Why Are Violent Non-State Actors Able to Persist in the 

Context of the Modern State? – The Case of the Maras in the 

Northern Triangle 

 

Victoria Dittmar Penski, Center for Fifth Generation Warfare Studies 

 

Abstract 

 

El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras constitute the most violent region on 

the globe outside a declared warzone: The Northern Triangle. Cities in these 

countries have dominated the list of most dangerous cities in the world for 

years. For instance, Honduras’ San Pedro Sula had been at the top of the list 

for four consecutive years - only overtaken by Caracas, Venezuela in the latest 

report (Seguridad Justicia y Paz, 2016). El Salvador has, at the time of writing, 

an average of twenty-four homicides per day (Marroquin, 2016), and 

Guatemala is the fifth country with the highest homicide rate in Latin America 

(Gagne, 2016). Most of the violence in these countries is generally attributed 

to the Maras, urban gangs that formed in marginalized neighborhoods in Los 

Angeles, California by Central American migrants and refugees, and then 

strengthened in the Northern Triangle following mass deportations from the 

United States, including the expatriation of criminals (Cruz, 2010).   

 

Keywords: violent non-state actors, the Maras, private security 

 

 

The Maras have been described as the main public security threat of the 

region, and are also one of the main concerns to the Western Hemisphere as 

a whole (Aguilar and Carranza, 2008). The governments of the countries in 

the Northern Triangle have attempted to counter the gang problem in mostly 

offensive strategies, such as the Mano Dura (“Iron Fist”) in El Salvador and 

Guatemala, and Cero Tolerancia (“Zero Tolerance”) in Honduras. These 

have included mass incarcerations and an increasing militarization of the 

police (Jütersonke et. al., 2009), yet have not reduced the violence in the 

Northern Triangle and have not achieved the disappearance of gangs (Mojica 

Lechuga, 2014; Ribando Seelke, 2014).  

 

The general diagnosis for the problem of the persistence of violent 

non-state actors in today’s world system is that they exist in states that have 

empirically failed, because in functioning ones, the state is supposed to be the 

only actor with the legitimacy to use violence so as to provide security for its 

citizens (Jackson and Roseberg, 1982; Davis, 2009; Dannreuther, 2013). 

However, evidence from countries both in the ‘Global North’ and in the 



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‘Global South’ shows that there has been a global rise in private actors using 

force (Abrahamsen and Williams, 2011). This suggests that the diagnosis is 

problematic, as violent non-state actors do not only operate in failed states, 

but also have presence in countries that have relative political stability, clear 

economic progress and a democratic character, as could be argued is the case 

of the Northern Triangle (Davis, 2009). If these states have not failed, and are 

therefore theoretically providing security for their citizens, then why are the 

Maras still persisting? 

 

This essay argues that one of the reasons violent non-state actors are 

able to persist in the context of modern states is because they can be 

perceived, paradoxically, as sources of private security. It is acknowledged, 

however, that the reason being proposed in the paper is not the only cause that 

armed private actors continue to operate in the modern international system, 

as each individual case is subject to specific political, social, cultural, or 

economic factors. Nevertheless, this essay does not seek to give a definite 

generic answer, but to merely propose a further aspect that should be taken 

into consideration when studying and dealing with violent non-state actors. 

 

Taking this into account, the essay will proceed as follows: first, the 

concept of the modern state is going to be explained and it will be argued why 

it is ‘unusual’ that violent non-state actors continue to persist. This will be 

followed by questioning the assumed relationship between state failure and 

the proliferation of armed private actors, and it will be argued that this 

diagnosis is rather misleading. The second section will address the question 

of why, despite that the Northern Triangle countries are not failed states, the 

Maras continue to operate, threatening the citizens’ security that the state is 

supposed to provide. This will be done by engaging with the concept of 

security, and by illustrating why it has generally been conceived as a public 

good, and why the paper argues that, in this case, it should rather be 

understood as a private one. The third section will argue that this condition of 

security leaves space for non-state actors to be perceived as providers of it. 

Finally, the essay will conclude with the implications of this analysis for 

policy and for the general study of private security in international politics.  

 

The Modern State vs. Violent Non-State Actors 

 

When analyzing the use of force in the context of modern politics, Max 

Weber’s understanding of the state is generally the starting point (Avant, 

2005). Weber (1946) defines the state as an entity that successfully claims a 

monopoly over the legitimate means of violence in a given territory. Under 

this understanding, it is generally assumed that the power to provide security 



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resides within the state, who is therefore the only legitimate provider of it to 

a given population (Avant, 2005). Thus, non-state actors’ use of violence is 

commonly conceived as a threat to the current system of sovereign states 

(Krause and Milliken, 2009). 

