Benjamin Franklin in Scotland
The Hon. Lord Mackenzie-Stuart*

In the United States they are still celebrating the bi-centenary of their
Constitution. For those who might be tempted to say that the great Philadelphia
Convention took place during the summer of 1787and that today I am behind the
times, may I rejoin that the vital first ten amendments - the Bill of Rights, which
for many is at the heart of the American Constitution, were not finally agreed until
1792. The United States are therefore perfectly correct in spreading their
commemoration over a period of five years. It is, I suggest, only proper that a
Scotsman should take note since Scotsmen and Scottish thought played a part in
these momentous events.

I do not, however, in the course of a short paper intend to get myself embroiled
in an attempt to define the Scottish Enlightenment nor to assess its impact upon
the thinking of the Founding Fathers of the American Constitution. Where and
how one places the limits of the Scottish Enlightenment seems to me to be a matter
of personal choice. No two historians of the period - the literature is vast and I
make no claim to have mastered it - seem to adopt quite the same approach.

What does appear important to me, however we define the phenomenon we call
the Scottish Enlightenment, is to see the Scotland of the period as a whole. For me,
the Scottish Enlightenment embraces not only the contribution made to
philosophy and economics but also to jurisprudence (in its true meaning oflegal
philosophy) and also to science in general, natural philosophy, to use the jargon of
the day, to medicine, to architecture and to general literature. The social sciences
were not then known by that name but important contributions were being made
to their understanding during the period in question. Here the name of Adam
Ferguson springs to mind and embodies the spirit of the age. Not only was he a
philosopher, a historian and a man of science. He had fought with the Black Watch
at the battle of Fontenoy.

The small group of men who assembled at Philadelphia during the summer of
1787 numbered no more than 50 at the most. The intellectual level was
astonishingly high, particularly when one remembers that the thirteen colonies

*Sometime President of the Court of Justice, European Communities at Luxembourg. This paper is
based on an address given at the Annual General Meeting of the Stair Society, November 1989.

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had only three million inhabitants, but the educational background of the
delegates was immensely varied and it is difficult to generalise about the
considerations which influenced the Assembly taken as a whole. After the heady
days of the Declaration of Independence and the debilitating war that followed,
when freedom from foreign domination was the driving force, means had to be
found to create a government capable of regulating in the national interest thirteen
very different political entities and the means to preserve those entities while
creating a coherent whole. All this must be seen, moreover, against the
background not of known territory and fixed frontiers, as in sea-grit and land-
locked Europe, but with an ill-defined and ever expanding boundary in view.
Philosophy has its place, but I believe John Dickinson of Delaware to have been
right when on Monday, 13th August, 1787, he said at Philadelphia: "Experience
must be our only guide. Reason may mislead US."l

With that introduction the moment has come to present our principal player.
Every century produces a handful of men whose influence is felt beyond the
boundaries of their land. Of these a few, a very select few, cross the barriers of time
in the sense that their discoveries have changed the world in which we live. Among
such I class Benjamin Franklin.

He was born in Boston in 1706,the fifteenth child of seventeen, the son of a poor
candle-maker. He apprenticed himself to his elder brother James, a printer. James
was something of a rebel against the prevailing theocratic approach of the New
England regime and he encouraged Benjamin to supplement his almost total
absence of formal education. We are told that Benjamin owed much to Locke's
Essay on Understanding and to Addison's Spectator. He did not stay long, however,
with his brother James but made the first of his four transatlantic crossings to
complete his apprenticeship with printers in London where he stayed, close to
penury, for some three years.

The years following his return need not detain us except to say that during that
period we see him becoming a man of consequence in his adopted Pennsylvania;
printer, publisher - including that of a newspaper in German for the Pennsylvania
'Dutch', i.e., 'Deutsch' - president of an Insurance Company and occupied with a
multitude of public activities. By 1746 he was a member of the Philadelphia
Municipal Council and in 1750 he became a member of the Pennsylvania
Assembly. During the French and Indian wars he was to be seen in the uniform of
colonel in the British army and he played a notable part in the campaign of 1755 -
though whether he actually received a commission signed by His Majesty King
George II remains in doubt.

