) 3 refer to the ‘mixed status’ of the horse, a ‘source of food for some, for leisure and sport for others, or, less frequently, an agricultural working companion in rural areas’. see also michelle gilbert and james gillett, ‘equine athletes and interspecies sport’ (2011) 47(5) international review for the sociology of sport 632. the writers refer to the limited use of horses in modern society as horses are primarily used for leisure and recreation. 4 kent allen and stephen a schumacher, ‘impact of the fei rules on sport horse https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/2084/76b91c06991d8272747d215a7fc67cb630b3.pdf https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/2084/76b91c06991d8272747d215a7fc67cb630b3.pdf the denning law journal 43 regulatory bodies of horse sports is the safeguarding of the welfare of the horse. the welfare of horses ‘must always be the primary driving force’, even in situations when it conflicts with ‘certain commercial aspects of the industry’.5 the fédération equestre internationale (fei), the world governing body for equestrian sports, in safeguarding the welfare of horses, has a code of conduct for the welfare of the horse.6 the code enumerates a number of requirements that human agents must uphold including general equine welfare considerations, for example good horse management, training methods, farriery and tack, transport and transit.7 under fitness to compete, there are guidelines on fitness and competence, health status and doping and medication. under the eadcmrs, it states: any action or intent of doping and illicit use of medication constitute a serious welfare issue and will not be tolerated. after any veterinary treatment, sufficient time must be allowed for full recovery before competition.8 all those involved in international equestrianism are bound by the code, which states that ‘at all times the welfare of the horse must be paramount’.9 it is clear from these sections of the code that the fei operates in a custodian type role, as a representative for the equine athlete.10 equestrianism presents a unique bond between the human and the animal.11 the cas recognised this imitable relationship, in particular the vulnerable position of the horse as it contended that ‘[h]orses, unlike humans, cannot themselves take care to avoid the medications’ in kim a sprayberry and n edward robinson (eds), robinson’s current therapy in equine medicine (7th ed, elsevier health sciences 2014) 112. the first time horses participated in the ancient olympics dates back to 680 bc, fei, ‘history’ accessed 7 april 2019. 5 ibid. 6 fei, ‘fei code of conduct for the welfare of the horse’ (fei), 2013, accessed 7 april 2019. 7 ibid. 8 ibid. 9 ibid., 1 10 fei, ‘our values’ (fei), 2019,