 

Nevertheless, this understanding of the state is neither natural nor 

timeless. The state’s monopoly over the means of violence is a relatively 

modern concept that only started to consolidate in the beginning of the 19th 

century in Europe (Kaldor, 2012). Most of the analyses and explanations of 

state formation and monopolization of violence are thus Eurocentric and do 

not necessarily apply to the consolidation of states in other places of the 

world, for instance, in the Northern Triangle. However, these studies of the 

European experience can still offer an insight of the general political thought 

in the literature on the use of violence in modern states. 

 

One of the main writers on state formation is Charles Tilly (1985), 

who argues that states were created unintentionally through a process of war, 

extraction, and protection. In his understanding, rulers in Europe waged war 

in order to defeat their external enemies and gain territorial control. To 

finance these wars, they created modes of extraction, or taxation that 

eventually became institutionalized and began to form relations of power 

among a population. Moreover, rulers needed to disarm their domestic rivals 

so as to forbid them to use violence to defend their properties and affect the 

extraction model. In exchange, however, the state would provide protection 

from external enemies. Therefore, this process located the legitimate coercive 

power in the hands of the state. Tilly compares this state-making development 

to organized crime, and emphasizes that it was an unintentional process that 

resulted from rulers advancing their self-interests (Tilly, 1985). 

 

Nevertheless, before the apparent disarmament of violent non-state 

actors, these used to have some utility for monarchs and rulers. Force used by 

different groups was a product in the market, as these groups could be hired 

as mercenaries to fight wars on behalf of kingdoms, or other entities 

(Thomson, 1996; Davey, 2010). However, because of the lack of allegiance 

and loyalty to specific entities, these groups became less useful to rulers and 

ultimately were perceived as threats. Eventually, this perception and the need 

of domestic pacification led to the formation of standing armies that were 

loyal to one single state (Kaldor, 2012). According to Thomson (1996), the 

abolition of non-state violence was, thus, also a result of the interests of rulers, 

and not of the society itself. After the consolidation of states, violence and the 

provision of security were thought to have shifted from being provided by the 



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market, to being provided authoritatively by state institutions (Thomson, 

1996).  

 

In short, according to Kaldor (2012: 22), there were a series of new 

distinctions that characterized the newly formed European states, which had 

significant implications for the relation between the state and non-state actors: 

 

 ‘The distinction between public and private, between the sphere of 

state and non-state activity […], the separation of private economic 

activity from public state activities, and the removal from physical 

coercion from economic activities, […] the distinction between the 

legitimate bearer of arms and the non-combatant or the criminal.’  

 

This process, however, did not occur exactly in the same way in the rest of 

the world, as Tilly acknowledges, because state formation in the post-colonial 

world did not emerge organically, but was rather imposed by the colonial 

metropoles (Dannreuther, 2013). Similarly, in the case of Central America, 

state formation derived as a result of a high degree of foreign intervention 

from multilateral organizations and from the United States (Montobbio, 

2006). A further significant difference is that the use of war to create states 

the way European rulers did is no longer accepted due to the establishment of 

the current international system and international law (Barkawi and Laffey, 

2006). Therefore, predictions about the process of state making in the so-

called ‘Global South’ cannot be made on the basis of the European experience 

(Tilly, 1985). 

 

Nonetheless, there are some similarities in the processes and one of 

them is the advancement of local elite’s interests. In Montobbio’s (2006) 

view, the struggles for independence in Central America were fundamentally 

a result of elite’s interests to defeat external forces and consolidate their own 

power, rather than these struggles being a collective national project. Apart 

from the wars for independence from the Spanish Empire, Central American 

states would later undergo their own civil conflicts during the context of the 

Cold War, which had the main objective to counter communist guerrillas and 

sympathizers. 

 

Guatemala was the country with the lengthiest civil war, and only 

became a modern democracy again until 1986, following authoritarian 

military regimes that were supported by the United States (Richani, 2010). 

The civil conflict was mainly directed to rural areas –which have been 

systematically marginalized since the colonial period– where most of the land 

reform movements originated (Booth and Walker, 1993). The armed forces 



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in Guatemala committed numerous human right abuses, especially against the 

different indigenous groups, and the Guatemalan government used ‘death 

squads’ to carry out targeted killings and torture suspected insurgents 

(Richani, 2010). Bunk and Fowler (2012) describe the state of Guatemala as 

‘the continuation of war by other means’ and argue that since its consolidation 

as a state, it has been characterized by exceptional violent political life.  