In the 1750's dissatisfaction was beginning to be felt by the American colonists
as regards their treatment by London. Again space does not permit of detailed
description but it is essential to remember that in the two decades leading up to the
Declaration ofIndependence the problems besetting the colonies, while they may

1. Farrand, Records of the Federal Convention, Vol. II, p. 278.

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have had much in common, were by no means the same. Pennsylvania, in
particular, was a constitutional curiosity.

Until 1776,it was the personal property of the Penn family, under the Crown to
be sure, but none the less no different from a large country estate. It had its
Assembly but in the last resort it was, in Franklin's day, the Penn brothers who
were resident in London who had the last word. When in 1757Benjamin Franklin
was appointed the Pennsylvania Agent in London he had to contend not only with
an unsympathetic Government but with his own proprietors who had attempted
to block his appointment in the first place.

Franklin's second stay in London, although intended to be relatively brief,
lasted until August 1762. Moreover only two more years were to elapse before the
American packet once again, in December 1764, disembarked Franklin on the
quays of Portsmouth this time for a sojourn of 11years. He returned to the United
States in time enough, however, to be one of the signatories of the Declaration of
Independence. Yet again he was prevailed upon to cross the Atlantic to represent
the independent colonies at the Court of France - there is a superb drawing by
Gabriel de St Aubin of Franklin presenting his credentials to Louis XVI. There he
remained until he returned to the United States to take part - given his age a minor
part - in the great Constitutional debate of 1787.He died only three years later but
I like the picture of the most talented American of his age nodding in the stuffy
atmosphere of Independence Hall, Philadelphia, during the hot summer,
legitimating by his presence the whole proceedings.

All that would be enough for most of us to assure our niche in the Halls of Fame.
But it was not Franklin the patriot, Franklin the diplomat, Franklin the
philosopher that attracted the most acclaim in his lifetime. It was Franklin the
scientist. In February of 1759, the University of St Andrews conferred upon
Franklin the degree of Doctor of Laws and the University Minute designs him
solely as "famous for his writings on Electricity".

For the rest of his life Franklin was commonly referred to - presumably with his
approval - as 'Doctor', even after Independence. It is not every citizen of the
United States who is aware that the doctorate was a Scottish one.

St Andrews singled out Franklin's contribution to our knowledge of electricity
and this was probably his most important single discovery. Everybody knows that
he was the first to discover the true, or by modem standards approximately true,
nature of electricity. All of us have some picture of Franklin's proof of his theories
by flying a kite in a thunderstorm, the kite having attached to it a silk thread
capable of being charged with electricity. The crux of the experiment, of course,
was when Franklin approached a metal key hung from the silk thread and
generated a spark. Not so many are aware that the next two persons who
attempted the same hazardous experiment died in the process. To those of a
speculative turn of mind may I add the following thought? I quote from Azimov's
Biographical Encyclopaedia of Science and Technology:2
2. Pan Books (London, 1975), para. 531.

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"When a quarter of a century later the aged Franklin represented the infant
United States during the Revolutionary War at the Court of France he proved the
ideal man for the job. Not only did his carefully affected Republican simplicity
perversely appeal to the aristocrats of Versailles) but it was the Age of Reason) and
educated Frenchmen fell allover the man who had tamed the lightning of the sky
and brought it to earth. How much of America's successful birth can be traced
back to a kite flying in a thunderstorm?"

All this is only to tell half the story. The nature of the Gulf Stream) bi-focal
spectacles) lead poisoning) the lightning conductor as it is in daily use today) the art
of learning to swim and canal transportation all find their place in his voluminous
correspondence and publications by which he sought to exhort and to encourage.
For our purposes today I single out his efforts to devise a fuel-efficient and
smokeless fireplace. Of this more anon) but at this stage may I recall that one of the
earliest prospectuses of the Carron Company advertised ranges "Made on the
model of Dr Franklin's Philadelphia stove."

