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Td The Journal for Transdisciplinary Research in Southern Africa, 11(4), December 2015, Special edition,

pp. 60-70.

South Africa’s foreign and migration policies missteps: fuels of
xenophobic eruptions?

SM MADUE1

Abstract
South Africa plays a crucial role in the development of the African continent, especially
in the South African Development Community. Hence, South Africa’s foreign and
migration policies shape the perceptions of both its citizens and those of neighbouring
states. Since 1994, South Africa has continued to attract the highest number of migrants
in the region. The widespread perceptions among South Africans that there are “floods”
of illegal immigrants, stealing their jobs and depleting social and economic resources, is a
course for concern. Undoubtedly, the South African society is under pressure to
effectively respond to the sporadic eruptions of xenophobic attacks on African foreign
nationals. This article argues that the missteps of South Africa’s foreign and migration
policies partially contribute towards fuelling xenophobic attacks on foreign nationals.
The findings of this article suggest that South Africa is not as committed to rooting out
xenophobia as it would have us believe.
Keywords: foreign policy, migration, multilateralism, xenophobia

Introduction
The context of migration to South Africa has changed exponentially since 1994. The
democratic government has rapidly embraced entry into the global arena, pursuing neo-liberal
economic policies aimed at encouraging the free movement of international trade and capital.
An area of contradiction, however, is related to the free movement of people, particularly
African unskilled economic migrants (often in the form of informal sector traders) and
refugees (Handmaker & Parsley, 2001: 41). There are widespread perceptions among South
Africans that there are “floods” of illegal immigrants entering South Africa. These
perceptions and other related myths, as well as the economic and social struggles of the South
Africans often ignite sporadic xenophobic attacks of the foreigners. Palmary (2003) stresses
that “... xenophobic attitudes indeed have translated into violent attacks on foreigners
recently”. In South Africa, foreigners, especially black foreigners, have come to be perceived
as s direct threat to the future economic health of the country (Patel, 2013).
This article sets out to examine the commonly held view that xenophobic attacks are caused
by, among others, the perception that foreigners are stealing jobs from South Africans, weak
foreign policy, and government’s lack of commitment to rooting out xenophobia. According
to Steenkamp (2009: 440), xenophobia is a feature of societies under pressure. Undoubtedly,
the South African society is under pressure to effectively respond to the sporadic eruptions of
xenophobic attacks on foreigners. The first part of this article outlines the path travelled by
the South African government on matters of foreign and migration policies, followed by a

1 Department of Public Management & Administration, North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, P.O.

Box 1174, Vanderbijlpark, 1900, South Africa, E-mail: mpedi.madue@nwu.ac.za

South Africa’s foreign and migration policies missteps

Td, 10(4), December 2015, Special edition, pp. 60-70.

conceptual and philosophical framework. The second part discusses research design and
methodological aspects. The final part presents and discusses the findings, recommendations
and conclusion. First, the path travelled by the South African government is discussed
hereunder.