 

El Salvador’s civil war also developed in a context of repressive 

military regimes supported by the United States against national liberation 

fronts with a left-wing agenda. Like in the case of Guatemala, the Salvadoran 

armed forces also became known worldwide for abuses to human rights in the 

name of counterinsurgency, and clandestine para-military groups acting as 

mercenaries were also used a tool for the government to eliminate their 

suspected enemies (Pedraza Fariña, et. al., 2007).  

 

After the wars, the guerrilla groups in Guatemala and El Salvador 

were demobilized and integrated into their respective political system 

(Richani, 2010). In Tilly’s understanding, this could be viewed as a way of 

monopolizing violence by the state through the pacification of internal rivals, 

and in theory, offering them protection in exchange. The end of the civil wars, 

however, did not result in the eradication of non-state use of violence. Some 

groups that were created during the conflict continue to operate today. One 

example is the Clandestine Security Apparatuses (CIACS) in Guatemala, 

which are one of the para-military groups that used to serve the military 

government as mercenaries to repress the guerrilla movements. Today, these 

groups no longer officially serve the government – although illicit 

arrangements with some state officials do exist – but rather assist criminal 

organizations and carry out illegal activities, such as drug- and arms 

trafficking (Pérez-Brignoli, 1989; InSight Crime, 2016a). 

  

State formation in Honduras was arguably slightly different than in its 

neighboring countries. The consolidation of the Honduran state was also a 

result of the interests of local elites and of foreign powers, especially the 

United States, but Honduras did not experience an official civil war (Booth 

and Walker, 1993). Nevertheless, it did face twenty years of military rule that 

repressed left wing sympathizers, and other marginalized groups. The country 

also served as a military base for the United States and the Nicaraguan 

“Contras” during the civil conflict in Nicaragua against the established 

Sandinista government (Bunk and Fowler, 2012).  The legacy of militarism 

continues today, especially considering the provision of security. Honduras is 

the only country in the Northern Triangle that has a Military Police, which 



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together with the state’s armed forces have a more significant role in policing 

activities than the National Police (InSight Crime, 2016b). 

 

Since the end of the conflicts, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras 

saw an apparent proliferation of other non-state armed actors like 

transnational drug trafficking organizations, and the Maras, which joined 

existing street gangs after mass deportations of criminalized Central 

American migrants from the United States (Richani, 2010).  The wide 

availability of weapons after the conflicts and the social and economic 

consequences of them contributed to the strengthening of these groups 

(Pedraza Fariña, et. al., 2007) Moreover, private security companies also 

propagated as a result of the security concerns of citizens due to the increasing 

levels of violence. Currently the number private security personnel in the 

three countries outnumber the public police forces (Ramsey, 2012). 

Therefore, this suggests that although relatively stable state institutions have 

been formed in the Northern Triangle, it does not mean that the provision of 

security is out of the market and purely under the authority of states. However, 

this is not exclusive to Central America. According to Avant (2005), a 

transnational market for force – both legal and illegal – now exists alongside 

the system of states, and many actors including state forces, multinational 

corporations, international organizations, and individuals are demanding non-

state forces for the provision of security.  This is the case even in European 

states, despite their ‘organic’ consolidation of the monopoly over the means 

of violence. For example, according to Abrahamsen and Williams (2011), 

private security personnel in the United Kingdom also outnumber the public 

police, and geographically, Europe alongside North America account for the 

largest percentage of the global security market. 

 

In short, in theory, modern states are understood to have had 

monopolized the legitimate means of violence by being able to eliminate 

domestic rivals, and provide security to their citizens in exchange. However, 

as evidence suggests, this has not necessarily been the case around the world, 

and for instance, in Central America, an illegal market for force continues to 

exist. The next section will discuss whether this is due to the failure of states.  

 

Have States Failed? 

 

One of the main views in the literature for the persistence of insecurity caused 

by non-state groups in the ‘Global South’ argues that the nature of the state 

formation process itself in some countries is the root cause, because their 

statehood has not been able to fully become ‘strong’ and ‘developed’ so as to 

eliminate the threats from domestic actors (Dannreuther, 2013). By placing 



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their analysis in Sub-Saharan Africa, Jackson and Rosberg (1982) argue, for 

example, that empirical state weakness persists in this region because of the 

imposition of juridical sovereignty by international law, which has not 

allowed for there to be any major changes in the inherited colonial jurisdiction 

of these states, or for any new process of state formation. 

 

There are many definitions and understandings of failed states, but the 

general idea these have in common is that failed states are characterized by a 

‘collapse of the central government to impose order, and [by] the loss of 

physical control over territory and the monopoly over the legitimate use of 

force’ (Taylor, 2013; 1). Vinci (2008) goes as far as to argue that failed states 

are distinguished by the presence of domestic anarchy within their territory, 

due to the lack of a central policing authority. This results, in his view, in the 

persistence of autonomous armed groups, as the state is unable to exert 

authority over them due to its weak institutions. Therefore, the general notion 

is that as states weaken, violent non-state actors become more powerful 

(Krause and Milliken, 2009).  