Which) appropriately) brings us back to Scotland. Franklin made two visits to
Scotland. The first lasted from the beginning of September 1759until the middle
of October.3

Why a voyage to Scotland? Well) why not? Franklin was an enthusiastic
traveller. He had many Scottish friends in Philadelphia and in London. William
Strahan) his Edinburgh born but London based agent and friend of twenty years
standing) did business in both capitals and above all the growing importance of
Scotland in the sciences as well as the arts must have attracted him. Moreover it is
reasonable to suppose that he wished) as in fact he did) to receive in person his
doctorate from St Andrews University.

Franklin) accompanied by his son William) left London at the end of the first
week in August and proceeded in a fairly leisurely fashion by the West Coast route.
On August 29) we find him writing to his wife from Liverpool "we have been out
now almost three weeks" and even then it was not entirely certain whether affairs
of state would allow him to continue the journey as planned. A word about William
Franklin. He was almost certainly illegitimate - "spawned by an oyster wife" as
one rather disagreeable divine was to say later. William) however) was at that time
a personable young man) a member of the Middle Temple but actively lobbying
for a government post. In this he was eventually successful) being made Governor
of New Jersey. It was) I suppose) inevitable that father and son should fall out over
the issue of independence and William died an embittered old man in English
exile.

The party finally arrived in Edinburgh on September 1st or 2nd. I am not going
to attempt a day-by-day reconstruction of their activities. We know that the
Franklins found lodgings with Mrs Cowan in Milne Square) then a most

3. I do not give detailed references for what follows. I obviously owe much to J. Bennett Nolan,
Benjamin Franklin in Scmland and Ireland (Philadelphia, 1938). Since then there has been the
magnificently edited Yale edition of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin.

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respectable address, so we know that Benjamin was exposed to the horrors oflife in
the old town, horrors which need no describing to an Edinburgh audience. In 1759
the Nor'Loch was as yet undrained and work on the New Town had not yet
commenced.

On 5 September the Franklins, father and son, were admitted Guild Brethren of
the City of Edinburgh at a ceremony presided over by the great Lord Provost
Drummond who has every claim to be considered the father of the New Town. As
is obvious, such a ceremony could not have been arranged at very short notice so
Franklin's arrival must have been expected. While the minutes of this occasion are
extant the contemporary press reports are meagre, popular attention being more
diverted by the presence in Craig's Close of a camel and a dromedary which daily
attracted fascinated throngs.

To cut matters short, however, during his stay in Edinburgh Franklin met to
our recorded knowledge almost all the circle of friends and acquaintances whom
we associate with the Scottish Enlightenment. Above all Lord Kames and Sir
Alexander Dick, but also both the professors Munro, Adam Ferguson, Joseph
Black and Doctors Cullen and Russell, the future Principal Robertson and Adam
Smith - in all, you would agree, an impressive galere.

There is a well known passage in the memoirs of the Reverend Alexander
Carlyle - 'Jupiter' Carlyle - describing a dinner given by Dr Robertson at which
among other guests of distinction was David Hume and this is usually cited as
being the first of many meetings between the two men. Other sources, however,
suggest that David Hume was not in Edinburgh during Franklin's first visit.
Carlyle does not seem to have taken much to Benjamin Franklin but in this he is
exceptional and the reason may be that he had too many friends in the Penn
faction.

On 17 September, Franklin left Edinburgh for Glasgow, passing en route the
site of the new Carron Ironworks. In 1759, Glasgow was a quiet country town but
already with a reputation for the quality of the ships which were built on the banks
of the Clyde. Despite its Calvinist reputation for low living and high thinking -
General Wolfe, whose death on the Plains of Abraham took place almost to the
hour when Franklin was visiting Sir Alexander Dick at Prestonfield, described his
service there as "dismal quarters with suppers ofthe most execrable food on earth
and wines that approached a poison" - Glasgow was a thriving centre for trade in
Virginia tobacco and Jamaica rum.

