tv 45-1_2021_contents.indd https://theologiaviatorum.org open access table of contents original research the relevance of theology and legal policy in south african society in connection with violence against women doniwen pietersen theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a120 | 29 september 2021 original research the coptic origins of the yoruba agai m. jock theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a124 | 18 october 2021 original research early catholicism and the organisational structure of the united methodist church in zimbabwe edward mashero, ernest van eck theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a137 | 30 november 2021 original research ‘same storm – different boats’: a southern african methodist response to socio-economic inequalities exposed by the covid-19 storm vusi m. vilakati, wessel bentley theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a136 | 10 december 2021 reviewer acknowledgement theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a145 | 21 december 2021 50 57 65 72 83 page i of i table of contents original research dancing in praise of god: reinterpretation of theology in worship sonny e. zaluchu theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a86 | 20 january 2021 original research reflection on the theory of the arab origin of the yoruba people jock m. agai theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a77 | 22 february 2021 original research deontology of new testament tithing: an analysis prince e. peters theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a102 | 30 march 2021 original research the african background of the prosperity gospel david t. adamo theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a71 | 21 april 2021 original research critical entitlement theory on post-missionary paternalism in the church of christ in zimbabwe gift masengwe, bekithemba dube theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a109 | 14 june 2021 original research nhimbe as a model for re-invigorating sustainable socio-economic development in zimbabwe and africa takesure mahohoma, prosper muzambi theologia viatorum | vol 45, no 1 | a51 | 03 september 2021 1 6 15 22 32 42 vol 45, no 1 (2021) issn: 0378-4142 (print) | issn: 2664-2980 (online)theologia viatorum https://theologiaviatorum.org open access page 1 of 1 reviewer acknowledgement acknowledgement to reviewers in an effort to facilitate the selection of appropriate peer reviewers for theologia viatorum, we ask that you take a moment to update your electronic portfolio on https:// theologiaviatorum.org for our files, allowing us better access to your areas of interest and expertise, in order to match reviewers with submitted manuscripts. if you would like to become a reviewer, please visit the journal website and register as a reviewer. to access your details on the website, you will need to follow these steps: 1. log into the online journal at https:// theologiaviatorum.org 2. in your ‘user home’ [https://theologiaviatorum. org/index.php/tv/user] select ‘edit my profile’ under the heading ‘my account’ and insert all relevant details, bio statement and reviewing interest(s). 3. it is good practice as a reviewer to update your personal details regularly to ensure contact with you throughout your professional term as reviewer to the theologia viatorum. please do not hesitate to contact us if you require assistance in performing this task. publisher: publishing@aosis.co.za tel: +27 21 975 2602 tel: 086 1000 381 the editorial team of theologia viatorum recognises the value and importance of the peer reviewer in the overall publication process – not only in shaping the individual manuscript, but also in shaping the credibility and reputation of our journal. we are committed to the timely publication of all original, innovative contributions submitted for publication. as such, the identification and selection of reviewers who have expertise and interest in the topics appropriate to each manuscript are essential elements in ensuring a timely, productive peer review process. we would like to take this opportunity to thank all reviewers who participated in shaping this volume of theologia viatorum. we appreciate the time taken to perform your review(s) successfully. alunamutwe e. rannditsheni babatunde a. adedibu bekithemba dube david t. williams david t. adamo doniwen pietersen erna oliver ernest van eck esias e. meyer f. gerrit immink francois viljoen garth aziz gerda de villiers gerhardus a. van den heever hannelie yates hans j.m. van deventer humphreys f. zgambo ilse ferns jabulani c. makhubele jaco beyer l’ubomír batka maake j. masango maniraj sukdaven ntokozo c. mthembu norman chivasa olehile a. buffel pieter h.j. labuschagne roger southall shaun joynt takesure c. mahohoma yolanda dreyer https://theologiaviatorum.org� https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org/index.php/tv/user https://theologiaviatorum.org/index.php/tv/user mailto:publishing@aosis.co.za tv 44-1_2020_contents.indd https://theologiaviatorum.org open access table of contents original research the south african pentecostal ostrich of corruption marius nel theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a69 | 27 august 2020 original research the need for continued decolonisation and africanisation of ordination in the methodist church of southern africa donald m. williams, wessel bentley theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a50 | 02 september 2020 original research racism as a challenge for church and society in democratic south africa: human dignity perspective leepo j. modise theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a35 | 08 october 2020 review article perceptions of church leaders on the integration of migrant youth into south africa: the case of refugees in the refugee camps managed by churches at musina s. frank rapholo theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a34 | 10 june 2020 review article of jane and manche: bodies and virginity as agency for narrative discourse sekgothe mokgoatšana theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a56 | 23 september 2020 review article the monstrous and the grotesque: (de)scribing and unmasking eschatology in sepedi folktales sekgothe mokgoatšana theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a72 | 08 december 2020 correction corrigendum: climate change in sub-saharan africa: nature restoration as an ethical issue didier n. buwani, r. tseka h. dolamo theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a46 | 21 october 2020 reviewer acknowledgement theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a100 | 22 december 2020 56 66 76 84 90 100 112 113 page i of i table of contents original research does religion affect political engagement of the youth at the tertiary level of education? the case of undergraduate students at a south african university acheampong y. amoateng theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a21 | 24 february 2020 original research a partnership for prosperity agency: a case study of innerchange south africa kasebwe t.l. kabongo theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a48 | 31 march 2020 original research black self-hatred: regaining self-worth – from decolonisation towards reconciliation in south africa – a practical theological appraisal magezi e. baloyi theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a33 | 18 may 2020 original research the structural advancement of religious communities and the commercialisation of the christian religion in nigeria benjamin diara, mmesoma onukwufor, favour uroko theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a31 | 08 june 2020 original research tsonga widow’s mourning rituals practices in the evangelical presbyterian church in south africa: a ritual-liturgical exploration hundzukani p. khosa-nkatini, cas j. wepener, esias e. meyer theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a37 | 23 june 2020 original research migration to south africa: a missional reflection of a refugee using jeremiah 29:4–12 as an interpretive framework kasebwe t.l. kabongo theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a57 | 24 august 2020 original research a critical view of family and religious studies in the context of religious abuse and extremism in zimbabwe bekithemba dube theologia viatorum | vol 44, no 1 | a47 | 25 august 2020 1 12 19 27 33 41 48 vol 44, no 1 (2020) issn: 0378-4142 (print) | issn: 2664-2980 (online)theologia viatorum https://theologiaviatorum.org open access page 1 of 1 reviewer acknowledgement acknowledgement to reviewers in an effort to facilitate the selection of appropriate peer reviewers for theologia viatorum, we ask that you take a moment to update your electronic portfolio on https:// theologiaviatorum.org for our files, allowing us better access to your areas of interest and expertise, in order to match reviewers with submitted manuscripts. if you would like to become a reviewer, please visit the journal website and register as a reviewer. to access your details on the website, you will need to follow these steps: 1. log into the online journal at https:// theologiaviatorum.org 2. in your ‘user home’ [https://theologiaviatorum. org/index.php/tv/user] select ‘edit my profile’ under the heading ‘my account’ and insert all relevant details, bio statement and reviewing interest(s). 3. it is good practice as a reviewer to update your personal details regularly to ensure contact with you throughout your professional term as reviewer to the theologia viatorum. please do not hesitate to contact us if you require assistance in performing this task. publisher: publishing@aosis.co.za tel: +27 21 975 2602 tel: 086 1000 381 the editorial team of theologia viatorum recognises the value and importance of the peer reviewer in the overall publication process – not only in shaping the individual manuscript, but also in shaping the credibility and reputation of our journal. we are committed to the timely publication of all original, innovative contributions submitted for publication. as such, the identification and selection of reviewers who have expertise and interest in the topics appropriate to each manuscript are essential elements in ensuring a timely, productive peer review process. we would like to take this opportunity to thank all reviewers who participated in shaping this volume of theologia viatorum. we appreciate the time taken to perform your review(s) successfully. allucia l. shokane andre e. de la porte babatunde adedibu beatrice okyere-manu bekithemba dube chris l. de wet callum scott christo lombaard cyndirella chamdambuka david t. adamo elizabeth venter elijah b. baloyi elina hankela ernest van eck francine masson francois viljoen fundiswa kobo gerhard a. van den heever gerrie f. snyman garth aziz gerda de villiers gordon e. dames graham a. duncan hannes knoetze hanre janse van rensburg hermen kroesbergen jabulani makhubele jaco beyers jennifer slater kealeboga j. maphunye johannes n.j. kritzinger lucky mathebe l’ubomír batka lukwikilu c. mangayi madipoane j. masenya mahlapahlapana j. themane malan nel morten bøsterud munyaradzi f. murove naas ferreira nelus niemandt nomatter sande norman chivasa olehile a. buffel peter aloka pieter f. craffert phil nhlanhla phillipe denis pieter h.j. labuschagne rapholo s. frank rianna oelofsen sekgothe mokgoatšana shaun joynt sias meyer sibusiso masondo solomon o. ademiluka stephen d. edwards vengesai chimininge wilhelm b. meyer yolanda dreyer zuze j. banda zorodzai dube https://theologiaviatorum.org� https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org/index.php/tv/user https://theologiaviatorum.org/index.php/tv/user mailto:publishing@aosis.co.za abstract introduction methodology jeremiah’s structure of hope in a hopeless context yahweh’s hidden agenda of hope for israel – exegetical reflections jeremiah’s message of hope in challenging times conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) doniwen pietersen department of old and new testament, faculty of religion and theology, university of the free state, bloemfontein, south africa citation pietersen, d., 2022, ‘hope and hopelessness in jeremiah 2:1–13: an interpretive understanding to help deal with covid-19’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a127. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.127 original research hope and hopelessness in jeremiah 2:1–13: an interpretive understanding to help deal with covid-19 doniwen pietersen received: 01 july 2021; accepted: 06 sept. 2021; published: 17 jan. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this article is an analysis of jeremiah 2:1–13, to consider the passage’s contribution to the overall theological message of building a framework of hope within the seemingly hopeless coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) pandemic. this will be achieved by first establishing the method of approach in which the historical and literary context of the passage is analysed. this methodology is expected to inform the reading of the text, so as to generate rational and emotional arguments to arrive at the key message that jeremiah 2 expresses in the midst of the current hopeless global context. this study aims to underscore that hope is always accessible despite extreme circumstances, both in biblical societies (jr 2) and in the midst of a pandemic. keywords: jeremiah 2; hope; covid-19; hopelessness; exegesis. introduction historically, jeremiah 2 is one of the ‘earliest prophecies’ of jeremiah spoken during the reign of josiah (1:4; 3:6). jeremiah ministered in judah from the 13th year (jr 25:3) of josiah1 to zedekiah (597–587 bc), ‘the last king of judah before its fall at the hands of the babylonians’ (holladay 1986:5). jeremiah 3:6 and 36:2 trace both the spoken and written ministries of jeremiah back to josiah’s reign2. however, this article will focus on the book of jeremiah, with the conviction that it was compiled after his death, and the addressees were ‘the exile community in babylon’ (stulman 2005:6). if the intended audience had taken heed of the prophet’s words earlier, the exile could have been circumvented. thus, the important question of how people take hold of hope affects our understanding of jeremiah 2:1–13, as the prophet was calling those living in exile to be hopeful once more (pietersen & human 2021:11). the context of the coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) pandemic is materially different – varying levels of lockdown have been enforced across the globe, economies have faltered and societies have declined. yet the same feeling of hopelessness pervades the world now as it did in jeremiah’s time, particularly with reference to the poor and the disenfranchised. with the aim of imparting hope, i will do an exegetical study of the texts of jeremiah 2:1–13, starting with how the methodology and the structure aid the historical context for israel’s sense of hopelessness. i will then focus on the sections that highlight how jeremiah challenges the israelites who gave into their hopeless state as captives in exile (allen 2008:212). thereafter, through a short discussion of the effects of the covid-19 outbreak, i hope to highlight the potential hopeful outcomes of a pandemic that so far has filled most with doom. methodology to explore these themes, the literary-theological approach will be employed as a methodology that will enable this research to illuminate the message of hope. the literary approach will help to appreciate the passage as a logical unit with unity and progression as described by goldingay (2007) when he posits ‘narrative progression provides a more organic and observable unity to the text’ (goldingay 2007:137). this kind of analysis will explore the poetic genre of the passage and help to make sense of the text as a whole in spite of the arbitrary arrangement of the book. this is unlike the ‘archaeological approach’ that does not regard ‘the structure and unity’, which is acknowledged in this article. jeremiah’s structure of hope in a hopeless context jeremiah 2:1–13 falls within the first section of jeremiah 1–24 (bright 1965:xxi). it is narrowly located within the verses that run from 2:1 to 6:30. stulman (2005:45) divides the passage into two small sections with dual images of yhwh as the offended husband of israel (2:1–4:4) and (4:5–6:30) as a picture of ‘divine love turning into rage after repeated infidelities’. jeremiah 2:1–13 is not a standalone passage; it is woven into the jeremiah corpus using the narrative formula3: ‘the word of the lord that came to me, saying …’. this formula connects the passage to the previous chapter about the commissioning of jeremiah as a prophet where, in the english standard version (esv), it appears three times (in 1:4, 11 and 13). the phrase or formula appears 23 times in the whole book and is used to delineate ‘new episodes within the storyline’ (shead 2018:45). jeremiah 2:1–13 can further be broken into two main sections (vv. 2–4 and vv. 5–13), separated by a messenger formula: ‘thus says the lord’. it has three oracles (2:1–3; 4–9 10–13): the passage has three introductory verses: 2:1–2a, 4–5a and 9. this poetic piece consists of ‘parallelism’ (watson 2001:260), in which each successive line extends the thought of the first by supplying further details. for instance, in verse 6b, the five middle lines each describe the wilderness in a new way. the final task of this research will be to frame the discussion from a theological perspective to assess its significance and its ability to inspire hope in the era of covid-19. thompson (1980:160) proposes that jeremiah 2 ‘consists of a literary arrangement of several originally independent segments brought together to serve a theological purpose’. the historical setting and literary layout of jeremiah 2:1–13 hugely inform its theological interpretation as we think of the exiles and god’s purposes for them (wessels 2020:1). the necessity of a theological reading of the passage is obvious as we consider the ‘messenger formula’: ‘thus says the lord’ (verses 2 and 5) and the constant refrain: ‘declares the lord’ (verses 3, 9 and 12) identifying the words of the passage as the lord’s (claassens 2019:3). yahweh’s hidden agenda of hope for israel – exegetical reflections the passage begins with a divine reflection on israel’s covenant faithfulness in her early days (fischer 2019:4). this section is introduced in 2:1 with a narrative formula: ‘the word of the lord came to me, saying, “go and proclaim in the hearing of jerusalem …”’ it is followed by a structural marker, ‘thus says the lord’, which introduces the speech. verses 2b–3 are two stanzas with four bicolons. in verse 2b, the speaker is the lord (‘i & me’). the first two bicolons of verse 2b present a beautiful picture of the marriage between the lord and israel. israel is said to have been devoted in her youth to the lord and as a bride, she loved her husband.4 the last part of verse 2 describes the extent of israel’s faithfulness to the lord when she followed her husband in the wilderness, a land not sown. israel at this time totally trusted the lord as her provider. three important words – ‘devotion’, ‘love’ and ‘following’ – describe israel’s early days, underlining her covenant faithfulness, commitment and loyalty. lundbom (1999:253) rightly says, ‘the time in question is the “honeymoon”’. verse 3a switches to the speaker and he presents god’s perspective on israel in those days; israel was holy and the first fruits of god’s harvest. the idea of ‘holy’ and ‘first fruits’ to the lord is reminiscent of aaron’s priestly clothing (ex 28:36), which had a headband made of pure gold, upon which was an inscription: ‘holiness to the lord’. with it, aaron consecrated himself to the lord and made himself holy. ‘all who ate her incurred guilt’ invokes the image of the forbidden tree in the garden of eden and reminds us how much god protected israel. these verses are also reminiscent of ephesians 5, a woman who is submissive and loyal to her husband and a husband who out of love sanctifies, provides for and protects his wife. these two stanzas are marked by the refrain: ‘declares the lord’. verses 4–8 are a plea from the lord about israel’s unjustifiable desertion of yhwh as her husband. verses 4–5a serve as a transition and set the scene for the next section, just as did verses 1–2a. the formula, ‘thus says the lord’, is used again to indicate the beginning of another oracle, and the audience is identified as the house of jacob and all the clans of judah, while in verse 2 it was merely jerusalem. verses 5b–8 have four stanzas. verse 5b is a rhetorical question with two bicolons: ‘what fault did your fathers find in me; that they went far from me and they went after worthlessness and became worthless?’ the implied answer to the first line is ‘nothing’, as anticipated by the second line that can be rephrased to: ‘why then did they forsake me?’ the second bicolon states israel’s alternative to following ‘worthlessness’ instead of yahweh, and its aftermath: ‘became worthless’. here is israel’s shift from devotion, love, following yahweh, holiness and value to the first fruits of following after worthlessness5 and becoming worthless, having no value. the last bicolon of verse 5 resounds with the truth of psalm 115:8, which beale (2008) rightly sums up as: ‘we become what we worship’. verse 6 is a longer unit with alliteration (watson 2001:269). it answers the question of how israel’s fathers forsook the lord. it presents what was expected of them when they came into the promised land: they should have sought the lord. furthermore, it explains the importance of remaining faithful by recounting the story of the lord’s goodness, starting from israel’s exodus from egypt to the wilderness. whereas in other passages, much emphasis is put on exodus as a benchmark, this passage (verses 2 and 6 in particular) highlights the lord’s faithfulness as he led them through the wilderness, preserving israel despite her harsh circumstances. a full account of the wilderness in this passage consists of the following: הָלֹךְ וְקָרָאתָ בְאָזְנֵי יְרוּשָׁלִַם לֵאמֹר, כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה, זָכַרְתִּי לָךְ חֶסֶד נְעוּרַיִךְ, אַהֲבַת כְּלוּלֹתָיִךְ--לֶכְתֵּךְ אַחֲרַי בַּמִּדְבָּר, בְּאֶרֶץ לֹא זְרוּעָה. the above description invokes genesis 1:1, when the earth was ‘formless and void’, but god’s spirit hovered over it – so israel, in a land of ‘nothingness’, was covered by god’s faithfulness. verse 7 shifts the focus from ‘your fathers’ to ‘you’6, and it has two bicolons. while the wilderness has been emphasised in verse 6, verse 7 is ‘the centre of the poem and climax’ (lundbom 1999:260). ‘i brought you into a plentiful land’ completes the idea of verse 6, so that we have the lord as the one who brought them out, led them through and brought them in. the first bicolon (verse 7a) draws a contrast between the ‘nothingness’ of the wilderness that yhwh led them through and the ‘plentifulness’ of the land to which they eventually came. how ironic that in the wilderness, israel trusted and loved her lord, while in the land of plenty, israel became nothing. they defiled god’s land and heritage, making it an abomination. verse 8 is a stanza with a bicolon and tricolon; it focuses on the monarchy by listing the entire leadership structure of israel responsible for the nation’s apostasy. once again, we hear echoes from verse 6 of god’s expectations of the israelites: הַכֹּהֲנִים, לֹא אָמְרוּ אַיֵּה יְהוָה, וְתֹפְשֵׂי הַתּוֹרָה לֹא יְדָעוּנִי, וְהָרֹעִים פָּשְׁעוּ בִי; וְהַנְּבִאִים נִבְּאוּ בַבַּעַל, וְאַחֲרֵי לֹא-יוֹעִלוּ הָלָכוּ verse 9 is a bicolon with two functions: like verses 1–2a and 4–5a, it concludes the section (4–8), offering a verdict on the issues raised and again concluding with the refrain: ‘thus says the lord’. it also introduces the next section as it arouses the reader’s anticipation to hear what charges yhwh is going to level against israel. while the reader may have expected swift punishment as promised in 1:15, here we have only delayed retribution: the story is not over yet. god is not willing to punish right away; he is a long-suffering god. the law states that at the testimony of two or more witnesses, a person can be condemned and put to death (dt 17:6). in this last section, god brings his two witnesses, the lands of cyprus and kedar (v. 10) and the heavens (v. 12), and so israel is pronounced guilty. verse 10 is a tricolon, in which god asks to search among the nations of cyprus and kedar, which represent the earth, to see whether what israel has done can be repeated among the gentiles. verse 11 is a rhetorical question that asks the envoys of verse 10 if their search has revealed the possibility of a nation ever relinquishing their gods, even if they are just idols; ‘no’ is the implied answer. the second bicolon implies that israel has done the impossible and emphasises the unprofitability of her choice. the image of exchanging god’s glory for idols retrospectively recalls the golden calf event (ex 32) and prospectively reminds us of romans 1:18–32. verse 12 ushers in the second witness, the heavens, which are called upon to be appalled, shocked and utterly desolate (esv) at israel’s stupidity – again comes the refrain ‘declares the lord’. here yhwh’s wrath is justified, as israel is found guilty of a sin that not even the gentiles have thought to commit. both the earth/cyprus/kedar and the heavens have witnessed israel’s guilt. is yhwh then going to put israel to death? again, his justice is delayed. instead of unleashing judgement, verse 13 only summarises the message of the whole passage: israel has forsaken yhwh, the fountain of living water and hewn her own cisterns that can hold no water. jeremiah’s message of hope in challenging times on an emotional level, the reader of jeremiah 2 is swayed to and fro from the tension inherent in this passage. does god love his people or want to punish them? should they hope or despair? similarly, during the pandemic caused by covid-19, our emotions have fluctuated from one extreme to another, from hope that the vaccine will bring the pandemic to an end, to despair, that normality will never return. on one level, we experience the lord’s ‘love and grief’ as a betrayed husband in jeremiah 2; on the other, we see the lord’s reluctance to punish israel in spite of her infidelity, which exacerbates the prevailing mood of hopelessness. o’connor (2011:35) rightly observes that the story is presented as a ‘metaphor of a broken family’ that has moved from love (vv. 2–3) to hate (vv. 4–13). the lord is the offended husband; israel and her children are guilty of deserting their husband-father. the passage creates a sense of guilt and shame at israel’s foolishness, emphasised in the repetition of her choice as ‘worthless’ (v. 5), ‘does not profit’ (vv. 8, 11) and ‘cannot hold water’. if israel divorces yhwh, she is bound to be exploited by her enemies, so much so that devouring israel shifts from being an offense (jr 2:3) to being the norm (jr 50:7). on a rational level, the passage progressively presents a narrative of the life of israel from egypt through the wilderness to the promised land. it juxtaposes israel’s inability to remain faithful to the terms of the lord’s covenant with his steadfast love. chapter 2 contributes to jeremiah’s ‘doctrine of the word of god’ (shead 2018:21), as indicated in the messenger formula, ‘thus says the lord’, and the constant refrain, ‘oracle of the lord’. shead (2018:44) rightly observes that the phrase ‘declares the lord’ ‘simply adds emphasis to a divine word’. however, lundbom (1999:250) goes further to identify the unusual appearance of ‘two formulas for a single oracle’ in this passage. in other words, the redundant use of the formula is meant to highlight that yhwh is himself the speaker. this passage blazes a trail by outlining important themes expounded in the rest of the book, such as idolatry, the corporate nature of judah’s sin that dates back to their forefathers, as well as judah’s leadership crisis. without any use of the language of repentance, this passage lays the groundwork for the message of returning to the lord that follows in jeremiah 3 and continues through the rest of the book (biddle 2004:3). if jeremiah’s preaching did not elicit a repentant response in his first audience (römer 2009:171), it certainly did in his second: the exiles to whom the book was addressed as they faced despair and hopelessness. more importantly, the theme of hope and hopelessness from jeremiah 2 speaks to the disarray and sense of isolation experienced during the covid-19 pandemic. what began in china in december 2019 rapidly spread to the rest of the world, resulting in south africa moving into hard lockdown at the end of march 2020. the resultant economic crisis precipitated a loss of income for many, with whole industries that formerly provided employment, such as hospitality and tourism, taking the severe strain. as the economy contracted, social and economic disparities widened. this sense of hopelessness and desperation erupted into full-blown violence in july 2021, as zuma supporters took to looting shops in kwazulu-natal and gauteng shortly after his arrest and incarceration. in response to the pandemic, the world council of churches response team prepared a document called covid-19 and poverty (wcc 2020). its purpose was to assist people in dealing with poverty and the hopeless situations they faced (kabongo 2020:2). the document recognises the applicability of jeremiah 2:1–13 and starts with an excerpt from verses 5 to 8: ‘what fault did your fathers find in me; that they went far from me and they went after worthlessness and became worthless?’ it speaks directly to the sense of despair in dark, uncertain times and urges that believers instead return to the ‘spring of living water’ (v. 13) who is able to restore hope. conclusion this article explored how deeply entrenched israel’s hopelessness was in the time of jeremiah and links it with the current feelings of despair during the covid-19 pandemic. while the contexts differ, there are some commonalities, including a sense of social decline and uncertainty about the future. certainly, during the lockdown in south africa, many have felt the physical, emotional and psychological effects that the restrictions have brought. a decade ago, the global economy was prospering. however, as covid-19 has spread over the past year and a half, it has devastated countries in its wake, both from a health and from an economic point of view. this has led to a global climate of hopelessness. this study aimed to illuminate the historical and literary context of the jeremianic return to hope (pietersen & human 2021:1) and to point with confidence to yhwh, who remains in control and is a constant source of hope in a hopeless world. while many may fear being infected and dying of covid-19, those of faith should be able to reflect positively on the biblical context of jeremiah 2 and grab hold of its message of hope. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that he has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article. author’s contributions d.p. is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references allen, l.c., 2008, jeremiah: a commentary, westminster john knox, louisville, ky. beale, g.k., 2008, we become what we worship: a biblical theology of idolatry, intervarsity press, downers grove, il. biddle, m.e., 2004, ‘contingency, god, and the babylonians: jeremiah on the complexity of repentance’, review & expositor 101(2), 247–265. https://doi.org/10.1177/003463730410100207 bright, j., 1965, jeremiah: introduction, translation and notes, doubleday, new york, ny. claassens, l.j., 2019, ‘going home? exiles, inciles and refugees in the book of jeremiah’, hts teologiese studies/theological studies 75(3), 1–6. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v75i3.5149 fischer, s.j.g., 2019, ‘the book of jeremiah: realisation of threats of the torah – and also of promises?’, verbum et ecclesia 40(1), a1989. https://doi.org/10.4102/ve.v40i1.1989 goldingay, j., 2007, uprooting and planting: essays on jeremiah for leslie allen, library of hebrew bible/old testament studies, t & t clark international, new york, ny. holladay, w.l., 1986, jeremiah 1: a commentary on the book of the prophet jeremiah chapters 1–25, hermeneia – a critical and historical commentary on the bible, fortress, philadelphia, pa. kabongo, k.t.l., 2020, ‘migration to south africa: a missional reflection of a refugee using jeremiah 29:4–12 as an interpretive framework’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a57. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.57 lundbom, j.r., 1999, jeremiah 1–20: a new translation with introduction and commentary, the anchor yale bible, yale university press, new haven, ct. o’connor, k.m., 2011, jeremiah: pain and promise, fortress press, minneapolis, mn. pietersen, d. & human, d.j., 2021, ‘yhwh’s mouthpiece to the exiles: a jeremianic turn of hope’, stellenbosch theological journal 7(1), 1–24. https://doi.org/10.17570/stj.2021.v7n1.a06 römer, t., 2009, ‘the formation of the book of jeremiah as a supplement to the so-called deuteronomistic history’, in d.v. edelman & e.b. zvi (eds.), the production of prophecy: constructing prophecy and prophets in yehud, pp.168–183, equinox, london. shead, a.g., 2018, ‘the text of jeremiah (mt and lxx)’, in the book of jeremiah, pp. 255–279, brill, boston. stulman, l., 2005, jeremiah, abingdon old testament commentaries, abingdon press, nashville, tn. thompson, j.a., 1980, the book of jeremiah, new international commentary on the old testament, eerdmans, leicester. watson, w.g.e., 2001, classical hebrew poetry: a guide to its techniques, t & t clark, london. wessels, w.j., 2020, ‘at the potter’s workshop: jeremiah 18:1–12: a narrative that reveals more than meets the eye’, hts teologiese studies/theological studies 76(4), a6108. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v76i4.6108 world council of churches (wcc), 2020, poverty and covid-19, viewed 12 may 2021, from https://www.poverty-and-covid-19. footnotes 1. perhaps 627 bc, since josiah’s reign began in 640 and ended in 609 bc. 2. there are different views on the date of jeremiah’s ministry commencement and its relations to the josianic reforms, but that is outside the discussion of this paper. 3. there seems to be a narrative formula that controls the passage, that is: ‘the word of the lord came to me (jeremiah), saying …’ is used to introduce new episodes within the main storyline of the narrative (shead 2018:45). 4. lundbom (1999:252) argues that the terms for devotion and love used in this verse are strong covenantal terms. 5. the new king james version (nkjv) is more direct: it refers to israel following idols and becoming idolaters: the well-known baal is what was worshipped. o’connor (2011:370) says, ‘baal means lords or husbands’. in other words, israel abandoned yhwh, her husband, and instead married baal. 6. i am suggesting that a shift from vs. 6 ‘your fathers’ to ‘you’ in vs. 7 may have significance in the identification of the fathers as those who were led by god in the wilderness and were told they would not enter canaan while the ‘you’ refers to the generation of those who entered the land. if this be true, then i would differ from lundbom (1999:258) who argues that the fathers were those who entered the land with joshua; hence their unfaithfulness is traced back to their entry into the land while if my observation is granted, it would mean their unfaithfulness is traced back to the wilderness journey even before the entry into canaan that can be verified from exodus 32 and numbers 14. abstract introduction understanding jeremiah 17:11 theological axioms in jeremiah 17:11 blood money rituals among youth in southern nigeria lessons from jeremiah 17:11 for the nigerian youth and stakeholders conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) favour c. uroko department of religion and cultural studies, faculty of the social sciences, university of nigeria, nsukka, nigeriadepartment of old testament and hebrew scriptures, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa citation uroko, f.c., 2022, ‘jeremiah 17:11 and blood money rituals among youths in southern nigeria’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a162. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.162 original research jeremiah 17:11 and blood money rituals among youths in southern nigeria favour c. uroko received: 19 may 2022; accepted: 29 june 2022; published: 19 aug. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this study examines blood money ritual activities among nigerian youths in the light of jeremiah 17:11. existing literature has failed to provide a response through a theological lens to blood money ritual activities in southern nigeria. this study provides a theological response to the increasing spate of money ritual activities among southern nigerian youths. the pericope of jeremiah 17 explains the repercussions of the man who accumulates wealth by fraud and treachery. the pericope emphasises that this form of wealth will finally be taken away from him and he may die a fool. this aphorism suits the contemporary blood money ritual activities occurring in southern nigeria. the number of money ritual activities in southern nigeria is mind-blowing and thought-provoking. there is hardly a week that passes without the youth’s engagement in blood money rituals coming up for discussion. from the reports of newspapers and other reports, poverty, unemployment, greed and peer pressure are some of the motivating factors for youth engaging in blood money ritual activities. this study adopted the phenomenological approach through content analysis of reports from gazettes and scientific journals. contribution: jeremiah 17:11 reveals that there is punishment for anyone who makes wealth through dishonest ways. this study found that greed has sustained the increasing quest for quick money among youth in nigeria. practical theology was implicated in this study. keywords: jeremiah 17; money; root of all evil; rituals; youths; christianity; nigeria. introduction indeed, there is nothing wrong with being rich in order to live well and comfortably. the problem is the greed of situating money as the sole object of its own enterprise (oyebade 2022). the old testament complained about the implications of being anxious to get wealth in any way. the prophet jeremiah stated the importance of ‘solid principles regarding finances, especially as they relate to contentment and personal goals for a godly life’ (zavada 2019:1). in jeremiah 17:11, there was a warning that dishonest ways of making wealth will be severely punished and that also, within the shortest possible time, the illegally acquired wealth will fly away. the homily of the apostle paul to timothy, which was initially stated by jeremiah, is believed to speak anew to the increasing challenges of the quest for wealth through ritual activities in southern nigeria. the number of blood money rituals going on in southern nigeria is mind-blowing. consider, for instance, the case of samuel akpobome (18 years), who strangled his mother to death, had sex with her corpse and stayed with the corpse for two days based on the advice of a native doctor that he would become rich after rituals (ololade 2022); in another case, one teenager and two others were allegedly caught burning the head of a girl they had killed for blood money ritual purposes in the oke aregba area of abeokuta in ogun state (akinlotan 2022). the narratives are endless. having observed this growing quest for insatiable wealth through ritual activities among the youth, this author feels that an old testament examination of these problems is of utmost importance in the bid to provide a remedy to these challenges. literature has looked at the blood money rituals among christian youths in nigeria. but literature has yet to approach the problem from the lens of jeremiah 17:11. this study provides a theological response to the increasing spate of money ritual activities among southern nigerian youths. this study examines blood money ritual activities among southern nigerian youths in the light of jeremiah 17:11. firstly, it provides jeremiah’s homily on the dangers of acquiring wealth through inordinate methods and methodologies. secondly, it explores money ritual activities among youth in nigeria. thirdly, a hermeneutical framework is established between the text and context. understanding jeremiah 17:11 jeremiah was the son of hilkiah, and his book is mostly directed to the exiles in babylon. with regard to the dating of the book, sweeney (2010) is of the view that: the date of the two (greek and hebrew) can be suggested by the fact that the greek shows concerns typical of the early persian period, while the masoretic (i.e., hebrew) shows perspectives which, although known in the persian period, did not reach their realization until the 2nd century bce. (p. 94) friedman (1987:149) elucidates that prophet jeremiah was the author responsible for the description of the rediscovery of the ‘book of the law’ in the jerusalem temple (2 ki 22–23). jeremiah began his prophetic role during the reign of king josiah in 626 bc and even during the period of nebuchadnezzar capturing of jerusalem in 586 bc. he warned against the anger of god caused by israel’s sin. the prophet: [g]ave warning of judgment to come, not in some distant future but in the context of historical events. at the same time, they looked beyond judgment to a better future. (thompson 1980:1) further, coogan (2008) reveals that: authentic oracles of jeremiah are probably to be found in the poetic sections of chapters 1–25, but the book as a whole has been heavily edited and added to by followers (including perhaps the prophet’s companion, the scribe baruch) and later generations of deuteronomists. (p. 300) jeremiah challenges the religious leaders of his time for keeping mute in the midst of the increasing immorality going on among the people. smith (1989) is of the view that: [t]he material that constitutes the book of jeremiah, with its several voices bespeaking different interpretative angles and vested interests, is completely geared toward the crisis of 587 bce and the demise of jerusalem. (p. 5) on a further insight, brueggemann (2007) is of the view that the end of the davidic dynasty, covering a period of 400 years, was the focus of the book of jeremiah. the book also covers the narrative of the destruction of the temple of solomon. theological axioms in jeremiah 17:11 like the partridge hatching what it did not lay, so are all who amass wealth unjustly; in mid-life it will leave them, and at their end they will prove to be fools. (jer 17:11, new revised standard version) theological axioms in jeremiah 17:11 can be viewed from two perspectives: firstly, what is wrong with getting another person’s property and, secondly, what are the consequences of amassing wealth unjustly? obtaining what is not yours the person who obtains wealth through illegal means is compared to a partridge in the bible. a partridge is believed to hatch eggs, but it does not lay any. it steals eggs, covers them and hatches them. but when the birds are hatched, they fly away, looking for their real parents. thus, the eggs the partridge gathered are false. bright (2018:1) explains that ‘[a] person can do wrong things to gain great wealth: so the wealth that does not really belong to a person, soon will disappear’. kirksey (2015) explains that the poor partridge never has the joy of seeing her own progeny because she impatiently takes another bird’s eggs, patiently sits over the eggs for weeks in her nest and hatches, and when hatched, the birds will return to their real parents. consequences of amassing wealth unjustly as a further insight, a fool is someone who amasses wealth through inordinate strategies, through exploiting others, through fraudulent and corrupt practices and ways. this is because, in the short run, the person will realise that he was only being short-sighted, foolish and unable to see beyond his nose. lending credence, calvin (2018:1) responds that ‘a partridge sitting and not hatching, is he who gets wealth, and not by right; in the midst of his day shall he leave it, and at his end shall be a fool. the rich man, who gets his wealth through dishonest means is constrained to quitting his wealth before he derives any benefit from it’. the emphasis here is that the partridge sits on eggs it has not laid, and it is analogous to the person who obtains riches without right, and thus he shall leave them in the midst of his days, and at his end he shall be a fool (darby english version 2022). blood money rituals among youth in southern nigeria in the context of this article, blood money ritual activities ‘could be extra-logically acquired through the deft manipulation of metaphysical forces in nature, by members of the esoteric community that have been trained in the know-how’ (oyebade 2022:1). this is an ancient way of manipulating the spiritual world for the benefit of greedy men. however, things took a new turn as the youths began to show an interest in money ritual activities. there is hardly a week that passes without the youth’s engagement in blood money rituals coming up for discussion. malik et al. (2022) lamented that: desperate for money, the ritual killers, most of them youths, go to any length to achieve their aim and their targets don’t exclude parents and siblings, friends and acquaintances most of the time, without any thought for the life of their victims, just to satisfy selfish desires. (p. 1) table 1 shows selected ritual activities from january 2022 to february 2022. table 1: selected cases of blood money rituals in nigeria. the causes of the increasing rate of blood money ritual activities cannot be overemphasised. firstly, youth engagement in blood money rituals is the quest to make fast wealth, which is greed. the current crop of youths in nigeria do not want to suffer; all they want is an easy life, no matter what it takes to get there very fast. according to eyoboka (2020:n.p.), ‘every crime committed by man in the sphere of politics or social life generally is linked up to personal greed, avarice and the love of money. the youths of these days do not want to do hard work and that is the only productive venture’. secondly, unemployment has also motivated the youths into joining money ritual activities. effiong (2022) lamented that many young people, including graduates, do not have work to do, and an idle mind, they say, is the devil’s workshop. some of these youths are graduates, and after many years of searching for jobs, with no hope in sight, they resort to engaging in illegal means to make ends meet. also, those youth with informal education have no start-up capital to run their business. frustration then pushes them into engaging in all forms of criminality. thirdly, poverty has pushed so many youths into money rituals. most youth come from poor families. according to omokri (2022), poverty makes people more likely to commit crimes because it gives them few choices in life. youth see the way that their parents are suffering, and they are not happy with it. unfortunately, some of them are first children. the economic pressures and expectations from the society push them into committing these acts. fourthly, peer pressure from friends and associates affect the youth. youth see the way that their friends are living luxurious lives and driving in fine cars. eze (2022:n.p.) laments that ‘[s]eeing ones age or school mate living a life of luxury could be tempting. some teens are pressured to join the band wagon of trending issues to measure up’. fifthly, bad parenting is a serious issue in nigeria. a parent will see the child living an expensive life and they will not question the child; instead, they will be enjoying the money. parents feel comfortable enjoying the respect and accolades from friends and associates who come to felicitate them on the success of their children. sixthly, the activities of faith and hope preachers have led to the escalation of ritual activities among youths. pastors praise people with no known source of income. a pastor worships young rich ones more than ones without money for their reasons (ayokunmi 2022:1). in nigeria, church ministers have been recorded on video telling their