 

Dannreuther (2013) expands the analysis by further dividing the 

characteristics of states into four hierarchical categories: developed, 

globalizing, praetorian, and failed. In his view, violent non-state actors would 

predominantly exist in failed and praetorian states. 

 

There are examples of armed groups having a significant presence and 

power in states that are considered failed or weak, such as is the case of 

Somalia, which according to some authors like Sean McFate (2014; 131) has 

dissolved into anarchy due to decades of conflict, allowing ‘warlords, 

militants, factional armies, and rogue militants’ to proliferate. Arguably, 

because of the lack of a central authority in the country, it would make sense 

to attribute the persistence of violent non-state actors to the weakness of 

statehood. Private actors using force, however, also exist in countries that are 

not considered failed states, as is the case of Brazil. Drug trafficking 

organizations and urban gangs have a significant presence in the main cities 

of the country and pose a direct threat to the authority of the state (Arias and 

Rodrigues, 2006), yet Brazil is defined as a ‘globalizing’ state by 

Dannreuther’s (2013) criteria. Furthermore, apart from legal non-state actors 

using force, criminal groups, such as gangs, also pose a threat to security in 

‘developed’ states, – although arguably to a lesser extent – such as is the case 

of the Yakuza in Japan (Siniawer, 2012), and street gangs in major British 

cities like Glasgow (Fraser, 2013). The problem of gangs, according to 

(Hagerdon, 2008), is a worldwide phenomenon. State failure does not, 

however, describe the situation in Japan, or the United Kingdom because, 



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despite the presence of these actors, there is still a central authority that 

imposes order.  

 

The conditions for state failure do not quite fit the Northern Triangle 

countries either.  Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador do not experience, 

for instance, domestic anarchy. The governments in the three countries are 

democratically elected, which in theory, make them the legitimate authority 

(Davis, 2009). In terms of the economic growth, – which is an additional 

criteria for functioning states, according to Dannreuther’s classification – 

according reports from the World Bank (2016), Guatemala has been one of 

the strongest economic performers in Latin America in recent years with a n 

annual GDP growth of 3 per cent, Honduras’s economy is recovering from 

the 2008 crisis, and El Salvador has been able to reduce poverty by 7 percent 

in the last ten years. Although these countries have also some of the highest 

inequality rates in Latin America, their stable – although slow – growth 

suggests that it is flawed to solely define them as failed states. The Northern 

Triangle states have further, not completely lost the authority over the gangs, 

as they do have the capacity to carry out successful operations against them. 

Therefore, the argument of violent non-state actors persisting in states 

because of the latter’s failure seems not to be accurate to every situation. 

According to Krause and Milliken (2009), rather than explaining violent non-

state actors through naturalizing categories of state, it is more useful to 

analyze how state institutions actually work to provide security and public 

order. Thus, this essay suggests that the question of the paper should rather 

be approached by analyzing the concept of security. 

 

A further interpretation in a similar framework, argues that violent 

non-state actors are in their own process of forming a state, and the current 

states in which they live in are fragmenting because of their ‘un-natural’ 

nature (Taylor and Botea, 2008). Mary Kaldor (2012) argues that the new 

wars in the post-Cold War period will not be about acquiring territory to form 

states, as was the case in Western Europe, but rather about state fragmentation 

on the basis of identity. Kaldor’s (2012) analysis is based on her experience 

during the ethnic conflict in former Yugoslavia, therefore her conclusions 

could make sense when analyzing that specific case, but it is not necessary 

applicable to everywhere in the world. Many non-state actors are neither 

motivated by anti-government ideas or regime change (Davis, 2009), some of 

these groups are actually entangled with state power and state agents (Krause 

and Milliken, 2009), like is the case, for example, of cases of illicit 

arrangements between organized crime groups and political elites in Latin 

America (Dudley, 2016). It would also not make sense to describe private 

security enterprises as being in a state formation process, despite them being 



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considered non-state actors using force, because they operate alongside states, 

and to some extent depend on them (Abrahamsen and Williams, 2011). 

 

El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras are not fragmenting, and the 

gangs are not in the process of becoming a state either (Krause or Milliken, 

2009). In an interview, the Salvadoran leader of Barrio 18, one of the main 

Mara groups, is asked about the political objectives of the gangs, to which he 

answers they have none. According to him, the gangs see themselves a social 

group that is still a part of the respective societies of each country, suggesting 

that they do not aim to create a separate state (Lechuga Mojica, 2013). 