The path travelled by the South African government
Paradoxical though it may sound, South Africa’s foreign policy, like that of all other states, is
a story essentially of both continuity and change (Landsberg, 2012: 1). In terms of continuity,
South Africa's foreign policy is influenced by the international outlook of the African
National Congress (ANC), politically and economically. The ruling party, ANC, has
embraced the concept of internationalism long before coming into government. It can be
argued that the internationalism concept of the ANC can be traced to an article written by
Pixley Ka Isaka Seme, published on the 5th April 1906, in which he affirmed himself as “... I
am an African”. He was calling on all Africans to rise to the challenges of the new world,
using their achievements as a springboard to ascend to the apex of human endeavour in the
world. Furthermore, Nqakula (2013: 2) notes that questions relating to international peace
were highlighted as part of the ANC's response to the Atlantic Charter, which was endorsed
by the Allied Nations on 02 January 1942. On the matter of the destruction of Nazi tyranny,
the ANC argued: "Africans are in full agreement with the war aim of destroying Nazi tyranny
but, they desire to see all forms of racial domination in all lands, including the Allied
countries, completely destroyed. Only in this way, they firmly believe, shall there be
established peace which will afford to all peoples and races the means of dwelling in safety
within their own boundaries, as well as the assurance that all men in all lands shall live out
their lives in freedom from fear, want and oppression”.
Fast forward to 1994, a democratic South Africa informed by the ANC policies, developed
and adopted policies that would see an increase in the influx of migrants, especially those of
African origin. As far as foreign policy is concerned, Nathan (2005: 362) postulates that the
2004 Strategic Plan of the erstwhile Department of Foreign Affairs, now the Department of
International Relations and Cooperation, highlights the principles that underpin South
Africa’s foreign policy, including commitments to the promotion of human rights and
democracy, justice and international law in the conduct of relations between nations,
international peace and internationally agreed-upon mechanisms for resolving conflict,
promoting the interests of Africa in world affairs, and economic development through
regional and international cooperation in an interdependent and globalised world.
Crush & Williams (2003: 3) argue that while over 200 pieces of new legislation were passed,
migration legislation was slow to be reconsidered, with the Refugee Act passed in 1998 and
the Immigration Act only in 2002. According to Palmery (2003: 3), the Refugee Act of 1998
is generally considered to be a progressive legislation as it allows for any person to apply for
asylum and, it states that no person should be denied the right to apply for asylum in South
Africa. Despite passing the Refugee Act of 1998, this article argues that the first visible
xenophobic attacks in South Africa can be traced to September 1998 when one Mozambican
and two Senegalese asylum seekers were killed in a train between Pretoria and Johannesburg,
by a mob of unemployed South Africans. Since then, sporadic xenophobic attacks often
erupted in townships and informal settlements. The sporadic eruptions of xenophobia in
South Africa can be considered to be part of the country’s legacy of its racist history.
Handmaker & Parsley (2001: 44) posit that xenophobia “... is also the product of futile,
isolationist policy designed to intimidate and control foreigners”. In the above discussions,

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concepts such as policy, xenophobia and migration have featured extensively, thus the
following section presents a conceptual and philosophical framework that informs this article.

Conceptual and philosophical framework
A conceptual framework is the basis of the research problem (Wellington et al., 2005: 81).
According to Babbie & Mouton (2005: 111), “... the product of this conceptualisation
process is the specification of one or more indicators of what we have in mind, an indication
of the presence or absence of the concept we are studying”. The concepts that form the
framework of this article include policy, ubuntu, Batho Pele, multilateralism and migrant.
However, focus of the conceptual framework in this article is on xenophobia.

Policy development and implementation
South Africa’s foreign policy takes into account the ever-evolving global environment in
which the country operates in order to respond effectively to domestic imperatives. Effective
policy development is essential for the survival and prosperity of any country in the global
system (South Africa, 2011: 7). Foreign policy is a multidimensional set of policies,
principles, strategies, objectives, and plans that cannot easily be packaged into a neatly
described formula (DIRCO, 2009: 13). Foreign policy analysis is typically concerned with the
relations of states (Zondi et al., 2014: 8).

Ubuntu (humaneness) and Batho Pele (people first) philosophies
South Africa’s unique approach to global issues has found expression in the concept of
Ubuntu. This concept informs the country’s particular approach to diplomacy and shapes its
vision of a better world for all. This philosophy translates into an approach to international
relations that respects all nations, peoples and cultures. It recognises that it is in South
Africa’s national interest to promote and support the positive development of others. DIRCO
(2015: 148) reports that after 1994, inspired by the notion of Ubuntu, South Africa’s foreign
policy approach was characterised by cooperation, collaboration and the building of
partnerships rather than conflict and competition. All departments that represented South
Africa internationally were transformed within the first decade of democracy. In the modern
world of globalisation, a constant element is and has to be our common humanity. South
Africa therefore accords central importance to our immediate African neighbourhood and
continent, working with countries of the South to address shared challenges of
underdevelopment, promoting global equity and social justice (South Africa, 2011: 4). The
philosophies of Ubuntu and Batho Pele can also be understood from a multilateralism
perspective.

Multilateralism
Multilateralism is both a primary goal and strategy for South Africa’s foreign policy. The
country promotes multilateralism in the international system as the best means of
maintaining global order, addressing global problems, mitigating the domination and
unilateralism of powerful states, and empowering weaker countries (Nathan, 2005: 365).
South Africa has embraced multilateralism as an approach to solve challenges confronting the
international community. In this regard, it took up a leading role in various multilateral
forums, including SADC, the African Union (AU), Non-aligned Movement (NAM),
G77+China, the Commonwealth, and the United Nations, championing the cause of
developing countries and, Africa in particular (South Africa, 2011: 7).