church members that poverty is a curse and that they should do anything whatsoever to get out of it. also, there are situations where church founders who are known to live double standard lives flaunt and live flamboyant lifestyles. this tends to send the wrong signal to the youth, who comprise a very high percentage of the church membership. their psychology is built on the fact that they have to do whatever it takes to ensure that they become successful in life. also, there are known cases where youth who have engaged in money ritual activities are given respect in churches. in fact, they are called out during sunday service and given special prayers. when the other youths see this, they feel that they are failures. they measure success based on material possessions. also, there are reports that parents push their children into blood money ritual activities. some parents do not question the type of friends their children keep. some parents do not question the means of their children’s wealth. the display of sudden wealth does not in any way disturb parents. oyebade (2022:1) reveals that pastors and parents receive huge amounts and luxurious gifts from members and children without verifying the source of the funds for fear of not getting a share of the money and the easy life. lessons from jeremiah 17:11 for the nigerian youth and stakeholders the pericope has themes that are capable of solving the increasing cases of criminal activities among nigerians. making evil the norm african traditional practices have been replaced with so many practices that are inimical to societal growth and development. according to kanu (2010), the: [i]ndispensability of african basic values presupposes that africa has value system that is in consonance with her environment and conditions, and any way to displace it renders the society backward. (p. 149) evil has now become the norm in some parts of nigeria. those practices, such as respect for human life that were once a much-cherished value, have been replaced by values that came with modernisation. this is the situation in nigeria that has sustained the growing quest for money through blood money ritual activities by youths in nigeria. jeremiah mentions that anyone who makes evil a normal practice, reaping where he did not sow, taking life that he did not make, enjoying money he did not work for, will definitely not live to see the end of that money or dishonest gain. henry (2008:n.p) reveals that ‘the heart, the conscience of man, in his corrupt and fallen state, is deceitful above all things. it calls evil good, and good evil; and cries peace to those to whom it does not belong. herein the heart is desperately wicked; it is deadly, it is desperate’. measuring success by the amount of money the social lives of the people of southern nigeria is measured by the amount of wealth one possesses. the family, the church and even the elder statesmen recognise and respect people with wealth. the youths, of course, are aware of this development, and to keep up with contemporary developments, they are prepared to do anything to achieve their stated aims and objectives. lamenting further, lloyd-jones (2012) states: [t]hat the man who cheats or steals also measures success by dollars rather than by character. and so not only does he lose out on character and basic morality, but he also loses sight of what is important in life. at the end of the day, a thief trades in his morality in order to gain material goods. (p. 1) the pressures of this life have also forced youths to seek anything that can give them fast wealth. ogungbile (2022) lamented that: the causal factors of this insatiable hunt for money can be phrased as the youths’ incapacity to handle the pressures of life. yes, the pressure can be high, but nothing comes easy in life. we have to learn the right principles of how to be successful. it’s like building a house, we start with the foundation. unfortunately most people, especially the youth fail to reach their goals because they want to do everything at once. (n.p.) jeremiah warns that there are repercussions for trying to be successful through odd ways. there is nothing that comes from the devil, with a long-lasting price for a short-lasting wealth. according to bosman (2018), god’s anger will descend on those who practise deceit, wickedness and general ignorance about the requirements of the lord. ending disgracefully jeremiah 17:11 makes it clear that people who engage in getting dishonest gain will affect the person within the shortest possible time. jeremiah intended only to show that those who enriched themselves by unlawful means or heaped together great wealth would yet be subject to the curse of god, so that whatever they may have got through much toil and labour would vanish – for god would empty them of all they possessed (if one gets money through dishonest gain, the money will go in the right direction, whether through sickness or even death). according to clarke (n.d.), in jeremiah 17: [t]he partridge that hatcheth what it doth not lay (so is) he who getteth riches, and not according to right. and at his end shall be a fool – shall be reputed as such. he was a fool all the way through; he lost his soul to get wealth, and this wealth he never enjoyed. (v. 11) it is an indication of the eventual end for evildoers. this is seen in the public disgrace of those caught in ritual activities in southern nigeria. most of the people caught in blood money ritual activities are beaten by the community youths, publicly disgraced by the press and thereafter taken to prison. these names appear all over the internet as criminals. even when they get older, they will continue to regret their activities and actions. also, these people who engage in blood money ritual activities often die mysteriously. recommendations this study recommends the following: the church is the first point of contact in the bid to liberate the youth from blood money rituals. the church should openly condemn those who participate in blood money rituals. the church can go as far as erecting banners and billboards that blood money rituals are evil. southern nigerian youths should not allow themselves to be led astray by the ill-gotten wealth of their peers. instead, they should wait for the lord’s blessings with patience and hard work. the church, society and the government should stop giving recognition of any kind to anyone who cannot show any source of income but is suddenly wealthy. this will send wrong signals to the people. there is a need for the government to provide jobs for the teeming youth population. to some extent, this will keep the youth occupied and less likely to commit crime. parents and concerned individuals should stop people from spraying money on parties, weddings and other occasions. when the younger ones see how flamboyantly money is being squandered, they are poised to make money by any means, whether dead or alive. conclusion the old testament clearly condemns the love of money that motivates and sustains one in acts of blood money rituals. the prophet jeremiah emphasises that people who engage in ungodly acts to make money are just like the bird called ‘partridge’ that is good at hatching eggs but does not lay its own, and when hatched, the birds fly away to their original parents. people who engage in blood money ritual activities have directly tampered with human life, and their hands are stained with blood. unfortunately, the money they have obtained through this means will fly away from them before they can enjoy or be alive to enjoy it. youths in southern nigeria should not allow themselves to be enticed into going into blood money ritual activities, because it will be their destruction. instead, hard work, patience and diligence should be the watchwords of the youth, with the hope of god’s blessing in both the short and long run. acknowledgements the author sincerely appreciates those who helped in seeing to the publication of this article, with special mention to prof. dirk human. competing interests the author declares that he has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article. author’s contributions f.c.u. is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references adedipe, a., 2021, ‘ghana-returnee flees in edo over alleged ritual killing of girlfriend’, the punch, viewed 28 december 2021, from https://punchng.com/ghana-returnee-flees-in-edo-over-alleged-ritual-killing-of-girlfriend/. akinlotan, o., 2022, ‘three arrested for killing woman in ogun for money ritual – police’, premium times, viewed 01 april 2022, from 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https://guardian.ng/news/bayelsa-police-arrest-three-suspects-for-attempted-ritual-killing/. oyebade, w., 2022, ‘lazy nigerian youths and ancient money ritual myths’, the guardian, viewed 10 february 2022, from https://guardian.ng/opinion/lazy-nigerian-youths-and-ancient-money-ritual-myths/. smith, d.l., 1989, the religion of the landless: the social context of the babylonian exile, meyer-stone, bloomington, in. sweeney, m.a., 2010, the prophetic literature, abingdon press, nashville, tn. thompson, j.a., 1980, the book of jeremiah, eerdmans publishing co., grand rapids, mi. vanguard, 2022, editorial: tackling our wrong beliefs in money rituals, viewed 17 january 2022, from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2022/01/tackling-our-wrong-beliefs-in-money-rituals/. zavada, j., 2019, introduction to the book of 1 timothy guidelines for christ-centered living, viewed 02 april 2022, from https://www.learnreligions.com/book-of-1-timothy-701043. profile conclusion about the author(s) simon moripe school of social sciences, faculty of humanities, university of limpopo, polokwane, south africa citation moripe, s., 2022, ‘editorial: theologia viatorum’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a174. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.174 editorial editorial: theologia viatorum simon moripe copyright: © 2022. the author licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. profile overview the university of limpopo’s (ul) journal, theologia viatorum, which was established some 33 years ago, was officially accepted into the ebsco database on 17 august 2021, exactly a year after it was accepted into the directory of open access publishing (doaj). this database increases the journal’s visibility among readers and authors. the partnership with ebsco is a major achievement for the journal and ul. it is also an opportunity to increase engagement, attract web traffic to the site and improve overall brand recognition. the journal, founded by the then faculty of theology and religious studies at ul, seeks to delve into pilgrim theology, explore aspects of theology and religion in order to deepen people’s understanding of god and broaden their perspectives on religious traditions. ul’s office of research administration and development and the school of social sciences under the leadership prof. s. sithole currently support the journal, and it is interested in all african religious traditions in all of their manifestations in all parts of africa. indexing the journal is department of higher education (dhet) accredited because it is listed on the following services: dhet sa list doaj all articles published in the journal are included in: doaj ebsco host gale cengage learning open access this is an open access journal. accredited since 2003 (for 2004), the online journal allows users to freely read, download, copy, distribute, print or link to the full texts of the articles for lawful purposes. publication the journal has embraced contributions on topics related to the field of theology and religious studies, particularly those concerning the african continent and its peoples, which include interdisciplinary articles and contextualised analyses. its contributors are scholars within various interdisciplinary fields working in history, anthropology, sociology, political science, missiology, literature and related disciplines. it is open to every methodological approach. the journal publishes at least one issue per year, with at least 12 articles published online and subsequently printed in an end-of-year compilation. additional issues may be published for special events (e.g. conferences) or when special themes are addressed. journal administration the journal is administered, marketed and published by the african online scientific information systems (aosis) in conjunction with ul. conclusion on behalf of the editorial board, i thank the following people for the success of theologia viatorum: the founders of the journal, in particular profs. van wyk (the then dean of the faculty of theology and religious studies), h. van der merwe and my mentor, j.p. claasen. from aosis, i thank the editorial team, especially tanien botes, the production team, in particular lara antonopoulos and the supporting and services team, mainly trudie retief. thank you very much for the scholars and reviewers who submitted their articles for publication. the editorial board values your contribution. what is a journal without scholars and reviewers? i thank prof. sithole, the director of the school of social sciences at ul for supporting the journal. i also thank ul for giving me an opportunity to run and manage this journal as a former member of the faculty of theology and religious studies. it is indeed a singular honour and privilege to serve as editor-in-chief for theologia viatorum and make a minute contribution to the wealth of knowledge. warm regards simon moripe editor-in-chief page 1 of 1 reviewer acknowledgement https://theologiaviatorum.org open access read online: scan this qr code with your smart phone or mobile device to read online. acknowledgement to reviewers in an effort to facilitate the selection of appropriate peer reviewers for theologia viatorum, we ask that you take a moment to update your electronic portfolio on https://theologiaviatorum. org for our files, allowing us better access to your areas of interest and expertise, in order to match reviewers with submitted manuscripts. if you would like to become a reviewer, please visit the journal website and register as a user. in order to be considered, please email submissions@ theologiaviatorum.org indicating your intention to register as a reviewer for the journal. to access your details on the website, you will need to follow these steps: 1. log into the online journal at https:// 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the topics appropriate to each manuscript are essential elements in ensuring a timely, productive peer review process. we would like to take this opportunity to thank and recognise the following reviewers for their precious time and dedication, regardless of whether the papers they reviewed were finally published. we apologise for any names that have been inadvertently left out. these individuals provided their services to the journal as a reviewer from 01 october 2021 to 30 september 2022. babatunde a. adedibu callum d. scott christo j.s. lombaard cornelius j.p. niemandt elijah e.n. dube frans k. matlakala garth aziz gordon e. dames hannelie yates hanré j. van rensburg hulisani ramantswana jakobus m. vorster kealeboga j. maphunye leepo j. modise lufuluvhi mudimeli elijah baloyi maake j. masango nomatter sande onias matumbu sekgothe mokgoatšana sepetla molapo shaun joynt stimia behr vengesai chimininge victor m.s. molobi yolanda dreyer yuvan m. shunmugam https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org mailto:submissions@theologiaviatorum.org mailto:submissions@theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org https://theologiaviatorum.org/index.php/tv/user https://theologiaviatorum.org/index.php/tv/user https://theologiaviatorum.org/index.php/tv/user mailto:publishing@aosis.co.za acknowledgement to reviewers 128 examining religiosity and spirituality concepts and their protective role in health risk behaviour: testing for mutual mediation s mashegoane university of limpopo (corresponding author) m makhubela university of pretoria abstract this study sought to establish the conceptual relationship between intrinsic religiosity and spirituality by evaluating their capacity to mediate one another. analysis was done using a cross-sectional data provided by university students (n = 333) from the limpopo province, south africa. sem analysis was used to test two hypothesised mediation models: 1) in which intrinsic religiosity was hypothesized to influence health risk behaviours in paths mediated by spirituality (religious well-being and existential well-being), and 2) in which spirituality (religious well-being and existential wellbeing) was hypothesized to influence health risk behaviours in paths mediated by intrinsic religiosity. intrinsic religiosity failed to mediate the association between health risk behaviours and spirituality, and spirituality also failed to mediate the association between intrinsic religiosity and health risk behaviours. nevertheless, there were direct relations between the religiosity/spirituality variables and most of the health risk behaviours measured in this study. results showed that intrinsic religiosity and spirituality dimensions are independent constructs in this particular sample, since they failed to mediate each other. our results support the putative bifurcation of the two constructs in the literature and findings of distinct independent roles they have on health. key words: intrinsic religiosity, spirituality, mediation, health risk behaviours examining religiosity and spirituality concepts and their protective role in health risk behaviour: testing for mutual mediation. 129 introduction interest in the association of religiosity and spirituality with health risk behaviours is increasing, and most of the studies project a protective role of the variables (nonnemaker, mcneely, & blum, 2003; yonker, schnabelrauch, & dehaan, 2012). both religiosity and spirituality are negatively associated with health risk behaviours such as engaging in early sex, having sex with multiple sexual partners (gold et al., 2010; miller & gur, 2002; rostosky, wilcox, comer wright, & randall, 2004; zaleski & schiaffino, 2000), and using addictive licit and illicit substances, including alcohol and nicotine (chitwood, weiss, & leukefeld, 2008; humphreys & gifford, 2006; marsiglia, kulis, nieri, & parsai, 2005). not only do religiosity and spirituality protect against risk, they also have some resilience properties (reutter, & bigatti, 2014) and promote healthy behaviours such as the consumption of more fruits and vegetables and less unhealthy fats (tan, chan, & reidpath, 2013). nevertheless, some issues are outstanding, chief amongst which are: (1) difficulties in conceptualizing and distinguishing between religiosity and spirituality, and (2) the actual effect of the concepts on risk-taking behaviour. religiosity and spirituality evolved from common origins. classical descriptions of religiosity encompassed elements of what is now considered spirituality. however, over time, there tended to be an etymological/conceptual schism between the two concepts, each evolving into a distinct concept (hill & pargament, 2003; hill et al., 2000; zinnbauer, pargament, & scott, 1999). as things stand, religiosity tends to be associated with subscription to a set of institutionalized and most likely dogmatic beliefs and religious practices. spirituality distinguishes itself from religiosity by its personalized, metaphysical focus. although the theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 130 concept has proven difficult to define (moberg, 2002), spirituality is associated with an individualized, subjective experience, in some instance incorporating the idea of an existential relationship with god, a perceived transcendence or higher influence (hill & pargament, 2003; hill et al., 2000; hodge, 2005). surveys of religiosity in industrialized societies reveal a trend towards more secularization and waning interest and commitment to religious institutions, and a concomitant declining influence of religion, at least in it’s organized, formalized form (hill et al., 2000). more and more people report less religiosity, being more spiritual than religious, and some even assert that they are neither religious nor spiritual (zinnbauer & pargament, 2005). the emerging religiosity trends highlight the necessity of disentangling the concepts of religiosity and spirituality (burke, van olphen, eliason, howell, & gonzalez, 2014). research results will be more meaningful when measures of religiosity and spirituality are clearly differentiated, accepting the reality that the two constructs do share commonalities, yet they each encompass a distinct nomological net to preserve a differentiated conceptual identity. divergence in their definitions is unavoidable. some researchers deal with the problem of divergence in the definitions of religiosity and spirituality by merging the two concepts (dehaan, yonker, & affholter, 2011; foster, young, bryan, & quist, 2016; holder, durant, harris, daniel, obeidallah, & goodman, 2000; koenig, 2012). however, there is a trend of acknowledging the overlap between religiosity and spirituality, yet recognizing that they have distinct predictive roles to warrant separate assessment in health risk studies. the state of affairs is such that there is no clarity whether spirexamining religiosity and spirituality concepts and their protective role in health risk behaviour: testing for mutual mediation. 131 ituality and religiosity are overlapping concepts; or that spirituality is a component of religiosity, or that they are distinct concepts (cf. benson, 2004, p. 49). this study aims to clarify the commonalities between religiosity and spirituality, and their relationship to health risk behaviour, by using a mediational structural equation modeling (sem) approach. this type of analysis is pertinent in south africa, a country where engagement in several types of risk behaviours have been successfully limited, yet the rates of occurrence remain rather high (gray, vawda, & jack, 2013; shisana et al., 2013; world health organisation, 2011). thus, establishing the relationship between spirituality and religiosity and their role in preventing engagement in risk behaviour is an important preventative effort. method sample in total, the sample consisted of 333 black african students who were conveniently drawn from the university of limpopo, in south africa. all respondents were single and 52.8% of them were female. of this sample, 78.5% resided in the university’s residences, 9.6% and 7.2% rented accommodation outside of campus, alone or with friends, respectively and 4.8% were day scholars and lived at home with their families of origin. the sample was recruited from three faculties of the institution, that is, law and management sciences (31.9%), humanities (35.8%) and, science and agriculture (32.2%). procedure participants were recruited from undergraduate classes. the students were briefed about the aims of the study and invited to participate. they were also informed that participation in the study was voluntary. those who consented to participate theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 132 were also made aware of their rights as research participants, such as the right to withdraw from the study at any time, confidentiality and anonymity. finally, prospective participants were required to complete an assent form before completing the study questionnaire. once they did that, they were then provided with a questionnaire to be completed in their own time or in group settings where time was available during a lecture. one of the researchers was always available to answer further questions of clarification during data collection. ethical consideration the study protocol was approved by the research and ethics committee of the university of limpopo. measures demographic questionnaire the demographic details collected from participants included age, gender, domicile, university housing and the area of study at university. spiritual well-being scale the spiritual well-being (swb) scale (ellison, 1983; paloutzian & ellison, 1982), a 20-item self-report measure, was used to measure spirituality. it was chosen for this study because its scores are positively correlated with an intrinsic orientation to religiosity (boivin, kirby, underwood, & silva, 1999). the measure consists of two subscales of 10 items each, measuring components of religious well-being (rwb) and existential well-being (ewb), respectively. the rwb component is designed to tap into an individual’s belief about his relationship with god. on the other hand, ewb evaluates a person’s sense of purpose and meaning in life. an overall spiritual well-being (swb) score is obtained by summing the examining religiosity and spirituality concepts and their protective role in health risk behaviour: testing for mutual mediation. 133 responses of all scale items. items measuring the rwb subscale include: "i believe that god loves me and cares about me," and "my relationship with god contributes to my wellbeing". items assessing the ewb are: “i don’t know who i am, where i came from, or where i am going”, and " i feel a sense of well-being about the direction my life is headed in." the measurement scale used to respond to each of the items had six steps ranging from “strongly agree” (1) to “strongly disagree” (6). the swbs has high internal consistency and testretest reliability. the internal consistency reliability coefficients range from 0.82 to 0.94 for rwb, 0.78 to 0.86 for ewb, and 0.89 to 0.94 for swb. test-retest reliability over a 4 to 10 week period range from a low of 0.73 to a high of 0.99 for the ewb, rwb, swb (boivin et al., 1999). in this study the reliability coefficients obtained for the scale were α = 0.801 for rwb, α = 0.757 for ewb and α = 0.865 for the full-scale swb. intrinsic religiosity revised scale (gorsuch & mcpherson, 1989) the intrinsic religiosity scale (i) of gorsuch and mcpherson’s (1983) age-universal intrinsic/extrinsic revised scale (i/e-r; gorsuch & mcpherson, 1989) was administered to evaluate intrinsic religious orientation among students. theoretical grounds precluded the utilization of the extrinsic religiosity subscale in this study. it taps participation in religious activities for personal gain. extrinsic religiosity was excluded from analysis because of its instrumental focus. items measuring intrinsic religiosity include: “it is important to me to spend time in private thought and prayer” and “my whole approach to life is based on my religion.” they are measured on a five point scale ranging from ‘strongly disagree’ (1) to ‘strongly agree’ (5). the scale has previously been used successfully with a theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 134 sample similar to the present one. in this study, reliability was estimated at a modest α = 0.648. risky health behaviours the national college health risk behaviors scale (nchrbs) (centers for disease control and prevention [cdc], 1997) was adapted for use in this study. the nchrbs is a derivation and higher education version of the youth risk behavior surveillance system (yrbss). in addition to its uses, it monitors priority health risks among american students in higher education institutions. risky health behaviour aspects covered in this study included smoking, marijuana use, lack of balanced meals, sexual risk behaviour (infection with a sexually transmitted disease and experience with sexual intercourse) and consumption of alcoholic beverages. the self-administered questionnaire consists of 96 multiplechoice questions, rated on a 5-point likert scale. data analysis the sem mediator analysis was conducted using amos 22.0 (arbuckle, 2013). the first analyses considered spirituality as a mediator of the association between intrinsic religiosity and health risk behaviour (alcohol intake, sexual behaviour, tobacco use, marijuana use, physical activity and diet) (see figure 1a). relatedly, the last set of analysis examined a hypothesized religiosity-mediated path model (figure 1b), that proposed intrinsic religiosity as a mediator of the relationship between spirituality (rwb and ewb) and health risk behaviour (alcohol intake, sexual behaviour, tobacco use, marijuana use, physical activity and diet). examining religiosity and spirituality concepts and their protective role in health risk behaviour: testing for mutual mediation. 135 figure 1a: associations between spirituality/religiosity and health risk behaviours: spirituality-mediated model note: i = intrinsic religiosity; rwb = religious well-being; ewb = existential well-being. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 136 figure 1b: associations between spirituality/religiosity and health risk behaviours: religiosity-mediated model note: i = intrinsic religiosity; rwb = religious well-being; ewb = existential well-being. holmbeck’s (1997) multi-step sem strategy was followed to test the hypothesized models. the validity of the structural models was considered based on the statistical significance of the path coefficients, the chisquare difference test between the models and fit indices. the fit indices were reported based on the chisquare statistic (p > 0.05), the comparative fit index examining religiosity and spirituality concepts and their protective role in health risk behaviour: testing for mutual mediation. 137 (cfi; ≥ 0.95), the goodness of fit index (gfi; > 0.90), the adjusted goodness of fit index (agfi; > 0.80), and the root mean square error of approximation (rmsea; < 0.06) along with its related 90% confidence interval. results the correlations for spirituality, intrinsic religiosity and health risk behaviour are presented in table 1. as the table demonstrates, most of the correlations are significant (p < 0.05). all the statistically significant correlations between i and health risk behaviours are negative. on the other hand, most statistically significant correlations between spirituality and health risk behaviours are positive. nevertheless, there are important observations to be made about the correlations. the physical activity measure did not correlate with i and its association with religious wellbeing was modest at r = 0.13, p < 0.05. the measure for diet was not related to either i or rwb (p > 0.05). intake of alcohol was not associated with ewb (p > 0.05). table 1: correlations of intrinsic religiosity, spirituality, and health risk behaviour 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. intrinsic religiosity 1 2. religious well-being -0.449** 1 3. existential well-being -0.244** 0.667** 1 4. sexual behaviour -0.248** 0.169** 0.022 1 5. tobacco use -0.175** 0.215** 0.147* 0.408** 1 6. marijuana -0.179** 0.206** 0.093 0.328** 0.552** 1 7. physical activity -0.054 -0.135* -0.116* 0.033 -0.063 -0.080 1 8. diet -0.035 0.100 0.075 0.082 0.128* 0.100 -0.069 1 9. alcohol intake -0.249** 0.165** 0.095 0.413** 0.403** 0.358** -0.100 0.117* 1 note: **p < 0.01; *p < 0.05 theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 138 spirituality-mediated model the hypothesized model proposed that the association between i and health risk behaviour would be mediated by spirituality. model fit results in table 2, show that all the three models demonstrated a good fit to the data. however, a second and essential criterion for evidence of mediation was not met, in that path coefficients in the predicted directions were not statistically significant in all the tested models (direct effects model: β = 0.34, p = 0.08; partial mediation: βs = -0.32 and 1.05, p = 0.05 and 0.06; full mediation: β = -0.32 and 1.05, p = 0.05 and 0.06). it would appear though, that based on the chi-square difference test (difference value = 3.48) that the direct effects model had a better fit than both the partial and full (constrained) mediation models. these results suggest that spirituality does not mediate the association between i and health risk behaviour. table 2: fit indices for each mediation model test (spirituality as mediator) model x2 p df. cfi gfi agfi rmsea 90% rmsea ci direct effects 13.96 0.73 18 1.00 0.99 0.97 0.00 0.00, 0.04 partial mediation 17.44 0.56 19 1.00 0.98 0.97 0.00 0.00, 0.04 full mediation 17.44 0.56 19 1.00 0.98 0.97 0.00 0.00, 0.04 religiosity-mediated model this model suggested that the relationship between spirituality and health risk behaviour would be mediated by intrinsic religiosity. model fit results in table 3, show that all of the three tested models demonstrated a good fit to the data. howexamining religiosity and spirituality concepts and their protective role in health risk behaviour: testing for mutual mediation. 139 ever, a second and essential criterion for evidence of mediation was not met, in that path coefficients in the predicted directions were not statistically significant in all the tested models (direct effects model: β = -0.15, p = 0.96; partial mediation: βs = -0.45 and -0.31, ps < 0.05; full mediation: β = -0.45 and -0.31, ps < 0.05). this suggests that religiosity does not mediate the relationship between spirituality and health risk behaviour. table 3: fit indices for each mediation model test (religiosity as mediator) model x2 p df. cfi gfi agfi rmsea 90% rmsea ci direct effects 7.65 0.90 14 1.00 0.99 0.98 0.00 0.00, 0.02 partial mediation 34.04 0.01 18 0.97 0.97 0.94 0.05 0.02, 0.07 full mediation 34.47 0.01 18 0.97 0.97 0.94 0.05 0.02, 0.07 discussion this study sought to establish the conceptual relationship between intrinsic religiosity and spirituality by evaluating their capacity to mediate one another. in that respect, sem was used to test two mediational models. in the first, i was hypothesized to influence health risk behaviours in a path mediated by spirituality (rwb and ewb). in the second, spirituality (rwb and ewb) was hypothesized to influence health risk behaviours in a path mediated by i. however, the hypotheses for religiosity and spirituality as mediators for each other were not supported by the results. our findings are consistent with recent research that corroborates the differentiation of religiosity and spirituality (e.g., burke et al., 2014; reutter & bigatti, theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 140 2014). this is in contrast to those who argue that the constructs are equivalent, in a sense that they have a large conceptual overlap or should mediate each other’s effects (koenig, 2009, 2012). nonetheless, this study confirmed the role of both spirituality and religiosity as significant protective resources, at least at the level of direct relations (yonker et al., 2012). consistent with the existing literature (gold et al., 2010; hayward, owen, koenig, steffens, & payne, 2012; tan et al., 2013) our findings demonstrate a strong association between religiosity, spirituality and most health outcomes. the value of the study is in pursuing the type of research that seems to be missing in the studies of religiosity and spirituality (reutter & bigatti, 2014). specifically, this research contributes to the literature investigating the role of spirituality (e.g., fabricatore & handal, 2000; wallace & lahti, 2004) and religiosity as mediator variables. we assumed that since each of the variables share some characteristics; they may as well share properties such as mediation. based on the findings of our study, intrinsic religiosity and spirituality do not mediate each other in their relationship with risk behaviour. limitations we recognize that religiosity and spirituality have been operationalized in multiple ways by researchers. it is possible that any of the scales we have used in this study may not have been adequate measures of the variables. we have also conducted this research among students. results with other populations, such as church-going adults, may produce different conclusions. examining religiosity and spirituality concepts and their protective role in health risk behaviour: testing for mutual mediation. 141 references arbuckle, j. l. 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(2011). global status report on non-communicable diseases 2010. geneva, switzerland: who. accessed from www.who.int/nmh/publications/ncd _report_full_en.pdf http://www.who.int/ abstract introduction problem statement theological approach and methodology employed towards the role of christ in predestination in black-african theology providence of god for the elects conclusion acknowledgements references footnote about the author(s) leepo j. modise department of philosophy, practical and systematic theology, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation modise, l.j., 2022, ‘critical evaluation of the doctrine of predestination within black-african theology: christ the elected and electing’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a118. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.118 original research critical evaluation of the doctrine of predestination within black-african theology: christ the elected and electing leepo j. modise received: 29 apr. 2021; accepted: 09 july 2021; published: 31 jan. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this article aims to deconstruct the ideology about god’s election in south africa, which is attached to capitalism. i will discuss its impact on the south african socio-politico-economic situation in the apartheid and post-apartheid era. furthermore, i will critically discuss the equality of human beings in the eyes of triune god and focus on the centrality of christology from the african and black theology. one cannot divorce the providence of god from the doctrine of predestination. the god who creates is the same god who elects and provides for his people. this argument will lead to the critical question: who are the elect, rich or poor? free or oppressed? this article’s final thesis is to deconstruct the ideology that god elects according to god’s grace. keywords: critical; predestination; black; african; christ; elected and electing. introduction when one reflects on the theological justification of separation and capitalism in south africa, john calvin and reformed theology are frequently echoed to justify dualism or paradox of the rich and the poor, oppressed and the free human beings (resane 2017:116). the doctrine of predestination is central to this dualism. i would like to declare that i am a black african and reformed theologian. black african in terms of birth as mosotho (mofokeng wa matshele) traced back to leribe in lesotho where my paternal genealogy originated, a product of mofokeng and mokwena wa sechele (maternal origin) – reformed in terms of baptismal, christian upbringing, education and vocation. my africanism needs to influence my reformed theology. my engagement in theology during my university studies, ministry in uniting reformed church and a lectureship in the university of south africa has created curiosity on the doctrine of predestination within black and african theology. from reading the bible and belhar confession,1 this doctrine could not make sense to me when related to capitalists and the affluent. in this article i will wrestle with this doctrine by using the political theology, black theological methodology in particular and african approach to deconstruct the constructed sense-making that god chooses individuals or specific people and left the others outside god’s grace. this doctrine’s origin will be traced back to john calvin and theodore beza, with references to other reformed theologians. the particular focus will be on karl barth christology on this doctrine, evaluating this christology by using james cone’s christology on the very same doctrine. this lecture will fall within political by theology using the descriptive-normative methodology. problem statement the colonisers used the doctrine of predestination to dehumanise africans in south africa. the justification was based on the claim that colonisers are the elects whereas the indigenous people are not (magubane 2007:182–183; resane 2017:117). according to resane (2017:116), the very same doctrine was used to instil the inferiority complex into africans in africa and the diaspora. in south africa, afrikaner religious persuasion originates from the 16th century reformed tradition’s protestant practices, pioneered by the swiss theologian john calvin (1509–1564). john calvin believes that the church should influence government policy and that races should remain pure and separate. this tradition has led to changes in a unique brand of protestantism in south africa. apartheid policies were supported by afrikaner religious doctrines such as the doctrine of predestination. in their long run for survival, they slowly came to identify themselves with the nation of israel as the elect of god (resane 2017:116–117). the identification with israel or jews as the nation is also questionable during the jewish persecution in germany throughout the nazi period. vasilopoulos (2012) postulated: many jews accepted this formulation for those with more conservative or traditional views, identity was a communal or national property. not a person who happened to have jewish antecedents, a jew was a creature of the covenant, one of god’s chosen people, a member of nation created and chosen by god for a special mission. the racist implications of divine election have been often cited by jews, as well as their critics: the notion of race as such, defined as a set of common physical and mental characteristics transmitted within a group by force of tradition or even in some biological way, had been used by jews themselves from moses to martin buber … no notion of natural rights nor anything else, could change a jew’s identity. by virtue of this conviction, it was virtually impossible to avoid the implication that the jews were a nation within a nation. moreover, for non-jews, especially conservative or traditional catholics, jews were considered different because they had been designed by god, not as the chosen, but as the rejected. (p. 248) the identification of the europeans in south africa with the jews or israel as a nation was as equal as creating a european society within an entire african community without borders. the identification as different people does not guarantee god’s election, but designed differently. hence, they fall outside the providence of god. the jewish people were using political theology to access the nation’s wealth, which they enforced themselves into that nation as a nation within the nation. the same as the dutch use this doctrine to force themselves as a nation within the other nation. together with the doctrine of providence, the doctrine of predestination was abused to gain access to the african wealth and land in south africa. magubane (2007:181) argues that europeans may kill the indigenous people for their heads of cattle because of providence claimed to be given to the elects (europeans). according to magubane (2007:181), van riebeeck characteristically blending piracy and piety wondered at the ways of providence, which permitted such noble animals to remain in possession of the so-called heathens. similarly, the indigenous people’s human dignity and rights have led europeans, in particular the dutch people, to take the land of the indigenous people (magubane 2007:181–182). land dispossession is one of the challenges of interpretation of this doctrine: the elects, those whom god has provided with wealth or those who have killed others for their wealth. there is no way that the doctrine of election can be divorced from the doctrine of providence, hence the question of who are the elects based on the way van riebeeck, on the argument of dispossession. dolamo (2016:47) lays the foundation on the role of this doctrine in terms of coloniality. he argues that the colonialists and missionaries, when they invaded south africa mainly, africa in general and lands elsewhere belonging to the indigenous peoples were to empty them of their identity. colonialists perceive the people of the land as savages and uncivilised. missionaries branded them as heathens or pagans, in the context of this article, rejected by god or people who have fallen out of the grace of god. the victims of the conquest would be remoulded and given identities, contemporary culture and a new religion that was christianity, which was prescribed as a new way of life. those who resisted being remoulded were murdered. genocide was committed in south africa, africa, asia and america. it was easy to murder a black person because he or she is not elected by god (dolamo 2016:47). hence, this article aims to reconstruct black people’s identity as part of god’s elect or elected people. thielicke (1969:573) postulates that the pre-temporal character of predestination and all other loci follow systematically upon that doctrine, including even the article on providence. creation is treated between predestination and providence’s doctrines, thus underscoring the leading role of the decree of election. the question to be answered in this article is, ‘who are the elects [in terms of or in the light of] the african-black theological interpretation of predestination?’ thielicke (1969:573) raises the question of what is the yardstick to measure that an individual is confident of his or her election. the response to that question was such assurance is possible only when a person realises god’s blessing on his life. i will engage this question and answer further in this article. there has been a description of this doctrine to the function of politics in south africa. the methodology that will be followed in this article is descriptive-normative in political theology to engage the question ‘who are the elect?’ which is rarely answered within the theological debate on predestination by many theologians. the interpretation of this doctrine has a negative impact and contribution to racism and economic injustice. answering the question of who are the elects is based on the engagement of predestination and providence of god. theological approach and methodology employed this article’s theological framework is christology, where christ is the centre of the argument; as stated in the abstract, political theology will be used to select the methodology to follow. hunsinger (2012:271) indicates that political theology belongs to two categories, the descriptive and normative, and they are normally intertwined. descriptive accounts might have normative agenda, whilst normative accounts usually include political descriptions – descriptive accounts, at how it ought to operate (hunsinger 2012:271). descriptive accounts examine how theology influence the political context, whilst normative accounts examine how political context ought to function. this theological doctrine influenced the political context, and the same doctrine ought to respond to the results of this doctrine’s results in south africa. in this article, i will employ a descriptive–normative method to address the problem at hand. furthermore, i will look into how theology functions in the political sphere and how theology ought to function. metz (2012:273) argues that political theology needs to explore how the ways of sufferings of the people, such as poverty, ill-health and exploitation, can be and how frequent they are, obscured and exacerbated by religion. it also needs to develop theological remedies that, however, will require not only more careful social and cultural analyses but also more perspective retrievals from the theological tradition (metz 2012). political theology as the method to examine the sufferings of the people in general and africans in particular in the context of this article is the basis where the researcher builds up the argument to make sense of the doctrine of predestination within the african and black theological understanding of the doctrine based on christ. the researcher will use political theology to detect the suffering of the africans based on this doctrine and construct the ways of addressing the causes of this suffering through deconstructing the interpretation of this doctrine. christology is used to deconstruct the constructed mentality that the doctrine of predestination in south africa advances certain group of people. christ-centred interpretation of the political reality will be the central point of departure to make sense of this doctrine. in the reproduced work of bonhoeffer on church and state, bonhoeffer (2012:289) argued in favour of the advantages of interpreting political reality from a centre ‘in christ’ as opposed to one ‘in human nature’ or ‘in sin’. suppose that jesus christ is the origin and goal of all things – the medium through whom god governs. in that case, he is the origin, purpose and medium of divine governance in the political realm – whether through the church or apart from the church or even against the church (bonhoeffer 2012:289). towards the role of christ in predestination in black-african theology the doctrine of predestination is a john calvin formulation based on reading and engaging with the biblical texts relating to the people’s election according to the will and free grace of god. predestination is one of the doctrines that have so many controversies since the 16th century to date. many theologians and scholars could not understand how can god elect others and pass others (calvin 2009:615). barth and bonhoeffer have indicated that christ is the originator and goal of theology. in this section, barthian theology on predestination will be a point of departure that will flow towards the development of black theology of james cone and the african theology on christ as ancestor and member of the community of the living and the dead. the knowledge of god is possible through god-self. thus, the understanding of predestination is through god in christ. barth (1957:3) indicates that the doctrine of election summarises the good news because all words that are said or heard are the best; god elects human beings; that god is for the human being too, the one who loves freedom. this knowledge and free love are grounded in jesus christ’s experience because jesus christ is both the electing human being and elected human being in one. it is part of the predestination not merely of human beings but god-self (barth 1957:3). barth (1957:7–9) postulates that the predestination manifests itself in the incarnation, the movement of jesus to become human and identify himself with humanity. in this sense, barth emphasises the fact that jesus is the elect of god, and at the very same time, he is electing those who are pre-determined by the community of god – the triune god pre-temporal. jesus, who is the son and a member of god’s community, is called jesus of nazareth. he is part of the community. he is the community representative, which in jesus-self and through jesus is united as he is god, being with jesus, the object of the divine movement (barth 1957:7). this argument on jesus, the community’s representative, leads us to the analysis of jesus the elected and electing the divine. historical jesus is the central point of discussion. barth (1957) indicates: in his movement towards man, jesus christ is indeed god or, more exactly, in his movement towards the people represented in the one man jesus of nazareth, in his covenant with this people, in his being and activity amongst and towards this people. jesus christ is the decision of god in favour of this attitude or relation. he is himself the relation. it is a relation ad extra, undoubtedly, for both the man and the people represented in him are creatures and not god. (p. 7) barth’s argument is more on african epistemology, where the community of people is significant. the activity of christ is the point of departure. the incarnation is the decision of god on the election, and the election supports the activity of christ’s ministerial vision in the gospel of john 10:10 ‘i have come so that they may have life and life in abundance’. the incarnation of christ, combined with the decision of god’s community on the election, is that jesus is the elected and electing person. the election is the divine, the choice which god makes in god’s grace, thus making this movement and instituting, maintaining and directing this covenant. according to the reformed churches’ theological tradition, what they have in mind is the election of grace (barth 1957:9). there is an emphasis on the election of jesus in barthian theology; god elects the man of nazareth, despite the fact that this town was small and insignificant in the eyes of jews, this man should be essentially one with god in god’s son. through jesus of nazareth and in jesus of nazareth, god elects god’s people, thus electing the whole basis and meaning of all activities (barth 1957:11). jesus of nazareth is central to the election; his ministerial vision supports black and african theology in his mission statement in luke 4:18–19. the ministerial mission statements of jesus in luke 4:18–19 are as follows: the spirit of the lord is upon me because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. he has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovering of the sight to the blind, to set at liberty those who are oppressed, to proclaim the acceptable year of the lord. these statements assist in constructing a new dimension on predestination in the light of black theology of liberation. jesus is the centre of liberation of the oppressed, and at the same time, he is on the side of the poor, oppressed, downtrodden and destitute and wronged (belhar confession 1986). the very same jesus of nazareth, who is the liberator, who takes the side of the poor and oppressed, is elected and electing (barth 1957). in the whole argument, it is essential to locate this jesus within the doctrine of predestination from the black theology perspective. hence, cone (1997, 2010) assisted contemporary theologians in contextualised christology with other theological loci such as the doctrine of god on predestination. cone (2010:67) indicates that black theology cannot accommodate a colourless god in a society where human beings suffer precisely because of their colour. black theologians cannot accept any conception of god, which stifles black self-determination by picturing god as a god of all people. creator god is identified with the oppressed to the point that their experience becomes god’s experience, or god is god of the racism (cone 2010:67). the argument advanced by cone (2010) leads to the point that jesus is god and needs to be identified as black because of black people’s experience in africa and the diaspora. it is essential to re-emphasise the blackness of jesus to locate black people as god’s elects because electing and elected jesus is black and is taking the side of the poor and oppressed people in south africa. according to cone (1997), black christ is more than a theological issue. cone (1997) states: i realised that many white critics of black theology questions ‘blackness’ as a christological title because it appears to be determined exclusively by black people’s psychological and political needs to relate theology to the emergence of black power in the later 1960s. that is only partly true. the phrase ‘black christ’ refers to more subjective states and political expediency of black people at a given point in history. (p. 122) the placement of black people in the equation of god’s doctrine under the following loci, predestination, creation and providence, needs to seek and find jesus’ identity and relationship with the black people within black theology of liberation. cone locates jesus within the african black people as black to deconstruct the new testament’s distortion on black christ for political agenda (cone 1997:123). furthermore, he attempted to unmask the subjective interests of white theologians in the past; in that sense, current history needs to be re-evaluated through decoloniality. there are currently negative reactions from westerners and white theologians to the black christ. this negative reaction is almost exclusively to their whiteness and supersessionalism that they are replacing the ancient israelites in south africa; therefore, christ must be white. cone (1997) postulates: white theologians’ attitude towards black people in particular and oppressed generally is hardly different from that of oppressors in any society. it is particularly similar to the religious leaders’ attitude toward jesus in the first century palestine when he freely associated with the poor and outcasts and declared that the kingdom of god is for those called and not for priests and theologians or any of the self-designated righteous people. (p. 123) james cone has laid the foundation for evaluating the theological loci amid the struggle for liberation for black people at any given time in history. he places jesus’ experience, attitude and reaction to the poor, oppressed, dispossessed and wrong in the centre of his theology, besides christology. philosopher cloete (2016) concur with cone on reflection of the same attitude in the 2020’s era: the most damaging consequence of white epistemic ignorance is a pathological failure to face – and thus live meaningfully-in the present political reality. the political children of white supremacy will, therefore, seek to escape the ‘truth’ of the present by clinging either to a fabricated heroic past that ‘never was’, on the one hand, or an idealised future, on the other, that will ‘never will be’ in a bid to find metaphysical comfort in the present. from this perspective, metaphysical comfort is nothing more than a tragic manifestation of cognitive dissonance and distortion of present reality, which makes it extremely difficult to connect with the ‘other’ human being in a meaningful way. (p. 26) the black theology of cone used in this article is based on his experience in the 1960’s attitude of the oppressors and colonisers, which many in south africa will dispute these claims based on the so-called free and democratic south africa or in the liberated united states of america. there are reflections of such attitudes as cone puts them, and cloete confirms in the above quote. the following are the reflections of such attitudes. throughout history, the brutal killings of black people signify that christ needs to be on the side of the elects (black people). the attitude of the oppressors of the 1960s is reflected in the murder of matlhomola mosweu, a black male teenager (16 years) at coligny (sa) in april 2017, who died after his neck broke from being thrown out of the moving truck (independent 2019). similarly, george floyd, a black man (46 years) in minneapolis, minnesota (usa) on 25 may 2020, died after being suffocated by a white police officer’s knee on his neck. furthermore, mothoagae (2016:63) cites the brutal death of moses tatane and the marikana massacre as the propositions that struggle for justice against apartheid in south africa and the civil rights movement in the united states of america failed. these narratives and many more across the world are clear signs of the need for a robust black theology of liberation voice and re-evaluation of doctrines such as the doctrine predestination, which are used to justify oppression and racism in south africa and elsewhere in the world. these stories triggered the mind to ask where christ could be placed in this moment of the black suffering. who is this christ in this experience? james cone assists black theologians of our times in understanding who this christ is. he places jesus as the black christ for black people. the nationality and ethnicity of jesus played a significant role in the black theology of james cone. cone emphasised that jesus was a jew. the soteriological experience and attitude of jesus provide the meaning of his jewishness’ particularity. theology must confirm the christological significance of jesus’ current blackness. cone (1997) affirms: he is black because he was a jew. the black christ’s affirmation can be understood when the significance of his past jewishness is related dialectically to the significance of his present blackness. on the one hand, the jewishness of jesus located him in the exodus context, thereby connecting his appearance in palestine with god’s liberation of oppressed israelites from egypt. (p. 123) the black jesus, whom james cone defined above, is the very same jesus that karl barth defines as the elected and electing god. the same jesus is the one who identifies himself with the black people of south africa in particular and africans in africa and diaspora in general. the blackness of jesus is in the sense that he becomes one with oppressed blacks, taking their suffering as his suffering and revealing that he is found in the history of black people’s struggling, the narrative of black pain and the rhythm of black bodies. he is the same jesus (god) who stands with the poor, widows, orphans, destitute, oppressed and wronged who are suffering (belhar confession 1986; cone 1997). if jesus is the elected and electing, then one can make a deduction that black people are elected with jesus, who is on the side of the poor, oppressed and dispossessed. the cross of jesus symbolises that the one elected has replaced israel’s place as the suffering servant and thus reveals the godly willingness to suffer so that humanity might be fully liberated. whilst the resurrection is god’s victory over oppression and injustice, disclosing that godly freedom reveals in israel’s history is now available to all. the cross stands for divine suffering in israel’s place. the resurrection is divine freedom for all who labour and are heavily laden (cone 1997:124). with the election of israelite slaves as god’s people and becoming the oppressed one in jesus christ, humanity is made to understand that god is known where humanity experiences humiliation and suffering. it does not mean god feels sorry and pity on the suffering quite the opposite; god’s election of israel and incarnation in christ expose that the liberation of the oppressed is part of the innermost nature of god. liberation is not an afterthought but the essence of godly activity (cone 2010:67). the postulation based on james cone’s (1997, 2010) argument is that god in christ came and continues to come to the poor, oppressed and dispossessed with the purpose to liberate them as he mentions in his ministerial mission statement that i have come to preach the good news to the poor. he emphasised that black people are god’s elected in america; therefore, black people are elected in south africa against the distorted reformed theology of the white people of south africa that the prosperous oppressors and dispossessors are the elects of god. the god who elects black people is god who provides those people with land, minerals and food. providence of god for the elects at the beginning of creation, god the creator provided space, light, land, water, atmosphere, plants and animals for god’s elect to prepare for humanity to live on earth. providence handled in the middle of predestination and creation. predestination and providence have the common origin in the absolute decree, a monistic bond joins them and they do not oppose each other (thielicke 1969:574). hence, i argue that predestination should correspond with providence. based on jesus, black people are the elects, the elected and electing one, and the elected and electing is black as is already argued above. the second argument is that the elected and electing god provides for the elects. the abundance in africa for africans to have land and food security also shows that black people are the elects. in this article, the focus is on special providence. calvin (2008:119) postulates that specific events are pieces of evidence of the special providence of god. in the wilderness, god provides birds to the hungry israelite slaves who are liberated from egypt. birds, food and protection are from god in the form of special providence, not a fate (calvin 2008:119). in the black african context, god’s providence is seen and experienced right from the primary source of photosynthesis, which is when food and oxygen are generated for human beings. the african people appreciate the sunlight from god as special providence. mbiti (1969:41), for instance, gave names of god that define god as provider and sustainer of the lives of people: ovimbundu: it means ‘he who supplies the needs of his creatures. this is a fundamental belief about god, and the examples come from all over africa. god provides life, fertility, rain, health and other necessities needed for sustaining the creation’. the shining one: ‘sunshine is one of the expressions of god’s providence. africans believe that the sun symbolises god’s benevolence, an expression of his providence’. the rain-giver: ‘rain is acknowledged as the token of god’s providence. rain is always a blessing, and its supply is everywhere’. provider of land and health: ‘cattle and fields, sufficiency in food, children and other goods like golds, diamonds, platinum, minerals etc. are provided by god to humans’. the protector of the poor: ‘god is the keeper of life of the poor’ (mbiti 1969:41). these names or praise names for god in the african theology signify god’s importance within african societies. as outlined by john mbiti, providence indicates that god, who has elected jesus to elect his people, is god of black and african people. the sun’s provision as the shining one is the one who has elected the black people; he has given them the black skin. the abundance of land for cattle and plants for humanity is the sign of election as weber indicates that god’s blessings show election; abundance and wealth are the signs of election. the british settlers confirm that south africa is fruitful and have in abundance the required resources for life. they affirm that the country has the most delicate soil and climate in the world. it commands the commerce of the globe. it produces in unparalleled abundance all the necessaries and all luxuries of life. it is the natural gateway to india and can supersede entire europe in supplying with accustomed articles of importation (magubane 2007:189). jesus, the elected and electing one who is black, together with god the creator, have elected blacks and the indigenous nations in africa pre-temporal and provided them with the abundance that will sustain them for life in abundance. in this sense, predestination, creation and providence cannot be separated in theology. conclusion the doctrine of predestination was and is distorted in south africa to ease the consciousness of the oppressors to oppress, dispossess and exploit the black people. this article’s thesis is to deconstruct the constructed ideology that black people have fallen out of the grace of god and are the rejects whilst white people are the elects. the central problem is that who are the elect? the poor or the rich? the black people or the white people? throughout the history of theology, this doctrine is hanging without locating the elects to people of god. in this article, i have attempted to illustrate that jesus, the elected and electing one, is black and is in solidarity with the suffering of black people. the elects as fallen human beings sometimes fall out of god’s grace, like the israelites who were the biblical elects. the following was found based on the problem statement: it was found that the doctrine of predestination was the foundation for the white people’s nationalism and a justification for oppression, dispossession and exploitation of the black people: it was found black people were located outside the grace of god as the elect in south africa. the reading of karl barth’s doctrine of predestination has shown that jesus is the elected and the electing god, whilst james cone locates jesus who is the elected and electing god as a black person. the blackness of jesus warrants the black people to be the elects because the electing and elected god is like them and in solidarity with them. it was found that this evaluation and location of black people as the elect is necessary because of their white counterparts’ experiences and attitudes, the death of matlhomola mosweu and george floyd. the abundance in resources and land in south africa in particular and africa in general indicates that the god who elects is the one who provides. the doctrine of predestination and providence cannot be separated. finally, it was found that black people are the elects in terms of black christology, providence and protection of the keeper of the poor. in most cases, they fell out of the grace of god and were sent to exile to repent and restructure their identity and return to their rightful position. this article reawakens the black people to their rightful place as the elects of god, which needs to restructure their lives as those provided with resources to feed themselves and export the surplus to the other nations. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that he has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article. author’s contributions l.j.m. is the sole author of this article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references barth, k., 1957, church dogmatics: the doctrine of god, t&t. clark, edinburgh. belhar confession, 1986, belhar confession, christian literature fund publishers, wellington. bonhoeffer, 2012, ‘state and church’, in w.t. cavanaugh, j.w. bailey & c. hovey (eds.), an eerdmans reader in contemporary political theology, william b. eerdmans publishing company, grand rapids, mi. calvin, j., 2009, institutes of the christian religion, hendrickson publishers, massachusetts. cloete, m., 2016, ‘allan boesak: innocence and the struggle for humanity’, acta theologica supplementary 24, 17–42. cone, j.h., 1997, god of the oppressed, orbis books, new york, ny. cone, j.h., 2010, black theology of liberation, orbis books, new york, ny. dolamo, r.t.h., 2016, ‘does black theology have a role to play in the democratic south africa?’, acta theologica supplementary 24, 43–61. hunsinger, 2012, ‘introduction’, in w.t. cavanaugh, j.w. bailey & c. hovey (eds.), an eerdmans reader in contemporary political theology, william b. eerdmans publishing company, grand rapids, mi. independent, 2019, pieter doorewaard and phillip schutte, found guilty of killing a teenager, viewed 07 march 2019, from https://www.independent.ie/world-news/africa/white magubane, b.m., 2007, race and the construction of the construction of the dispensable other, unisa press, pretoria. mbiti, j.s., 1969, african religions and philosophy, heinemann, london. metz, j.b., 2012, ‘theology in the new paradigm: political theology’, in w.t. cavanaugh, j.w. bailey & c. hovey (eds.), an eerdmans reader in contemporary political theology, william b. eerdmans publishing company, grand rapids, mi. mothoagae, i., 2016, ‘reclaiming our black bodies: reflections on a portrait of sarah (saartjie) baartman and destruction of black bodies by the state’, acta theologica supplementary 24, 62–83. resane, k.t., 2017, communion ecclesiology: in a racially polarised south africa, sun press, bloemfontein. thielicke, h., 1969, theological ethics: politics, william b. eerdmans publishing company, grand rapids, mi. vasilopoulos, c., 2012, the triumph of hate: the political theology of the hilter movement, university press of america, lanham, md. footnote 1. the belhar confession is the south african origin confession, which was adopted in cape town belhar suburb by the then dutch reformed mission church that emphasises justice, unity and reconciliation. it is now an ecumenical confession. 25 priests’ experience of the meaning of integrity with special reference to vocation s d. edwards & d j. edwards university of zululand abstract in its traditional association with some divine calling, the vocation of priesthood poses great human and spiritual challenges and opportunities along the developmental paths towards personal and ultimate integrity. this study used an interpretive phenomenological paradigm and qualitative research methodology in thematically analyzing and synthesizing the responses of a convenient sample of five christian priests, four males and one female, with a mean age of 50 years (sd 9.31), with regard to their experiences of the meaning of integrity. consistent evidence was provided of the depth and meaning attributed to their experience of integrity in personal, interpersonal, congregational and spiritual terms. in addition to appropriate criticism of the christian religious system and inevitable human failings, the participants provide relevant, authentic evidence of their immersion in their personal, vocational and spiritual choices. findings, limitations and implications are discussed within the context of psychology of religion. keywords: integrity, experience, meaning, priests, vocation, christianity introduction in addition to the common sense connotations of honesty, sincerity and fairness, the concept of integrity has deeper meanings and values, such as wholeness, morality, soundness, intactness and completeness. these deeper meanings include what various knowledge, wisdom and healing traditions throughout planet earth have long recognized as a theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 26 profound oneness or non-duality, framing contemporary converging evidence from various scientific fields of a profound interconnectedness of everything (lovejoy 1936; bohm 1993; gidley 2007; lászló 2007). scientific theories, such as integral psychology and psychotherapy typically include some form of integral, dynamic, systemic holism underlying phylogenetic and ontogenetic development (wilber 1995; forman 2010). from the perspective of psychological development, substantial evidence exists as to the construct value of eriksen’s (1993) psychosocial developmental theory, which consists of eight or nine, relatively pre-potent life stages and associated crises, from which emerge typical adaptive strengths (dezutter et al. 2013; marcia & josselson, 2013). the eighth stage is characterized by psychosocial crises involving experiences of integrity or despair, successful resolution of which leads to wisdom (johansson 2002; hearn et al. 2012). stages are not necessarily related to chronological age in eriksen’s theory, which also carries the implication that, although optimal integrity may only be realized in the eighth stage, or even final, ninth stage, earlier forms of integrity, such as the abovementioned common sense variety, can be apparent throughout earlier stages (erikson & erikson 1998). this psychology of religion study was motivated by the recognition that the priesthood is unlike other vocations in the sense that it has also been traditionally associated with some divine and/or holy calling. in the christian context of the present study, this is referred to as “a holy calling, not according to our works, but according to his own purpose and grace" (ii timothy 1:6,9). in addition to progressing through the typical developmental tasks and stages of all other human beings towards erikson’s eighth integrity stage, persons experiencing holy callings must also inevitably face priests’ experience of the meaning of integrity with special reference to vocation. 27 considerably greater human, social and spiritual challenges required by their holy vocations as evident in, perhaps surpassing, such diverse tasks as traditional ministry, parish administration, stewardship, pastoral care and counselling. there was the consideration that, although their vocation would inevitably expose them to the trials, tribulations and temptations of other mortal, vulnerable human beings, such activities as contemplation and action, based on jesus christ’s divinely inspirational commandments of loving god and neighbours, could conceivably also provide opportunities and possibilities for greater qualities of integrity than other persons, of such qualities described in psychological literature as aligning the personal and universal will in selfrealization, unity consciousness and/or the supreme synthesis (maslow 1970; wilber 2007; assagioli 2012). it was therefore decided to conduct an exploratory qualitative phenomenological investigation into a small convenience sample of priests’ experience of the meaning of integrity. to the best of the authors’ knowledge, as supported by extensive literature search, no previous study has specifically addressed the open-ended research question as to the content, mode and manner in which priests would describe these experiences. the personal and sensitive nature of the investigation mandated appropriate ethical considerations and procedures. method research design an interpretive paradigm, which involved qualitative research methods and techniques, was used. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 28 sample the sample consisted of five anglican church priests, four males and one female, with an age range of 37 to 60 years, mean age of 50.20 years and standard deviation (sd) of 9.31. participants were selected on qualitative research grounds of experience, insight into, commitment and willingness to discuss their perceptions of the meaning of integrity with special reference to vocation. ethical procedures necessary university ethical clearance was obtained. informed consent, with guaranteed confidentiality, was obtained from the participants. data collection and analysis participants were asked to complete the following qualitative question: “please describe your experience of the meaning of integrity”. while the general research approach was interpretive, hermeneutic and phenomenological in orientation, participants’ experiential narratives were also informative and instructive. thematic content analysis and synthesis was therefore preferred to more specific phenomenological techniques of data analysis and synthesis. participants’ experiential narratives were thematically analyzed individually and collectively synthesized. results the five individual verbatim profiles, codenames a to e are followed by their thematic analysis in italics, all of which are followed by the collective synthesis of experiential meanings. priests’ experience of the meaning of integrity with special reference to vocation. 29 individual profiles a: “i take integrity to mean doing what i say i am going to do when i say i am going to do it. this stands well in relation to others and, of course, to god. i am frustrated when this same kind of thing is not offered by colleagues and perhaps less understanding towards them than i am towards others (congregation members etc.). often integrity appears to be missing from the system that vocation is caught up in.” integrity means moral consistency in personal, religious, and community relationships. its lack in colleagues and the religious system is frustrating. b: “there are two primary but related senses in which ‘integrity’ is commonly understood – but both are entirely appropriate to vocational ministry; (a) the trustworthiness of a person, entailing their levels of honesty and reliability (b) the connectedness and consistency of a person. in the church, both are deemed essential to a person’s qualification to minister. yet the truth is that no one has ever entirely succeeded in avoiding hypocrisy or unreliability. there is always a gap between what is professed or claimed, and the life led. if it were not for the uniquely christian doctrines of grace and redemption being central to the belief system, nobody would ever be allowed to occupy such roles. so in practice the issue is a matter of the extent of a person’s integrity, and their self-awareness or honesty. paradoxically, those who seem to show the greatest integrity are those who can be relatively open about their lack of it. i am more inclined to trust an individual like this, than someone who gives the impression of omni-competence and reliability.” integrity means trustworthiness, honesty, reliability, connectedness and consistency. their ultimately unattainability requires grace, redemption, insight into, and relative openness about, personal limitations. there is more inclination to theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 30 trust individuals who are open about their relative lack of integrity than those giving inauthentic impressions of competence and reliability. c: “i believe a priest is called to have both theological and personal integrity, which i feel intertwine and feed into each other. this integrity is to be lived out within the community he or she serves and the worldwide church but most importantly because as christians god has called each one of us to be true to him, ourselves and others. the experiences of my calling, discernment, training, and my vocation to be a priest, have brought the meaning of integrity to the forefront. to take on any role of leading, teaching, guiding, and serving other people i believe one must keep one’s integrity in check. for me the deepest sense of integrity is honesty with oneself. i believe for me this is achieved through maintaining a close loving relationship with god my father and creator. if i am not true to whom i really am and who i have been created to be or become, i will be a fool to myself and to others around me. if i profess what i do not believe, i am not being true to god, myself and others around me. discovering one’s theological integrity and one’s personal integrity is a lifelong journey. there are of course guidelines set out by the church, by the culture we are surrounded by and what is perceived to be common decency, however like so many others i struggle with some of these notions when justice and compassion are compromised and need to question and challenge them. if i use the basis of my upbringing, my education, those whom i have been surrounded by, i probably have a good sense of honesty, common decency, justice, and compassion. this is, of course, sometimes fallible and must evolve. if i were to set myself guidelines to work from christ’s teaching is not difficult to follow, simply; love god, love others as i love myself.” theological and personal priests’ experience of the meaning of integrity with special reference to vocation. 31 integrity are intertwined, mutually reinforcing, and require being lived out in the priestly vocation, which is a lifelong journey. the deepest integrity is honesty with oneself, which is achieved through loving relationship with god. honesty, authenticity, truthfulness and decency are required in personal and spiritual relationships to both challenge notions when justice and compassion are compromised as well as follow christ’s loving commandments. d: “integrity in doctrine. the most important aspect of integrity is to preach the gospel from scripture and not edit it to make it more palatable to peoples’ ears. integrity in preaching. there is a particular temptation in preaching to slightly bend the truth when telling stories or using illustrations, or even in your interpretation of scripture to make the sermon funnier, clearer, more hard hitting. integrity in speaking. this is an important subset of the need to have a consistently godly character. it is really important not to speak about others behind their backs. having been on the other side of it, ie where i have heard a leader speak about others behind their backs i realise how damaging it is. the result is that you don’t trust that leader; you don’t know if they are on your side, because you don’t know what they are saying about you behind your back. integrity in belief. there is a temptation in ministry to speak confidently about the doctrines of the faith, exhorting others to believe them whilst having doubts yourself. integrity in character. it is so important to practice what you preach. having been on the other side of it where i have seen leaders who appear one way in public but are different in private i realise how important this is. it is corrosive to the congregations’ faith when they realise that the minister is not an example to follow. the overall challenge of leadership. the previous two examples are part of something that i think i probably find the hardest thing when theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 32 it comes to integrity: knowing how much to reveal of your own weakness and sin to those you are pastoring. when you are a minister you are aware of your position of leadership. you are aware of the fact that people look up to you and that you are meant to provide an example to them. you are aware, as in any form of leadership, that you need to inspire and lead people. all of these things meant that it is hard to let people in and see what you’re really like. and indeed from a leadership point of view there is something wise about this. however it can also be isolating. and worse than that you feel the temptation to pretend to be better than you are. to not do so is to lack a certain amount of integrity. on the other side, you know that you are no better than others, you know that to be a christian is to accept you are weak. moreover as a christian leader you perhaps expect to be even more aware than others of your own weakness. so in that sense you want to be vulnerable and let people see your struggles. getting the balance right is very hard. integrity in friendships. it can be hard to have good friends from amongst your congregation. this is because very often your biggest struggles and difficulties will come from within the congregation. therefore it is very difficult to know how honest to be with friends. on the one hand to have integrity would be to tell about your struggles, but this would very often not be appropriated since it would be about another brother or sister. so the other side means that to have integrity means not telling friends in the congregation what is really going on with you – this means you feel isolated. the example of integrity. as in all things jesus is the best example of integrity. he lived a perfect life. his actions always matched his doctrine. he managed to be a suffering servant at the same time as being the most courageous and inspiring leader the world has ever known. he managed to maintain deep friendships even with those whom he knew would priests’ experience of the meaning of integrity with special reference to vocation. 33 let him down in the hours before his crucifixion. he had the courage to preach the gospel without flinching but with love no matter to whom he was speaking and no matter what the cost. and of course most wonderful of all he died to wash away the guilt for all our sin and failure: not least the lack of integrity every minister struggles with.” integrity has various meanings. integrity in doctrine means unedited scriptural faithfulness. integrity in preaching means not being tempted to bend the truth. integrity in belief implies moral consistency. integrity in character means practicing one’s preaching. integrity in leadership and friendships means knowing how much to reveal of one’s own weakness and related ethical implications. as a christian leader you perhaps expect to be even more aware than others of your own weakness. it is very difficult to know how honest to be with friends. in all matters of integrity jesus provides the best example; of integrity in action, leadership, friendship, preaching, courage, humility and ultimate love. e: “my experience of the meaning of integrity is related to the extent to which what is set out accords to reality. so, parental upbringing (my own), although costly, since my father died of an illness when i was a young boy, was consistent and authentic according to my parents’ model of what was required of them as workers called by god. this example imprinted itself on me as i grew in my own understanding and as a young man i was conscientious, over-anxious, as i now see myself in retrospect due to the patterns laid down at that time. ‘give of your best’ was what i was told. i am now more confident of my integrity but recent personal crisis brought an unexpected attack on it which changes in thinking, prayer and support of others have warded off.” personal integrity, in reality, becomes consistent and authentic, in retheologia viatorum 40-1-2016 34 lation to upbringing, understanding of god’s calling, conscientiousness, reflexivity and confidence. collective profile the collective profile reveals that the sample of five priests’ experience integrity to include: common sense as well as deeper and interconnected meanings of integrity with special reference to themselves, their colleagues, congregation, religious system, jesus christ and the godhead. specific meanings and contexts attached to the experience include moral consistency in personal, religious, and community relationships as well as frustration with its lack in colleagues and the religious system the ultimately unattainability of integrity requires grace, redemption, insight into, and relative openness about, personal limitations. personal integrity is achieved through loving relationship with god in order to both challenge notions when justice and compassion are compromised as well as follow christ’s loving commandments. in addition integrity includes personal insight, reflexivity, confidence, scriptural faithfulness, truthful preaching, practicing one’s preaching, knowing how much to reveal of personal weaknesses and awareness of related ethical implications. in all matters of integrity jesus provides the best example of integrity in action, leadership, friendship, preaching, courage, humility and ultimate love. discussion the following discussion explicates and interprets the findings of the thematic analysis and synthesis in greater depth. since the seminal works of pioneers such as william james, theodore flournoy and carl jung the psychology of religion has developed steadily as an academic discipline and practice. consequent to his own spiritual crises, carl jung received just recognition for penetrating, depth psychological priests’ experience of the meaning of integrity with special reference to vocation. 35 analysis of typical trials and tribulations faced by spiritual persons on their way towards redemption, individuation and/or ultimate self-realisation (brooke 1991, 2000; owens 2011). jung’s analysis included both personal and clients’ psychotherapeutic experiences. in aion (jung 1959) jung addresses christianity’s central figure, christ, and unpacks the meaning of christ as a symbol of the self, in its totality, including shadow and syzygy, and differentiated context of jesus, the historical figure from nazareth, and the archetypal or risen christ. owens (2011:277) notes jung’s account of the dream that led him into the writing of aion: “christ-not the man but the divine being-was my secret goal. it came to me as a shock, as i felt utterly unequal to such a task.” jung (1959:68–70) describes his psychological route to his goal as follows: “modern psychology is therefore confronted with a question…is the self a symbol of christ, or is christ a symbol of the self? in the present study i have affirmed the latter alternative”, and subsequently notes; “this archetypal route does not in any way circumvent the christian mystery; rather, it forcibly creates the psychological preconditions without which "redemption" would appear meaningless.” redemption" does not mean that a burden is taken from one's shoulders which one was never meant to bear. only the "complete" person knows how unbearable man is to himself. so far as i can see, no relevant objection could be raised from the christian point of view against anyone accepting the task of individuation imposed on us by nature, and the recognition of our wholeness or completeness, as a binding personal commitment. if he does this consciously and intentionally, he avoids all the unhappy consequences of repressed individuation. in other words, if he voluntarily takes the burden of completeness on himself, he need not find it "happening" to him against his will in a negative form. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 36 this is as much as to say that anyone who is destined to descend into a deep pit had better set about it with all the necessary precautions rather than risk falling into the hole backwards.” from the perspective of the perennial philosophy, jung’s (1959) choice may be viewed as one of soul before spirit, where soul refers to the embodied, individual expression of spirit and spirit to the universal expression of soul (huxley 1946; judith 2004). this is also a relatively psychological route as distinct from the more monastic and/or conventional christian route of a life “in christ”. the distinction is developmentally hierarchical in wilber’s (2000) integral theory. viewing the self as symbol of christ, may imply even more to the vocation of priesthood, which requires total immersion in this chosen path, a life pattern of striving for unity consciousness or union with the teaching of jesus and divine life of the reborn, risen christ. this may mean an orthodox life of contemplation through unfolding developmental stages of consciousness such as metanoia (conversion), apathea (purification), illumination and theosis, or union with god (chirban 2007). for thomas merton (2006:547–550), such contemplation and action is the highest expression of intellectual and spiritual life. it involves an awareness and response to a call that comes from “him who has no voice”. this sublime invitation involves the death of an older life in order to enter a higher life and reborn self. it is compatible with all things, because it is their highest fulfilment as in the realizations: “i am” and “i no longer live but christ lives in me”. however, ultimately one cannot teach contemplation as this grace, like everything else, is god given. “the best you can do is write something or say something that will serve as an occasion for someone else to realise what god wants of him”. priests’ experience of the meaning of integrity with special reference to vocation. 37 whether priests follow first or second routes, the same personal, developmental end point of integrity, including personal, spiritual, transpersonal selves and ultimate self (assagioli 2012), others and god are implied. metaphorically this requires the practical christian vocation of fisherman or fisherwoman, enabled to breathe the ethereal holy spirit while regularly reaching into the deeper regions of the sea to help other suffering fish, all instructed through the radiant christ’s godly connectivity. as epitomized in the life of jesus and evident in the priests’ descriptions, this vocation inevitably involves a life of suffering and hardship, unending earthly trials, tribulations and temptations as well as the supreme and ultimate integrity of a kingdom of heaven. whatever the freedom of exegesis, and however much they guard against this, as explicitly expressed by participant d, by virtue of their humanity, priests will also, probably and inevitably, to greater or lesser extent, distort biblical interpretations, in terms of their unique, personal, conscious and unconscious, biases and assumptions. this necessarily implies a lifetime of scriptural scrutiny, intuitions, revelations, personal reflexivity and insight. clearly, this is a very limited, exploratory study, with findings that can and should not be generalized or transferred. however, the present sample of priests express various insights, intuitions and revelations in relation to their vocation, with particular emphasis on the conventional christian route of a life “in christ”. common sense, deeper and interconnected meanings of integrity are expressed with special reference to themselves, their colleagues, congregation, religious system, jesus christ and the godhead. there is recognition of personal integrity achieved through relationship with god as well as its paradoxical ultimately unattainability. thus integrity requires vast personal insight and action in all relationtheologia viatorum 40-1-2016 38 ships, personal, social, congregational, spiritual and religious with jesus christ providing the ultimate example. the transparent authenticity in b’s description, a, c and e’s insights and d’s detailed examples all relate to what oxtoby (2012) has referred to as the essence of christianity, the ethical teachings of jesus. the foundation of these teachings is self-less, appreciative, non-judgemental, forgiving and compassionate love, as fully explicated in in st marks’ version of christ’s two great commandments (verse 12:30– 31) to ' love the lord your god with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind and with all your strength, and to ‘love your neighbour as yourself’. this ultimately implies constant consciousness and unending praxis in an eternally present, heaven of love. st john (verse 4:8) says: ‘whoever does not love does not know god, because god is love.’ in his first letter to the corinthians (verse 13:13), st paul speaks of faith, hope and love, with the greatest being love. by virtue of their calling, the present sample also reflect that very human reality that the first, great commandment of loving god is easier than the second, with all its ultimate implications of loving one’s neighbour with one’s deepest, broadest, highest, selfless self as in christ’s example. however faithfully paul’s teachings may spread the gospel and reflect the loving “mind of christ” (devenish 2001), they also appear to have provided some foundation for what, in a psychologically critical, but friendly manner, oxtoby (2012) has referred to as authoritarian corruption of christianity, for example, as reflected in fixed, punitive attitudes towards sin and sex, stereotypical typecasting of women as inferior, and generally binary, “either-or” thought patterns that preclude more open minded, “both-and” type processes. such rigid attitudes and cognitions, along with fundamentalist, discrimipriests’ experience of the meaning of integrity with special reference to vocation. 