Apart from other contacts Franklin was particularly interested in the workshop
of Alexander Wilson who had his type-foundry on University premises. Franklin
had been commissioned by his Philadelphia partner, David Hall, to buy a set of
Wilson type for the Philadelphia Gazette although in the end he did not do so,
preferring the better known Caslon in London. Also in the same university
quandrangle were the premises of the Foulis brothers, certainly Scotland's most
distinguished printers of the eighteenth century. We know that Franklin visited
the Foulis brothers as befitted one printer to another. There is, unfortunately, no

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record of his having visited the next shop but one where he would have found a
sickly young mechanic, largely occupied in repairing musical instruments, whose
inventions were to transform the first half of the nineteenth century as Franklin's
were the second - one James Watt.

The next week or two were taken up with a Highland visit, perhaps including a
visit to Inverary, and on 2 October Franklin was in St Andrews where he was
admitted a Guild Brother and received by the University in their Library,
presumably the self-same library described by Boswell a few years later when he
was unable to show it to Dr Johnson because some-one had lost the key. Despite
certain fanciful reconstructions there is no evidence of any public ceremony - the
degree had after all been conferred some months previously - nor any warrant for
the attendance of a certain undergraduate of the day, one James Wilson, later to be
a signer of both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution and first
associate Justice of the new Supreme Court of the United States. A pity, because
such a meeting is not impossible since St Andrews had only forty undergraduates
at that time and such a meeting would at least have been ben trovato.

From 4 October to the end of the visit on 12 October the Franklins were
occupied again by the social round. During this week they found time, in the
company of Sir Alexander Dick and Lord Provost Drummond, to visit the Royal
Infirmary, as some years later Franklin was to write to Sir Alexander Dick saying
of its Philadelphia equivalent "we have imitated the Edinburgh Institution of the
Infirmary in that remote Part of the world." It was from this period too that
Franklin's friendship with Lord Kames can effectively be dated, although they
had earlier been in correspondence (and on the return journey to England the
Franklins stayed with Lord and Lady Kames at Kames in Berwickshire). This
week also included some days at Prestonfield where Sir Alexander Dick dispensed
his habitual hospitality - he once said to Boswell that he averaged a thousand
guests a year.

At least as important as the visit itself was the correspondence which ensued
between Franklin and the friends he had made or whose friendship had deepened
on re-acquaintance.

In many ways it is Franklin the scientist, Franklin the practical engineer who
comes to the fore.

As an example, take the famous Franklin fire-place which he refused to patent,
saying, with remarkable liberality that" As we enjoy great advantages from the
inventions of others, we should be glad of an opportunity to serve others by any
invention of ours, and this we should do freely and generously." Most would agree
that this sentiment is seldom expressed today. Sir Alexander Dick was the
recipient of a Franklin stove and one was recommended to Lord Kames for the
house which he had inherited through his wife at Blair Drummond.

An allied problem, much in evidence in the correspondence, was that of the
smoking chimney, a problem with which Lord Kames was sorely afflicted. Of this
Franklin had to say (and I take this quotation at random):

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"I have, as you have heard, been dealing in Smoke: and I think it not difficult to
manage, when one is once acquainted thoroughly with the principles. But as the
causes are various so must be the Remedies; and one cannot prescribe to a Patient
at such a Distance without first having a Clear State of its Case ... "

Before I come to Benjamin Franklin's second visit to Edinburgh, which I shall
deal with quite briefly, let me give some explanation of the two most important
points which I am trying to make lest it be asked what all this has to do with the
development of Scots law.