South Africa’s foreign and migration policies missteps

Td, 10(4), December 2015, Special edition, pp. 60-70.

Migrant
The United Nations defines a migrant as a person living outside his or her country of birth
for a year of more. It estimates that the number of such people roughly doubled between
1985 and 2010, from 11 million to 214 million (Martin, 2011: 9). Martin elaborates that “...
migration is a process that governments learn to manage; it is not a problem governments
ever solve”.

Xenophobia
According to Shisana (2008), xenophobia is a dislike and/or fear of that which is unknown or
different from one. It comes from the Greek words (xenos), meaning “stranger,” “foreigner”
and (Phobos), and meaning “fear.” The term is typically used to describe a fear or dislike of
foreigners or people significantly different from oneself, usually in the context of visual
differentiation. Steenkamp (2009: 439) stresses that the irrationality of the fear when stating
that “... xenophobia refers to the irrational fear of the unknown, or especially, as the fear or
hatred of those with a different nationality. It relies heavily on the circulation of myths and
stereotypes about foreigners”. It is from this view that Handmaker & Parsley (2001: 44) argue
that xenophobia is largely based on unfounded myths and stereotypes with foreigners
scapegoated for domestic social and economic problems. Thus, in formulating the problem
statement, the foreigners are generally accused of stealing jobs and other economic
opportunities from South African citizens.
Handmaker & Parsley (2001), Steinberg (2008), Steenkamp (2009) and Hammerstad (2011)
posit that civil servants, particularly those in the Department of Home Affairs, have
perpetuated and upheld stereotypes about African migrants and contributed to the
intimidation and exploitation of asylum seekers and other migrants. Patel (2013) notes that
while xenophobia is a destructive and reactionary force wherever it is found – in France, in
Indonesia as in South Africa, the 2006 Xenophobia Survey conducted by the South African
Migration Projection found the extent of xenophobic attitudes to be particularly excessive. A
critical question to be asked is: what might be the contributing factors of sporadic xenophobic
attacks in South Africa? But before attempting to respond to this fundamental question, a
research problem, design and methodology need to be stated.

Research problem, design and methodology
There are legitimate concerns that South Africa’s capital, agency, and stature are fast
depreciating because of apparent missteps and strategic blunders in the conduct of South
Africa's foreign and migration policies, especially on President Zuma's watch. On the one
hand, some of South Africa’s missteps in foreign policy include the on-going Dalai Lama visa
debacles, the misguided and divisive campaign to win the chair of the AU's Commission, and
the tragic military misadventure in the Central African Republic (Le Pere, 2013; 2015). On
the other hand, teething problems with immigration policies, especially the slow pace with
which the Department of Home Affairs processes the applications of asylum seekers, the
porous borders, as well as the inhumane way by which detained undocumented migrants are
treated, seem to be fuelling myths and misconceptions about foreign nationals
As far as xenophobia is concerned, literature stress that foreigners are typically accused of
committing crimes, bringing disease (particularly HIV/Aids), stealing employment and
swamping social services (Palmary, 2003; Steinberg, 2008; Steenkamp, 2009; Hammerstad,
2011). Hammerstad (2011: 42) writes that since 1994, South Africa’s tough “immigration

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policy was accompanied by intemperate pronouncements on the threats of African
immigrants as stealers of jobs, scroungers on welfare, bringers of disease and perpetrators of
crime – reflecting widespread and hostile sentiments among the South African populace,
particularly in the townships and informal settlements most affected by the influx of
undocumented African migrants”. It is from this perspective that Steinberg (2008: 1) argues
that if the economy is understood as a finite lump, then visible and relative prosperity among
foreign nationals is viewed as theft of national resources that ought rightly to belong to South
Africans. Thus, Handmaker & Parsley (2001: 44) hold that xenophobia shows up in many
ways starting from derogatory language to extreme levels of violence. If not properly
addressed, the factors that fuel xenophobic attacks, particularly the stereotypical myths about
foreigners stealing jobs, South Africa will continue to see the sporadic eruptions of attacks on
foreigners and thus spoiling the international standing of the country. Therefore, the
pertinent questions about sporadic xenophobic attacks on foreigners in South Africa are
worth pursuing.