39 natory, thinking, arbitrary (mis)interpretations of new and old testament passages to suit individual and group needs, as well as endemic human greed and power motives, paved the way for many subsequent violent, political, economic, physical, psychological and other abuses, as apparent, for example, in the crusades, the inquisition, witch hunts and nefariously unjust systems such as apartheid, all diametrically contrary to the original, moral and ethically orientated teachings of jesus christ as reflected in most interpretations of the gospels. clearly, any discussion on vocation also relates to the perennially controversial notions of determinism, free will and related philosophical and ethical issues involving vocation, volition, agency and decision making processes. as physical correlate of the present, qualitative phenomenological study, brain imaging techniques such as functional mri have facilitated objective measurement of introspective data. for example, building on an earlier what, when, and whether (www) model of intentional action or decisions, brass et al (2013) have postulated an anterior-posterior gradient within the medial frontal cortex, whereby broader medial prefrontal cortex (mpfc) based intuitions become funnelled into more specific behaviours associated with the rostral cingulate zone (rcz), and pre-supplementary motor areas (sma/presma) respectively. these specific behaviours include intentional suspension of volitional control, with regard to which humans seemingly have the ability to veto movements preceded by early brain signals up to 200 microseconds before movement onset (schultze-krafta et al. 2016). at least, such research provides some physical basis of hope for discerning intuitions, responsible decisions, and just as well as effective actions by priests of sound moral integrity. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 40 conclusion this study was motivated by the recognition that the vocation of priesthood would pose unique challenges and opportunities for human beings who chose and/or accepted such a vocation. the small sample of five priests who described their experiences of the meaning of integrity provide ample, consistent evidence of the depth and meaning attributed to their experience as well as the great value attached to this construct, personally, collegially, congregationally, in relation to jesus christ and the christian religious system. consonant with the great valuing of and enormous challenges implicit in their vocation, including its well documented uses and abuses, it seems entirely appropriate that the participants are also critical of the christian religious system and inevitable human failings including lack of integrity, inauthenticity, hypocrisy, superficiality and incompetence. despite all this, in their expressed insights, struggles and challenges, the participants provide authentic evidence of their immersion in their personal, vocation, and spiritual choices to continually follow “the narrow way” of a life “in christ”, treading that path of great suffering and great joy towards ultimate integrity with the godhead, while caring for their congregations. references assagioli, r. 2012. psychosynthesis. a collection of basic writings. amherst, ma: psychosynthesis centre. bohm, d. 1993. the undivided universe: an ontological interpretation of quantum theory. london, england: routledge. brass, m. et al. 2013. imaging volition: what the brain can tell 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accepted: 19 apr. 2022; published: 14 june 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this study examines the causal link between vaccine refusal in the makurdi local government region and aphorisms that deal with the jewish expectation of the anti-christ. the benue state government demanded that schools, companies and religious institutions educate their members about vaccinations. many residents of makurdi’s local government communities avoided the coronavirus vaccinations. even when the state government attempted to restrict certain areas to unvaccinated people, it did not alter the stand of pentecostal christians in the state. this study was derived through a phenomenological approach. findings reveal that aphorisms that concern jewish expectations of the anti-christ, such as the mark of the beast, hellfire bound, behaving immorally and animalistic tendencies, amongst others, have sustained vaccine hesitancy in makurdi. existing literature has failed to establish a causal link between the christian understandings of jewish expectations of the anti-christ in makurdi, benue state. this study attempts to fill this gap. it is believed that the recommendations will speak anew to these challenges. keywords: anti-christ; jews and messianism; christians in makurdi; covid-19; vaccine hesitancy; vaccination; corruption in nigeria. introduction in the makurdi local government area (lga), religiosity and spirituality may play a significant role in vaccine hesitancy amongst pentecostal christians. the coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) pandemic has thrown the citizens of makurdi into a state of uncertainty and terror. pentecostal christians, on the other hand, were no strangers to plague epidemics in the past (schilling, gamble & gamble 2020:1). they hold their religiosity and spirituality, derived from the bible, in high esteem. religiosity is defined as a person’s behaviour and attitudes towards a particular religion and its rules, beliefs and rituals; it can be measured by acts such as visiting religious sites, worshiping, praying, fasting and reading sacred books (sulmasy 2009:1634). spirituality, on the other hand, relates to how people seek and manifest meaning and purpose in their lives, how they connect with the present moment, themselves and many others, nature and the divine (puchalski et al. 2009:885). religiosity and spirituality are held in high esteem by pentecostal christians in makurdi. these pentecostal christians derive their doctrine from the christian canon of the scriptures that contain aphorisms on the coming of the anti-christ. thus, notwithstanding that the coronavirus ravaged the entire world, and the anxiety was high, pentecostal christians in makurdi refused to accept the vaccine from the government. disease outbreaks caused by vaccine hesitancy cause avoidable suffering and mortality in young children, as well as a waste of limited local health department resources (salmon et al. 2015). coronavirus mutations could make it easier for the virus to spread from person to person, resulting in more serious illness (jindal et al. 2021). nigeria has also been strongly hit by the impact of the virus. different variants of the coronavirus, such as delta and omicron, have been reported in different parts of nigeria. it was reported that the delta variant overwhelmingly dominated the isolation centres in the country. the crisis has, predictably, sparked social and medical responses from the general populace, state and federal authorities (amzat et al. 2020:218), one of which is vaccination for the population. mandatory vaccination was seen as an easier way to keep the population safe and as a preventative measure. according to the guardian (2021:1), making vaccinations mandatory was to counter the risk of transmission of the virus that unvaccinated people pose. in addition, lgas in nigeria have received doses of astrazeneca, moderna and johnson & johnson vaccines for the ongoing second phase of the immunisation operation in all states, according to sources, and the federal government has done its due diligence to assure vaccine quality and safety (vanguard 2021). the roles of the government seem positive in this regard, but the government of nigeria has seldom been sincere with its activities, most of which are shrouded in corruption and hypocrisy; thus, nigerians are careful not to fall into this trap anymore. whilst other parts of nigeria recorded a considerably high number of vaccinated individuals, makurdi recorded a low turnout of people for vaccination. in fact, people were discouraged from coming out to be vaccinated. on close observation through ethnography, the residents based their resolve not to be vaccinated on certain homilies and aphorisms which concern the jewish expectation of the messiah in the bible (oegema 1998; wise & tabor 1992). with this low vaccination coverage, there may be the emergence of more transmissible variants of the sars-cov-2 virus (world health organization [who] 2021). makurdi lga is located in benue state, nigeria. makurdi has the highest population of citizens in the state. vaccination against coronavirus began on 18 march 2021. the compulsory vaccination of the citizens of makurdi has received strong opposition. whilst citizens of other lgas in nigeria are coming out en masse to receive the covid-19 vaccine (archiga 2022; obinna 2021), the people of makurdi lga refused. this refusal is what is referred to as vaccine hesitancy. according to akwataghibe et al. (2019:1), vaccine hesitancy is ‘a locus within this continuum and could result in acceptance of some vaccines and refusal of others, delayed vaccination and tentative acceptance, thereby influencing overall immunization utilization’. this study examines covid-19 vaccine hesitancy amongst the people of makurdi lga, benue state. the challenge of covid-19 vaccine hesitancy in makurdi is necessitated by some factors. for some, the aftermath side effects, their medical safety, the content of the vaccine and the prompt production of a vaccine of this nature have made them reject the covid-19 vaccine (kosarkova et al. 2021). vaccine hesitancy is also influenced by a number of variables, including the mandatory character of vaccines, their coincidental temporal associations with negative health consequences, unfamiliarity with vaccine-preventable diseases and a lack of trust in companies and public health authorities (salmon et al. 2015). there is scanty literature on the nexus between covid-19 vaccine hesitancy and aphorisms concerning the jewish expectation of the anti-christ in makurdi lga. studies have not reported on how the jewish eschatological expectation impacted the covid-19 vaccine hesitancy in makurdi lga. this study adopted a phenomenological approach, with data derived through purposive sampling methods of some pentecostal christians and analysed through content analysis. the covid-19 pandemic in makurdi communities the communities in makurdi lgas are north bank ii, bar, modern market, south mission, agan, market, fiidi, mbalagh, north bank i and wailomayo (benue 2022). according to manpower (2022), makurdi lga is located in nigeria’s north central geopolitical zone in the benue state. the lga’s headquarters are in makurdi, which covers various districts and villages. the guma and gwer west lgas, as well as the sections of nasarawa state, share borders with makurdi lga. makurdi lga has a current estimated population of 401 762 people from various ethnic backgrounds. makurdi communities were also hard hit by the covid-19 pandemic. the coronavirus is a type of virus which causes acute respiratory disease in humans. the shape is either pleomorphic or spherical and is characterised by club-shaped glycoprotein projections on its surface (diameter 80 nm – 120 nm) (yang, bartlam & rao 2006:73). the covid-19 pandemic is our time’s defining global health problem and the greatest challenge faced since world war ii. the virus has spread to every continent except antarctica since its discovery in late 2019 in asia. but the pandemic is more than just a health issue; it is also a socioeconomic disaster. it has the capacity to cause severe social, economic and political consequences in any country it affects, leaving profound and long-lasting scars (united nations development programme [undp] 2022). the pandemic has affected the livelihoods of residents of makurdi. the government’s regulatory actions to combat the spread of covid-19, such as travel restrictions, lockdowns and limits on economic and social activities, have had an impact on smallholders’ livelihoods and food security in nigeria (balana et al. 2020). their economic livelihood in addition to their religious, social and cultural life was strongly affected by the virus. some residents even lost their jobs. this is the result of companies and organisations relieving their staff because of their inability to pay their salaries. those who are engaged in their own business encountered a reduction in the number of customers, thereby leading to a drop in revenue. because of government restrictions, many people stopped gathering for fellowship in churches. pentecostal christians started house fellowship. most people who received their social support from church members were left on their own to survive. thus, poverty and inequalities increased (undp 2020). the situation was very tense for the ordinary makurdi residents. most people were unable to visit their wives, children, family members or relatives, to name a few. most celebrations were stalled. cultural festivals such as new yam festivals and trade fairs, amongst others, were stopped. the historic role of the government in responding to pandemics (in a pre-covid and during the covid-19 context) the nigerians and nigerian government are used to pandemics. before the coronavirus, there was the ebola virus disease (evd) outbreak. the 2014 evd outbreak remains unprecedented in the number of cases, deaths and geographic scope (idris 2014). the outbreak affected 10 countries (guinea, liberia, sierra leone, senegal, nigeria, mali, spain, italy, the united kingdom and the united states of america) in 3 continents (africa, europe and north america), killing over 11 300 people and infected over 28 000 people (bali 2016). the evd spread to nigeria by a liberian diplomat who arrived via murtala mohammed airport in lagos on 20 july 2014 (otu et al. 2018). the virus destroyed nigerian neighbours such as guinea, liberia and sierra leone, which resulted in the loss of over 11 000 lives. during the covid-19 outbreak: who has commended the nigerian government for its strong leadership and effective coordination of the response that included the rapid establishment of an emergency operations centre headed by dr. faisal shuaib, an advisor to the minister for health, who was at the centre of the country’s efforts to eradicate polio. (mcclean 2016:1) nigerian government agencies worked together to curb the menace. the nigerian centre for disease control has worked in close partnership with state governments, the who, unicef, médecins sans frontières and the us centers for disease control and prevention to establish the emergency operations centre at the central public health laboratory in yaba, lagos and in rivers state. this partnership and coordinated effort has led to an increased awareness of ebola by the general public and markedly improved case management centres, underpinned by an aggressive and successful contact-tracing programme. state governments have also acted swiftly, establishing emergency coordination offices, identifying isolation centres in readiness for potential outbreaks, sensitising their populations and working with federal authorities (ikhuoria 2014). however, covid-19 eluded the nigerian government because of increased poverty, lack of preparedness by the government and stakeholders, inadequate health facilities, lack of quick and thorough tracing of all potential contacts, no ongoing monitoring of all of these contacts and lack of rapid isolation of potentially infectious contacts (katherine 2014). also, during the covid-19 pandemic, the nigerian government was not prepared for containment, active surveillance, early detection, careful isolation and case management, efficient contact tracing and prevention of the spread of covid-19 and data sharing with the who. lamenting further, the nigerian government has taken numerous health, social and economic measures to cushion the impact of covid-19. however, some of the policy responses have weaknesses, and taken together, they are not commensurate with the magnitude of the problem (dixit, ogundeji & onwujekwe 2020). the nigerian government was only concerned about siphoning the donations from the world bank, european union and other health agencies. palliatives were stockpiled by corrupt politicians for their own use. there was no food in homes. worry, anxiety, thirst, hunger, anger, frustration, dirt, malnutrition and compromised immunity was the order of the day (okorie, okorie & amusan 2021). it is believed in many quarters that palliatives were hijacked and stockpiled by the politicians to distribute them to their cronies. some others found their way into the markets. in edo state, it is on record that most of the residents were not aware of the distribution of any palliatives (onah 2021). the socio-economic rights and accountability project (serap) furiously wrote to the icpc (independent corrupt practices and other related offences commission) pleading for the: [p]rompt and effective prosecution of anyone suspected to be responsible if there is relevant and sufficient admissible evidence of hoarding and diversion of the palliatives. some people have reportedly discovered and taken away covid-19 palliatives stored in warehouses in several states including cross river, edo, ekiti, kwara, kaduna, lagos, osun, plateau and taraba states, with some of the people reportedly saying: ‘the food is ours but they are keeping it for themselves’. (igomu 2020:1) the activities of the government made the citizens of nigeria suspicious of the free vaccine against coronavirus. the fact that the government that could not distribute food and other materials to its citizens was distributing free vaccines made nigerians reject the vaccine, across religious and ethnic divide. the nexus between aphorisms about jewish expectation of the anti-christ and vaccine hesitancy in makurdi according to a who report, covid-19 vaccines can be taken by people of age 18 years and above. people with auto-immune disorders, hypertension, diabetes, asthma and lung, liver and renal disease can also take the vaccine (who 2022). according to the johns hopkins hospital and johns hopkins health system (2022), regardless of a person’s vaccination status, precautions such as mask-wearing, physical distancing and hand hygiene should be continued to help prevent the spread of covid-19. notwithstanding all these assurances, persuasions and encouragements, pentecostal christians in makurdi have prevented their children and close relations from taking the vaccine. the ethnographic research carried out by the researcher reveals the underlying reasons for vaccine hesitancy amongst the communities in makurdi. vaccination is an indication that the world is coming to an end the natives of makurdi believe that the vaccine contains 666. according to mr anthony (pers. comm.), the vaccine is 666 because of the calculation by their various religious groups. c o r o n a==6 3 15 18 15 14 1==66==666 he further said that no member of his family or close ones will take the vaccine. mr ephraim (pers. comm.) pointed out that the number ‘666’ is the numerical value of the coming anti-christ’s name, the one who is opposed to all that is christ, and he will avoid taking anything that will turn him against christ. according to mrs blessing, the vaccine is what the book of 1 kings 10:14 prophesied: ‘now the weight of gold that came to solomon in 1 year was 666 talents of gold’. this is a vital reminder of this king’s wrong and unfair practices, such as his excessive material possessions, his exploitation of his subordinates and citizens and also his abandoning the ordinances of god. the vaccines include altered ribonucleic acid that alters the human deoxyribonucleic acid, which is forbidden by god pentecostal christians refuse to take the vaccine because it is believed to alter the genes of a person and cause the person to misbehave. some of the interviewed people revealed that if they take the vaccine, they will not make it to heaven because god will be angry with them. mr felix reveals that he refused the vaccine because it would change his ribonucleic acid (rna) and make god not answer his prayers. it is believed that the vaccine may make them into beasts. for instance, mrs constance reveals that she learnt from revelation 13:18 that anyone who takes the vaccine will become a beast. she read from her bible thus: ‘this calls for wisdom. let the person who has insight calculate the number of the beast, for it is the number of a man. that number is 666’. the pfizer/biontech covid-19 vaccine, according to the australian government department of health (2022:1), employs a piece of messenger rna to teach your body to develop an immune response to covid-19. it is morally unethical to vaccinate against covid-19 informants concluded that taking the vaccine is an act that is morally not good because people are forced to take it. thus, prioritising public health over religious freedom, according to mr anti-vaccine g, is morally unacceptable. it is believed that people should be given the opportunity to choose between two options. mr kelvin also says that the covid-19 vaccine uses aborted foetal tissue, which is not morally acceptable. receiving covid-19 vaccinations that have employed cell lines from aborted foetuses in their research and production procedures is morally acceptable according to the catholic news service (2020). the coronavirus pandemic is god’s punishment some pentecostal christians insist that anything that comes from the government is regarded as secular and must be rejected by anyone spiritual. mrs anti-vaccine w lamented that it is god that is punishing the world with coronavirus because of the sins of the world. she lamented that the world has committed so much sin that god is left with no other option than to punish the world for its sins. cancelling the fulfilment of the intentions of world elites the researcher observed that the pentecostal christians believe that the covid-19 vaccine was a plan by the world elites to continue their economic, political and spiritual surge on the world. they reveal that the elites want to dominate the world with their own hidden agenda. some feel that god is all-powerful and taking the vaccine is making a mockery of the power of god. data indicate that the covid-19 vaccine hesitancy is an act of true faith and trust in god. mrs dorathy (oral interview) explains that she does not believe the vaccine to be as safe and reliable as the government and who are projecting it to be. pentecostal christians’ religious orientation on jewish expectation of the anti-christ some pentecostal church ministers, especially from the pentecostal denomination, preach that as christians, we are not open to problems such as sickness and other diseases (gerety 2013). mrs flora disclosed that being a christian is an insurance policy against sickness, diseases, sufferings and other life hardships (ezigbo 2021). however, randall (2020) lamented that pastors should not think for their parishioners, rather they should provide them with the skills they need to think and make decisions for themselves. mrs kate envisaged that christians should understand that in times of crisis, they should identify with the psalmist. she quoted psalm 31:13: ‘i hear many whispering, “terror on every side!”’ thus, the declaration of the coronavirus vaccine as a solution to the virus was a pandemic by its own to the christian world. schilling et al. (2020) explained that the psalmist would have us move past terror to say, ‘i trust in you, lord … my times are in your hands; deliver me from the hands of my enemies’. some preachers emphasised that it is the sin of the world that is making us face the epidemic of today (onyulo 2021). mr godwin reveals that the world has committed so much corruption, such as stealing, killing, rape, racism and other crimes against humanity, that god is very angry with the world and decided to punish everyone with the coronavirus pandemic. according to schilling et al. (2020): for luther, our loving god works for our good, even in places we do not expect, including amid the evil of deadly epidemics. the fear of bodily illness and death should drive us to pray and to care for our souls, remembering that this world is not our lasting home. an epidemic is one of many evils that beset us, and we have to take that seriously; but the greater evil is the evil within (matthew 10:28, luke 12:4). therefore, responding to an epidemic or any other crisis must involve turning from our sins. (p. 1) this mentality and these homilies from some preachers, especially from pentecostal denominations, have given the congregants assurance that the vaccine is nothing, because god is involved in the spread of the virus (østebø, tronvoll & østebø 2021; schnell 2020). amongst the christian community of makurdi communities, the knowledge and awareness about the importance of immunisation, beliefs and attitudes toward immunisation, past experiences with immunisation and health service factors that influenced trust and personal experiences of caregivers and household decision-makers were the main factors that influenced individuals and groups (akwataghibe et al. 2019). impacts of vaccine hesitancy on makurdi community the impacts of vaccine hesitancy on the residents of makurdi cannot be underestimated, which are listed as follows: growing refusal of yellow fever, polio and meningitis vaccines: many pentecostal christian parents have refused to take any vaccines, even polio, yellow fever and meningitis vaccines. they believe that all vaccines are covid-19 vaccines. thus, yellow fever and meningitis vaccine hesitancy has increased over time. according to omer et al. (2009), ‘some people have never even seen polio, but yet they keep giving us medicine for it’. this shows that some people have the feeling that polio does not even exist and that the polio vaccine being given was a farce. there has been an increase in the number of sick children: too many diseases are springing up in different parts of the makurdi communities, and the inhabitants have refused to vaccinate themselves against the diseases. thus, in many hospitals, children are on sickbeds, and the parents are insisting that their children should not be given any vaccines. indoctrination in the minds of schoolchildren concerning vaccines: unvaccinated children are more likely to come from households who refuse to vaccinate their children. pupils in primary and secondary schools from pentecostal christian homes are no longer interested in taking the coronavirus vaccine because of the suspicion that it could alter their genes and make them accountable to an anti-christ. thus, there is this growing hate implanted by christians in their children to the point that they display melancholy because of vaccine intake. according to muanya et al. (2021:1), pentecostal christians teach their children that covid-19 alters the human dna, that people will die in 2 weeks or 2 years after vaccination or that polio vaccines were intended to cause infertility and kill their children. this tends to make children refuse the intake of covid-19 vaccines or any other vaccine. civil disobedience and suspicion: pentecostal christians in makurdi communities are strongly suspicious of the effects of the covid-19 vaccine. according to mr johnson, the government could not share palliatives to cushion the effect of the hardships faced by the people because of the shutdown of businesses and other activities, but the government is very quick in mandating that people take the covid-19 vaccine. omer et al. (2009:1), shedding more light, lamented that ‘it is indeed difficult to discover two or three people with polio, but it really is easy to go to the hospital and find 50 people sick and unable to afford the treatment they require. instead, assist them, but no! you locate a healthy small child and administer medicine to him’. this shows the level to which the government has contributed to the people’s refusal to comply with the vaccine mandate. the actions of the state and federal governments have made the pentecostal christians in makurdi to be suspicious of the vaccine. recommendations the following recommendations are the best course of action that could be taken to curb vaccine hesitancy amongst the pentecostal christians: the government of benue state and the councillors of the different wards in makurdi lga should work hand in hand. if the government involves the pentecostal pastors, it will be easy to convince the congregants of pentecostal churches in makurdi. pentecostal christians were fully aware that benefits of any kind do not usually get to them. however, they were surprised to see the same government that once cared little about their welfare coming out to give vaccines free of charge. they should set up empowerment programmes and also ensure that donations from benevolent individuals, governmental and nongovernmental national and international organisations are used for the well-being of men and women in makurdi lga. this will help to rebuild the lost confidence that people have concerning the government and its activities. pentecostal pastors should also try to sensitise their congregants on the aphorisms about the jewish expectations of the anti-christ. this will help to enlighten the people concerning their roles and obligations. there is also the need for christian parents, notwithstanding denominational affiliation, to encourage their children not to shun other vaccines such as for yellow fever. conclusion vaccines’ ability to relieve suffering, protect lives and minimise healthcare spending has been jeopardised in makurdi, particularly amongst pentecostal christians. pentecostal christians feel that there is an evil intention or motive concerning covid-19 vaccination. they also feel that aphorisms concerning the jewish expectation of the anti-christ and messiah have been fulfilled by the coronavirus vaccine mandate. parents on their own part refuse to be vaccinated, thereby strengthening their children’s determination to not take the vaccine. to curb vaccine hesitancy, there is a need for the government to call on the pastors of pentecostal churches in nigeria to enlighten them on the efficacy and safety of the covid-19 vaccine rather than this authoritarian method of trying to coerce people into taking the vaccine. acknowledgements competing interests the authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. authors’ contributions both authors contributed equally to this work. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references akwataghibe, n.n., ogunsola, e.a., broerse, j.e.w., popoola, o.a., agbo, a.i. & dieleman, m.a., 2019, ‘exploring factors influencing immunization utilization in nigeria – a mixed methods study’, frontiers in public health 7, 392. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpubh.2019.00392 amzat, j., aminu, k., kolo, v.i., akinyele, a.a., ogundairo, j.a. & danjibo, 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protease, the achilles’ heel of coronaviruses’, current pharmaceutical design 12(35), 4573–4590. https://doi.org/10.2174/138161206779010369 abstract introduction marriage in the african context lobola in the african culture overview of the vatsonga culture patriarchal perspective of the idiom vukati va kandza hi mbilu vatsonga perspective on marriage the agony of singlehood challenge to pastoral care conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) hundzukani p. khosa-nkatini department of safety and security management, faculty of humanties and social sciences, tshwane university of technology, pretoria, south africa national institute for the humanities and social sciences (nihss), johannesburg, south africa dee khosa department of safety and security management, faculty of humanties and social sciences, tshwane university of technology, pretoria, south africa citation khosa-nkatini, h.p. & khosa, d., 2022, ‘the one-sided view of vatsonga marital endurance, vukati va kandza hi mbilu: a challenge to pastoral care’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a167. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.167 original research the one-sided view of vatsonga marital endurance, vukati va kandza hi mbilu: a challenge to pastoral care hundzukani p. khosa-nkatini, dee khosa received: 27 june 2022; accepted: 31 aug. 2022; published: 19 oct. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract vukati va kandza hi mbilu is a xitsonga idiomatic expression implying that the road to marital success is for a wife to endure hardships. this idiomatic expression is firmly embedded in patriarchal beliefs, as it is only applicable to wives and not husbands. from time immemorial, the vatsonga people have been aware of the complexities of marriage. although they regard it as being a vital step towards full adulthood and maturity, they have several sayings which point out that marriage is not an easy undertaking, such as the well-known saying, vukati va kandza hi mbilu. the purpose of this article was to examine the vatsonga idiomatic expression vukati va kandza hi mbilu, as well as its impact on vatsonga marriages and patriarchy in vatsonga marriages. furthermore, the study provided recommendations to pastoral caregivers to promote gender equality and discourage the abuse of women in tsonga marriages. a literature review methodological approach was adopted in this research to indicate that the idiomatic expression vukati va kandza hi mbilu chimes well with the patriarchal mindset of vatsonga people with regards to marriage in general. culture is patriarchal and this is general knowledge; therefore, this article argued that women are told and taught to accept male patriarchal rule along with the injustice and hardships that it causes them. hence, this article challenged practical theology to play a role in fighting against this tsonga patriarchal rule of marriage. contribution: in the light of the above-named challenges, the one-sided view of vatsonga marriage endurance and its patriarchal nature was discussed. practical theology was called to respond to these issues, as it can play a significant role in challenging pastoral care to respond to such patriarchal vatsonga idioms. keywords: tsonga; marriage; practical theology; pastoral care; culture; african; vukati va kandza hi mbilu; tradition. introduction the vatsonga ethnic group is situated in south africa. marriage is a particularly crucial step to those who believe in it; it is also considered to be an especially crucial step among the vatsonga people. mathumba (1988:135) declares that marriage is important to an african man’s life because getting married opens the doors for a man to take part in the affairs of the country and to assert his male authority with confidence. vatsonga cultural beliefs and norms exploit single or unmarried women to the extent that being single is frowned upon; hence, many are drawn into the vortex of marriage and end up being victims of gender-based violence (gbv). therefore, patriarchal male attitudes and women’s forbearance contribute to gbv. in african marriages, because divorce is also considered taboo, many african women are coerced to remain and endure physical violence by trying to escape the stigmatisation of being unmarried. religion, like culture, tends to encourage the establishment of a family as an important socialisation agent. vukati va kandza hi mbilu is a xitsonga idiomatic expression used only to encourage women to persevere in marriage through hardship, namely that equality in marriage contributes to gbv. this idiomatic expression is often used to encourage women to stay in abusive marriages as a sign of perseverance. furthermore, little is said about whether married men should do the same because of the patriarchal beliefs that are so embedded in african societies. this study will examine the vatsonga idiomatic expression, vukati va kandza hi mbilu, as a vatsonga perspective on marriage and then challenge practical theology to be the lacuna that will exist between the interaction of theory and praxis to achieve will in society (ikenye 2016:34). practical theology prides itself on taking and studying human experiences and stories, both in the church and society. marriage is part of human experiences; therefore, this article encourages equality in vatsonga marriages, as demanded of both men and women in vatsonga marriages by christian teachings. the study will also provide recommendations to pastoral caregivers to promote gender equality and abuse of women in tsonga marriages. it is notable that there are other sayings that imply marital hardships, such as yindlu yi funengeta swinyingi [a house is like an umbrella under which the dirty linen is placed]. that is, quarrels between husband and wife are commonplace but are treated as confidential. vukati i mbilu [it takes endurance to maintain a marriage] means that there are many challenges in a marriage which can only be overcome through patience and forbearance. n’walu wa yindlu wu tiviwa hi n’wini [the owner of the house is only privy to the soot of his or her house] means that quarrels between husband and wife should be kept confidential. however, vukati va kandza hi mbilu is patriarchal and one-sided in nature and promotes abuse and timidity in marriages. while the authors are fully aware of the importance of cultural beliefs among the vatsonga people, the article also points out the importance for mental transformation, hence also the pastoral care recommendations at the end of the article. there also exist idiomatic expressions such as nhonga a yi aki munti, translated into english ‘a knobkerrie is not a solution to your marital problems’, which means gbv against women is not a solution for marital challenges. a literature review methodological approach, which involves the analyses of previously available research, will be adopted in this study. according to snyder (2019), evaluating research findings from various sources assists in answering research questions more adequately compared to a single study. the authors of this paper belong to the vatsonga ethnic group and have observed how some men in the vatsonga culture are not invited to be part of certain decision-making processes in the family unless they are married. although formal education and advancements in technology have altered traditions and the culture of the vatsonga, most practice is still deeply rooted in vatsonga rural areas. marriage in the african context marriage is defined by ayisi (1997:15) as a union between a man and woman, created for the purpose of procreation. ogoma (2014:95) are of the view that marriage is a public affair which involves the broader society. in african cultures, the most common type of marriage is traditional marriage, which involves a variety of normative marriage customs. other types include court marriages established under the law and ‘western culture’ marriages. traditional marriages involve customs such as the payment of a bride price, also known as lobola or lobolo (vatsonga language). despite the continued prevalence of traditional marriages, other forms have gained traction, and other informal forms of unions have become popular. ogoma (2014:99) is of the view that westernisation, modernisation and christianity have contributed to the gradual change in the marriage system. parents play a limited role in the choice that people make when deciding to get married, and the institution of the family has changed drastically compared to the traditional view of the family. mawere and mawere (2010:225) argue that ‘the gradual breakdown of the influence of the lineage’ and policies that have promoted gender equality have contributed to the changes in the marriage system. these changes in the marriage system have contributed to the breakdown of some marriages and gbv in marriages. however, modernised societies are of the view that customary practices such as the payment of lobola have also contributed to gbv in marriages. therefore, the next section will discuss the effect of lobola on gbv. lobola in the african culture lobola is a custom where a groom’s family provides a gift to the bride’s family in the form of cattle or cash with the view of building relations between the two families (baloyi 2013:3; matope et al. 2013:192; montle 2020:160). the custom of lobola is most prevalent in southern african countries, and although it is often regarded as a prestigious occasion, it has been blamed for inequalities and gender abuses in marriages. in their study on abuse of women, moloko-phiri, mulaudzi and heyns (2016:254) found that lobola is highly valued by women and it makes them feel respected, especially if it is paid by a reputable family. however, once lobola is paid, some women are stripped of their rights and forced to remain in abusive relationships. matope et al. (2013:195) as well as montle (2020:161) argue that during the process of lobola, women are excluded, and this is the point at which inequality in marriages is initiated. studies have found that there is a link between lobola and abuse of women in marriages. moono et al. (2020:40) found that lobola infringes on the rights of women to their children and often leads to them being viewed as husbands’ property; hence, in the tsonga culture when lobola is paid, the children born in the marriage are the man’s children, and the women are merely the women who carried them. furthermore, the study showed that some believed that lobola allows men to control their wives, and thus they are entitled to their wives’ obedience. chiweshe (2016:235) argued that although lobola was traditionally designed to foster relationships between families, it has been commercialised to a point that it resembles a ‘marketplace where women are bought and sold’. hence, when a man pays a huge amount towards lobola, he believes he now owns that woman and can do with her what he pleases, seeing her as his property. therefore, the custom threatens the achievement of gender equality, as women’s sexual rights are infringed upon and they are exposed to sexually transmitted diseases. chabata (2012:12) also found that the commercialisation of lobola in zimbabwe has worsened gbv. some women are of the view that the abuse they receive from their husbands is due to the large amount of money paid for lobola, even though lobola should be seen as a custom where a groom’s family provides a gift to the bride’s family rather than as buying the bride. overview of the vatsonga culture chauke et al. (2021:1797) argue that even though vatsonga people are part of african society, they have their own culture that is held dear. the authors enhance views by chitlango and balcomb (2004:187) that women are more than just wives and mothers, as regarded by society; they have more important roles to enact in a vatsonga traditional society. baloyi (2009) argues that: it has become a normal way of living to some husbands to beat their wives, whilst it has become a norm for women to accept such treatment with both hands. from a traditional point of view, many men think that wife beating is part of their marital rights and privileges. (p. 161) african cultures advocate for perseverance in marriage on the part of women, even in the face of abuse from their husbands. this view has been passed on from generation to generation in the tsonga culture, despite the saying that nhonga a yi aki munti. a quintessential example of this socialisation was demonstrated by anon (2007:10), who provided a narration of how a man who was arrested for beating up his wife did not understand the reason for his arrest, as he felt that it was within his rights as a husband to beat up his wife. he peddles his ignorance by plying the police with the following question: ‘i do not understand why i am arrested for beating my own wife’ (anon 2007:10). to affirm the views of the authors on vukati va kandza hi mbilu, the authors will highlight similar xitsonga idioms on marriages such as vukati bya katinga [marriage is like a frying pan], meaning it should be expected that marriage is difficult, and everyone who wants to get married must be prepared for the roasting (junod 1990:180; sibuyi 2011:31). there are other debasing idiomatic expressions, equating women to serpents, which make it easier for men to treat them in the same way as they would treat snakes. one of these idioms says ku teka nsati i ku hoxa nyoka exinkwameni [when a man takes a woman to the altar, it is tantamount to putting a snake in one’s handbag] (chitlango & balcomb 2004:186; junod 1990:181). one such identity in vatsonga society is that of the mother. vatsonga people, like all people universally, are extremely attached to the mamani or manana or ‘mother’ but oppressive of the wansati or ‘woman’. mbiti (1969), writing from an african perspective, argued that this idiomatic expression highlighted the importance of remaining in abusive marriages in the vatsonga culture and how to endure challenges of marriage. baloyi (2013:2) opines that even though wife beating has horrible consequences, it has been practised in some traditional african societies to control women. this implies that men exercise ‘control over’ women to assert male dominance and for male people to assume power over women. patriarchal perspective of the idiom vukati va kandza hi mbilu according to ademiluka (2018:339), the term ‘patriarchy’ originated from the greek patriarkhs, which means ‘father of a race’ or ‘chief of a race’. patriarchy, therefore, means ‘the rule of the father’. patriarchy is very much a part of african life, and it is deeply entrenched in the ‘norms, values and customs’. patriarchy remains deeply entrenched within the fabric of our society, to such an extent that most women consider it to be a normal way of life. chauke et al. (2021) argue that: whenever a woman faces problems in her marriage, she has to approach the aunty for counselling. if there are any conflicts between her and the husband, the aunty is there to resolve the differences. sometimes she may need to be taught how to treat her husband in a respectful manner following what is commonly accepted in the society. the aunty also counsels her niece if she might be having thoughts of quitting the marriage. she will also share experiences which help her see that her problems could be minor than what she thought in the beginning. vatsonga culture like any other african culture, do not encourage divorce, especially over petty issues. they have a proverb which says ‘vukati va kandza hi mbilu’ meaning marriage needs a strong heart which can persevere in difficult times. (p. 1802) some african cultures define ‘abuse’ as a petty issue and not a good enough reason for a woman to file for divorce. some women in african cultures take pride in how they persevered through years of domestic violence in their marriages and encourage younger married women to do the same, referring to the idiomatic expression, vukati va kandza hi mbilu. the system of patriarchy was conceptualised as a system of social structures and practices in which men dominate, oppress and exploit women. there are six structures of patriarchy. they are: paid work, housework, sexuality, culture, violence and the state. ruether (2002:108) declares that patriarchy is clearly a universal political structure which privileges men at the expense of women. ‘libitla la mosadi ke bohadi’ means ‘the grave of a woman is at her in-laws’ (baloyi 