The first I have already mentioned in passing. For any scholar of the eighteenth
century, as was the case in earlier centuries, knowledge was a single unseamed
garment. Moral philosophy on the one hand, natural philosophy on the other,
were equally the proper subjects of study of any man who claimed himself to be
educated. This was as true of the lawyer as anyone else. Take Lord Kames,
although perhaps he was an extreme example. We are indebted to Professor
David Walker for the best modern account of Lord Kames, in which he
quotes Boswell as saying: "Lord Kames is a man of uncommon genius, great
application and extensive knowledge ... "4 Today it is his knowledge of matters
outside the field of law and legal philogophy which I would like to emphasise.
Kames was also, "a Commissioner for the Forfeited Estates ... , amongst other
acts prompting Walker's and Wight's tours and surveys oflarge tracts of Scotland,
a Trustee of the Board of Trustees for Fisheries, Manufactures and Improvements
in Scotland from 1755 to 1782, which largely transformed the country from a
backward one to an advanced one, as promotor of improved transport facilities,
notably the Forth and Clyde Canal and a protagonist in the 1750's and 1760's of
the schemes to erect the North Bridge, drain the Nor'Loch, and begin the
development of the New Town of Edinburgh."5

In return we find Franklin sending to Philadelphia both Kames's Law Tracts
and his Principles of Equity. Moreover, Franklin whiled away time on his return
voyage in 1762 reading Kames' Elements of Criticism.

So Frankli~'s visit to Scotland and the warmth of his reception there provide a
clear and concrete illustration of the universality of knowledge to which every
educated man aspired in the eighteenth century - a factor which no historian, and
that includes the legal historian, can ignore.

If I have been at pains to emphasise the welcome given to Franklin the scientist
there is another reason why Franklin's Scottish connections are of interest to the
legal historian. This time it is Franklin the diplomat and politician with whom we
are concerned. The editors of the Franklin papers have, inevitably, found many
gaps among the extant Franklin - Kames exchange of correspondence. One such
gap concerns Lord Kames' view on the mounting tension between the London
Government and the American colonies. That Lord Kames had an opinion on the
matter goes without saying.
4. The ScouishJurisrs, p. 240.
5. Walker, ibid., p. 238.

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There is, however, the text of a long letter written by Franklin to Lord Kames in
the early part of 1767 and which could easily become the subject of a paper in its
own right. By some mischance the letter never reached Lord Kames in 1767and he
had to be supplied with a copy in February 1769.This we know from a postscript
to a letter of21 February from Franklin to Kames in which characteristically the
chief topic is not politics but the advantage of using oxen rather than horses to pull
the plough and cart. Horses, said Franklin, require twice the quantity of land to
maintain them, and "after all are not good to eat, at least we don't think them so."
The postscript in question ends prophetically - we are still seven years away from
the Declaration of Independence - "Things daily wear a worse aspect, and tend
more and more to a Breach and final Separation."

The 1767letter (which exists in two versions)6contains a clear and well-ordered
presentation of the situation seen through the eyes of the colonists. It is the more
interesting since we perhaps forget that until the eve of the Declaration of
Independence Franklin thought of himself as a Briton - he frequently describes
himself as such and even had thoughts of settling permanently in the United
Kingdom.

"It becomes a matter of great importance that clear ideas should be formed on
solid Principles both in Britain and America, of the true political relation between
them, and the mutual duties belonging to that Relation. Till this is done, they will
be often jarring. I know none whose Knowledge, Sagacity and Impartiality,
qualify them so thoroughly for such a Service, as your do you."

Alas, I can find no trace of Kames having ever responded to Franklin's entreaty
nor, indeed, of any Scottish reaction to what with hindsight has turned out to be
the most important single event of the eighteenth century, the independence of the
American colonies.

Desirous as he was to maintain the union between Britain and the colonies
Franklin was characteristically realistic. He continues:

"As to America, the advantages of such a Union to her are not so apparent. She
may suffer at present under the arbitrary Power of the Country; she may suffer for
a while in a Separation from it; but these are temporary evils that she will outgrow.
Scotland and Ireland are differently circumstanc'd. Confined by the Sea, they can
scarcely increase in Numbers, Wealth and Strength so as to overbalance England.
But America, an immense Territory, favoured by Nature with all advantages of
climate, soil, great navigable Rivers and Lakes etc., must become a great country,
populous and mighty; and will in a less time than is generally conceived be able to
shake off any Shackles that may be imposed on her, and perhaps place them on the
Imposers. In the mean time, every Act of Oppression will sour their tempers,
lessen greatly if not annihilate the profits of your commerce with them, and hasten
their final Revolt: For the seeds of Liberty are universally sown there, and nothing
can eradicate them."