Research questions
The sporadic eruption of attacks on foreigners of African origin in some South African
townships raises pertinent questions about xenophobia. This state of affairs generates
invaluable questions that may add new knowledge in the social sciences fields, particularly in
the disciplines of Public Administration, Sociology, Development Studies and Law.
Therefore, this article is informed by the following research questions:

• How do the twists and turns of South Africa's foreign and immigration policies
contribute towards xenophobic attacks?

• Are South African foreign and immigration policies to be blamed for xenophobia?
• Is South Africa really as committed to rooting out xenophobia as it would have us

believe?
• Since foreigners are generally accused of stealing jobs from South African citizens, do

foreigners really “steal” South African jobs?
Xenophobia is becoming a prominent aspect of life in Africa. Therefore, answers to these
research questions might shed some light on the South African government as to how to
effectively address the frequent eruptions of xenophobic attacks. A number of other related
questions often crop up. For example, le Pere (2015: 51) poses questions which include:

... As an avowedly continental power, can South Africa provide more assertive
leadership in strengthening regional and continental security, especially as far as
peacekeeping and conflict mediation are concerned? By its own example, is it capable of
deepening democracy in the face of manifest reversals in many African countries? And,
given their unsteady and highly politicised genesis as well as huge resource constraints,
can South Africa really rely on the AU and NEPAD to drive the pan-African security,
governance, growth and revival agendas? Is South Africa's faith in the ethical
foundations of multilateralism a sufficient base from which to address the North-South
divide and the growing gap between rich and poor countries? And can South Africa's
global governance reform discourse succeed in a world where the dictates of asymmetric
power and influence still hold strong sway, and where unilateral militarism by the US
is still practiced with impunity?

However, Le Pere (2015) cautions that these matters must be posed against the backdrop of
South Africa as a country that is still undergoing a daunting transition, exacerbated and

South Africa’s foreign and migration policies missteps

Td, 10(4), December 2015, Special edition, pp. 60-70.

scarred by poverty, social unrest, unemployment and inequality. Although questions raised by
le Pere (2015) require empirical study, this article attempts to only respond to the four
research questions stated earlier on.

Research design and methodology
This article uses the qualitative research approach as well as the literature review and
document analysis techniques. Data was mainly collected from journal articles and research
reports. The primary focus of this article is on the myths and misconceptions that South
Africans have about foreign nationals, as well as the missteps of South Africa’s foreign and
migration policies and their effects on xenophobic attacks. In the next section, the findings of
this article are presented and discussed.

Findings: Myths or reality?
In the Southern African Development Community (SADC), South Africa receives the
highest number of migrant workers from its neighbours. Nshimbi & Fioramonti (2013: 1)
stress the point that South Africa attracts the largest number of cross-border migrants from
Southern Africa. There is evidence that South Africa’s current responses to the reality of
regional migration in Southern Africa do not provide the most optimal solutions to the
phenomenon. Government has the responsibility of effectively managing the influx of
migrants, particularly the low-skilled. Martin (2011: 11) posits that migrants are often
attractive to local employers because they are willing to work hard in jobs shunned by local
workers. Therefore, South Africa constantly develops or amends its policies in an attempt to
effectively manage the influx of migrants, as well as strengthen its global reputation. South
African policymakers are often hard pressed, facing trenchant critiques for failing to strike a
balance between material demands and normative constraints.
The material demands usually entail dealing with divergent constituencies clamouring for
domestic expectations of redistribution, on the one hand, and market-led demands, on the
other, whilst normative constraints involve having to seek a compromise between
cosmopolitanism and pan-Africanism (Van der Westhuizen & Smith, 2013: 1). Van der
Westhuizen & Smith (2013) elaborate that as a result, multiple contradictions clutter the
policymaking domain: a widely pronounced commitment to an “African Agenda” amongst
the political elite, set against severe levels of xenophobia amongst the poor, in part because
South Africa has had to deal with the largest influx of refugees in the world; increasing trade
and economic ties with China, including Chinese sponsorship of South African membership
of BRICS, set against massive Chinese imports which have, for example, decimated the local
textile industry; and, enunciating a commitment towards ‘democratising’ international
institutions, yet having to tolerate one of the world’s last absolute monarchy’s in its own
backyard. The challenges faced by citizens from Southern African states often lead to an
influx of migrants seeking refuge in South Africa. At the same time, in South Africa, myths
and misconceptions about migrants and asylum seekers, especially in poor communities, often
fuel xenophobic attacks on the foreigners.
There is a disconnection between perception and reality. Myths and misconceptions travel
very quickly. If not timeously corrected, such misconceptions will continue to fuel the
xenophobic attacks whenever the opportunity arises. A number of surveys have been
conducted to determine the extent to which myths and misconceptions fuel xenophobic
attacks in South Africa. A study by the Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South