Furthermore, the two main groups of Maras – Barrio 18 and MS-13, who are 

rivals – are not organized in a way in which they could be able to form a state, 

as there is not a centralized leadership. Although the structure of the gangs is 

officially hierarchical, each cell or clique across the continent has an extent 

of autonomy and does not necessarily follow orders from a main command 

(Jütersonke, et. al., 2009; Dudley and Pachico, 2015). Moreover, gangs 

depend on the corrupt nature of the state to further their activities, which is 

one of the reasons for them not trying to overthrow it (Bunker and Sullivan, 

2014). Therefore, arguing that violent non-state actors are able to persist 

because they are in the process of their own state formation does not seem 

accurate for the case of every armed non-state actor, as is the case of the 

Maras. 

 

In short, the argument that violent non-state actors are only able to 

persist in failed, weak, or collapsing states seems to be misleading, as armed 

private actors are active on a global scale, and to some extent still act on a 

parallel level to functioning states. That said, even though the countries in the 

Northern Triangle are not failed states, their attempts to counter the security 

threat of gangs has not achieved to stop them from using force and from 

continuing to generate violence. Why are the efforts of these countries failing 

to provide security to their citizens? The following sections will approach this 

problematic by taking a step back and critically analysing the concept of 

security and the role it plays in the persistence of violent non-state actors in 

modern states.  

 

What is Security? 

 

Traditionally, the notion of security used to be considered in military terms 

and was concerned mostly with national security and the status quo of the 

international system. Being secure meant, for modern states, to be in a 

position where they would be free of intervention by other states, or where 

they would be able to defend themselves in case of armed conflict (Baldwin, 



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1995). This view, however, has changed alongside with the end of the Cold 

War and the development of critical theories in the social sciences 

(Dannreuther, 2013). The current understanding of security has been 

‘expanded’ in at least two ways. One is a vertical expansion, as Rotschild 

(1995) argues, as the objects to be secured are no longer limited to states, but 

also include individuals. This results in the inclusion of ‘human-centric’ 

approaches, which among other aspects, question the assumption that states 

are inherently sources of security. The other expansion occurred horizontally, 

as it added further answers to the question of what can be considered as a 

threat to security, considering that the individual became the center of gravity. 

Therefore, issues such as poverty, diseases, and natural disasters came to be 

conceived under the umbrella term of security. 

 

Thus, the meaning of security and what constitutes insecurity is 

ambiguous. Krahmann (2008) for example, argues that security can be 

defined in the relation to threats: security can mean the prevention of threats 

when there is an absence of them; it can be the deterrence of threats, when 

these have not yet become a reality, and it can also be the protection from 

threats, once these are an actuality and the only option left is survival. For 

Luckham and Kirk (2013) the understanding of security depends on the 

supply and the demand side. For providers of security, it means the creation 

and maintenance of an authoritative social order. For the receivers of it, 

security is a basic entitlement to protection by these social orders. 

Furthermore, the approach of human security understands the concept as 

emancipation. Being secure means being free from want and free from fear 

(Kerr, 2010). 

 

Nevertheless, any conception of security will also depend on the 

following questions: who or what is the object to be secured, for which values, 

from what threats, by what means, at what costs, and in what time period 

(Baldwin, 1997). Therefore, because the meaning of security depends on a 

number of factors, it could be argued that what might be considered as a 

source of security for some actors does not necessarily mean it is also for 

others, suggesting that both the meaning of security and the decision of what 

constitutes a source of insecurity are, to some extent, social constructions 

rather than natural (Dannreuther, 2013). 

 

Bringing these definitions back to the case of the Maras in Central 

America, the provision of security can be better understood in Krahmann’s 

understanding as protection, since gang-violence is already an existing threat, 

and most of the policies, like Mano Dura, have been a reaction to the problem, 

rather than a prevention of it (Hume, 2007b). This definition of security as 



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protection is also in accordance to the other meanings given to security by the 

authors mentioned above, since protecting individuals from the threat of 

violence is also a way to address human insecurity, as this threat undermines 

the freedom from fear and freedom from want of the citizens of the Northern 

Triangle (U.S. Department of State, 2016). Moreover, it is also a way for the 

providers of security to create and maintain a social order, and for the 

receivers to feel protected by it, in Luckham and Kirk’s understanding. Thus, 

for the analysis of this essay and by taking into consideration the different 

factors that contribute to a definition of security, it will be understood as the 

protection of individuals from the threat of violence for the value of 

emancipation, and at the cost of a legitimate use of force.  Taking this into 

account, can security ever be a public good? The answer to this question is 

necessary to understand why the Maras persist in the Northern Triangle 

despite the efforts of states to protect their citizens from them. 