6. See the Yale edition of Franklin's papers, Vol. 14, p. 62, for a discussion ofthe problem.

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BENJAMIN FRANKLIN IN SCOTLAND

This astonishingly moderate and far-seeing assessment has to be understood
against the legal and political events of the 1760s.The circumstances leading up to
the Declaration of Independence in 1776 are commonly presented as a series of
blunders by the British Government. Blunders there certainly were but the
premise from which the Government started was entirely rational. The colonies
required protection. Their trade routes had to be kept open; there were constant
threats from the French and from the Indian tribes. The colonists were unable or,
at least, unwilling to discharge this responsibility themselves. The only alternative
was a substantial British military presence and this had to be paid for. By the end of
the War ofthe Austrian Succession the British Treasury was empty. It was only
reasonable that costs incurred for the benefit of the colonies should be supported
by the colonists themselves and the justice of this proposition was recognised by
most of them.

It was the heavy-handed and uncomprehending manner of its execution which
gave rise to resentment and which provoked the great constitutional debate.

To summarise that debate in a couple of paragraphs is impossible but it puts
Franklin's lener to Lord Kames in perspective to recall that in the immediately
preceding years there had been three crucial items oflegislation affecting the daily
lives of the colonists, the Proclamation of 1763, the Sugar Act of 1764 and the
Stamp Act of 1765.The first prevented further senlement beyond the Alleghenies
at a moment when western expansion was taking place. The object of the
Proclamation was to maintain good relations with the Indian tribes which were the
source of the valuable fur trade. The Sugar Act levied a duty on the import of
molasses. There was nothing new in this. Such a duty already existed as a trade
measure. The innovation lay in the express statement in the Act that its purpose
was to defray the expenses of protecting the colonies - that is to say, it was a
revenue act. So, too, was the Stamp Act which imposed a stamp duty on a wide
range of documents and affected individuals and business alike.

It was this legislation which initiated the constitutional polemic which was to
continue until the knot was finally severed by separation. What were the respective
powers of the Crown, the British Parliament and the colonial assemblies and
legislatures? Was the final arbiter to be found in the principles of natural law to
which even the British Parliament was subject or was the true basis to be sought in
some form of social contract? Was there a distinction to be made between taxation
which affected the colonies internally and taxation which affected only their
external trading relations? Franklin in his famous examination at the bar of the
House of Commons in 1766had, erroneously as most now accept, agreed that the
distinction was valid.

The repercussions of this debate must have been felt in Scotland. As has been
said, the contribution of the Sconish Enlightenment to the making of the
American Constitution has been studied. What is missing is any study of the
Sconish reaction to the colonial protests. Is this not a field for further investigation
by the constitutional lawyer and historian? English material exists in plenty as, for

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example, in the debate before both Houses of Parliament concerning the repeal of
the Stamp Act, which was equally unpopular with British merchants, and in the
subsequent writings of Edmund Burke, but the Scottish attitude, so far as I know,
remains uncharted ground.

Franklin's second Scottish visit must be dealt with more briefly. Although we
have the diary of Henry Marchant of Rhode Island which covers a visit by
Franklin to Glasgow and, on the return, to the Carron Company, Marchant's
narrative lacks sparkle and the surviving correspondence is meagre.

However on 27 October 1771we find Franklin writing to his old friend William
Strahan in London:

"Thro' Storms and Floods I arrived here on Saturday night, late, and was
lodged miserably at an Inn; but that excellent Christian David Hume, agreeable to
the precepts of the Gospel, has received the Stranger and I now live with him at his
House in the New Town most happily."