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Africa found that in 2011, attacks on foreigners continued, with national statistics showing
that on average, one person a week was killed, while 100 were seriously injured and over 1
000 were displaced.
As far as the involvement of South Africa in SADC is concerned, Nathan (2005: 366) argues
that it has not driven the integration project as many observers expected it to do in the light
of its strength in the region. South Africa is a developing country with a relatively small
economy, a host of domestic challenges and limited capacity to contribute to external
development. Thus, South Africa’s foreign and immigration policies are blamed for
aggravating xenophobic attacks. The Migrating for Work Research Consortium (MiWORC)
has in 2014 released two studies to test the myth that foreigners are stealing jobs from the
South Africans. The studies examined the impact that migration might be having on the
South African labour market. The findings of their studies suggest that a lot of what has been
said is based on hearsay and anecdotal evidence or myths. Evidence from the two studies
conducted by MiWORC show that 82% of the working population aged between 15 and 64
were bona fide South African (non-migrants), with 14% being domestic migrants who moved
between provinces in the past five years. Only 4% of the working population was found to be
migrant workers.
Patel (2013) argues that there is a political vacuum or competition for community leaders
allowing scope for the emergence of unofficial, illegitimate and often violent forms of
leadership. Such leaders then mobilise residents against foreign nationals in order to
strengthen their own powerbase. Therefore, some of the community leaders are fuelling the
myths and misconceptions about foreign nationals, thereby contributing towards the
eruptions of xenophobic attacks. It is thus necessary to single out some of the major causes of
xenophobic attacks.

Causes of xenophobic attacks in South Africa
The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, bestows rights to the citizens and
those who live in it, no mention is made whether documented or not. Thus asylum seekers
have the right to seek employment, healthcare and education while their application for
asylum is still being processed, which could take years to complete. Hammerstad (2011: 2)
argues that

... South African immigration system is anti-immigrant in form, but littered with legal
practical loopholes. The combination of tough talk and legislation on the one hand, and
the inability to stop undocumented immigration in practice, on the other hand, has
provided ample breeding ground for discontent and xenophobia in the townships and
informal settlements, among police and immigration offices.

South African immigration regulations today put more stringent restrictions on and
discourage (especially unskilled) illegal immigration into South Africa, while pursuing a less
exclusionary policy towards especially skilled migrants than before (Nshimbi & Fioramonti,
2013: 3). This policy approach creates pressure on the Department of Home Affairs’
handling of asylum applications, which results in inefficiencies and longer turnaround times.
The inefficiency and slowness of processing of asylum applications by the Department of
Home Affairs renders asylum-seekers more vulnerable, unable to seek work or to claim their
right to education (Palmer, 2013: 8). One of the frequently cited explanations of xenophobic
attacks is, according to Patel (2013), the discriminatory attitudes learned during apartheid,
whose legacy continues. Another explanation of the causes of xenophobic attacks is

South Africa’s foreign and migration policies missteps

Td, 10(4), December 2015, Special edition, pp. 60-70.

attributable to the criticism of the ANC government’s record of service delivery. South
African xenophobia has also been explained by the rate of socio-economic inequality in the
country. It has been pointed that the greatest scourge of xenophobic violence has been
perpetrated in margins of formal society, where foreign nationals compete with the poorest
South Africans to eke out a menial living (Patel, 2013).