 

Is Security a Public or a Private Good? 

 

In the traditional understanding of security and in the context of state 

formation, it has generally been assumed that states provide public security 

to their citizens since they are the only legitimate users of force. However, as 

argued before in the paper, there appears to be a global rise in the private 

security industry, which seems to suggest that security has been commodified 

(Abrahamsen and Williams, 2011). However, according to Krahmann (2008), 

whether security is a public or a private good does not necessarily depend on 

the provider, but rather on the nature of security itself. By applying public 

goods theory, Krahmann defines a collective good as one that is neither 

excludable, nor rival. Consequently, a private is good is one that has the 

ability to exclude potential users from its benefits, and its consumption can 

reduce its availability to others (Krahmann, 2008: 384).  

 

For Krahmann, whether security is a collective good or a commodity 

depends how it is defined. If security is understood as prevention, then it 

seems to be more accurately conceived as a public good, since preventing a 

threat, such as an infectious disease, will benefit everyone who could 

potentially be affected and its ‘consumption’ will not diminish the availability 

of the good. In this case, therefore, it does not matter whether it is the state 

that is preventing the threat or if it is a private actor, as security will still be 

non-excludable and non-rival. When security is defined as deterrence, 

Krahmann argues it can be better understood as a club good, which means 

that it is excludable but non-rival. An example for security as a club good is 

the creation of international security alliances, such as NATO, whose security 

is exclusive to their members, but the joining of further adherents to it will 



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not diminish the availability of the good (Krahmann, 2008: 387). And lastly, 

security is a private good when it is defined as protection. For example, 

according to Pillay (2006), the increase of gated communities in South Africa 

as a form of protection from the threat of criminal activities, excludes those 

who are not able to live within them, and also diminishes their security as 

crime activities concentrate in the areas outside the gated communities. 

 

For the analysis of the essay, the security threat that is at stake in the 

Northern Triangle is gang-related violence, and therefore security was 

defined as protection in Krahmann’s understanding. Thus, following 

Krahamann’s framework, security would therefore be conceived as a private 

good, even if it is provided by the state, as the efforts to protect the population 

have been excludable and rival. To understand why this is the case, it is 

necessary to refer back to the political history of the region (Hume, 2007b). 

The states’ policies to counter the Maras so as to guarantee security have been 

excludable, because not all the citizens in the countries of the Northern 

Triangle can equally benefit from them. The legacy of repression and 

exclusion of certain areas and neighborhoods during the civil conflicts has not 

been displaced (Aguilar and Carranza, 2008), and the perception that 

protecting of the hegemony of the elites is the priority of the state continues 

to persist (Hume, 2007b; Bunker and Fowler, 2012).  

 

According to Hume (2007b) and Aguilar and Carranza (2008), the 

narrative of the ‘war on gangs’ has constructed a view where the Maras are 

seen politically as an ‘Other’, which justifies the use of ‘extraordinary’ 

measures by the authorities of the countries in the Northern Triangle. Thus, 

because of the wide control that the gangs have over neighbourhoods, certain 

areas are stigmatized and become targets for constant state interventions. This 

has led to the exclusion of certain groups from the protection of the state, as 

anyone associated to the Maras in any way is a potential target for the 

application of force. When Mano Dura was first applied, it was specifically 

directed at people who ‘looked’ like gangsters, which resulted in the targeting 

of any young, poor, tattooed, or deported man, despite the fact that most of 

them were victims of gang violence, instead of members of one (Pedraza 

Fariña et. al., 2007; Dudley, 2010). Moreover, this exclusion of protection is 

also accompanied with high levels of impunity. The countries in the Northern 

Triangle have some of the highest impunity rates in Latin America (Human 

Rights Watch, 2016), and crimes committed in marginalized neighbourhoods 

are less likely to be processed, due to the relative absence of the state. This 

has led to individuals taking security in their own hands, like in the case of 

Guatemala, where lynching of criminals became a common way of dealing 

with justice, due to the absence of the state’s protection (Gurney, 2014). 



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Therefore, the way the Northern Triangle states have attempted to provide 

protection from the Maras has excluded some sectors of society, which means 

that the possibility of this type of security being a public good is dismissed.  