The reference to the "new town" is interesting since Edinburgh had greatly
changed in the twelve years between the two visits. Much of Milne's Court,
Franklin's former abode, had been demolished to allow for the construction of the
magnificent North Bridge, at last opening Edinburgh to the North. The Nor'Loch
had been drained and although conditions in the old town remained as
unsalubrious as ever the New Town was taking shape. David Hume's house in St
David's Street was among the first to be occupied and Franklin must have been
one of his first guests. One of the more endearing aspects of the philosopher was
his love of good food - his cook Peggy Irvine had the reputation of being the best in
Edinburgh - and at least one dinner party is recorded with Lord Kames, Dr Black,
the professor of chemistry, Russell, the professor of physics, and Adam Ferguson
among the guests. Doubtless there were many such.

Most of Franklin's friends from his first visit had survived and many were in
Edinburgh to welcome him. Robertson was now Principle of the University and
duly received Franklin at his house after breakfast on 31 October. Marchant notes
in his diary that:

"The conversation was much on America's Affairs. The Geography of ye
Country etc etc with somewhat respecting Scotland & England and her Policy
with the Colonies. Dr Robertson from his conversation I take to be a friend to Civil
and Religious Liberty and fully imagines America must in some future period be
the seat of a Mighty Empire."

Again one would like to know so much more.
To summarise events: On 6 November Marchant and Franklin set out for

Blair-Drummond, by then the property of Lord and Lady Kames. There is
mention of passing en route the Forth and Clyde Canal then under construction
and the Carron works to which they were to pay a full day's visit later. Franklin and
Marchant stayed at Blair-Drummond, in part held up by bad weather, until 16
November. The visit seems to have been an extremely happy one but although
Marchant is ecstatic about the estate and the "Sumptuous & Lordly and

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Hospitable" entertainment offered, there is no account of Lord Kames' views on
the problems of the American colonies nor, indeed, of any other topic of
conversation.

At Glasgow, the travellers again visited the University, Franklin, as might be
expected, being particularly occupied with Wilson's type-foundry - "one of the
grandest Foundry of Types in Europe", according to Marchant - and with the
Foulis Press. Then via the Carron Company, which was already making some of
the preliminary castings for James Watt's steam engine as well as cannon for the
War of Independence, back to Edinburgh on 17November. Only a few more days
remained. On Tuesday, Dr Franklin dined with Lord Kames and on the
Wednesday with Adam Ferguson, leaving Edinburgh on Thursday 21st, taking
two full days to reach Carlisle.

One curious omission on this second trip was a visit to Prestonfield House to see
his old friend Sir Alexander Dick; there is a letter, dated January 11, 1772,to Dick
in which Franklin apologises for this saying: "My last Expedition convinc'd me
that I grow too old for Rambling, and that 'twas probable I should never make
such another journey."

In fact Franklin's days of travel were far from over. Four more years in London
remained, years of increasing disappointment. In 1775he returned to America to
participate in the events leading to the Declaration of Independence. In 1778 he
was accredited to the Court of Versailles as the ambassador of the new United
States of America and spent the best part of ten years there securing the French
help so essential in bringing the War of Independence to a successful end -
successful that is from the American point of view. It is, however, probable that his
second visit to Scotland ended his days of carefree, inquisitive "Rambling".

Earlier in this paper I pictured the elderly Franklin dozing through the sultry
summer meeting at Philadelphia when the American Constitution was created. Of
that distinguished group of men, two were native born Scots both of whom I have
mentioned, James Wilson, educated at St Andrews and Glasgow, and John
Witherspoon, late of the Laigh Kirk of Paisley and Principal of Princeton. Wilson
was too young to have known well the great names of the Scottish enlightenment
and Witherspoon was a man apart - it has even been suggested that he accepted the
post at Princeton because of his disenchantment with the more liberal views of
moderate churchmen such as Principal Robertson of Edinburgh. One may argue,
and the debate continues, about the part played by Scottish thinking in the
solution finally adopted at Philadelphia but it was Benjamin Franklin alone - and
this is why I commend him to your attention - who had not only read the works of
the Scottish enlightenment but was on easy and cordial terms with the authors.
Perhaps yet, in some unexplored archive, there is more to be discovered.

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