Recommendations
Having discussed the findings and some of the causes of the sporadic eruptions of xenophobic
attacks, it is important then to highlight some recommendations. South Africa strives to
promote its national interest in a complex and fast-changing world. The impact of these
complexities and changes must be factored into the nation’s attempt to achieve a better life
for its people both at home as well as in a regional and continental context. The business of
national interest cannot be the purview of the state alone, but it can encourage an enabling
environment of dialogue and discourse among all stakeholders to interrogate policies and
strategies, and their application in the best interests of the people (South Africa, 2011: 3).
South Africa should further be encouraged to establish a SADC-based multi-lateral
framework for the management of labour migration and social protection issues (Nshibi &
Fioramonti, 2013: 5). As far as South Africa’s foreign and migration policies are concerned, a
number of inconsistencies are prevalent. Nathan (2005: 370) stresses that the one major
inconsistency with respect to the government’s emphasis on Africa and the Africanist
approach occurs at the domestic level. There is widespread xenophobia in South Africa,
targeted mainly at people from other African countries. In order to counter the toxic levels of
xenophobic attacks, Hammerstad (2011: 1) recommends that South Africa’s senior political
leaders should speak more openly about the political and economic reasons why foreign
nationals flee to South Africa. The Skilled Foreign Nationals in South Africa (n.d.) adds that

... xenophobia must be discussed in the corridors of power and government, in the board
rooms of big business, in the kraals and assemblies of royal and traditional leaders, in the
lecture halls of institutions of higher learning and the factory floors of vehicle assembly
plants. It must be discussed amongst labourers working in fields across the country -
small and medium business enterprises and operators at community level - churches -
mosques - and the classrooms where young minds are receptive and shaped - and every
other place in between.

Traditionally, recommendations are usually drawn from one study. In this article, convention
has been challenged, in that, because of the magnitude of the problem of xenophobic attacks
in South Africa, it became necessary to also reiterate the recommendations of other related
studies. The following recommendations provided by the Institution for Justice and
Reconciliation (2015: 2) are also worth noting:

• Education – learners need to learn about other African countries, their people and
cultures, geopolitics and histories. The best way to achieve this is to promote a more
inclusive and Africentric syllabus. This will assist the broader public and society at
large to better understand foreigners in South Africa and why they have immigrated
there.

• Immigration policy and integration – South Africa needs clear and concise
immigration policies that address who comes into the country, and how, and how
those who immigrate are better integrated into society. In particular, there is the need

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to develop integration policies. Currently, integration is left in the hands of local
communities.

• Foreign Policy – The foreign policy aims should ultimately be to create opportunities
for cultural and economic exchanges between South Africa and the rest of Africa and
should lead to a perceived win-win situation on both sides of the border.

• Understanding the problem –There is a need for research on migration and the
numbers of foreigners living in South Africa, so that the role of foreign nationals in
the employment markets, particularly the low-skill, low-income workforce, is better
understood.

• Woundedness – South Africans need to acknowledge that they are a deeply wounded
and traumatised people, including their leaders. Wounded leaders cannot lead a
wounded nation effectively. South Africa cannot afford not to deal with its past. It is
important that government, the private sector and civil society mobilise resources in
order to address the trauma, violence and marginalisation at a societal level. Psycho-
social support against trauma is necessary for refugees who were affected by conflict
and then faced with hardship in South Africa through the need to survive and
xenophobia.

This article supports these recommendations as the most practical and viable interventions
that could potentially address the challenges of xenophobic attacks against African
immigrants in South Africa.

Conclusion
Since 1994, South Africa adopted a multilateralism approach to pursue its national and global
interests. According to Nathan (2005: 36), this is consistent with the country’s negotiated
settlement and pluralist politics as well as with the emphasis on African state politics on unity
and solidarity. As such, South Africa has since then attracted many more migrants, economic
and otherwise, and asylum seekers. The increasing number of immigrants from neighbouring
countries, coupled with the South African citizens’ socio-economic struggles, unemployment
and the slow level of service delivery in some instances, often fuel myths and misconceptions
about foreigners, especially those of African origin.
In an attempt to address the scourge of xenophobic attacks on foreigners, the South African
government often make pronouncements of its commitment to solve this problem.
Government acknowledges some shortcomings in its foreign and migration policies. At the
same time, xenophobic attacks continue to erupt in South Africa’s townships and informal
settlement, whenever the citizens become frustrated by the slow pace of service delivery and
other related problems. This article has argued that the myths about foreign national persist,
and some of the community leaders even use the frustrations of the members of the
community to fuel attacks on foreigners, to selfishly strengthen their leadership ambitions.
The article is concluded by the words of Patel (2013) who stresses that “... the 2006 Survey
confirmed, xenophobia and hostility to (particularly) other Africans is not the preserve of a
lunatic fringe, it stems from the xenophobic convictions of the majority of South Africans”.
The missteps of South Africa’s foreign and migration policies are also partially to blame.

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