2001:41). this idiom is also articulated by mabunda (2013:1), who argued the following in one of her poems: ku katinga ka vukati swi tiva hi lava nga ndzeni ka byona, meaning ‘the steam of the marriage is only visible to those who are in it’. these arguments indicate that the issue of roasting in marriage entails exceedingly difficult challenges, particularly on the part of women. maluleke and nadar (2002:11) say that another saying relating to abuse of women is vukati va kandza hi mbilu [to be successful in marriage, a woman must persevere]. mubangizi (2012:40) stated that although the term lobola can be defined variously, he defines it as ‘bride price’, ‘bride wealth’ or ‘dowry’. lobola or dowry used to be in a form of cattle, and once the cattle were released, the receiver guarded them jealously. a woman who would come back home would disturb her family’s wealth, so she was told to endure. when a man cheated or was in a polygamous marriage, she had to endure. to affirm this, mubangizi (2012:41) states that the fact that polygamy is only practised by men marrying several wives and not vice versa could be interpreted as discriminatory to women. according to durojaye (2013:2), women across the world have, because of religious and cultural practices, continued to encounter gender inequality as a norm. it must be acknowledged that south african law recognises polygamy and lobola through the recognition of customary marriages act. baloyi (2016) argues that: one wife can only be married and have sexual intercourse with one husband, but the husband can have more than one wife and have sexual intercourse with them. since treachery and fornication had always been suspected, strict rules and regulations were put in place to ensure that a wife never cheats on her husband, even though the husband may cheat. unfortunately, these regulations were within the patriarchal framework. (pp. 3–4) vatsonga perspective on marriage the majority of modern vatsonga women demand to be treated as equals by their male counterparts. despite financial independence, some women continue to be bound by traditional norms and values of subservience and servitude to preserve their marriages. as it is with most african cultures, married women are more respected compared to single women in the vatsonga culture. lobola, as in many southern african countries’ traditions, is part of the vatsonga people’s culture. it is expected of the man to send his family to the women’s family to negotiate the lobola for his bride. this is done as a token of appreciation to the bride’s family and as a sign of paying respect to the elders, the family and the community. it is a significant element of marriage among africans, and there are strict rules to which to adhere. according to chauke et al. (2021:1803), this is one of the reasons why women aspire to get married even at an advanced age. this is especially important from an afrocentric perspective, as it defines who they are as african woman. in the vatsonga culture, when a couple is faced with challenges, elders deliberate on their case, and these elders are not professional marriage counsellors they rely on elders’ sayings such as vukati va kandza hi mbilu to remind a woman to endure her marital challenges, and in the christian faith, the couple is often told to go home and pray over their challenges, even if the challenge is domestic violence. to affirm this, junod (1990:121) argues that this aspect of marriage among the vatsonga people is regarded not as an individual affair between two spouses only but an affair of the wider circle of the family. when a man marries a woman in marriage, he establishes a range of affinal social relationships between the husband’s family and the wife’s family (schapera 1957:111). when a woman is about to get married in the tsonga culture, elders will sit with her and inform her what is expected of her as a wife marrying into a new family. it is common among african cultures for women to be taught how to behave, as affirmed by khosa-nkatini, wepener and meyer (2020): [m]any women in africa believe that they should not question culture and tradition but should do as they are told. in africa, it was believed that everyone must grow up and get married. (p. 5) marriage is of importance among the tsonga people as it is for many other african ethnic groups. alie et al. (2011:2) state that children are raised and conditioned them to accept marriage as the ultimate way of life. according to baloyi (2011:120), the vatsonga culture emphasise that marriage is not just between two individuals and that a woman does not only marry her husband, but she also marries his whole family too. when a woman faces challenges in her marriage, she consults her in-laws and not her own family because she is no longer considered as part of her own family. according to baloyi (2011:120), a married women is ‘owned by her in-laws and in some cases before reaching decisions on a certain matter; she would be expected to consult with them first’. the agony of singlehood ogoma (2014:94) argues that just like several social terminologies, marriage is a contentious concept. marriage and the idea of marriage can be universal, but there is no one general acceptable definition of marriage. marriage occupies a prominent position in the affairs of africans. according to mbiti (1969): for african people, marriage is the focus of existence. it is the point where all the members of a given community meet: the departed, the living and those yet unborn. all the dimensions of time meet here, and the whole drama of history is repeated, renewed, and revitalized. marriage is a drama in which everyone becomes an actor or actress and not just a spectator. (p. 133) though some women prefer to remain single, marriage remains an important indicator of female status (obbo 1980:106). according to ademiluka (2021:1), in the african traditional society, marriage is an obligation for every normal person. the most important reason why africans get married is the desire to have children. in the past, the most important reason people wanted to have children was the need to have heirs who would sustain the paternal lineage. in the present, most africans want to get married and have children because it is preserved as the normal course of life. mbiti (1991:104) suggests that marriage is considered a sacred duty which every person must perform, and anybody who under normal conditions refuses to marry is committing a major offence in the eyes of society; without marriage, a person is not considered to be complete, ‘perfect’ and truly a person. to affirm this, ademiluka (2012:1) argues that a woman’s status is her children, and to have children one must be married. the importance of marriage is sensible to africans, even though in christian theology (both in the bible and in christian tradition), celibacy might be regarded as virtuous because both jesus and paul were single. however, in africa, the focus is on biblical scriptures and african beliefs that marriage is important. according to agazue (2013:7), the culture that prohibits childbearing outside marriage or single parenting affects women more than men. this makes women more desperate for marriage; they may not want to be shamed for having children outside marriage or single parenting. in africa, due to the superlative views of the sanctity and usefulness of marriage within much of christian theology, celibacy and singleness are often frowned upon (agana 2018:92). according to baloyi (2010:725), single people in the african community are also subjected to social stigma. there are people who do not necessarily get married because they want to but because they feel the pressure of being single. challenge to pastoral care kurgat (2009:9) briefly defined enculturation as the ongoing dialogue between faith and a specific culture, while evangelisation is the process of change in an individual who belongs to a defined social grouping and who is profoundly linked to a cultural tradition. according to kaur and kaur (2016:2220), the content of diverse cultures varies, but the basic structure of culture is universal in every culture, as it comprises elements such as beliefs, values, norms, symbols and language. from a christian theological perspective, ‘inculturation is a process whereby the already faith embodies in one culture, encounters with another culture in these encounters’ (magesa 2004:5). baloyi (2010:728) argues that paul in 1 corinthians 7:7–8 writes that there is nothing wrong in staying single, particularly if such a person has a gift of being single. this means that being single is not just a wish but also a gift. when teaching the word, preachers need to be aware of the diversity of the congregants. as argued by kurgat (2009:91), evangelisation is about keeping in mind a person’s cultural background, tradition and social grouping when you preach the gospel to them. however, the authors of this research do not imply that the truth of the gospel should be changed to suit congregants but to be within context. baloyi (2016:5) highlights important matters also spoken by paul about marriage in the new testament; he did not indicate that any inequality should exist between two married people. the question as to who has the authority, the wife or the husband, helps paul emphasise the point of equality. he argues that ‘[t]he wife does not have authority over her own body but yields it to her husband. in the same way, the husband does not have authority over his own body but yields it to his wife, no one owns his body (1 cor 7:4)’. the role of the church in creating awareness on gbv and domestic abuse is well documented in recent studies (see adjei & mpiani 2022:np3538; chisale 2018:5; knickmeyer, levitt & horne 2016:108). knickmeyer et al. (2016:102) showed that men often defended domestic abuses by citing religious ideologies that support male dominance and women’s submission. the bible verse from ephesians 5:21–23 that states that women should submit to their husbands and the husband is the head of the wife is used as justification. using interviews and observations, chisale (2018:5) found that women are discouraged from speaking out about domestic abuses, and this is justified biblically. the participants in the study highlighted that proverbs 21:9 (‘it is better to live in a corner of the housetop than in a house shared with a quarrelsome wife’) is often cited as justification for the silence of women regarding domestic abuses. adjei and mpiani (2022:np3538) also found that religious ideologies are often invoked to justify and legitimise domestic abuses and male dominance over women. as such, the church has a significant role to play in promoting gender equality in marriages through their doctrines, as well as making perpetrators accountable for their abusive actions (magezi & manzanga 2020:4) this study challenges churches to create awareness on the importance of perseverance in marriage for both spouses. teaching in the church should not only focus on the importance of marriage, but teachings in the church should also highlight that marriage and celibacy are both acceptable before god and speak out against women staying in abusive marriage because of the fear of divorce as a sin. biblical teaching about gbv, discrimination against single women or mothers and patriarchy must be as clear as the preaching of marriage. the church must not shy away from adhering to such teachings, regardless of the criticism the church may receive. this is one of the problems that leads to the escalation of many other issues such as gbv, resulting in women being killed by their husbands in the name of vukati va kandza hi mbilu. conclusion the purpose of this study was to examine the vatsonga idiomatic expression vukati va kandza hi mbilu, as well as its impact on vatsonga marriages and patriarchy in vatsonga marriages. furthermore, the study sought to provide recommendations to pastoral caregivers to promote gender equality and to discourage the abuse of women in tsonga marriages. the study briefly discussed marriage in the african context and the custom of lobola, which precedes traditional marriages. traditional marriages are still prevalent in african countries, despite the influence of westernisation, modernisation and christianity. however, factors such as the commercialisation of lobola have contributed significantly to gendered violence in marriages. gender-based violence is also prevalent in the vatsonga ethnic group. idioms such vukati va kandza hi mbilu are used to remind a woman to endure her marital challenges, and in the christian faith, a couple is often told to go home and pray over their challenges, even if the challenge is domestic violence. this study has shown that the idiomatic expression, vukati va kandza hi mbilu, is patriarchal and one-sided in nature and promotes abuse and timidity in marriages. furthermore, women are discouraged from speaking out about domestic abuses, and this is justified biblically. therefore, there is a need for practical theology to respond to this ideology of tsonga marriages and to challenge pastoral caregivers to look at the perspective of marriage among vatsonga people. the church has a significant role to play in promoting gender equality in marriages through their doctrines, as well as making perpetrators accountable for their abusive actions. acknowledgements competing interests the authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. authors’ contributions h.p.k.-n. contributed to the conceptualisation, methodology, formal analysis, investigation, writing of the original draft, project administration, data curation, resources, review and editing of the manuscript and funding acquisition; d.k. contributed to the conceptualisation, methodology, formal analysis, writing of the original draft, project administration, resources and review and editing of the manuscript. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references ademiluka, s.o., 2018, ‘patriarchy and women abuse: perspectives from ancient israel and africa’, old testament essays 31(2), 339–362. 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ma dissertation, african languages and communication department, university of limpopo. snyder, h., 2019, ‘literature review as a research methodology: an overview and guidelines’, journal of business research 104, 333–339. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2019.07.039 abstract introduction the background to violence against women thriving in south africa reducing violence in south african society – police prevention theological approaches that empowers women conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) doniwen pietersen department of old and new testament, faculty of religion and theology, university of the free state, bloemfontein, south africa citation pietersen, d., 2021, ‘the relevance of theology and legal policy in south african society in connection with violence against women’, theologia viatorum 45(1), a120. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v45i1.120 original research the relevance of theology and legal policy in south african society in connection with violence against women doniwen pietersen received: 05 may 2021; accepted: 26 july 2021; published: 29 sept. 2021 copyright: © 2021. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the theological question raised in this article violence against women theologically, drawing and incorporating the south african government’s response to it in terms of legislation and policing strategies and the need for greater participation of communities to combat gender-related crimes. the caretaker approach of the church as the custodian of the hebrew bible was also highlighted. even though a church-based care approach may be limited, it still has the potential to support the efforts of law-enforcement agencies. when women in communities do not feel safe and fear violence at the hands of men, they are forced to resort to the state to provide protection. crime, including crime against women, draws on insecurities about the level of safety and well-being in communities. it cannot be prevented or eliminated by the police alone but by the concerted collaboration of the private sector, ngos, faith-based organisations such as churches and the community itself. keywords: violence; women; legislation; community; south africa. introduction south africa’s female homicide rate in 2020 was five times the global rate.1 the numbers are ever increasing and yet violence against women is still regarded as a private affair, with only 3.9% of women reporting these crimes to the police.2 moreover, some critics claim that the south african police service’s (saps) statistics are inadequate as they do not give an accurate depiction of the full scale of gender-based crimes (mpani & nsibande 2019:8). they claim that the reason the saps shies away from supplying more accurate figures regarding gender-based violence is that it would reflect badly on them and would be tantamount to an admission of guilt. crime3 brings fear, anger and hatred toommunities. treadwell (2013:07) affirmed that, ‘crime is one of the obstacles in improving the quality of life and authorities must take responsibility for community safety’. it is critical for saps and non-governmental organisations, such as sonke gender justice (sdj), people opposing women abuse (powa) and men engage alliance to develop strategies to fight crime against women. the decrease of crime in south africa can bring about positive change, such as job formation and economic development, whereas a high crime rate against women reduces economic expansion and inhibits public safety. to reduce violence against women, local communities must develop crime prevention programmes in an integrated way. this involves the application of multi-agency programmes that are aimed at reducing the threat posed by violence against women (pheiffer 2013:14). the national crime prevention strategy (ncps)4 is aimed at improving law enforcement by multi-departmental agencies to attend to the causes of crime against women. to achieve this, south african society must take ownership and acknowledge their responsibility to protect and care for women (pietersen 2021:199). the background to violence against women thriving in south africa violence against women is evidenced in regional data as well. for example, over half the women in gauteng (51.3%) have experienced some form of violence (emotional, economic, physical or sexual) from men in their lifetime and 75.5% of men in the province admit to perpetrating some form of violence against women. emotional violence – a form of violence not well defined in domestic violence legislation and thus not well reflected in police data – is the most commonly reported form of violence, with 43.7% of women saying they experience it and 65.2% of men admitting to its perpetration. one in four women in gauteng has experienced sexual violence in their lifetime. an even greater proportion of men (37.4%) disclosed perpetrating sexual violence (krug, sethi & holder 2002:10). where violent behaviour against women occurs that is in breach of legislation or decisions made by courts of law, punishment must be swift and criminal proceedings should be expedited. crime in general is caused by three factors, namely the offender, the potential victim and the environment (smit, minnaar & schneitler 2004:74). however, this should be elaborated on more specifically in policy documents for uniformity in applying punishment for crimes perpetrated against women. in the western cape, for instance, research by gender links revealed that perpetrators themselves are not aware of what constitutes violent crime against women. to address this issue, education about these crimes must precede the work of law enforcement agencies, whilst applying proper punishment (pietersen 2021:202). reducing violence in south african society – police prevention referring to pheiffer (2013:15), ‘policing is an approach to community safety where there is a networking of service providers that interact to ensure the safety and security of communities’. this is needed in a crime-riddled country such as south africa for the abuse of women to become a high priority for the police: the saps must take into consideration the community’s harsh attitude towards women in executing their daily duties. policing can be effective if it is done through an integrated approach where crime-prevention responsibilities are shared with the community. (pheiffer 2013:16) this integrated approach could signal a downward trend in the violence seen recently against women, including high-profile cases such as uyinene mrwetyana and others like her (landman & liebermann 2005:25). cooperation and collaboration to fight violence against women violence against women is a crime, but it is also ‘a social matter which involves entire communities’ (smit et al. 2004:80–81). for crime deterrence projects to succeed in curbing violence against women, there must be partnerships between the police and other role players. the south african police service act (on cpfs of 1995)5 ‘makes provision for the development of a policing policy and to build partnerships with communities and civil society’ (smit et al. 2004:80), as far as violence against women is concerned. crime prevention around the abuse of women is therefore a joint responsibility shared by ‘government departments, ngos, community-based organisations and individuals’ (smit et al. 2004:81). communities themselves also need to take responsibility for the safety of women. the benefits of police collaboration with communities and private and non-governmental organisations are as follows (pietersen 2021): increased awareness through campaigns. greater levels of trust. greater police visibility. better care of the vulnerable, including women. (p. 203) however, according to smith et al. (2004:82), there seems to be a lack of partnership between the police and communities because partnerships are either broken or non-existent. this is an area that needs to be improved: at the crux of partnerships involving law enforcement agencies is the belief that reducing crime and disorder requires the coordinated, concentrated effort of individuals and organisations affected by and concerned with the problem of violence against women. (skogan 2004:06) if this kind of coordinated strategy is thoroughly active between collaborative policing organs then lasting change for women to feel protected and valued in society maybe immanent (pheiffer 2013:17). the saps and resident communities must build an atmosphere of trust to take responsibility for the safety of women. where the skills and resources of the community are not properly harnessed by law-enforcement agencies, violence against women stubbornly persists and the cycle of aggression continues. consequences of communities fighting violence against women community crime prevention aimed at reducing violence against women ought to be a ‘collaboration between the police and communities as a means to bring offenders to book’ (mudau 2008:27). community crime prevention often takes the form of neighbourhood watches, which started as vigilantism during apartheid, based on the need for self-protection. its main emphasis is on community awareness and taking proactive measures against any signs of abuse towards women. this strategy to reduce public fear of crime could be an effective means of developing local partnerships. however, according to skogan (2004:06), violence against women can only be reduced if communities collaborate with the police and non-governmental organisations. police agencies cannot deal with the issue of crime against women without the assistance of the community. when violent crime against women escalates, it is a sign that the community is fragmented and disorganised. the only way community crime prevention can work is through residents forming patrols and neighbourhood watch groups. ‘community policing is rooted in the law enforcement’s dependence on the public’s eyes, ears, information and influence to exert social control’ (miller, hess & orthmann 2014:79). according to krug et al. (2019:11), the gauteng department of community safety has occupied the chief role in public crime deterrence by launching a communal patrol programme with the aim of tackling the spike in violence against women and children. legislation to protect women against gender-based violence according to the saps act, the provincial commissioner may delegate the function of crime against women to station commanders. it is then the concern of station commanders to establish community police forums. the act stipulates that the saps must therefore, ‘establish and maintain partnerships within communities with the purpose of promoting joint problem identification and problem solving’ (roelofse 2007:79). this collaboration has the potential to result in a rapid decrease in female abuse in vulnerable communities. pheiffer (2013:60) interpreted the objectives of police collaboration as mobilising and empowering communities. if the relationship between the police and the community is not well managed, it may result in cases being poorly handled and ultimately remaining unresolved. this can occur where, ‘there is a lack of awareness and therefore no joint identification of crime hotspots by both the saps and local communities’ (pheiffer 2013:61). scarce resources remain a real challenge in creating lasting partnerships in crime prevention that will be able to tackle the increase in gender violence. from a historical perspective, it should be observed that many communities today still struggle to trust the police because during apartheid, the police was viewed as the arm of state-sponsored violence against the oppressed. constitution of the republic of south africa (act 108 of 1996) the representation of the new constitution provided a context for the formation of community structure through the community police forum (cpfs), ‘police accountability and civilian oversight of the saps. in terms of section 205 of the constitution of the republic of south africa, 1996’ (smit et al. 2004:13), the aims of the saps are well-known as follows, according to the national gender-based violence and femicide strategic plan, 2019: to prevent, combat and to investigate crime for the benefit of all south africans. protect and secure the inhabitants of the republic of south africa and their properties. saps must protect all people, but especially vulnerable people, such as women, children and those with disabilities against abuse, violence and criminality. this includes upholding and enforcing the law. they must also execute the law to the satisfaction of all communities. however, without the involvement of communities as the active partner in preventing crime, the abuse of women, children and people with disabilities will not be sufficiently reduced. (ngb violence & femicide strategic plan 2019) although the constitution makes specific provisions for the protection of women, if the saps and other crime-prevention organisations do not enforce them, violence against women may continue to increase. according krug et al. (2019:13), violence against women is still regarded as a private affair, with only 3.9% of women reporting this crime to the police because of the stigma of singling out men whom they know personally, usually their boyfriends or husbands. for many women, there is often a sense of despondency or that the system is weighted against them and that the police will do little to help them even if they do report the abuse (pietersen 2021:210). south african police service act (act 68 of 1995)6 this law concentrates on the formation and conservation of partnerships ‘between the saps and the community’, cultivating transparency and service delivery within ‘the saps and promoting communication’ and cooperation between the police and local communities. in other words, section 19 of saps was established to allow communities to have direct involvement in crime prevention (smit et al. 2004:13–14). the saps act 68 of 1995 is the state’s response to the cry of civil society for a safe country where women, children and gender non-conforming individuals are notorious and esteemed, ‘and in which gender-based violence and femicide will not be tolerated’ (smit et al. 2004:15). national development plan (2030) the visionary ‘national development plan (2030) was formulated to ensure a decent life for all south africans by eliminating poverty and reducing inequality’ (minnaar 2009:20), including racial, income and gender inequality. the fundamentals of this plan to improve the normal life are as follows: to ensure that all south africans have access to decent housing, water, electricity and sanitation and as a consequence reduce crime and other and social problems such as the abuse of women and children. to provide better safety and security. however, it is not clear whether the national development plan (ndp) will play a role in curbing gender-based violence. to equip all south africans with quality education and skills development. by providing better education and developing the skills of women, crimes against them are expected to automatically be reduced. to provide safer and more reliable public transport, which the ndp anticipates will reduce the incidence of robbery and rape, as women will not have to wait unattended for long periods at taxi ranks and bus stations. in order for abuse against women to end, the destructive culture of violence against women as a means of solving conflicts domestically and socially must be exposed and condemned (minnaar 2009:20–25). theological approaches that empowers women the investigation surrounding the disempowerment of and violence against women attempts to investigate how both culture and the old testament and law enforcement bodies deal with the ability to care for victims and to help change the attitudes and actions of perpetrators of these crimes. it has been observed that the state’s response to violence against women is limited to enforcing laws, especially when the necessary collaborative efforts from communities do not exist. however, if these two elements do not intersect, violence against women will only be sustained and legitimised. as an alternative, a biblical church method will be examined and presented as the chosen source from which commendations will be attained. this will then not only serve as a framework from which an alternative approach to curbing violence against women may be drawn but will also become part of an integrated platform from which law enforcement bodies can undergird their attempts to prevent these crimes (pietersen 2021:215). ‘scripture and the biblical interpretation with regard to women in the old testament’, yield insights into how women were disempowered (pierce & groothuis 2004:17). for example, in case law: if a man has two wives, the one loved and the other unloved, and both the loved and the unloved have born him sons, if the first-born son belongs to the unloved, then it shall be in the day he wills what he has to his sons, he cannot make the son of the loved the firstborn before the son of the unloved, who is the firstborn. but he shall acknowledge the firstborn, the son of the unloved, by giving him a double portion of all that he has, for he is the beginning of his strength; to him belongs the right of the firstborn. (dt 21:15–17) in acknowledging this legacy and in seeking to change the prevailing attitude towards women in south africa, a theological perspective should be welcomed. mcclure (2012:269) posited, ‘a form of religious engagement aimed at integrating theory, theology and practice within the context of a faith community’ is necessary in order to bring healing to women who have fallen victim to abuse. in addition, healing this approach includes guiding people on issues related to sin, suffering, healthy christian doctrine, understanding ‘that men and women are created in god’s image’ (van arkel 2000:148), nurturing a balanced view of scripture and formulating liberating gender-inclusive language. approaches of this kind all underwrite to enable a healthy, empowering attitude towards women to prevail to curb violence against them. a hermeneutic of caring for vulnerable and abused women van arkel (2000:146) declared that ‘the attentiveness of feminists and womanists to the dynamic of suffering caused by the hierarchical ordering of relationships has made an enormous impact on theology’. the theology of suffering is an integral part of the hebrew bible. the idea of suffering is also a central theme to the experience of women facing violence in south african society. women who are subjected to violence in marriage are often encouraged by faith-based organisations to stay in these abusive relationships and to ‘endure suffering as a sign of obedience to god’ (jones 2000:10). this is often met with ‘feelings of helplessness’ and indignation. as a result, this approach often ‘causes victims to remain silent about their abuse’ (cornelius 2013:187). attitudes in the church need to be interrogated and dispelled by the care approach. furthermore, faith-based organisations should critically engage with the theology of suffering, as well as its insistence on the preference of the permanency and preservation of marriage. in order to help women who are disempowered and abused, faith-based organisations should promulgate in society ‘a suffering theology that affects lives’ (ford 2007:2). du plessis (2015:5) asserted that the theology of suffering must inculcate a sense of care to vulnerable and abused women. this may include a deliberate and clear reframing of the permanency of marriage where one partner is physically, emotionally or verbally abusing the other. the virtue of empowering women doctrine with regard to the hebrew bible and violence against women can be linked. watson (2002:34) pointed out that the concept of maleness is prominent in traditional judaism. this is manifested in the maleness of god. god’s characteristics are often viewed as essentially male and nothing else. his more feminine characteristics, such as his love and care for his creation, are not emphasised. as a result, men in society often exert a ‘god complex’ in relation to women. this then creates a platform for men to disparage women and for women in turn to feel disempowered. in response to this, watson (2002:35) recommended that faith-based organisations promote ‘a theology of healthy liberation’. this should allow women to connect with yahweh’s other characteristics that are not exclusively male. bennet moore (2002:84) stated that christ ‘proclaimed the love of god for the least and renounced systems of domination’, together with women, as ‘they are amongst the least in this world’. i would argue that all doctrine teachings about god ought to be liberating to women and should be unstated as a ‘theological discourse that challenges structural changes in church and society’. this would enable women to experience the compassion and love of god and for them to feel appreciated and celebrated in church and in society. yahweh in the hebrew bible ought to be a ‘revolutionary of equality’ (furlan 2009:242). as faith-based communities, our interactions with the hebrew bible must encourage us to uphold women’s dignity and revive respect for them in the minds of men. communities ought to live by the true insolence of god to women, captivating precise cognisance of his communion with them and his efforts to create ‘the dignity and equality of women’ (furlan 2009:243). this hermeneutical assignation with the biblical text will reveal the ‘original christian doctrine’ founded on the boldness of jesus, who ‘not only preaches and protects and nurtures gender equality or life in equal respect and solidarity, but sets it as an imperative and the core of all interpersonal relationships’ (furlan 2009:245). this would enable women to feel included in the formation of church doctrine. in order to assert the principle of care for women and to curb the disempowerment of and violence against women, the church needs to embrace a feminist hermeneutic. by doing so, it will ultimately help to liberate women from destructive power structures in society and address the issue of violence against them. it will also enable women to resist the oppression they may be suffering in abusive relationships and to feel empowered to make a difference in their lives. created equalimage of god to empower women is to engage with the image of god because of the theological understanding that humanity is made in the image of god. this is a golden thread in the hebrew bible. the image of god that is held by individuals will determine the image they have of themselves and of others. society as it is today has gone the other way. the overemphasis of masculinity to the detriment of femininity in relation to god’s nature has only served to men’s advantage. society derives its dynamics of power, domination and control from an understanding of the masculine construct. ‘this power is mostly exercised over women, given the gender hierarchy of the superiority of men over women’ (klopper 2002:245). when the supremacy of men is defied within society, either by external threats such as unemployment or by the dehumanising influence of racism, it often results in violence against women as an attempt to reassert male dominance and power: masculinity comes in the form of images of god as king, judge, ruler and warrior, which all portray the concept of male superiority, power, domination and control in the hebrew bible. the almost exclusively male images ascribed to god imply that men are more like god or closer to god’s image. (klopper 2002:426) in the patriarchal images ascribed to god from the ancient near east (ane) context of the bible, god is portrayed as all-powerful, authoritarian, dominant and in control. it is these perceived characteristics that men ascribe to in their quest for masculinity, to be like god and to maintain their superiority. vulnerability is seen as a weakness, falling into the realm of what it means to be a woman (rakoczy 2000:15). what is most important and expected from society is to give the impression of strength (anderson 2016:40). to counter these ideas in the church and ultimately in society, the notion of helplessness relative to god should be considered. anderson (2016:41) affirmed this by stating that, ‘the belief is often insisted upon that god is exclusively powerful’. the notion of god as being helpless and ‘susceptible to being wounded’ is labelled by anderson as ‘too much divine weakness for some believers’. this concept of an all-powerful god ‘allows men to preserve their presumption of power and privilege and circumvent the world’s suffering or their personal vulnerability’, especially towards women (claassens 2014:50). faith-based organisations should ‘engage with the paradoxical notion of the power and vulnerability of god’ (topalli, brezina & bernhardt 2013:60). a reconstructed image of god that displays both his male and female characteristics would enable men and women to rediscover their humanity in a different light. rather than projecting a traditional patriarchal image of god in society, the church should emphasise that both men and women are vulnerable beings. the beauty of this may result in responsible care for ‘others in the form of healing, liberating, guiding and transforming not only victims but also culprits of abuse’ (claassens 2014:70). using a feminist reading of the old testament to contextualize the empowering of women in a modern society (south africa) the majority of contemporary south african society does not view the old testament in the hebrew bible favourably. this is because of unhelpful gender-biased interpretations of biblical texts, especially those related to women. this attitude sets a patriarchal tone as to how women are treated by society (furlan 2009:238). watson (2002:10) may offer a solution by stating that the ‘constant and dynamic engagement with all its [old testament] aspects’ will allow faith-based organisations to engage: [i]n a feminist hermeneutical process of a critical and constructive reading of scripture. this process involves reading the text with an awareness of its context and interpreting it in the light of women’s experiences. (watson 2002:10, 5) disempowerment of women, and the language surrounding it, ought not to limit a womanist approach to hermeneutics. to elaborate this point further, it is said that womanist approaches: … [s]peaks specifically about the use of language in biblical translations. it is her understanding that what can be done to change the linguistic sexism in biblical translations is limited. the use of gender-inclusive language in biblical translations is an extremely necessary action to help society place a higher value on women. (bennet moore 2002:65) this will enable the ‘humanity of women as full members of the christian church’ and of society to stand out (watson 2002:5). according to cornelius (2013): a necessary challenge faced by the church is to engage with, deconstruct and re-interpret scriptures that may serve to perpetuate and justify the oppression of women through violent abuse. (p. 189) to do this, i would suggest that churches focus on reinterpreting scriptures that bear the hallmarks of the patriarchal nature of ane culture in which they are steeped. these problematic texts should be challenged, particularly in the south african context where the disempowerment of and violence against women are almost condoned and the abuse experienced by women is normative (petersen 2009:451). using gender liberation to move towards women empowerment language can be a defining feature for society and how women in general are treated (neuger 1996:94). language constitutes people and social discourses. as human beings, we are all to some extent controlled by ways of thinking and doing based on social discourses. this includes the worship that exists in faith-based communities, but if society is able to recognise that, ‘sexist language constructs women … [as] powerless in the face of social injustices such as domestic violence’ (landman 2006:278), it might go some way to improving the agency of women. rakoczy (2003:43) reiterated this by recommending ‘the use of inclusive language as a practical suggestion to prevent violence against women’. as a society steeped in violence and abuse against women, it would be responsible to illustrate care towards victims of violence. in order to do this, the reconstruction of language is critical in faith-based communities to become more gender inclusive (pietersen 2021:223–224). conclusion this article has shown that violence and disempowerment of women is a phenomenon that has persisted over the ages and finds manifold expression. in south africa, where women are negatively impacted by gender-based violence and discrimination, a lack of clear policy directive means that any inhumane treatment of women does not always result in severe punishment. notwithstanding the fact that women are equal to men and made in the image of yahweh, south african women are often neglected, abandoned and lack sufficient legal status, as a result of which society loses out on the immense value that they could potentially bring. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that he has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article. author’s contributions d.p. is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references anderson, h., 2016, ‘leaving the door to the soul ajar: 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https://doi.org/10.1163/157430100x00027 watson, n.k., 2002, feminist theology, william b eerdmans publishing company, grand rapids, mi. footnotes 1. see the national police report of 2020. 2. these are some of the stark findings of the gauteng gender violence indicators project study conducted by gender links (gl) and the medical research council (mrc). the numbers cover the period from march 2019 to january 2020. 3. ‘violent crimes against women impacts on communities’ (treadwell 2013:07). crime perpetrated against women is defined by taye (2011:09) as emotional and physical abuse, which makes women feel insecure about their safety. davies, croall and tyrer (2009:40), on the other hand, define violence against women as any act or omission that is prescribed by criminal law and is punishable by the authorities through the criminal justice process. 4. national crime prevention strategy. 5. ‘the saps act provides for specific roles of the police in relation to community safety. these include establishing and maintaining partnerships with the community, promoting communication with the community, enhancing cooperation on policing with the community, improving transparency and accountability to the community, improved partnership with the community, improved service delivery at all levels and joint problem identification and problem solving’. this article helps women in the development of a community where women live in a safe environment and have access to high-quality services in their communities, through integrated and coordinated multi-agency collaboration amongst organs of state and various communities. 6. government gazette: republic of south africa. abstract introduction fixed organisational structure in early catholicism duties and responsibilities of pastors in the united methodist church responsibilities of district superintendents responsibilities of bishops in united methodist church election, assignment and termination of bishops the role of laity in the fulfilment of the mission of the church conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) edward mashero department of new testament and related literature, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa ernest van eck department of new testament and related literature, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa citation mashero, e. & van eck, e., 2021, ‘early catholicism and the organisational structure of the united methodist church in zimbabwe’, theologia viatorum 45(1), a137. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v45i1.137 original research early catholicism and the organisational structure of the united methodist church in zimbabwe edward mashero, ernest van eck received: 09 sept. 2021; accepted: 13 oct. 2021; published: 30 nov. 2021 copyright: © 2021. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the organisational structure of the united methodist church shares many features with the early catholic institutions. increased institutionalisation, that is, authority connected with office, is the clearest sign of early catholicism. by the late first century, the titles of bishop (ἐπίσκοπος), elder (πρεσβύτερος) and deacon (διάκονος) denoted specific leadership and service functions in the church. this study stresses the ethical qualifications and diaconal duties of these office bearers, applying it to the duties and responsibilities of united methodist pastors, district superintendents, bishops and laity. it is argued that candidates for ordination should be aware of their calling to the divine ministry and their calling should be authenticated and recognised without a test of authenticity by the church. in the early catholicism period, qualified leadership was established to preserve faith and combat false teaching. this must also be the case in the united methodist church. keywords: early catholicism; bishop; laity; pastor; clergy; united methodist; institution; organisational structure; doctrine. introduction this article investigates the influence of early catholic institutions upon the organisational structure of the united methodist church in zimbabwe. it provides the responsibilities of bishops, elders, deacons and presbyters in the early catholic church. bishops were the custodians of faith; they guarded against false teaching or heresy. they were concerned with preserving sound doctrine and also guarded the deposit of faith (puskas 1989:240). the fixed organisational structure was established as a defence against gnosticism and montanism. the united methodist bishops, pastors and superintendents are the chief administrators of the church. pastors perform the fourfold ministry of the word, order, service and sacrament. according to puskas (1989:241) ‘pastors uphold the social principles of the church, namely the natural world, the nurturing community, the social community, the economic community, political community and the world community’. these social principles can be traced back to john wesley who is the founder of methodism. wesley is well known for his three moral principles, namely do good, do no harm and stay in love with god. fixed organisational structure in early catholicism in order to guard against false teachings such as gnosticism and montanism, the early church established institutions with qualified leadership. according to dunn (1990:351), ‘authority becomes coterminous with office, a basic distinction between clergy and laity becomes evident’. god’s grace becomes progressively narrowed to well-structured rites. the major feature in the organisational structure of emerging orthodoxy was that leadership should derive its authority from the office rather than charisma or personal ability. in earliest christian worship, leaders often derived their authority from endowments of the spirit and special abilities (1 cor 12:8–10; rm 12:3–8). assistants and overseers also emerged (phlp 1:1), but their responsibilities were not well defined (puskas 1989:239). by the late first century, the titles bishop, elder and deacon signified defined service and leadership function in the church. these officials often concurred with more ecstatic itinerant teachers and prophets. by the second century, certain organisational developments emerged. the doctrinal duties and ethical qualifications of the office bearers were highlighted, even though the pastorals made no clear distinction between elder and bishop. they were to be the role models for the church and to safeguard the apostolic teaching against heresy. the letters of ignatius distinguished the office of the elder from bishop and emphasised the superiority of the bishop in a hierarchical order. therefore, in the writings of ignatius of antioch the organisational propensity to attribute authority to the office independent of charisma and personal ability became a vital force. the following texts from the pastorals emphasise the general responsibilities and moral qualifications for offices of elder, bishop and deacon (dibelius & conzelmann 1776:159). these contain the general ethical conducts and virtues expected of public officials, bishops (1 tm 3:1–7; tm 7:7–9) elder (1 tm 4:14; 5:17–20; 1 pt 5:1–4; ac 20:17) deacon (1 tm 3:8–10; phlp 1:1; rm 16:1). in 1 timothy 5:17–18 elders are described as engaging in the ventures assigned to the bishops (1 tm 3:1–7; tm 1:7–9). these activities are preaching, teaching and governing. also in titus 1:5–7, the titles bishops and elder are interchangeably used. the pastors also presume a council of elders in the congregation (1 tm 4:14). however, the essence of their leadership responsibility is vague and obscure. the obtaining of leadership authority seems to be managed by the orthodox leadership. potential leaders are tried and tested before being endorsed into office (1 tm 3:10) (verner 1983:149). in the pastorals the positions of deacons, elders and bishops became well-structured. important to note is the esteemed positions of titus and timothy. these two are not taken as representatives of paul visiting his churches as ambassadors, just like in the past days (1 cor 4:17; phlp 2:19; 1 th 3:2; 2 cor 7:13). they began to assume monarchical roles, with power over the community and its members. timothy and titus had the responsibility of keeping faith pure (1 tm 1:3; 4:6). timothy has authority to enrol a widow and to decline enrolment with no consultation. timothy had the authority to exert order and dispense justice except to the elders (1 tm 5:19). he is taken as the court of justice or appellate body, he is above the leadership. timothy also lays hands and appoints elders (tt 1:5; 1 tm 5:22). clearly, the concept of apostolic succession was now emerging (dunn 1990:352). in the pastorals there is an amalgamation of the office and charisma. in 1 timothy 4:14 and 2 timothy 1:6, we notice that the office bearer is acknowledged as having a prophetic gift. this may have been an endeavour to incapacitate the position of false prophets and charismatic leaders who were outside the officialised structure. only the proficiency for the office is defined in the pastorals, but certain assertions can be drawn about some duties of elders and bishops. they had pastoral responsibilities in the community (1 tm 5:19–20) and they were church representatives to the outside world (1 tm 3:7) (verner 1983:151). the office of deacon encompassed deaconesses who were not wives of deacons (1 tm 3:8–13). the term deaconess was used not in isolation to deacon because there was no feminine term for diakonos. the vital role for the deacon was that of subordinate, perhaps assisting in the works of charity and worship. the encouragements on ministry assume that the elders are already involved in a well-established ministry (schweitzer 1972:111). in 3 john, we encounter a very influential bishop called diotrephes who is presented as an opponent of god. he criticises the work of the presbyter and perhaps tried to attain control over the congregation. in 1 clement, we notice that deacons and bishops were commissioned by apostles and were therefore part and parcel of the divine hierarchical structure. obedience and compliance with the church officials was therefore enjoined. however, no divergences were realised between presbyters and bishops (did 15:1–3). the teachers and ecstatic prophets also co-existed with the ministry of deacons and bishops. the correlative regard for both the office bearer and the prophets is also found in the shepherd of hermas (schweitzer 1961:158). in the letters of ignatius, we note a comprehensive type of divine authority attributed to the hierarchy of deacons, elders and bishop (ign 8:1). even though the relationship of the elders and bishops is close, their offices are well defined and the importance of the bishop over the presbytery or council of elders is evident. in this hierarchical order there are divinely organised offices, the presbytery is the assistant to the bishop whilst the deacon is the assistant to both the presbytery and the bishop. it seems that over each local church and region there was a council of elders and bishops, subordinated by deacons. the bishop perhaps functioned as an administrator, prophet and chief liturgist (richardson 1970:76). no worship service of any church gathering was authentic without the permission of the presbytery and the bishop. the church must hold on to the bishop as it holds on to christ and as christ holds on to the father (eph 5:1). the bishops and presbyters had the responsibility of making sure that sound doctrine was preserved. through the establishment of fixed organisational structures, the leaders guarded against the deposit of faith (1 tm 6:20; 2 tm 1:14). according to dunn (1990:354): ‘it is the transmission of apostolic succession of faith that acts as both the safeguard and standard for sound teachings in emerging orthodoxy’. the succession pattern was established in christian documents in the first century. generally, it acquires a certain design that is from jesus to the apostles then deacons and bishops to safeguard the teachings of the church (bettenson 1963:24). paul has been endowed with the gospel of god and endowed the gospel to timothy (2 tm 1:13–14). timothy in turn passed the gospel to faithful men who also taught others. paul is accorded exceptional eminence in the pastoral letters (1 tm 6:3; 2 tm 1:13). timothy also has the correspondence of being the apostle’s last testament and will for the church. in 2 peter, paul and peter are regarded as authoritarians (2 pt 3:15–16) and special eminence is accorded to peter, who is the eyewitness of jesus’ transfiguration. 2 peter also reads like the last testament and will of the apostle peter. luke-acts has various succession patterns (puskas 1989:242). in acts 20:17–38, paul was appointed by jesus (ac 9:22; 26), he commissioned the elders at ephesus (ac 28:28–32). in the sermons of luke-acts, a continuation of the teaching is observed. from the given transmission of traditional motifs, it is observed that only genuine teachings should be transmitted. the audiences are to take part in the transmission of the tradition to safeguard it. the apostolic succession of faith works both as the model for preserving it and as a standard measurement. the course of action of prescribing faith and protecting it is a response to individualistic and visionary groups, such as gnostics and montanists. these removed the hierarchical structure and professed to attain their teaching and authority from jesus via dreams and visions (malherbe 1986:72). although wandering charismatics were condoned in the christian communities, cautions were exercised to avert false teachers or extremists. according to dunn (1990:349), luke portrayed the unity amongst christians by presenting jerusalem as the fountainhead of worship. duties and responsibilities of pastors in the united methodist church according to patterson (1990:267), ‘a pastor is an ordained elder, licensed person or a provisional deacon accredited through voting by clergy members’. he or she is commissioned by a resident bishop to take charge of a parish. the responsibilities of elders are obtained from the authority given in ordination. these responsibilities are enshrined in the fourfold ministry of order, service, word and sacrament. pastors are sanctioned to teach, to preach, to administer sacraments, to counsel, offer pastoral care and to be chief administrator in the church. a pastor in the united methodist church performs ecclesial acts and preaches the word of god. he or she also leads in worship and in engaging congregants into bible study. according to patterson (1990:269), it is the responsibility of the pastor to be involved in the truthful conveyance of the christian doctrine. the pastor participates by leading people in evangelistic outreaches and disciple making processes and encouraging members to guard against the deposit of faith. he or she gives pastoral guidance, supports and trains laity leadership, furnishing them to fulfil their missionary tasks. the pastors give general oversight to the christian educational programmes and to encourage members to constantly use the united methodist media and literature. the pastor is responsible for setting the aims and objectives, plan of action and evaluation. the pastors also manage the worldly events of the parish in their appointments (kirby 2000:33). it is also the responsibility of the pastor to administer the amenities of the constitution. they promote and model the stewardship of giving and teach members to embrace giving as a biblical principle. pastors take care of all church records, which include financial, membership and properties. pastors lead the church in racial and ethnic support programmes. it is the responsibility of the pastor to counsel members about ethical, personal or spiritual attacks. they have the responsibility of conducting burial services and solemnising marriages. pastors solemnise marriage ceremonies after proper counselling with the bride and bridegroom in accordance with the stipulated laws of the church and state. the pastor conducts home visits of members in the community, the imprisoned, aged, the sick and those in dire need. according to patterson (1990:270) ‘pastors keep all confidential evidence inviolate, including confessional declarations except in cases were obligatory reporting is prescribed by the civil law’. it is also the duty of the united methodist pastor to perform the sacrament of the lord’s supper and baptism according to christ’s command. pastors teach parents and guardians before baptising children or infants, instructing them to teach their children at home concerning the importance of baptism. they encourage renewal of baptismal vows and reaffirmation of baptismal covenant at different stages in life. the pastor urges members to be baptised at early childhood or infant stages to make affirmation of faith, after order, so as to become professing members of the church. it is the duty of the pastor to explain the meaning of eucharist and urge constant involvement so as to increase holiness and faith. pastors are involved in the selection and training of lay members who are to serve the holy communion (patterson 1990:271). the pastor embodies jesus’s teachings in servant ministries and servant leadership. he or she also gives conscientious pastoral guidance in administering the congregants for the transformation of the world. it is within the pastor’s responsibilities as well to mould the body of christ into a giving, sharing community and expanding the ministry. it is also the responsibility of the pastor to be involved in ecumenical, religious and community concerns, and to exhort members to participate in prayer retreats. a good pastor labours for the unity of purpose amongst members and should teach against heresy or false teaching. pastors are obliged to first obtain a written letter from the superintendent permitting them to embark on evangelistic activities (mushishi 2010:45). a pastor shall not arbitrarily order a pastoral charge, a new local church or mission congregation without the permission of the resident bishop. pastors are not allowed to hold a religious service outside their jurisdiction or boundary. responsibilities of district superintendents district superintendents are commissioned by the cabinet and bishop. they are tasked to duties of supervision and oversight within the episcopal area and the district. before the selection and appointment of a district superintendent, the resident bishop works in liaison with the committee on superintendency and cabinet for new assignments. according to bondo (2011:38), the district superintendent is the overseer of the entire ministry of churches in communities of the district in the service, world and the missions of witness. the superintendent gives preference and effort to spiritual leadership and the scheduling of time for appropriate ministries. they give pastoral encouragement, support and supervision to the clergy and to lay leadership in the district. the district superintendent encourages spiritual, professional and personal growth to members. they also promote personal dedication to the instruction of impartiality amongst the members of the church. district superintendents support model and promote generous christian living with special emphasis on the biblical principles of giving. the district superintendent should initiate good working relationships within clergy, district lay leaders, pastor parish relations committees and other lay leaders to foster synergies of various ministries in the district. the superintendent endeavours to be connected to the entire district through the use of charge conferences, revivals, spiritual formation activities and congregational studies. the district superintendent should also live an exemplary life of spiritual leadership by participating in spiritual formations. he or she shall also be involved in both corporate and personal worship, as well as devotional practices including participation in the sacraments (machinga 2011:23). in the structure of their administrative duties, superintendents will provide care, counsel and support to pastors pertaining issues influencing successful ministry. furthermore, district superintendents should urge the formation of compact communities and groupings amongst both laity and clergy in the district. he or she shall get electronic or written documents of the pastors’ current ministry work, spiritual practices, further education and strategic documents for future plans. the superintendent keeps relevant documents of all pastors appointed to parishes in the district and records of the church property, tangible assets and endowments of the united methodist church. according to kurewa (2011:408), the ‘district superintendent shall work in liaison with the bishop and cabinet in developing strategic plans for the appointment of clergy in the district, including restructuring of pastoral charges’. the superintendent is mandated to decide and interpret all matters of discipline and constitution of the church, liable to change by the annual conference. the district superintendent should collaborate with the board on ordained ministry in the endeavour to arrange or provide guidance in consultation with pastors during the period of termination or change in membership. the superintendent should work on the delight of the resident bishop to presume relevant duties as decided by the bishop. according to mushishi (2010), the: [n]ormal term for a district superintendent should be up to six years, but this may be extended up to eight years at the discretion of the bishop, in consultation with the committee on superintendency and the cabinet. (p. 47) district superintendents are appointed and allotted to districts and they are also given conference wide duties. they are members of the annual conference who are commissioned to pastoral charges. in other words, they become members of the cabinet first before they are consequently allotted by the resident bishop to serve in districts. according to patterson (1990:274), the ‘cabinet under the guidance of the bishop is the articulation of superintending leadership in and through the annual conference’. the cabinet is anticipated to be the mouthpiece of the conference on the temporal and spiritual matters that emanate within the region surrounded by the conference. the district superintendents are obliged to attend cabinet meetings where they give progress reports of their respective districts. in pursuance of generating purposeful direction, the cabinet meets at stipulated periods. the cabinet is tasked with overseeing the temporal and spiritual matters of the church. the cabinet executes its duties in cooperation and consultation with other committees and boards of the entire church (nhiwatiwa 1997:41). the district superintendent shall develop with the pastor, the parish relations committee profiles of all pastors that contain the characteristics, requirements and chances for ministry of the parish compatible with church doctrine. these profiles shall be revisited yearly and reviewed when necessary. these profiles contain the general situation of a congregation taking into account a particular setting, financial condition, size, history and the quality of lay leadership (kirby 2000:90). also included in the profiles are functions and qualities of pastoral leadership required to fulfil mission, goals and vital needs of the congregants. the district superintendent should formulate with the pastor profiles containing the pastor’s professional experience, talents, expectations, evidence of the grace of god, the concerns and needs of the pastor’s family and spouse on an annual basis. these profiles should be updated every year and reviewed when necessary, to include spiritual and personal sensibility. the profiles also contain the experience in further education, reports of performance, theological stance and work experience. haynes (2010:66) asserted that profiles shall also reflect the abilities and skills of a particular pastor looking at church administrative skills, worship or liturgy, evangelism and nurturing, preaching, teaching, leadership development, promoting and interpreting the connectional giving system. according to haynes (2010:66), a ‘leader should have the ability to work in cooperation, counselling, group work, self-evaluation and other relational skills’. the superintendent should establish community profiles together with the committee on pastor parish relations and pastor. the relevant data on these profiles should encompass state, neighbourhood and national statistical information. also included are the general demographic data, trends, sex, age and ethnic proportion of the said society. the profile also projects other economical, historical, political, sociological and non-denominational aspects of the community neighbouring the church. the profiles are necessary especially during the appointment making process (harmon 1974:102). responsibilities of bishops in united methodist church the united methodist church bishop has a responsibility of leading and exercising a general oversight of spiritual and leadership matters of the church. he or she has the duty to encourage members to fulfil the mission of the church, which is to transmit, teach, proclaim and guard individually and corporately the faith as revealed in tradition and scripture. bishops are graced by the holy spirit to translate faith prophetically and evangelically. the bishops derive their authority from the office rather than personal ability or charisma (puskas 1989:239). they also travel throughout the episcopal area executing plans of action for the growth of the church. bishops should uphold and teach the theological traditions of the church. the bishops safeguard the theological guidelines of the church, they guarantee that there is truthful transmission of these doctrinal standards. wesley thought that the fundamental aspect of the christianity was disclosed through scripture, illustrated via tradition, animated through experience, and established via reason. furthermore, scripture, tradition, reason and experience become the basis for doing theology in the united methodist church. according to short (1985:77) ‘the living christ is encountered in humanity through scripture and experience’. it is the responsibility of the bishop to offer leadership skills in the pursuit of christian unity in mission, structure and in the search for nourished interrelationships with other communities of faith. bishops should also organise missions sanctioned by the general conference. they support and promote outreach and witnessing ministries of the entire church. the bishop supports, models and promotes benevolent christians living with strong emphasis to the biblical teachings of giving. apart from the specific responsibilities, the bishop also has presidential duties. he or she presides in the jurisdictional, annual, general and central conferences (norwood 1974:72). he or she provides general supervision for the programme of monetary operations of the annual conference. they may encompass social exploration of the work of organisations to guarantee that the church’s procedures and policies are adhered to. they guarantee just procedures for laity and clergy as stipulated by the church are monitored. the bishop also establishes new districts after liaising with district superintendents and as decided by annual conference. they also ordain elders, appoint district superintendents, consecrate bishop and diaconal ministers (ziegler 1959:101). the appointment of clergy is made by the cabinet together with the bishop. appointments take into account the community context, the gifts and evidence of grace in a specific pastor and unique needs of a particular charge. this implies that before appointment, the congregation and the pastor to be appointed must be consulted by the area superintendent. in fact, a concerned pastor may negotiate for consideration of a possible change in the assigned area. the change can also be requested by the pastor parish representatives, the bishop or the area superintendent. the episcopal leader and the area cabinet should contemplate all appeals for possible reassignments, gifts, evidence of grace, family needs of the pastor, and professional experience (lee & sweet 1956:131). during the process of making a new appointment, the bishop and the overseer should consult with the pastor in charge concerning a particular shift in appointment, then finally the receiving committee on pastor parish relations. if it is decided by cabinet and bishop that the given determination should not take place, the procedure can be reiterated until negotiations become clear to the bishop to make the appointment. the united methodist church works under the itinerancy system when making appointments. it is the responsibility of the bishop to appoint local missionaries and deaconess, and to make sure that the names of the appointees are recorded in the statistical records. any elder is eligible to be elected into the episcopal office and commissioned to the role of servant leadership, supervision and general overseership of the church. just like followers of jesus christ, bishops are sanctioned to preserve order, liturgy, faith, discipline and church doctrine. the calling and role of the episcopal leader is to exercise oversight and to provide guidance to the mission of the church, which is making disciples of all nations and the world’s transformation. the foundation of principled leaders emanates from a disciplined life. the duty of the disciples is to truthfully model, lead and practise spiritual discipline. according to patterson (1990:36), ‘the bishop is to lead in private and public worship, the administration of the sacraments and in the commendation of our faith’. the duty of the bishop is to take charge of the entire congregation in claiming higher in the fulfilments of its mission and vision. the bishops lead in inspiring, equipping, discerning, strategising, evaluating and implementing the fulfilment of the objectives of the church. the bishop plays a prophetic role, he or she is a tool for justice in a conflicted and suffering world through upholding social righteousness and tradition. the resident bishop remains the voice of the voiceless and the conscience of the people to the governing authorities of the state. the bishop a role model and urges the vision of the service and witness in the entire world through the pronouncement of the good news and eradication of the suffering of humanity. according to patterson (1990): the role of the bishop is to be the chief shepherd of the entire flock and thereby providing leadership towards the goal of the reconciliation and the unity of the universal church. (p. 317) election, assignment and termination of bishops in central conferences, the number of episcopal leaders shall be decided based on mission’s potential as sanctioned at the general conference on the guidance of the elected committee on central conference matters. the number of circuits in the area conference and the total sum of active pastors in the episcopal area should also be taken into consideration when electing bishops. it also takes into consideration the geographical size, which is measured by square kilometres and the numbers of nations and time zones. according to james (1935): three hundred thousand church members shall be entitled to five bishops. bishops are nominated by delegates to the annual conference using the ballot method. the names of top three nominees shall be forwarded to the central conference for election. (p. 73) when electing bishops, the delegates should take into consideration the comprehensiveness of the church with regard to national origins, race and sex. the central conference is sanctioned to determine the proportion of votes needed to legitimise bishop’s election. it is also authorised that at least two-thirds of the total attendance should constitute the eligibility of an election. according to patterson (1990:319), ‘the bishops’ consecration should be conducted at the venue of the conference during its proceedings and time denoted by the conference’. the consecration service has to be attended by leaders from other central conferences and representatives from other christian fellowships. the episcopacy committee of the judicial conference in liaison with the council of bishops should endorse the allotment of the resident bishops to their particular places for ultimate decision by the jurisdiction conference. a bishop may be endorsed for duty to the same residence for a third quadrennial. according to patterson (1990:320), a newly appointed bishop should be allotted to manage an area where his or her membership was recently recorded. however, by two-thirds majority vote of the jurisdictional committee, the given restriction shall not be taken into consideration. the jurisdictional and central conference committee on episcopacy, in liaison with the council of bishops, should endorse the allotment of the elected bishops to their relevant residencies for final determination by the jurisdictional and central conference. the council of bishops in concurrence with the bishops upon the consent of the committee on episcopacy, designate a representative member to some specified global missionary responsibilities for the upkeep and welfare of the entire church. in the event that a bishop discharges episcopal duties in the episcopal jurisdiction for that term, another active bishop or retired should be nominated by the council of bishops to presume episcopal responsibilities during this transitional period. this commissioning should be revived for a second term by a two-thirds majority consensus of the council of bishops in consultation with the said episcopal leader. an open post in the episcopal area may arise upon the retirement, resignation, death, leave of absence, incapacity and judicial procedure. in the event that a bishop is removed basing on the given cases, the open post should be filled by the council of bishops in consultation with the central conference committee on episcopacy. an ordained pastor who is serving as an episcopal leader up until retirement age should have the position of a retired bishop (hartzell 1909:102). the united methodist church bishops retire at the age of 68, however on the discretion of the council of bishops the term of office may be extended up to 72 years. when a bishop has served the episcopal office for more than 20 years under a full time appointment, he or she may seek a requisition from the central or jurisdictional conference for retirement with the prerogative of getting their accrued benefits. when a bishop also has served for eight years in the episcopal office, he or she may ask for retirement based on professional reasons and may be granted permission to retire by the episcopacy committee in consultation with the council of bishops. a bishop can be placed under retirement category in spite of age by two-thirds majority vote of the jurisdictional or central conference committee on episcopacy. this action may be initiated by negligence of duty on the part of the concerned bishop. a bishop may voluntarily resign from his or her presidential responsibilities at any moment in time. an episcopal leader can decide to resign from the episcopal office through the submission of a written letter. this letter of resignation should specify or clarify the reasons for resignation and should be submitted to the council of bishops. the council of bishops in turn take appropriate measures regarding the matters associated with the resignation. the role of laity in the fulfilment of the mission of the church the word laity is derived from the greek word λαός meaning people. more specifically laity designates those who are not ordained ministers. the lay people have always been engrossed in a particular place and played a very critical role in the church. proportionately, they are the majority consisting of more than 95% of the membership. they are an integral part of the church, which the church cannot do without. laity is called upon to share in the ministry of the church (machinga 2011:36). the mission of the united methodist church is to make sure that people are converted to christianity and confess their sins. the mission emanated as a result of jesus’ words in matthew 28:1–9: go yee therefore and make disciples of nations, baptising them in the name of the father, the son and the holy spirit, and teaching them to obey everything that i have commanded you. the ministry of the church develops around the mission of jesus whose ministry is that of everlasting love. christianity therefore is the inward and outward expression of the human mind and the vision, goal and mission of christ by a community of christians that demonstrates a common life of devotion, service and witness discipleship and celebration. the mission of the church today is to further the ministry of christ through healing, teaching, preaching and reconciliation. lay members are important contributors in fulfilling the mission of the church. it is vital to understand that the lay people’s mission and vocation is obtained from their baptism and consolidated through confirmation. the laity’s work and place in the body of christ is given to them directly by the holy spirit (kraemer 1958:18). conclusion in conclusion, we can say that there are striking similarities between early catholicism’s institutions and the organisational structure of the united methodist church. the bishops, presbyters, elders and deacons performed the same duties like that of the united methodist church pastors, district superintendents and bishops. the united methodist church shares the same apostolic succession with the early catholic church. the apostolic creed of the church was derived from early catholicism. bishops acted as the custodian of faith in both; the bishops were chief administrators of the church. the lay person is also not left in this important mission of the church. it is true that each believer is endowed with spiritual gifts for use in the ministry. the laity plays a vital role in upholding membership vows, nurturing ministries, witnessing ministries and outreaching ministries. every member of the church has the responsibility of using his or her own talents in serving the church. some members are gifted in preaching, teaching and counselling. during the early church period, the lay people also contributed outstandingly to the spreading of the gospel. some were great preachers and a few contributed in some benevolence activities, for example, tabitha or dorcas at joppa who spent most of their time helping the needy. in both instances, clergy and laity have special roles to play, hence one can say the united methodist church is a replica of early catholicism. acknowledgements competing interests the authors have declared that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. authors’ contributions both the authors contributed equally to the article. e.m. was supervised by e.v.e. from the thesis, e.m. and e.v.e. distilled the submitted article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author, and the publisher/s. references bettenson, h., 1963, documents of the christian church, oxford university press, london. bondo, n., 2011, moving in harmony: an updated polity for the united methodist church in africa, discipleship resources, nashville, tn. dibelius, m. & conzelmann, h., 1776, the pastoral epistles, hermeneia, fortress press, minneapolis. dunn, j.d.g., 1990, unity and diversity in the new testament, scm press, london. harmon, n.b., 1974 understanding the united methodist church, united methodist publishing, nashville, tn. hartzell, j.c., 1909, the african mission of the episcopal church, abingdon press, nashville, tn. haynes, d., 2010, on the threshold of grace: methodist fundamentals, umr communications, dallas, tx. james, i.h., 1935, missions in rhodesia under the episcopal church, rhodesia press, mutare. kirby, i.e., 2000, the episcopacy in american methodist, kingswood books, nashville, tn. kraemer, h., 1958, a theology of laity, regent college publishing co, vancouver. kurewa, w.j.z., 2011, labouring side by side: the local church as the most significant arena for disciple making, abingdon press, nashville. lee, u. & sweet, w.w., 1956, a short history of methodism, abington press, new york, ny. machinga, g., 2011, the time is now: preparing candidates for baptism and confirmation in the united methodist church, discipleship resources, nashville, tn. malherbe, a.j., 1986, moral exhortation: a greco-roman sourcebook, westminster press, philadelphia, pa. mushishi, c., 2010, church administration: a devotional and motivational guide, wipf and stock publishers, eugene, or. nhiwatiwa, e.k., 1997, humble beginnings: a brief history of the united methodist church zimbabwe area, longman publishers, harare. norwood, f.a., 1974, the story of american methodism, abingdon press, nashville, tn. patterson, r.p., 1990, the book of discipline of the united methodist church, africa central conference edition, the united methodist publishing house, nashville, tn. puskas, c.b., 1989, an introduction to the new testament, hendrickson press, peabody, ma. richardson, a., 1970, an introduction to the theology of the new testament, scm press, london. schweitzer, a, 1972, early catholicism: a critical perspective, scm press, london short, r.h., 1985, the episcopal leadership role in the united methodist church, abington press, nashville, tn. verner, d.c., 1983, the household of god: the social world of the pastoral epistles, scholars press, sonoma, ca. ziegler, e.k., 1959, the village pastor, agricultural missions press, new york, ny. 84 ‘rituals of resistance, weapons of the weak’: toward an african pentecostal transformative holy communion missiology1 c j kaunda university of south africa abstract: the article defines symbolic inversion as transgressive behaviour which most traditional zambian societies reenacted in the ritual context as a dynamic cultural form. it argues for critical reclamation and reconstitution of symbolic resistance dimension of ndembu ritual (people of north-west zambia) to construct transformative holy communion missiology within pentecostal assemblies of god in zambia (paog-z). the symbolic resistance of ndembu ritual seems to have potential to give fresh perspective on how holy communion could function as mundus inversus (world-upside-down) a way of resisting negative prevailing social order. finally some contours for holy communion missiology are suggested on methodological and practical level to help the community of faith refocus its holy communion performances to resisting anti-life and death-dealing forces. keywords: paogz, holy communion missiology, symbolic inversion, weapons of the weak 1this article draws on the interviews for the book project funded by john templeton foundation, administered by the nagel institute of calvin college under the theme “christianity theology: african realities and african hope.” ‘rituals of resistance, weapons of the weak’: toward an african pentecostal transformative holy communion missilogy. 85 introduction the holy communion (the lord's supper)2 is foundational to the faith of the pentecostal assemblies of god in zambia (hereafter paog-z) community and is one of the only two ordinances3 recognised. the ritual is understood as a symbolic remembrance of the suffering and death of jesus christ for humanity’s salvation (the constitution and bylaws of paog-zhereafter the constitution). in most paog-z churches, the holy communion is often observed the first sunday of every month. it consists of the elements of bread and the grape juice4 as re-enactment of christ’s suffering and death as symbol expressing the mission of god as “god’s interruptions in daily experiences of human beings. it is symbolic participation in all that christ intends to achieve in the world. the participation in the holy communion is missiological confrontation with veritable incubus of existential experiences of humanity. the holy communion brings the community of faith into missional agreement with god’s activities in and for the world. it is a ritual “enjoined in the scripture” through which believers re-enact human injustice and violence which found decisive injurious and despicability in the death of christ on the cross (the constitution n.d: 40). the holy communion is understood as “encapsulating christ’s incarnation, life, death and resurrection through which he challenged violence and social injustice” (nyirenda). thus, the holy communion as 2the holy communion and the lord’s table are the two specific terms used in describing the eucharist in the constitution and by-laws of paogz. it is also known as the lord’s supper, or the last supper depending on the tradition. 3 the other ordinance is water baptism by immersion. 4 the juice is never referred to as wine but fruit of the vine, or just juice. theologia viatotum 40-2-2016 86 an eschatological event could be considered as mundus inversus (symbolic inversion). it was a messianic missiological resistance to prevailing social order in respect to realities of injustice, oppression, poverty, discrimination, inequality and violence. thus the aim is to engage paog-z notion of holy communion through anthropological theory of the rituals of resistance which is used to demonstrate the missional nature of the holy communion. the argument of this article is that symbolic inversion as a theoretical tool to engage the holy communion has potential to transform the way the ritual is done and understood by recasting it to serve as a form of socio-political and economic criticism that could call attention to the struggles of those on the margins. rituals of resistance: mundus inversus imagination the ndembu people, whose ritual thinking is used as point of departure in this article, occupy western portion of mwinilunga district in north-western province of zambia. i am aware that symbolic inversion is a widespread cultural phenomenon in most cultures around the world. the ndembu rituals are deeply entrenched in symbolic inversion. but for the sake of this paper, i refer to ndembu symbolic actions, a way of thinking that tends to reverse normative values of society. in the reversible world, barbara babcock (1978:14) offers the following characterization of this topos as “any act of expressive behavior which inverts, contradicts, abrogates, or in some fashion presents an alternative to common held cultural codes, values, and norms be they linguistic, literary or artistic, religious or social and political.” the early anthropologists who researched in africa such as max gluckman (1954), characterised such ritual actions as ‘rituals of rebel‘rituals of resistance, weapons of the weak’: toward an african pentecostal transformative holy communion missilogy. 87 lion’ (termed here as rituals of resistance).5 as to the fact that there are such rituals of resistance in most african ritual performances, ndembu to be more precise, anthropologists6 are in agreement and have given ethnographic examples of contrary or non-normative behaviours in certain ritual contexts. ethnographic contentions arise typically over the question of how such rituals of resistance impact or contribute to the transformation of the nature of structured societies more broadly. the fact is that there can be no ritual performance among ndembu people without engaging in such oppositional behaviours however that might be interpreted by ethnographers. ndembu rituals are deeply entrenched with oppositional behaviours include lewd conduct, gender swaps or adopting genderless behaviour, same-sex intercourse, social status reversals, and various other forms of symbolic resistance to normative social influence (kaunda 2015). jacob pandian (2001) rightly argues that it is possible to identify such contrary non-normative behaviours collectively as anti-structure mundus inversus, thereby contrast them with the normative cognitive or social structure of society. in his book, revelation and divination in ndembu ritual, victor turner (1975:31) who did numerous publications on ndembu ritual, wrote that he began his research among 5gluckman was one of the earliest anthropologists who research among the zulu people of kwazulu-natal in south africa and some ethnic groups in zambia. he presented his finds as the frazer lecture at the university of glasgow in 1952 under the title, rituals of rebellion in south-east africa. 6some anthropologists have criticised gluckman for failing to give specific ethnographical accounts on the african attitudes toward symbolic inversion. for various criticisms and validations see hilda kuper (1961);edward norbeck (1963); victor turner (1969); susanne schröter (2004); jane t creider and chet a. creider (1997) and todd sanders (2000:469) theologia viatotum 40-2-2016 88 them “as an agnostic and monistic materialist.” and later acknowledged; i learned from the ndembu that ritual and its symbolism are not merely epiphenomena or disguises of deeper social and psychological processes, but have ontological value, in some way related to man's (sic) condition as an evolving species, whose evolution takes place principally through its cultural innovations. in ndembu society, socio-cultural landscapes are created, recreated and transformed and retransformed by human symbolic actions of the community through rituals. the people perform these rituals as social mechanism for resisting and reaffirming their humanity and develop new ways of being and becoming a more just community so that social healing can follow in the community. in reference to ndembu cosmology, catherine bell (1997:40) argues, rituals do not merely restore social equilibrium, rather are “part of the ongoing process by which the community was continually redefining and renewing itself.” turner (1964:30-31) writes that any symbol in ritual involves a dynamic exchange between their two poles that is the sensory and ideological. the sensory or normative pole concentrates on the very literal physiognomies of the symbol as a way to provoke desire and feelings. the second is the ideological pole which challenges status quo and seeks to rearrange social norms and cultural values of people. according to turner (1969:108), ideologically, ndembu symbolic actions in the ritual have been utilized as “the power of the weak” that enabled the weak to break free from cultural bounds of society as long as they remained within the spaces of the ritual. this does not mean that the symbolic inversion had an immediate impact on the general society broadly after the ritual but points to the fact that traditional people ‘rituals of resistance, weapons of the weak’: toward an african pentecostal transformative holy communion missilogy. 89 have instruments to critique, subvert and resist dominant social order. the subversive nature of rituals in some african societies made gluckman to classify them as “rituals of rebellion”. they are rituals of rebellion as they demand resistance to life denying socio-cultural, economic and political arrangement through enactment of the possible just social order. as bell (1997:41) observes, the sensory pole is an inversion of the sensual experiences associated with a particular symbol which are expected to shape the resultant associated ideological values into people’s consciousness, “endowing the ideological with sensory power and the sensory with moral power.” therefore, the ritual is more than just presenting the social realities by a symbol but a more subtle means for engaging in the process of transformation of social order and reordering of power relations. that is why there are various rituals entrenched with a specific symbolic inversion. for instance, they are those in which people went on a kind of hunger strike, those in which the king/leaders are reduced to servants especially before coronation, in some people behaved like certain animals, others are based on gender reversals and many other rituals of symbolic resistances have been reported by various anthropologists across the continent (kuper 1961; norbeck 1963; turner 1969; schröter 2004; creider and creider 1997; sanders 2000). this suggests that the ritual can never be an end in itself it always points to the way people must live out their lives once emerge out of the liminalities of the ritual. it points to what must be changed in the ordering of life and society. it is in a kind of a context that jesus instituted the holy communion as a resistance to the injustices that he struggled against such as gender inequality, poverty, disease, ideological enslavement, violence and all forms of marginalisation, distheologia viatotum 40-2-2016 90 crimination and injustice. as explained below, holy communion was ritualization of human resistance against antilife forces. the holy communion missio dei as mundus inversus in order to demonstrated the missiological implications of the holy communion as mundus inversus, i draw on the interviews i conducted in zambia in the first half of 2016 for the research project funded by the john templeton foundation, administered by the nagel institute of calvin college under the theme “christianity theology: african realities and african hope.” i wanted to find out how paog-z ministers understand the holy communion both in relation to the mission of god and in zambian society in particular. what became clear during this research was the extraordinary missiological imagination with which some pastors conceptualise the holy communion. this was born out of the interviews i conducted with five pastors in paog-z in different churches in various cities in zambia. for example, clement kunda of paog-z in ndola describes holy communion in missiological terms: the holy communion, it had a symbol beyond just his [jesus] death but also as a ritual of engaging with social issues of his context at that time, because the people he ministered to, many of them had no bread … the people in need of food in palestine had no food there were peasants … holy communion had more than just a symbol of his death but a symbol of challenging the status quo of his society those who had no food, so that is why people ate as a resistance of those or to the powers of that time who had neglected the masses and they had acquired wealth for themselves. ‘rituals of resistance, weapons of the weak’: toward an african pentecostal transformative holy communion missilogy. 