 

These security policies in the Northern Triangle can also be 

understood as rival, because by carrying out the operations against the gangs 

in the name of protection, the security for some individuals and groups is 

diminished. As mentioned above, the Mano Dura strategies were initially 

directed at whoever appeared to be a suspected gang member, which resulted 

in mass incarcerations of innocent people, and also in extra-judicial killings 

by the police, especially in El Salvador (Hume, 2007b). This common use of 

public violence by the authorities to counter the gangs has led to the further 

stigmatization of communities that were already systematically marginalized 

(Holden, 2004; Dudley, 2010). Moreover, despite the Maras being described 

as an ‘Other’ by the narrative of the government, they are not ‘separate’ from 

the rest of the population, in the sense that many of them live in the same 

neighbourhoods and even the same houses as their family members and 

friends who are not necessarily gang members (Hume, 2007a). According to 

field research carried out by Hume (2007a) in a neighborhood controlled by 

the MS-13 in San Salvador, non-gang members living in these communities 

tended to view actions of the state against the gang as a form of protection. 

However, when these operations targeted their sons, brothers, or fathers who 

are part of the gang, the state’s actions were rather viewed as a threat.   

 

A further way in which the security efforts can be seen as rival, is 

because gangs can easily move from one neighborhood to another, even if 

these are in different countries. According to field research by journalist Ioan 

Grillo (2016), when the state’s interventions were being too severe on gangs 

in one area, they would normally transfer to another barrio. Which, suggests 

that the concentration of security forces for the protection of some, diminishes 

the security of others. Therefore, efforts of the state to protect the population 

from the gangs is not only excludable, but also rival, since it can potentially 

undermine the security of the people already directly threatened by the 

presence of the Maras. 

 

Hence, whether security is a private or a public good depends on the 

nature of security and not on the provider. In the case of the Northern 

Triangle, security, even when provided by the state, seems to qualify more as 

a private good. If certain groups are being excluded from the provision of 

security by the state, or their security is being undermined, then how does this 

have implications for the persistence of the Maras? The next section will 



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address this question by arguing that, paradoxically, the Maras can be 

perceived as sources of security. 

 

(In)Security and the persistence of the Maras in the Northern Triangle 

 

It is easy to agree that the Maras are generally a source of insecurity in the 

Northern Triangle. They formed as social networks that exploited grievances 

of the marginalized migrant population in Los Angeles and in Central 

America, and continue to use this grievance to justify for the illegal activities 

to capture profit (Bunker and Sullivan, 2014). The two main gangs operating 

in the urban centers of the Northern Triangle, the MS-13 and Barrio 18, are 

constantly at war with each other, fighting for the control of territory and 

extortion networks. The Maras extort the transport sector, businesses, and in 

the case of Barrio 18, even the households in their controlled neighbourhoods, 

who are charged the so-called ‘war tax’ (Cruz, 2010). Failing to pay the 

extortions, normally leads to assassination. The threat of harassment and rape 

also undermines the security of those living in areas where the Maras operate 

(Hume, 2007a).  Nevertheless, as argued in the previous section of the paper, 

the state has not been able to provide public protection from the Maras, and 

has even diminished the security of some, with for example, extra-judicial 

massacres by the police that many times include innocent individuals 

(Pedraza Fariña, et. al., 2007). If the residents in these neighbourhoods are 

repressed both by the state and by the gangs, then how can they deal with the 

ongoing violence around them? 

 

Arias and Rodrigues (2006: 67) analyzed this dilemma in the favelas 

of Brazil, and concluded that one of the ways in which residents could 

guarantee their own safety was by closely relating to the criminals. The 

authors name this phenomenon the Myth of Personal Security, since the 

residents perceive a level of predictability and security under the rule of the 

gangs, despite not having a guarantee of safety. The case of the favelas in 

Brazil is to some extent similar to the situation of the slums in the Northern 

Triangle. The favelas have been constructed as ‘spaces of crime’ and the 

Brazilian state has hardly been present in the matter of providing security 

within them. Moreover, the Brazilian police is known in the favelas for their 

extraordinary use of violence that has caused many extra-judicial killings 

(Arias and Rodrigues, 2006). As a consequence of the Andean cocaine flow 

towards North America and Europe, traffickers have used the favelas as ‘safe 

havens’ for their operations due to the relative absence of the state. Disputes 

over territory and markets between rival gangs and militias have led to high 

levels of violence and repression (Arias and Rodrigues, 2006). 

 



Victoria, Dittmar Penski  Page 15 

 

 
 
 
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These high levels of insecurity have forced individuals to create their 

own spaces of safety. The Brazilian upper and middle class have done this 

through the construction of gated communities, but those living in the favelas 

and who do not have access to that type of security have often relied on the 

support of the gangs to resolve their local problems and impose order. 

Through certain imposed norms of conduct, the traffickers manage crime and 

local disputes, and apply justice when needed. They punish criminals who act 

outside of these forced norms, and in some sense become a replacement of 

the absent government. This results in a perceived sense of predictability by 

the residents of the favelas that allows the gangs and traffickers to continue 

operating in these spaces. However, when a trafficker breaks the established 

norms, the myth disappears and the violent reality is revealed (Arias and 

Rodrigues, 2006).The persistence of violent non-state actors because of the 

Myth of Personal Security may also be understood, for example, in the 

context of terrorist groups. For instance, in Afghanistan it could be argued 

that the Taliban managed to persist despite the violence and harsh measures 

they carried out because residents did not feel secure with the on-going 

violence since the occupation of the Soviet Union and later the intervention 

of American forces (Jones, 2008). 

 

Bringing the analysis back to the case study of the paper, this 

perceived sense of security by certain individuals might explain the 

persistence of the Maras. In a general sense, the Maras can be understood as 

protection rackets (Cruz, 2010). In a similar way as Tilly (1985) explained 

how states provide protection, the Maras also use sources of extraction as a 

source of income. These extractions are done through extortions or through 

the called ‘war tax’. By paying these fees, individuals will be ‘untouched’ by 

the violence of the extorting gang, but failure to pay can result in their death 

(Cruz, 2010). Thus, this activity could make individuals perceive this ‘order’ 

as a source of security, however, it evidently does not guarantee their safety. 

The MS-13, nevertheless, has given up extorting households living in their 

controlled neighbourhoods, which has made them be seen as benevolent in 

comparison to other gangs (Dudley and Gagne, 2016). Detailed examples of 

how the gangs impose order can be appreciated in the following field 

researches. 

 

Hume (2007a; 2007b) found that many gang members who joined the 

MS-13 in the slums of San Salvador did so out of a perceived need for 

security. By joining the gang, the young men and their relatives living in the 

same neighborhood would be promised protection against the attacks of rival 

gangs. Moreover, according to surveys and official polls, despite the 

disapproval of the gang activities by the residents of the communities, they 



Victoria, Dittmar Penski  Page 16 

 

 
 
 
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tended to consider order as more important than civil rights and liberties. The 

reproduction of violence to impose order becomes, thus, a means of survival. 

 

Douglas Farah (2015) found that in the MS-13 controlled 

neighborhood of Choloma in the outskirts of Honduras’ financial district San 

Pedro Sula, the gang formed an improvised juridical system that dealt with 

crime within the neighborhood, and allowed for the operation of some 

businesses that would normally be extorted in other areas of the city. 

According to Farah, the residents living within this neighborhood, or those 

working in the enterprises, felt considerably safer than in other areas where 

they would be vulnerable to gang harassment. This did not mean, however, 

that the MS-13 had given up its violent behavior, since it still acquired 

territory through the use of force, and impose justice coercively. 

 

This phenomenon is replicated in other neighbourhoods of Honduras, 

for example in Tegucigalpa’s Tela, where the gang is responsible for the 

resolution of domestic conflicts and disputes among neighbors. For instance, 

domestic abuse is not tolerated in the neighborhood, and the gang would 

punish and expel men who commit violence against their wives. In the 

municipality of Comayaguela, also in Tegucigalpa, the MS-13 protects the 

local population from extortion from a rival gang called Los Chirizos by 

attacking the individuals that carry out these extortions (Dudley and Gagne, 

2016). 

These examples suggest that in the face of high levels of violence and 

criminality, and the lack of the provision of security by the states has allowed 

the Maras to be potentially considered as a source of security by some 

individuals, despite continuing to be a cause for insecurity in a general sense 

and in reality, not guaranteeing safety to the people they ‘protect’.  

 

Conclusion 

 

This essay has offered a case-based study about private security by addressing 

the question of why the Maras continue to persist in the Northern Triangle. It 

has been argued against the assumption that violent non-state actors only 

persist in failed states, and it has been claimed that one of the reasons for their 

persistence is because, in an environment where security is a private good, 

some individuals can perceive the Maras as a source of private security, as a 

way to deal with the on-going violence that threatens them. 

 

Taking this into account the essay will end with three implications for 

policy and the study of private security. Firstly, the presence of non-state 

actors does not necessarily mean the failure or the weakening of a state. 



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Armed private actors should be understood as something that exists and 

operates parallel to states. Secondly, security should not be considered as a 

private or a public good judging on who provides it. This case has shown that 

even states, which are generally conceived as providing public security, might 

also provide private security in some instances. Lastly, this case has shown 

the importance of individuals’ perceptions of security, and therefore suggests 

that security strategies, such as Mano Dura, should be reconsidered into a 

more inclusive strategy that does not undermine the security of individuals. 

Also, if security as protection appears to inherently be a private good, then it 

is worth considering more preventive strategies for insecurity and address the 

underlying causes of the threats instead of only containing them. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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	Why Are Violent Non-State Actors Able to Persist in the Context of the Modern State? – The Case of the Maras in the Northern Triangle