91 in christians and roman rule in the new testament, richard j. cassidy (2001) describes the political and economic conditions of augustus’ rule in more detail. he writes that roman elite enjoyed great wealth from the purse of conquered colonies and the trade that increased as the borders moved outward. the largest population of 95 percent of roman empire at the time of jesus was peasant and lived in abject poverty. they were impoverished to the bone. g.e.m.d.s. croix (1981:14) in the class struggle in the ancient greek world argues that the peasantry community in the roman empire was “thoroughly and effectively exploited than most other societies which rely largely upon peasant population for their food supplied.” in agreement with croix, amos yong (2010:44), in his book, in the days of caesar, details how the peasant provided cheap labour and produce goods for elite consumption besides paying all kinds of taxes on produce, sales taxes, temple taxes, occupational taxes, custom taxes, transit taxes, and many others. raymond nyirenda of the northmead assembly of god in lusaka argues that, the ordinance of holy communion in my view ushers in a new order and if you look at the life of christ, he was ushering a new order. that did not settle well with the then status quo because even the way christ expected people to relate to one another in this new order is very different … from what was obtaining then. that is why you find that when the apostles broke bread which was kind of communion was a follow up from this institution. they did not only break bread but they shared what they had in common, they reached out to each other’s needs and so forth. so it was really ushering in a new order where people in this order because he gave us his body, his body was broken for each one of us that we might be whole, that we must receive the newness of life. newness of life based on kingdom values, based on his teaching and values which was to reach out to one antheologia viatotum 40-2-2016 92 other, care for one another which was not to look out to our own interests. this argument seems to be suggested that participation in the holy communion signifies belonging to ‘a new order.’ the church as an agent of ‘a new order’ is sustained by its practice of the holy communion. yet this practice is not for the church itself but for sake of the whole world— participation in the holy communion has implications for participation in the mission of god. this means that the ritual has significance only as god’s means for engaging the whole world. nyirenda brings a contextual dimension to the church’s participation in the holy communion. he stresses, “it has social implications in as far as the social order is concerned because this new life has to be lived out in our context and if we are going to live out in a context where there is lack, brokenness and so forth. so this new life must affect positively our social context.” aaron ngwira, bishop in paog-z and senior pastor at evangel assembly of god in chingola agrees, “i believe so, it does. knowing what it represents and practising it as an ordinance, makes one to lead a subjective social engagement.” similarly kunda explains, “emblems, visual, carries more message which has implications for social engagement than just words. it reminds believers about the everlasting love of god god sent his son to die for the world this suggests the mission of god.” even more forcefully is the argument coming from nyirenda: this is because of the new life we have received in christ that expects no less than engaging holistically. in fact in my view then holy communion should not only remind us of the new life only but the unity we have in christ because this new dispensation that has been ushered by the new covenant reminds us that we are one in christ. there is neither greek nor jew, [neither] gentile nor greek. it also reminds us of coming against issues of so‘rituals of resistance, weapons of the weak’: toward an african pentecostal transformative holy communion missilogy. 93 cial injustice because in the day of jesus christ there were divisions, there were issues of favouritism, segregation, marginalisation, gender injustice, poverty, poor leadership, putting one race above the other and so forth. but in this new dispensation this is to be discarded. nyirenda further argues: what is wrong about gender injustice, tribalism, racism and nepotism and discrimination is when we now start marginalising or start considering other people inferior or start disadvantaging other people then we have departed from the norms of christ from the teachings or dictates of this new life or from the dictates of this new unity. because what is condemned is when you start this segregation, this marginalisation, this disadvantaging of people that is what is condemned but working on the footing, relating on the same footing there been equity, there been equality of all … no one comes in before the other then we are living in keeping with the teachings of jesus christ, we are living in keeping with the norms of this new life. so we should affect society to the extent that they realise that … christ preaches that there is no one who is more human than the other, there is no [one] that is superior [to] the other... so really, holy communion talks of this new dispensation, ushers in a new order that requires us to live as one, that requires us to live selfless lives, to consider others, to minister to others, and to reach out to the needs of others, to really care for one another and the world. the interesting aspect of the above statements is that holy communion is understood as not only a ritual that unites the christian community but the very act of practicing it is itself an engagement in the mission of god. in his the symbolic imagination, robert barth (2001) argues that the holy communion is encrypted in a symbol language – a primary language through which human beings have always made sense of the mysteries of god. the ritual, as kunda also theologia viatotum 40-2-2016 94 explains that the holy communion reveals that which can be known about “the mystery of god and divine mission on earth”. kunda further notes, “the holy communion takes a ritual form, this is well known in african culture, as this is believed to open an access to god who in turn endows the ritual with its sacredness”. this means that the ritual makes sense to be understood as a ritual of resistance in keeping with african worldview, ndembu in particular. reclaiming transformative holy communion missiology the very existence of the church as ‘a new order’ in the world is meant to be a divine symbolic resistance to injustice and evil in the world. the church resists evil in the world by enabling its member to live contrary to prevailing social order permeated by injustice, inequality, consumerism, violence, discrimination, racism, ethnocentrism, corruption and all evils that define it. the argument here is that the holy communion, then, is a set of symbols that jesus chose to use as symbolic inversion of everything that has gone wrong in the world. it is god’s missional vehicle for engaging the world. the church, through its regular re-enactment of the holy communion functions as both a concrete expression of “god’s yes” to the world which is also “god’s no” to injustice and violence in the world. in the institution of the holy communion jesus chose two symbols which were common in palestine in the first century, namely, ‘bread’ and ‘wine’ (luke 22:14-20). there are lessons that can be gleaned from the context of the holy communion: ‘rituals of resistance, weapons of the weak’: toward an african pentecostal transformative holy communion missilogy. 95 first, these symbols therefore, point to pervasiveness of sin in human life and society which is the root of all evil.7 ngwira explains, the emblems of bread and wine represent the broken body of christ which is a symbol of broken world, starvation, hunger or suffering. the blood he shed on calvary for the remission of sin…also can represent thirsty and lack in the world. kunda stresses, “ultimately these symbols point to more than just violent and unjust death of jesus but to the realities of human struggles during jesus’ time.” “if the holy communion has to do with the new covenant as understood in assemblies”, nyirenda argues, then that indicates “a new community – formation of a new order different from the one that existed. this can only be possible when the church live differently from the way of the world.” these perspectives are similar to r. alan streett’s (2013) argument. he highlights that the symbols of bread and wine were the most basic need of the majority of people in first century palestine. even today, food (bread) and drinking (wine) remain indispensable need in human lives. the right to good deity is the right to life. life and food cannot be artificially separated. it is food that sustains life. in zambia today, every day, most of unemployed men and women; street kids wake up every day searching for food wherever it can be found, mostly in the garbage (dube 1997). musa dube (1997) writes that those who have jobs work hard to ensure that food is available in their homes. nations around the world are working tirelessly developing and reformulating economic strategies that can guarantee 7 r. alan streett (2013) in his interesting work engages with human torture in latin america from eucharistic perspective and demonstrates how torture was implicated in jesus’ institution of eucharist. theologia viatotum 40-2-2016 96 food security. that how essential food is in sustaining human life, without which life cannot be sustained. the same could be said about drinking, especially clean water. the recent discussions on biblical archaeology have demonstrated how wine is also historically, archaeologically indispensable and there is written evidence for its central place across ancient mediterranean. in the roman period, wine was cheap enough for almost everyone to afford (though some of it was of low quality). archeologists, randall heskett and joel butler (2012) in their ground-breaking book, divine vintage: following the wine trail from genesis to modern unearthed that wine was drunk for health and hygienic purposes as most water was polluted. wine was also added to water as purifying agent. thus, wine may have functioned as water which is necessary for human survival. second, jesus reclined at the table with the marginal and the poor. dennis smith (1987:623) who has done an extensive research on the greco-roman tradition of reclining at the table noted that the practice of reclining for the meal was fundamentally a mark of social status and determined boundaries in which one might transverse. he (2012:24) observes that those who reclined at the same table had their ranks relative to one another. the mixing of social classes was forbidden. in fact, smith (2012, 1987) believes that the practice was universal throughout the greco-roman world. at the time of jesus not everyone had the right to recline at the table. reclining was extended only to the freemen, particularly roman citizens. part of the banquet discourse was to remind those who reclined of their social status by the fact that they reclined. smith (1987:623) notes, in the grecoroman tradition of reclining at the table, women, children, foreigners and slaves were to sit when they ate as they had no rights to recline. in contrast, at the holy communion, ‘rituals of resistance, weapons of the weak’: toward an african pentecostal transformative holy communion missilogy. 97 people who seemed to have no rights to recline at the table reclined with jesus. in doing so, jesus symbolically resisted the reciprocity and status-seeking of roman and jewish religious leaders’ meals, by reclining on the same table with those who society denied the rights to equality. less obviously, jesus engaged in the mundus inversus not just by his choice of symbolisms of bread and wine but also by his choice of people who reclined with him at the table. he used the already well established elements, essential to human survival, which are at the base of global human struggle (violence and injustice). he used them figuratively as tools for resisting the powerful and the rich in the roman empire. he used the greco-roman meal etiquette that promoted injustice and inequality to subvert the empire. thus, the disciples who shared in the holy communion were aware of jesus’ subliminal message. this was a simple but clear reminder to the community of faith that god’s will is that there should be food and clean water for all but that food is not readily available because of structural injustice (dube 1997).8 the fact that paog-z functions with an open invitation to holy communion, means anyone, everyone who believes in jesus – baptized or not baptized can choose to partake of the holy communion. this demonstrates that all are equal and must have access to life-giving resources that humanises. it means that to eat bread and drink wine in the holy communion ritual is to resist against poverty, water pollution which encapsulates all anti-life and death dealing forces wherever they are found. this means that partaking of the 8musa w. shomanah dube (1997) discusses the lord prayer in the context of globalisation which she sees as grandchild of colonialism and imperialism. she gives a very interest discussion on the priority of food in the lord’s prayer. theologia viatotum 40-2-2016 98 holy communion is not a pleasant thing, for in the ritual, believers are confronted with their own contribution and perpetuation of evil and collective human injustice and violence experienced daily in their communities. it is eating and drinking for resistance against child starvation, gender injustice, for the minority and all those denied human rights, ecological destruction, poor governance, corruption, life-denying public policies and all anti-life forces. this raises some questions: in what ways does participation in the holy communion help the christian community become social conscious? how can we practice the holy communion for social transformation? it is not just a ritual of reconciliation for the estranged but also a ritual of radical but silent resistance against anti-life forces in society.9 in africa today, holy communion presents the enduring violence and systemic injustice manifesting through massive poverty, terrorism and extremism, migration, ecological crisis, ebola, hiv and aids, gender injustice and inequality, rape, civil wars, religious violence, ethnicity, racism, greediness, xenophobia, corruption, capitalism, consumerism and many other life-destroying forces. is the church promoting “a new social order” based on justice and equality through its practice of holy communion? how can the church deliberately and decisively engage in holy communion bearing in mind its symbolic inverse nature? according to the respondents, the holy communion has to be done within the context of prevailing social challenges to proclaim the dawn of an alternative or new social order, commonly referred to as the world turned upside down, which jesus demon 9 it is important to also note that in the context of the ritual of the holy communion, jesus also gave a discourse on the kind of leadership he expected to aid people in symbolic resistance (luke 22). ‘rituals of resistance, weapons of the weak’: toward an african pentecostal transformative holy communion missilogy. 99 strated in symbolisms of the holy communion. for during the inauguration of jesus jesus refused to eat bread and drink wine for these are the foundation of human needs and are a result of much injustice and violence in the world. by resisting, he introduces a new community that should look out for the needs of each and thereby become an extension of the incarnation of christ. the holy communion demands alternative living for it reaffirms jesus alternative community which reenacts the kingdom of god’s principles of justice, peace and righteousness. thus, symbolisms of bread and wine are related to god’s mission in the world that is transmitted by them and its purpose. this can be termed as holy communion from the margins which seeks to counteract injustices in life, church, and society. this is the kind of holy communion that can contribute to the formation of transformative spirituality and mission. it can be argued that transformative holy communion in the sanctuary only has full integrity when the community of faith choose to re-enact both symbolically and practically specific social challenges in their daily life. it seeks to be an alternative holy communion consciousness against the perception that holy communion is only about unsocially engaged remembrance based on cerebral, psychological exercise to recollect past events of jesus thereby it continues monotonous into the limbo of meaningless ritual which are done for the sake of fulfilling certain religious duties. it is participation in messianic resistance against social death, anti-life forces. this is why the church’s neglect of symbolic inverse in the holy communion has been so catastrophic, and is closely linked to consumerism, capitalism and other injustice and violence. the call is to reclaim the symbolic inversion of the holy communion as it missiological motif. theologia viatotum 40-2-2016 100 conclusion it can be concluded that the holy communion is a paradigmatic ritual of resistance which has as its paramount concern with bread and wine as instruments for reordering of social relationships for justice and equality. the interviews with paog-z pastors demonstrate that transformative holy communion missiology is not only in what we do during the ritual service but more also in how church pragmatically live out the missional message embedded in the holy communion. it calls for realisation that bread and wine as human’s basic needs are coloured with injustice and violence. thus, rethinking the holy communion in missional terms is needed today more than ever before for sustenance in a time of hunger, contaminated water, conflict for power, nepotism, hiv and aids and emancipation from undemocratic democracy and an unjust political economic structure that continues to crush masses underfoot. bibliography babcock, barbara. introduction to the reversible world: symbolic inversion in art and society (itchaca: cornell university press, 1978). barth, j. robert. the symbolic imagination: coleridge and the romantic tradition, second edition (england: fordham university press, 2001). bell, catherine. ritual: perspectives and dimensions (oxford: oxford university press, 1997). bosch, j. david. transforming mission: paradigm shifts in theology of mission (maryknoll: orbis, 1991). cassidy, richard j. christians and roman rule in the new testament: new perspectives: companions to the new testament (new york: the crossroad publishing, 2001). creider, jane t and chet a. creider. “gender, inversion in nandi ritual,” anthropos, 92, no. 1-3 (1997): 51-58. croix, g.e.m.d.s. the class struggle in the ancient greek world (new york, ny: cornell university press, 1981). dube, musa w. shomanah. “praying the lord’s prayer in a global economic era,” ecumenical review 49 (1997): 439-450. gluckman, max. rituals of rebellion in south-east africa: the frazer lecture, 1952 (manchester: manchester university press, 1954). ‘rituals of resistance, weapons of the weak’: toward an african pentecostal transformative holy communion missilogy. 101 heskett, randall and joel butler. divine vintage: following the wine trail from genesis to modern age (new york: palgrave, 2012). kaunda, chammah j. “betrayed by cultural heritage: liminality, ambiguous sexuality and ndembu cultural change – an african ecclesia-ethic of openness,” alternation special edition no 14 (2015): 22 – 44. kuper, hilda. an african aristocracy (london, oxford university press, 1961) and edward norbeck, “african rituals of conflict,” american anthropologist 65 (1963): 1254-1279. pandian, jacob. “symbolic inversions: an interpretation of contrary behavior in ritual,” anthropos, 96, no. 2 (2001): 557-562. sanders, todd. “rains gone bad, women gone mad: rethinking gender rituals of rebellion and patriarchy,” the journal of the royal anthropological institute, 6, no.3 (2000): 469-486. schröter, susanne. “ritual of rebellion – rebellion as ritual: a theory reconsidered,” in the dynamics of changing rituals: the transformation of religious rituals within their social and cultural context ed. jens kreinath, constance hartung and annette deschner (new york: peter lang, 2004), 41-58. smith, dennis e. “table fellowship as a literary motif in the gospel of luke,” jbl 106 (1987), 613-628 smith, dennis e. “the greco-roman banguet as a social institution,” in meals in the early christian world social formation, experimentation, and conflict at the table edited by dennis e. smith and hal e. taussig (new york: palgrave macmillan, 2012), 23-33 . streett, r. alan. subversive meals: an analysis of the lord's supper under roman domination during the first century (eugen: wipf and stock publishers, 2013). turner, victor. “process, system, and symbol: a new anthropological synthesis,” daedalus, 106, 3 (1977): 61-80. turner, victor. “symbols in african ritual,” in symbolic anthropology: a reader in the study of symbols and meanings ed. dolgin, janet l. david s. kemnitzer and david m. schneider (new york: columbia university press, 1977), 183194, turner, victor. “symbols in ndembu ritual,” in closed systems and open minds: the limits of naivety in social anthropology ed. max gluckman (edinburgh: oliver and boyd, 1964), 20-51. turner, victor. “three symbols of the passage in ndembu circumcision ritual: an interpretation,” in essays on the ritual of social relations ed. glunckman, max (manchester: manchester university press, 1962), 122-180. turner, victor. revelation and divination in ndembu ritual (cornell university press, 1975). turner, victor. the ritual process: structure and anti-structure (ithaca, n.y.: cornell university press, 1969). yong, amos. in the days of caesar: pentecostalism and political theology (grand rapids: eerdmans, 2010). abstract introduction help from yahweh (1–2) yahweh’s constantly watchful care (3–4) conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) david t. adamo department of biblical and ancient studies, faculty of humanities, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa bukola olusegun department of biblical and ancient studies, faculty of humanities, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation adamo, d.t. & olusegun, b., 2022, ‘the assurance that yahweh can and will keep his own: an exegesis of psalm 121:1–8’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a125. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.125 original research the assurance that yahweh can and will keep his own: an exegesis of psalm 121:1–8 david t. adamo, bukola olusegun received: 21 june 2021; accepted: 29 july 2021; published: 17 mar. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract psalm 121 is one of the most popular and the most read psalm. that is the reason why the new testament quotes and alludes to the book of the psalm more than any other book of the bible. christians all over the world see the book of psalm as the most prestigious book of the old testament. luther sees the book as the ‘little bible’ in the bible. it is not only the most read it is the memorised book of the bible. psalm 121 represents the most trusted chapter of the psalm. the main purpose of this article is to do an exegesis of psalm 121 with the hope that readers will find hope and trust in yahweh. psalm 121 has an emphasis on hope and protection by yahweh. a look at the outline of the entire chapter shows that hope and security is the theme: assistance from yahweh is the theme of verses 1–2, the gazing into the mountain is where protection from yahweh is vs 1, yahweh’s constant watchful eyes (3–4), yahweh as the protective shade (5–6) and yahweh as the protector for all lives way (7–8). the exegesis of these various sections in psalm 121 will be carried out with the hope that any reader who believes it or not will find hope, comfort and security. keywords: assurance; yahweh; psalm 121; hope; power of yahweh. introduction the majority of scholars accept psalm 121 as one of ‘unbridled assurance’ and ‘a perfect expression of trust in yahweh’ (segal 2013:592), ‘a calm’ and ‘comforting assurance of unshakable trust’ in yahweh (weiser 1998:745). instead of expressing ‘the bold soaring of man’s faith in the high places’, the author expresses itself in a peaceful and straightforward language (weiser 1998:745). that is probably why this psalm and psalm 23 is one of the most popular, loved and the most read books of the psalm (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:525; weiser 1998:45). despite the general popularity of the psalm in practice, scholars still have problems concerning the place of origin and the unity of the text. as the text does not mention a particular place of origin, there are some questions about the unity of the text and their literary-critical problems, especially in verses 4 and 7 (hossfeld & zenger 2011:316). hossfeld and zenger summarise various scholars’ opinions: the traveller’s blessing when starting the pilgrimage, a dialogue on arrival in jerusalem, dialogue from liturgical farewell from jerusalem, internal dialogue of an individual, prayer monologue of the congregation, psalm for wisdom school and a form of the ancient apostrophe (vol. 3, 2011:317–320). the structure of the psalm 121 is 1–2, 3–4, 5–6 and 7–8 (hossfeld & zenger 2011:320). while all the superscriptions of all the psalm in the class of ‘ascent’ (psalm 120–134) have שׁיר המעלות, psalm 121 has שׁיר למעלות. this article aims to contribute to the existing knowledge about psalm 121 by doing a critical exegesis and to make clearer the actual message of encouragement for comfort, security, peace, the message of unfailing hope and trust in yahweh, which is the theme of this chapter. perhaps, readers in africa may learn to trust in yahweh as the real and unfailing hope, especially in nigeria where travellers are being kidnapped, killed and robbed every blessed day. help from yahweh (1–2) the opening question in psalm 121, ‘from where?’, tries to drive home the assurance and the psalm implies a location whom, as if the one (speaker), faces danger and suddenly recalls that ‘his true salvation is not to be seen’ (segal 2013:592). however, the following ‘three factors indicate an undertone of doubt’ (segal 2013:592). firstly, the opening question of concern and the slightly disconnected response hint that although there is immediate danger, the salvation is not very obvious, secondly, the ‘you’ in verses 3–8 shows that there are difficulties. verses 1 and 2 use first person and do not seem to relate to any audience and its focus is on the term עזר ‘help’. the following six verses, שומר ‘guard’ (mentioned repeatedly six times) replaces ‘help’ and all are addressed to אתה ‘you’ (in singular). one could ask who is so addressed? perhaps the original speaker is speaking to himself or is addressed by another. they both reflect a need for reassurance (segal 2013:593). thirdly, the speaker addresses somebody else: there are linguists and psychologists who contend that a switch to the use of the second person often indicates an underlying lack of confidence on the part of a speaker. reassuring an outside party is often a way for a speaker to reassure himself in light of doubt. (p. 593) the promised blessings upon the traveller might seem simply optimistic; the kind of easy assurance one sometimes gives to anxious children. one should not, however, view the blessing as a guarantee that everything will go well on the journey. it is a blessing, that is, a wish uttered the following verses exposed the character of yahweh, the creator god (vv. 3–8). in verses 3–4, yahweh is referred to only by a pronoun. yahweh is credited with three characteristics: (1) yahweh protects the path of the pilgrims, (2) yahweh is vigilant and does not sleep and (3) yahweh is endlessly awake and attentive (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526). these three statements that are closely in parallel fill out the content of the term ‘help’. god is our refuge and strength (ps 46:1). yahweh is the keeper, the one who guards, protects, preserves and keeps safe. thus in verse 4, the question of verse 1 is fully answered (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526). it is conventional to take the affirmation of this psalmist at face value: god is endlessly vigilant. such an affirmation is a source of great assurance. in lived reality, however, alongside these words might be set in isaiah 51:9, 17, which summon yahweh to vigilance and action; the reason for the summons may be argued that yahweh is not endlessly awake and vigilant (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526). in the dramatic presentation of israel’s faith, yahweh is a god who may indeed sleep and who requires attentiveness to be awakened. the statement of isaiah 51 does not readily conform to conventional faith, but it is a candid recognition that yahweh cannot always be credited with attentive care (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:527). there have been different speculations by scholars about the mountain referred to in psalm 121. we will discuss the various concepts of scholars on the mountain in psalm 121. mountain in psalm 121 verse 1 can have different meanings. ‘the hills’ could refer to a mountain sanctuary, presumably mount zion, which would mean that the psalmist looks at the hills of zion and wonders aloud whether the god that is dwelling there will truly be a saving god. verses 3–8 are a positive response. another possibility, less likely, is that the mountains are a hideout for criminals who attack travellers (clifford 2003:221–222). the thought raises fear in a traveller embarking on a journey. ‘to lift up one’s eyes’ can mean seeing something at a great distance (is 40:26; 49:18; jr 13:20). looking at the mountainous land from afar, the psalmist is full of ardent longing yet fearful of the dangerous journey. an anxious question arises: from where will protection come? the psalmist hope, stated in verses 2 (‘my help’), has the firmest of all bases – the lord is the creator of the universe. no place in the world that does not belong to the lord (clifford 2003:222). declaisse-walford, explaining verses 1–2, said that in its canonical position in the songs of ascents, verse 1’s mountain seems most likely to be zion, the mountain of jerusalem. mountains and high places were commonly associated with deities. the ot text makes numerous references to high places. we may suggest that the psalm singers in verses 1 and 2 ask a rhetorical question while surveying the landscape during the journey to jerusalem: ‘from which mountain does my help come?’ the answer is obvious, ‘the mountain of the lord’. the singer identifies the lord as my help (צזר) in verses 1 and 2. in verses 1–2b, the overall understanding of the psalm is interpreted. here scholars’ positions are widely divergent. quite often, the ‘mountains’ are interpreted as a reference to the difficulties and dangers accompanying a pilgrim to jerusalem through the palestinian hill country. verse 1 would then be a very concrete expression of concern and anxiety, either before or at the beginning of the pilgrimage or during the journey itself; in that case, verse 1c is to be read as a genuine question. this is the sense in which the psalm is interpreted. for example, weiser (1998:745) associates the psalm with the pilgrim’s farewell to his home. his face turned to the hills, on his lips the anxious question, ‘whence shall my help come?’ the speaker of verse 1 stands ready to take his leave in the absence of any more exact designation. this can scarcely refer to the hill around jerusalem. perhaps, one would rather think of the mountains that the pilgrim would have to travel that are full of gorges, ravens, wild beasts and robbers. these characteristics of the mountain makes his departure difficult and fearful because of robbers (hossfeld & zeng 2011:321). according to the answer given in psalm 121 verse 2, it is seen as a confession of trust resting on the protection of yahweh. martin rose correctly objects to this understanding of the mountains as places of particular danger that one should not confuse the mountainous regions of israel–palestine with the alps: certainly, at the time of the psalmist, any journey ran the risk of considerable danger, but i do not see any arguments that can explain why the psalmist has rightly chosen the mountains to represent them since they were not particularly dangerous. on the contrary, one of the main routes of communication in israel/judah followed more or less along the divide, the crest of the mountains of ephraim and judah. no one attempted to avoid the mountains altogether. (batto 1987:155) in our view, verse 1 is not referring to the ‘mountain world’ of palestine–israel as a place of real danger. could not ‘the mountains’ have a metaphorical significance that evokes the helplessness and anxiety of human existence? seybold (2003:215–216) suggested that the psalmist first expresses the fact that he turns his ‘eyes’ upward to the ‘mountains’ (v. 1). he comes up against the mountain wall, which limits his view. he feels small and in need of help … that is the experience of alienation, of danger, of constriction that produces anxieties. is there any help? this fearful person recalls his confession of faith (v. 2). it affirms that genuine help comes not from the world of experience but from beyond this world, from the creator of this world. he lifts his gaze higher and transcends both the world-horizon and his feelings of fear and believes in his relationship to the master of the mountains, the cosmos, the earth and humanity. whence? from there! the gaze that seeks in the heights and in the highest places for help and ricochets off the mountain wall now shoots into infinity, where it does not lose itself, but instead finds security and believes that something ‘comes from there [משם]’. this seeking gaze encounters something coming towards it from the same direction: the gaze of the eternal watcher (morgenstern 1939:312). one could thus in verses 1–2 see the individual, in fact, as the ‘point within the enclosed world’ who seeks the helping god. although this is a possible perspective from which to interpret the psalm, the designation ‘the mountains’ seems to suggest that we ought to seek a more concrete point of reference there. in addition, it is by no means certain that the expression ‘lift up the eyes’ signals anxiety so much as longing and trust; moreover, the preposition אל means ‘to, towards’, and not ‘upwards’. a typographical meaning is present when ‘the mountains’ is taken as a designation for israel and verse 1 is judged to be an expression of longing from a distance (more precisely: from exile) for ‘the homeland’. franz delitzsch understood the beginning of the psalm, which he explains as a prayer in or from exile: the mountains towards which the psalmist lifts his eyes are not just any mountains (cited in hossfeld & zenger 2011:322). in ezekiel ‘הרי ישראל israel’s mountain’ designate the homeland viewed from the flatlands of mesopotamia. his longing gaze is directed towards the region of those mountains; they are his kibla, that is, the point towards which prayer is directed, as in daniel 6:11). the (poet) looks up to the mountains (133:3; 87:1; 125:2) as he longingly asks: whence will help come to me? he also gives the answers to this longing question that his help comes from yahweh. yahweh is enthroned behind and on these mountains, whose power, ready to help, extends to the utmost ends and corners of his creation and with (עם) whom there is help. yahweh has both the willingness and the power to help, so that help comes from nowhere other than from (מך) him alone. it has also been suggested that ‘the mountains’ should be understood as ‘mountains of god (yahweh)’, that the confession in verse 2 should be read as a rejection of ‘other gods’ by the petitioner. but the ‘mountains’ can also designate ‘the mountains of zion’, so that it should be interpreted as an emphatic confession of yahweh as the god present on the ‘mountain of god’, zion in jerusalem. the reading of verses 1–2 can be associated with a concrete topography, but it is also possible that it is a metaphorical statement (allen 1983:151). another direction of interpretation sees in ‘the mountains’ as a reference to yahweh himself (cf. dt 32:15; ps 18:3, 32, 47, 92:16; 94:22; 95:1) and then understands verse 1 as an expression of trust, longing or joy. for some interpreters (clifford 2003:221–222) ‘the mountains’ are then a real symbol of the power of yahweh himself. other interpreters regard the gaze upward to ‘the mountains’ as a turning to yahweh as the powerful creator god dwelling ‘above the mountains’ in heaven. hossfeld and zenger made some important observations for a correct understanding of the scene imagined in verses 1–2 as follows: as in most other old testament passages where it is attested, so also in psalm 121 the expression נשא עינים has the same meaning as the akkadian nascence, ‘turn the eyes towards (with desire)’ (cf. gn 39:7: potiphar’s wife looks at joseph; ezk 18:6, 12; 23:27: israel looks to idols; jr 3:2: israel looks to the sanctuaries on the heights). accordingly, lifting the eyes, in psalm 121 as in psalm 123, where the expression also begins with the psalm, means looking with longing towards the place where yahweh is present as helping or gracious god. in the last psalm of the pilgrim psalter, psalm 134, it is expressly said in verse 3 that the ‘creator of heaven and earth’ who is thus predicated in our psalm (v. 2) as a helper, exercises his beneficent power from zion, ‘may yahweh bless you from zion, the creator of heaven and earth’ (hossfeld & zenger 2011:322). an alternative understanding of the mountains is that the reference is to the hilly location of zion and the temple. the remainder of the psalm is an answer to the question of verse 1 (vv. 2–8). the simple and direct answer in verse 2 is that yahweh is the single and necessary source of help who will give protection. the primary qualifier for the name yahweh is that this is the creator god, the one who has power and purpose enough to create all that is (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526). as the creator of ‘heaven and earth’, moreover, yahweh is surely sovereign over ‘the hills’, even they seem to be full of threat. the threat is no match for the creator, who is full of power and glory (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526). according to allen, the exegetical value of הריס ‘mountain’ has been differently assessed according to the interpretation of the psalm as a whole. those who relate the mountains to a journey implied in verses 3, 6, and 8, often interpreted negatively as a source of danger referring to the mountains around jerusalem or mountains on the journey from jerusalem to the pilgrim’s home. hermann gunkel understood the word (mountain) in a negative cultic sense: הריס refers to mountain sanctuaries dedicated to different gods, in contrast to the true god of verse 2 (cited in allen 1983:151). others gave a positive value to the term and interpreted it as heavenly heights. eissfeldt related it implicitly to heaven, where god is enthroned above the mountains. dahood sees it as a divine title of yahweh analogous to צור ‘rock’ (cited in allen 1983:151). briggs saw it as a positive cultic reference to the mountains of jerusalem. habel discovered contextual support for this interpretation in the cultic formulation closely associated with jerusalem, which appears in verse 2b, so that verses 1–2 are consistent in their use of traditional zion language. then הריס refers to the cosmic mountain(s) on which yahweh dwells and the reference to the sanctuary of zion as the source of divine help (cited allen 1983:151). a key factor in determining the meaning of the relation of the two colas of the line. the erroneous interpretation of מיו ‘from where’ as a relative, encouraged a positive cultic interpretation of הריס. when it is constructed as introducing a direct question, as a contrast, tends to be seen between the colas, which force a negative connotation upon the term. but there is a third possibility, that verse 1b represents an indirect question. comparison with genesis 8:8; 27:21; joshua 2:4; judges 13:6 demonstrate the feasibility of this suggestion. in our opinion, the mountains are usually associated with where gods reside. verse 1 could be interpreted as ‘will i lift up my eyes to the mountains’ which prompts him or her to remember that his or her help does not come from this mountain where other gods/deities dwell and are worshipped by their adherents. among the indigenous churches in nigeria, like cherubim and seraf, celestial church of christ and the aladura churches generally, mountains are still considered as the abode of god. mountains are considered as a place close to god, a place where one’s prayer can be answered fast; where one can receive fast healing and protection. that is why most of these churches go to nearby mountains to pray and fast. many go there to sleep with the hope that they will be delivered from bondage. yahweh’s constantly watchful care (3–4) ‘god is our refuge and strength’ (ps 46:1). yahweh is the keeper, the one who guards, protects, preserves and keeps safe (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526). the solemn rhythmic tone of verses 3–8 marks the word as different from verse 2. different, too, is the controlling metaphor of protecting someone on a journey. the promised protection is practical and down-to-earth (clifford 2003:222). the divine guardian will not let the traveller’s foot slip (v. 3a, nsrv: ‘be moved’); a tried traveller could easily sprain an ankle and not be able to walk farther, forcing a companion to stop and find makeshift lodging. a long journey would be made lengthier and stopping for the night might be perilous: uncertain lodging, no street lighting and danger of brigands (clifford 2003:222). to have faith in a god who never slumbered (v. 3b) was a challenge. two pairs of step words occur in verses 3–4, ‘keep’ and ‘slumber’, linking them tightly together. verse 4 memorable inculcates trust: literally, ‘look, he does not slumber, he does not sleep – the guardian of israel!’ ‘guardian of israel’ is the centre of the poem. ‘shade’ (from the blazing sun) is a metaphor for protection; the lord himself is protection (clifford 2003:222–3327). the word marduk means the shadow, that is, the protector of babylon (hossfeld & zenger 2011:329). perhaps, this motif is borrowed by israel from other ancient near eastern concepts. the word shade or shadow is a proclamation of the power of the war god, ninurta (hossfeld & zenger 2011) in other places the psalms call the lord to awake (ps 7:6; 35; 23; 44; 23; 59; 4–5). the sleeping god is a literary motif that can be found in many texts in the ancient near east and that makes psalm 121, with its portrayal of the lord who neither slumbers nor sleeps, stand in sharp contrast to these texts, which accused gods of sleeping and not paying attention to the crying one (batto 1987:153–177; burnett 2005:215–35). the practical tone continues as the speaker promises that the lord will protect him or her against the burning rays of the sun and the light of the moon. the moonlight was regarded as harmful. night and day is a merism, a poetic device that expresses the totality by naming the opposite. thus, the phrase ‘night and day’ means ‘at all times’. verse 4 presents the response to verse 3; it is a strong affirmation that the lord is never inattentive. the wording in the text shows a clear contrast to verse 3. beginning with the emphatic particle ‘indeed’ (הנה), the construction expresses the truth (now it is the other negative לאֹ with the imperfect tense): ‘indeed, he will not slumber’ (א ינוםל). a second verb is added, parallel to the first, to strengthen the point: ‘and neither will he sleep’ (ולא יישׁן). and the subject of these two verbs is placed in the second half of the verse, ‘the protector of israel’. here it is the participle again, but now with a clarifying object that broadens the application from ‘your protector’ to the ‘protector of israel’. god is not like the pagan gods. he does not need to rest, eat or sleep; he is always there and always protecting (ross 2016:617). in verse 4, the keyword of assurance, ‘guard’ (שומר), occurs six times in the eight lines of the poem. in these verses, we find the first of six appearances of the word guard (שומר), always used in reference to the lord. while the psalm-singer refers to the lord as my help, the second voice refers to the lord as the one who guards (declaisse-walford, jacobson & tanner 2014:896). it was pointed out that the word samar in verse 5a occurs in the middle of the psalms – an equal number of syllables comes before and after the word – and therefore suggests that the lord’s ‘guarding’ of the psalm-singer is the central message of the psalm (de claisse-walford et al. 2014:896). the verb root שמר means to ‘protect, guard, watch over and take care of’. it is attested, with the same meaning, in many ancient semitic languages: amorite, ugaritic, phoenician, punic, old south arabic and old hebrew. the word is rendered in several english translations as ‘keep’ (rsv, nrsv, nasb), but the word conveys a more active concept. the lord does not just ‘keep’ the psalmist in the sense of providing a space for the psalmist. but the lord ‘guards, protects, watches over’ the psalmist, fending off those who seek out the psalmist or who would do the psalmist harm (declaisse-walford 2012:896–897). such trust as voiced in this psalm is at the centre of the life of faith. trust in yahweh is not some great abstraction but in fact has to do with god’s attentive care for the fullness of the pilgrim person and the pilgrim community. it should be observed, moreover, that psalm 121, in its trust in yahweh, has rhetorical parallels to the familiar benediction of number 6:24–26. when the priest assures that the ‘lord will bless and keep you’, the keeping is the vigilant protection of yahweh that is reflected in psalm 121 (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:527). the respondent declares that the lord will neither slumber nor sleep (vv. 3–4). in other places in the book of psalms, the psalm-singer calls on the lord to awaken (ps 7:6; 35:23; 44:23; 59:4–5). the idea of ‘sleeping deity’ is a motif present in numerous texts in the ot and the ancient near east. the words of psalm 121, which states that god will never slumber, stand in sharp contrast to the other texts accusing god of sleeping and refuse to pay attention to the cries of the psalm-singer (batto 1987:153–157; burnett 2005:215–235). yahweh as protective shade (5–6) verses 5–6 elaborate on the consistency and the extent of the divine protection, which the faithful can expect. the content of these verses indicates the concerns of the pilgrims, but the attention is given fully to the assurances that will set them at ease. this section begins with the subject clearly stated, the lord; the name is then repeated in the second part to emphasise it further. the lord, that is, yahweh has been now expressly identified as the protector of israel: ‘the lord is your protector’. after this short first exclamation, the verse develops the idea of protection (ross 2016:618). in verse 5, the assurance of the psalm-singer that the lord is a shade can be seen (עֵל). there is a reference to the word ten times in the psalter, as part of the phrase ‘the shadow (עֵל) of your wings’ and it reflects the protection of a mother bird to her chicks. firstly, the blessed states that ‘the lord is your shade over your right hand’. the figure ‘shade’ (a metaphor) compares divine protection with shade to signify constant and complete coverage. shade for the pilgrim would be a real and delightful image. by stating that the shade is ‘over your right hand’, the speaker means that the protection would be on all that the pilgrim does, whatever he puts his hand to (a metonymy of cause). in verse 5, the psalm-singer is given an assurance that the lord is a shade (עֵל) (ross 2016:618). in verses 6–7, further assurance was given to the psalm-singer that they will not be harmed by the sun in the day and by the moon in the night because the lord will protect the inmost being (life) of the psalmist from malicious things (ra). this constant coverage would ensure that nothing would harm the pilgrim (v. 6). here the word ‘sun’ and ‘moon’1 form the expressed subjects of the verb. but they are to be explained as figurative (metonymies of the subject), intending to convey what goes on under the sun and the moon; they also complement the merism expressed in ‘day’ and ‘night’, meaning all the time. god will protect the faithful from any harm that strikes (נכה, a common word in the military context, meaning ‘to strike, smite, attack’) in the daytime or in the night time. this too would comfort the pilgrims because the journey to the holy city often meant travelling for a day or two (declaisse-walford 2012:897). some commentators still suggest that the psalmist believed that god would protect the pilgrim from sunstroke or from becoming moonstruck. but it is more likely that the line is referring to anything that happens during the night or the day, for example, the prophets says that the ‘day’ of the lord will burn with fire as an oven; meaning the judgement that will occur on that day (see ml 4:1). the targum has, ‘when the sun has dominion by day, the morning demons shall not strike you; nor the night demons when the moon has dominion by night’ (ross 2016:618). thus, in verse 4, the question of verse 1 is fully answered (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526). yahweh as protector for all life’s ways (7–8) in verses 5–8, more statements are made concerning yahweh; only here. yahweh is explicitly named four times. for this rhetorical unit, verse 5 reiterates the primary claim of verses 3–4: yahweh is the ‘keeper’. yahweh is like a shade tree to protect travellers from the heat of the sun. the poetic parallel of the moon is added in context, for one does not need to be protected from the moon (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526). if this parallelism is rather a poetic device, then the sun and moon may be regarded, as often interpreted, as demonic forces that are subjected to the rule of yahweh. in brueggemann and bellinger’s judgement, such an interpretation is not necessary; it is easy enough to stay with the concrete dangers that are all around the pilgrims (2014:526). from the specificity of sun and moon, verses 7–8 make a more general claim. now yahweh protects the traveller ‘from all evil’, from every possible threat. it is yahweh who keeps one’s life safe, even in dangerous circumstances. verse 8 continues a rhetorical pattern that looks like a benediction for travel. the traveller is safe during departure and arrival, and all along the way. this psalm voices simple, direct confidence in yahweh. the term שמר ‘keep’ (along with ‘help’) governs the poetry and gives content to the name of yahweh. the reoccurrence of the term ‘keep’ attests to the abiding, complete trustworthiness of the presence of yahweh in every season of risk (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526–527). verse 7 broadens the horizon – may god offer protection from all evil and guard ‘your life’ (חיים). the latter word is concretely the throat area where the signs of life (breathing, moisture) are most vivid; by metonymy, it symbolises life itself. wisdom literature speaks of the necessity of guarding one’s soul (נפש) (clifford 2003:222–223). here god does the guarding. in the last verse, god guards one’s comings and goings (one’s every move) and does so forever. thus, god’s protection is offered at all times, in every place and in every step, one can take (clifford 2003:223). the remainder of the psalm is an answer to the question of verse 1 (vv. 2–8). the simple and direct answer in verse 2 is that yahweh is the single and necessary source of help who will give protection. the primary qualifier for the name yahweh is that this is the creator god, the one who has power and purpose enough to create all that is (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526). as the creator of ‘heaven and earth’, moreover, yahweh is surely sovereign over ‘the hills’, even if they seem full of threat. the threat is no match for the creator, who is full of power and glory (brueggemann & bellinger 2014:526).2 it is the habit of most nigerian churches, especially the indigenous churches, to inscribe either a portion or the entire psalm 121 in a cloth on their doorposts or motor vehicles for protection, because they believe that if psalm 121 or other psalms are inscribed or chanted repeatedly, god’s protection from witches and wizards is guaranteed (adamo 2017:45–46). it is often used as a talisman for protection, for healing and success (adamo 2017:46, 2015:9–112; olusegun 2021:150). it is firmly believed that the recitation of psalm 121 is the affirmation of african christian faith in god as ancient israel did in the wilderness (adamo 2017:45). it is believed that the recitation and inscribing a portion or the whole of psalm 121 guarantee miracle and success as it happened among the ancient israelites in the wilderness (adamo 2017:45–46). conclusion the theme of the psalm is brought to a conclusion in the last two verses – the verb ‘protect’ (ישמר) is used twice in verse 7 and once in verse 8. the precise translation of the last two verses is not certain, although their meaning is clear. most english versions translate it in all three places as the simple imperfect tense expressing the future. that is certainly a legitimate translation, and in a psalm filled with expressions of confidence, it is plausible. there is no indication in the form of the verb or the syntax to indicate it should not be the simple imperfect (and there is no indication that it must be the simple imperfect). but if it is simple future, the interpretation would be that god will protect them from all evil (ross 2016:619). such a promise would need to be explained in light of the constant difficulties of life. the word ‘evil’ (רע; s.v. ps 10:15) can refer to any kind of calamity or misfortune in life, anything that brings pain and distress to a person, including sin, of course. for the psalm to assure the pilgrim that god will protect him from ‘all evil’ will have to be harmonised with other passages that focus on the ‘evil’ that the psalmist had to endure – hence we have the lament psalms. but the other way to interpret the verse is to translate the verbs in verse 7 as jussives, expressing the concern in prayer, and leave verse 8 as imperfects, responding. it is a translator’s choice because the verb form would be the same for an imperfect and jussive. this means that verse 7 is the prayer or wish, and verse 8 is the reply – which would follow the pattern of the verses with verses 2, 4, 6 and 8 as replies. in either case, whether two statements of confidence or prayer and confidence, the point is that the lord protects his people (ross 2016:619). in both verses, the holy name has been placed first for prominence in thought. in verse 7 the prayer (or if preferred, the promise) is for protection from ‘all evil’, any harm – sin, disaster or trouble. the parallel expression in the verse assures that the lord will protect the pilgrim’s very life (נפשך; s.v. ps 11:5), now and always. the two halves express the whole idea that life is protected from all harm (ross 2016:619–20). then in verse 8 the priest, perhaps, responds with the assurance of the lord’s protection, he uses two merisms. the first is ‘your going out and your coming in’; the two together refer to all activities in the daily course, especially going out on the pilgrimage and returning home and indicating all movements in-between (see dt 28:16; 31:2). the second merism is ‘from now and forever’ (literally ‘from now and unto perpetuity’; for עולם, s.v. ps 61:5), which means ‘from now on’ – always (ross 2016:620). the preceding concern is easy to understand given the treacherous walking in those hills and valleys even today. it is a prayer that any pilgrim will appreciate. such protection from slipping would require attention to be given every step of the way and so if god is to prevent it then he must always be attentive. the parallel request, then, is that god does not slumber. the image may have suggested itself as the pilgrim made camp, knowing that god would not sleep. but the idea of slumbering is a figure (an implied comparison) for lack of attention or indifference and not merely a reference to being asleep (ross 2016:616). the subject of the verb is ‘your protector’ or ‘your keeper’ as it is often rendered (שמרך; s.v. ps 12:7), referring to the lord. here the participle as a substantive stresses the idea of ‘protecting’ and all that it involves. the prayer, then, is that the divine protector is vigilant in his care. as this word ‘protect/keep’ (שמר) is used six times in these eight verses it is the focus of the passage. god’s protection of his people at times came through direct, divine intervention. for example, god’s protection of his people can come through angels who were given charge over people lest they dash their foot on the way (ps 91:11), or through unexpected supernatural events (jdg 5:4). it can also come through the circumstances of life in which the lord was clearly at work but remained hidden (gn 12:10–20). god’s protection of his people can manifest through the agency of other believers (leaders such as kings and priests who were to shepherd the people) who were the lord’s instruments for guiding and protecting the people (ross 2016:617). this promise of divine protection was so basic to the well-being of israel that it was part of the priestly blessing given in the sanctuary, ‘the lord bless you and keep you …’ (nm 6:22–27). this psalm about protection for the pilgrimages to the sanctuary may have been a meditation on that oracle and if the psalm was also used at the dismissal for the journey home, the words of the blessing would be fresh in their minds (ross 2016:617). without a doubt, the psalm is about absolute trust in the power of yahweh to protect not only during the pilgrimage journey but throughout the entire duration of that pilgrim. it does not matter in what situation this psalm was composed, what matters is the resounding assurance of the protection and guidance of yahweh. this exegesis of psalm 121 is indeed a message to its readers, particularly africa and africans who learn to trust yahweh. as mentioned before an actual message to nigeria and those who live in that country for trust in yahweh who is the real hope for the country. acknowledgements competing interests the authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. authors’ contributions both authors contributed equally to this work. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without any direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references adamo, d.t., 2012, ‘decolonizing psalm 91 in an african perspective with special reference to the culture of the yoruba people of nigeria’, old testament essays 25(1), 9–16. adamo, d.t., 2017, ‘the significance of psalm 121 in an african context’, journal for semitics 26(1), 33–46. https://doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3106 allen, l., 1983, world biblical commentary psalms 101–150, world book publisher, waco, tx. allen, l., 2002, psalms 101–150. world biblical commentary, thomas nelson, nashville, tn. anderson, a.a., 1985, the book of psalms 73–150 (new century bible commentary), wm b. eerdmans publishing co, grand rapids, mi. batto, b., 1987, ‘the sleeping god: an ancient near eastern motif of divine sovereignty’, biblica 68, 153–177. bellinger, jr. w.h., 2019, psalms as a grammar for faith, baylor university press, waco, tx. brueggemann, w. & bellinger, jr. w.h., 2014, psalms, cambridge university press, new york, ny. burnet, j.s., 2005, ‘the question of divine absence in israelite and west semitic religion’, catholic biblical quarterly 67, 215–235. calvin, j., 1949, commentary on the book of psalms, transl. j. anderson, eerdmans, grand rapids, mi. clifford, r.j., 2003, psalms 73–150, abingdon press, nashville, tn. declaisse-walford, n., 2012, introduction to the psalms: a song from ancient israel, chalice press, st. louis, mo. declaisse-walford, n., jacobson, r.a. & tanner, b.l., 2014, the book of psalms, wm b. eerdmans publishing co, grand rapids, mi. gertz, j.c., berlejung, a., schmid, k. & witte, m., 2012, t&t clark handbook of the old testament, t & t clark, london. hilber, j.w., 2009, psalms, zonderv, grand rapids, mi. hossfeld, f-l. & zenger, e., 2011, psalms 3: a commentary on psalms 317–320, fortress press, minneapolis, mn. limburg, j., 1985, ‘psalm 121: a psalm for sojourners’, word & world 5(2), 180–187. mare, l.p. (uj), 2006, ‘psalm 121: yahweh’s protection against mythological powers’, old testament essays 19(2), 713–722. olusegun, b.c., 2021, ‘reading psalm 121 within the context of okun people of kogi state of nigeria’, ma dissertation, university of south africa. ross, a.p., 2016, a commentary on the psalms, vol. 3, kregel publications, grand rapids, mi. segal, b.j., 2013, a new psalm: the psalms as literature, gefen publishing house, jerusalem. seybold, k., 2003, introducing the psalms, t. & t. clark, edinburgh. weiser, a., 1998, the psalms: a commentary, transl. h. hartwell, the westminster press, philadelphia, pa. footnotes 1. in isaiah 49:10 and jonah 4:8, the heat of the sun is a common human experience, especially in africa. however, scholars are not aware of the dangers of the moon as the sun in ancient times. what is clear is that medical texts from mesopotamia diagnose some diseases in association with the moon god (hilber 2009:110). both the moon god (sin) and the sun god (shamash) are also associated with the same diseases (hilber 2009:110). in both mesopotamia and ugarit (1300 bce), evil omens are associated with the red or yellow colour of the sunrise (hilber 2009:111). it is unlikely that the psalmist will recognise the potency of these gods. 2. in verse 2a the suffix presents a difficulty. in the light of the confident verses 3–8, verse 2 could be regarded as answering the question of verse 1, giving by another voice. scholars such as gunkel, budde and schmidt emended to צזרו ‘your help’, as part of a conjectural reconstruction of dialogue in which verses 1 and 3, where רגלי ‘my foot’ and שמרי ‘my guardian’ was read and spoken by one voice and verses 2, 4, 5–8 by another (allen 1983:15). abstract introduction methods discussion conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) robby i. chandra department of theology, faculty of theology, cipanas theological seminary, cipanas, indonesia noh i. boiliu department of christian religious education, faculty of teacher training and education science, christian university of indonesia, jakarta timur, indonesia citation chandra, r.i. & boiliu, n.i., 2022, ‘the metaverse’s potential impacts on the god-centred life and togetherness of indonesian christians’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a157. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.157 review article the metaverse’s potential impacts on the god-centred life and togetherness of indonesian christians robby i. chandra, noh i. boiliu received: 15 apr. 2022; accepted: 27 may 2022; published: 15 july 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract many studies in indonesia have analysed the metaverse from an education, communication, social relation and business view, but only a few from a theological perspective. this study questions whether theologically, the metaverse can be viewed as an opportunity where god-centred life and togetherness amongst humans are enhanced. to answer the question, the study uses literature analysis. the question is answered by exploring two issues. firstly, the impact of the metaverse’s features on human awareness and values as the basis of their roles in creating togetherness is examined. secondly, the changes in the human image of god and their roles in relation to the divine as the consequences of immersion in the metaverse are investigated. from the analysis of the previous studies concerning those issues, the findings show that christians who regularly immerse themselves in the metaverse and obtain overstimulation might acquire a set of values that foster collaborative togetherness on the one hand but enhance pervasive self-centredness on the other hand. in theological language, the metaverse might cause christians to act as the masters of reality instead of as its stewards. the finding might give direction for the church to help christians maintain regular detachment from the metaverse and to reflect more on their roles in creating togetherness and a god-centred life. keywords: indonesian christians; theology; metaverse; awareness; values; spirituality; experiential learning. introduction most christians accept the truth contained in the first verse of the bible that in the beginning, god created the universe. then, god trusted human beings to take care of it. their role was as god’s stewards. the genesis narrative also teaches about the limit of their roles. furthermore, the narrative describes that god gives human beings choices; either they recognise god as their lord or place themselves as the master of life and prioritise their own wishes. after the creation, god commanded adam to become fruitful and multiply. such an instruction indicates the divine plan that they would not live in a static state but be in a non-stop state of change. in the terminology of teilhard de chardin, humans live in an evolutive world whose changes relate to god (de chardin 2002:20). in short, changes or evolutions are inevitable, and god takes part in such changes. later, after making the wrong choice, human beings fell into sin, and togetherness amongst the descendants of adam and eve dissolved. separation and segregation emerged in humanity. yet god’s endeavour to help humans recover togetherness with each other and with the divine never ceases. each change triggers further change. the metaverse is the latest change. at a glance, the metaverse can be defined as a virtual universe where people feel entirely immersed in the 3d virtual reality constructed by a human-made computer program. a study by george et al. (2021) states that the metaverse is: [a] hypothetical upcoming iteration of the internet, providing support to decentralized, long-lasting online 3-d virtualized environments, links between the financial, virtual, and physical worlds have become more and more connected. (p. 1) it exists as one of the continuous changes in communication media and technology since the dawn of human history. walter ong (1982:2) states that oral culture is the earliest method of human communication where people mainly used sound or voice. concerning the supernatural life in oral cultures, especially in indonesia, humans did not speculate about an abstract or logical knowledge of god but simply sensed, believed, spoke and memorised god’s presence in a huge rock, an old tree or a dark cave. their relationship with the divine was based on a simple faith that the divine was a spirit or force but not a person. some of them also believed that there were spirits in the whole of creation and also in a spiritual world (mcluhan 1962:35). such an understanding, according to zoetmulder, still exists in many indonesian indigenous beliefs, mainly in java, the most populated island of indonesia (machasin 2003). people in oral cultures also developed their anthropomorphic images or views when they described supernatural places or entities such as heaven, devils, angels or the creator (chandra & nurcholish 2021:42). after the era of oral culture, when writing and printing cultures appeared, humans used their cognitive ability to create what havelock calls conceptualisation or exploration, as they were no longer burdened by memorisation (halverson 1992). thus, they developed their logical understanding of the supernatural realm. as studied by zhao (2019:329), as the result of such development, some people who had better skills and commanded knowledge about the supernatural realm became religious leaders or priests. the division between the priests and laypersons emerged together with the perceived distance between the creator and the creatures. broadcast culture, involving both radio and television, brought knowledge about the divine to a heterogeneous audience. some televangelists in the united states of america caused people to sense god in different ways compared to what the church offered in their worship services. today, the digital era brings a convergence of all features of the oral, written, printed and broadcast cultures (jenkins 2006:6). the centralisation of ‘spiritual knowledge’ in the church faces challenges as each person can use social media platforms like youtube to communicate their faith or experience with god. they can choose their faith community or even engage with multiple communities, as respondents of a survey in indonesia stated (chandra 2021:4). the latest shocking change in the digital era is the metaverse. a series of theological questions arise. can the metaverse potentially change the god-image in people who use it regularly? what will happen with human interaction and the view of one’s role in life when such human-constructed reality permeates civilisation? to answer these questions logically, this study should delve into the essence and main features of the metaverse, its impacts on the people (including christians) who immerse themselves in the metaverse regularly and their image of or relation with god. these findings can contribute to church life, in indonesia especially, as many diverse communities are pervasive in the nation. firstly, it might give a theological framework concerning changes and human roles in the process. secondly, concerning the values to be retained in christian life, it might give direction concerning the risks of humans immersing themselves regularly in the metaverse. thirdly, concerning the human image of god, the study might give direction for a new spirituality in which a relationship with the non-physical and non-anthropomorphic god does not distort existing christian spirituality if the christians hold the trinitarian god concept. methods a qualitative research methodology was applied in this study. it included exploration on the field of communication, sociology, psychology, values and spirituality or theology. firstly, literature was explored concerning the continuous changes in human civilisation, mainly technology and media communications and their impacts on the image of god, the human role in reality and their values. this exploration includes an analysis of the theological perspective that teilhard de chardin proposed in the literature. secondly, various studies were explored concerning the features of the metaverse from various fields. thirdly, an analysis was carried out concerning the results of a psychological study on the impacts of the metaverse in the user’s awareness, as well as a sociological study concerning the adoption of new habits and values caused by immersion in the metaverse. finally, an analysis of the relationship between awareness and values on humans’ insight concerning their god and their roles in reality was carried out. discussion understanding the metaverse in 1992, neal stephenson invented the term ‘metaverse’ in his novel snow crash. today, the word ‘metaverse’ has become popular, but a variety of understandings of it are evident. in the newspaper the business of business, matthew ball, a former head of strategy at amazon studios, described the metaverse as (de luce 2021): [a]n expansive network of persistent, real-time rendered 3d worlds and simulations that … can be experienced synchronously by an effectively unlimited number of users, each with an individual sense of presence. (n.p.) for him, the metaverse will be as transformative as the internet. for some people, the metaverse is mainly a virtual world, which means a sphere where the users are mentally immersed in virtual reality. others view the metaverse as a three-dimensional universe that humans create (smart, cascio & paffendorf 2008). in the metaverse, people can freely interact. computer games might be understood as the first applications of such a universe (narin 2021). gradually, people have come to view the metaverse as a universe that offers accessibility and interactivity with anyone, including robots. recently, as a result of more exposure to news and discussions about the metaverse, modern society realises that metaverse is more than just a space for entertainment. the metaverse is a virtual space with almost unlimited business possibilities. among others, the metaverse can become a sphere where non-fungible tokens which is a digital asset that is verifiable on blockchain technology can be sold and bought. in the first two months of 2022, news about such non-fungible tokens in relation to the metaverse increased and as the consequence, people recognised its value. respondents to research conducted by binawarga training centre in february 2022 showed such recognition (chandra, kurniawan & naa n.d.). although the development of the metaverse might take quite a long time, indonesia is making serious efforts to prepare infrastructure for the metaverse by 2024. amongst others, the government collaborates with an indonesia leading digital technology business group named the wir to prepare a metaverse prototype to be used nationally (media indonesia 2022). the metaverse can also enable a new social sphere by helping people to arrange meetings between friends (ball 2020) or even to worship and work together. in indonesia, the indonesian christian church’s youth group ignite has already shared their prototype of a metaverse church on 22 february 2022. the coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) pandemic might accelerate people’s awareness of such possibilities. the above-mentioned views indicate that the metaverse means a human-constructed universe, based on digital technology and computer power with algorithms as its core. as herman and browning state, the metaverse is pervasive, and the consequences will be global. (hermann & browning 2021:10) it means that most people’s attachment to the metaverse will be inevitable, similar to their attachment to mobile phones today. the technologies related to the metaverse, in particular, will continuously expand. all of them, based on the new development of computers, graphics and other hardware, may create an environment that is perceived as a ‘reality’ by its users (george et al. 2021:1–10). the metaverse emerged as the consequence of the previous series of changes in digital and communication technology. the transformations in communication media technology cause the latest media technology to converge with the previous one. the changes will also transform people’s view of the meaning of reality, their roles in the world, relationship patterns, values and even their image of the divine when a new communication reality takes over (chandra 2021). the metaverse challenges christians to make meaning of the new reality, their values in social life, their sense of god’s presence and how they relate to the divine in the new human-constructed reality without losing the essence, which is god’s plan to create unity or reunion after human beings fell into sin. the power and features or building blocks of the metaverse in 2008, john smart, cascio jamais and jerry paffendorf tried to draw the roadmap for metaverse development. their study identifies four main building blocks of the metaverse: augmented reality, lifelogging, mirrored worlds and virtual reality. augmented reality (ar) means that in the metaverse, users can see or sense the material or physical world differently. in indonesia, for example, by using an augmented-reality capable device such as a smartphone, people could see their surroundings whilst driving by using google maps, depicting the roads they should take. today, ar can be found in smart glasses that have sensors enabling drivers to keep track of a route they are taking whilst simultaneously watching the road and vehicles around them. another example is the application of ar for interior decoration. a smartphone application, ikea place, allows customers to view furniture that they see in a store by placing it virtually inside their house, as shown through the smartphone screen. such an application helps customers in their buying decisions. lifelogging is a process to record personal activities in daily life. the record contains a comprehensive dataset of activities that could increase knowledge about many things, such as sleeping patterns, distance covered by walking, dietary habits or others (gurrin et al. 2014:1–125). interestingly, kim mentions that when someone records their events in life for friends and family members, the data uploaded is not a reality but the way the person wants others to view or perceive it (kim 2021:11). these ‘records’ are personal narratives and might not represent an accurate rendering of a person’s life. lifelogging gives a space for people to create their narratives, similar to the habits of indonesia’s 170 million social media users today. thus, the metaverse means a human-constructed universe based on digital technology and computer power with algorithms as its core (https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2021-indonesia). mirrored worlds are the building blocks of the metaverse, creating a digital twin of the earth. reality will be substituted or even replaced part by part by a software-generated imitation. david gelernter states that humans might live inside the imitation (gelernter 1993). a mirror world would allow its users to see, observe, analyse, explore and gain insights into some substantial settings in the real world. virtually, they can explore the interiors of a building that exists in the real world. they can also inspect how congested a road is in a certain day, for example, a week ago or last month. they can even track changes that have taken place in a town or a coastline. virtual reality (vr) revolves around people and their relationships or interactivity. it is the fourth building block of the metaverse (smart et al. 2008). in the beginning, people understood the metaverse as something related to computer gaming, and then people came to know about virtual reality. with special vr goggles, people can play games as if they are inside the arena or environment where the game takes place. amongst others, one of the popular games in indonesia is minecraft, which leads people to realise more about the metaverse and the complexity that it offers. as has been stated, today people can even worship together in a virtual church. bikram lamba also describes the metaverse by emphasising its key aspects: a sense of presence, interoperability and standardisation (lamba 2021:1). sense of presence is related to virtual reality technologies such as head-mounted displays. presence is the users’ perception of existing in a virtual space with others present simultaneously. interoperability refers to the fact that metaverse users can seamlessly shift or travel between virtual spaces with their virtual assets. the virtual assets may be their avatars or some acquired capabilities. standardisation is a feature that makes the interoperability of platforms and services across the metaverse functional (george et al. 2021). from both descriptions of these features, it can be concluded that the metaverse is a human-constructed reality as a result of computer technology, offering interactivity, access, space for participation, multiple spheres to choose from, connectivity and room for either individual or cooperative creativity. its stimulating power is very strong, and its presence is pervasive; these two features can lure human beings to immerse themselves more completely in it by suspending their self-awareness or reflection. the impacts of non-physical presence in the metaverse on humans’ image of god before the invention of written text, people related to supernatural beings by experiencing the divine’s presence in physical reality or nature. they worshipped god by using natural elements, such as stone, fire and oil on an altar. the biblical narrative about jacob in bethel describes this. ‘early the next morning jacob took the stone he had placed under his head and set it up as a pillar and poured oil on top of it. he called that place bethel’ (gn 28:18). later in written culture, people developed abstract knowledge of god and various symbols or metaphors. they developed a sense of an anthropomorphic god. in the modern age, broadcast cultures taught them to visualise an emotionally caring god who visited them through television or radio channels. however, in written culture, each religious group viewed their beliefs about the divine as the only truth. they considered other religions or beliefs as false ones. such views created rifts between ethnic identities and nations as they were classified and labelled by their beliefs. either confusion or enrichment appears as humans have developed more new views of god, especially amongst christians. furthermore, what will be the modern human image of god in the metaverse? as the internet gives wide opportunities for information, continuous interaction, expression and collaboration without physical presence, the metaverse offers even more. interaction in the metaverse is non-physical, non-natural and non-anthropomorphic interaction, but the sense of presence is stronger. this means the presence of other humans who listen, comfort, give solutions, reconcile and bring togetherness does exist, although without physical presence. it is, then, very probable that the christians who use it regularly, especially in worshipping, will become more accustomed to a more experiential sense of god’s presence. will they also become accustomed to god’s presence, which is non-anthropomorphic and ever-present, powerful, comforting, leading, giving solutions, reconciling, uniting and guiding or even transforming them? if it is probable, those are the roles of the holy spirit (chandra & nurcholish 2021). the probability for christians to sense god as non-anthropomorphic and ever-present is parallel with the development of christian theology in the last three decades. in 1991, in the seventh assembly of the wcc conference in canberra, most church leaders agreed that the church had not spent sufficient energy on its theology about the holy spirit or pneumatology. they realised that the emphasis had been overly on god as the father and son. the event was the first wcc assembly to focus on the third person of the trinity and took as its theme, ‘come, holy spirit – renew the whole creation’. the theme was a rediscovery of the spirit’s activities in the church and the world as the impact of the orthodox church’s pneumatology and pentecostal-charismatic experience (putney 1992). later, jürgen moltmann (1991) srirred more responses to the issues of pneumatology. afterwards, more discourses and experiential testimony of the presence of the holy spirit emerged. christians who regularly use the metaverse will probably wish to learn more and sense the presence of the spirit. aside from such positive developments, there is a risk. the metaverse opens a space for humans to develop their image of god based on their own likeness and desires. leone (2011) succinctly states: [i]f pre-modern monotheisms sought to convince human beings that they were all made after the likeness of a single god, post-modern monotheisms seek to convince us, that gods are all made in our image and after our likeness. (p. 354) in short, concerning the changes in the human image of god and how they relate to the divine, there are two sides to the metaverse. the risk is not insignificant, as the features of the metaverse can create delayed awareness in experience. humans may simply immerse themselves in an enjoyable and stimulating reality, and thus they may wish to interact with a god who is always enjoyable and stimulating. later, if it is rewarding, such a wish might create a habit that causes them to create such a god based on their own desires and image (wood & rünger 2016). the impact of the metaverse on the human view of their roles to what extent does the metaverse influence and change human beings, especially with regard to their views of their roles in reality? the first framework to answer the question is the role of habitual behaviour. when people enter and use the metaverse, they learn a set of human behaviours or even habits from their interactions with each other and immersion in the environment. habitual behaviours relate to the development of values (bardi & schwartz 2003). another framework to answer the question is the tacit learning concept, especially concerning worship, church life and christian education. tacit knowledge refers to intangible knowledge that people acquire from their experience, environment, interaction or observation of their role models. polanyi explained that people ‘can know more than they can tell’ (polanyi 2006:4–6). the opposite of such knowledge is explicit knowledge. explicit knowledge appears as codified and transferable information, created purposely through written or oral language. most formal learning, including religious education experiences, relies more on transferring explicit knowledge instead of passing on tacit knowledge. from such an understanding, logically, the metaverse as an experience or environment as vivid as real life will create tacit knowledge in the user’s life without them realising it. in short, the users undergo experiential learning in the metaverse and obtain much knowledge and shared values without being aware of it. the last framework to study the impact of the metaverse on the praxis of humans’ role is the concept of values. as bonetto et al. state, values are guiding principles in human life (bonetto et al. 2021). huijbers (1992:74) mentions that according to william james, the values that humans hold will influence their choices. value is confirmed as something good because it is sought, wanted and fought for (bagus 2007:713). values are personal because they are personal beliefs about what one wants. thus, the concepts of james, bonetto, and bagus about human values show that they influence human behaviour. there is also another concept of values. values are general concepts that people subscribe to and believe in (jamieson 2005; morgan 1992; wallace 2005). for example, togetherness, fairness and equality are values that people embrace. thus there are numerous studies conducted on values, but schwartz’s basic human values offer a construct that includes theological questions. in his construct, schwartz distinguishes 10 distinct basic human value orientations. he categorises the values into four value domains: self-transcendence is the tendency to transcend self-interest to promote the well-being of others. self-enhancement refers to the tendency to focus on personal interests or achievements. conservation is the focus on stability and conserving traditional customs and practices. openness to change (hedonism, stimulation, self-direction) is an orientation to change and independence (schwartz 2012). the values of the first domain significantly intersect with the christian view on their roles in life. the experience of immersion in the metaverse that drives people to enjoy its various features can influence human cognitive, affective and behavioural patterns. it can even change people’s values without them realising when new values are acquired as tacit knowledge through their experiential learning from the metaverse, especially as they enjoy the stimulation from such a human-constructed reality. relationship between tacit knowledge or experiential learning, new values and the metaverse what habitual behaviours will the users learn from the metaverse? the answers can be related to the features of the metaverse that have been described earlier. presence in the metaverse: human consciousness and immersion today, one of the definitions of consciousness relates to an awareness of oneself and of reality. the most important concept of awareness is the introspective consciousness proposed by locke and kant. it is a perception-like awareness of one’s current mental state and activities. the metaverse, with seamless and continuous stimulations, can make people enjoy their non-stop immersion in it. such emotional reward from the habits of immersion might inhibit introspective consciousness. the users are drawn to enjoy the sense of presence, control and enjoyment whilst exploring or adventuring in it, to the point that there will be a limited wish to introspect or reflect on their activities and reality. interoperability interoperability refers to the fact that metaverse users can seamlessly shift or travel between virtual spheres. the sense of power and control experienced by the users of the metaverse is undeniably stronger compared to that of people who only use the internet or smartphones. time and space become forgotten barriers. blockchain technology allows users to enter different metaverses and use their assets. it becomes the foundation of economic life. as the avatar of a person can be used in different games or transactions, a sense of identity is created, even in a digital environment. however, the sense of control or power that people obtain is the utmost sought-after value. concerning the human–divine relationship, such a value might inhibit love or intimacy between humans and god. interactive relationship and community building the metaverse promises a wide-open space for the users to choose, relate, participate or collaborate with parties that they can freely select. the metaverse also provides a space of participation in which users can enjoy self-expression, self-exploration, creativity, self-determination, pluralism and information-sharing. in the metaverse, they can build friendships, community and various relationships. people connect based on similarities of interests or needs. they can even engage themselves in multi-communities. thus, the value of having unlimited choice becomes prominent. analysis of value changes points out that each user of the metaverse will walk in his or her personal life primarily to pursue their own needs and dreams or a sense of being in control. if a group of people gather in the virtual community, such gathering only serves to fulfill their social needs. to create the virtual community, they select the members who have values or patterns of thought that fit their own. if someone chooses to join a virtual community, he or she will make sure that it has members with similar values as theirs. simon evans states that such virtual experience of self–other interactions has existed for a long time in symbolic spaces of ‘imagined community’ and self-representation, such as theatrical settings (evans 2012). people welcome similar kinds of people into their community but reject the different ones. as a result, exclusivity might become the pervasive mode. even spiritual and religious communities in such a virtual environment might be open only to people who have similarities in religious values but are closed to others. thus, such a community can be coloured by exclusivity. furthermore, the members who choose to join it, practice a religious consumer-producer relationship which means that they show loyalty to the community as far as their needs are fulfilled. it might also cause more isolation for people who could not find satisfaction in such relationships. the values that the users learn from the metaverse without realising are a transactional relationship and self-centredness. the spirit of such self-centredness will detach them more from god. theologically, it can be stated that they tend to adopt habits and values to become the master of the universe or reality instead of serving as god’s steward in life. on the contrary, analysing the metaverse by using teilhard de chardin’s framework points out that the metaverse will help people learn. they may wish to diminish negative aspects in life that people in the present physical reality cannot change, such as discrimination in the name of ethnicity, gender, race, ideology, religion or social status. the values that the metaverse teaches are appreciation of plurality or unification in diversity as meaningful objectives of reality. without being aware, people who are immersed regularly in the metaverse may also acquire values of tolerance, appreciation and mutual care, something that can become tacit or embedded knowledge acquired from relationships in the metaverse. thus, to conclude, the metaverse is an opportunity for the unification of humanity. the metaverse promises space for unlimited choices. human users seem to have almost unlimited freedom and free will to joyfully create, relate or collaborate in the metaverse. however, in fact, in such a space, their perception of reality is mainly based on the virtual environment and does not include the actual reality. the metaverse even suspends their ability to experience both realities simultaneously as they immerse in the virtual one thoroughly. as spirituality is an intimate relationship with the almighty, a meaning-making process and the transformation of one’s own life and others’ lives (sheldrake 2010:4–24), the metaverse might not open the real space for spirituality, especially for someone who does not want to stop to do reflection and listen to god. thus, it can prevent people from having a serious spiritual life because it traps people in continuous immersion in activities (including virtual religious worship) without recognising the need for detachment, quietness or complete stop for reflection before god. to fulfil the needs of spirituality without the users’ desire to separate themselves from constant visual engagement, a new version of spirituality might emerge in which the users play the role of modern customers, and then the spiritual experience becomes a commodity. thus, the challenge for religions is to help their believers to maintain their real free will by realising the need to maintain introspective consciousness or regular reflection. to conclude, some spirits potentially entrap the people who regularly use the metaverse. why would god allow the metaverse to come to being? the answer to this question is that in each change, there are choices and risks for human beings. they either choose god as the centre of their lives or make themselves the pivotal point by replacing god. the narrative of the forbidden fruit in genesis 2 points out such a choice. thus, god would allow the metaverse to exist for human beings as another phase of the human journey to learn about the right choices and grow in divine grace. the roles of the church practically, how should the church educate believers to deal with choices and risks? this question relates to the meaning or goal of reality. in the one and the many, donal gray (1969) posits that the trinitarian concept provides the key to understanding the whole movement of reality as a process of evolution or (more precisely) unification. the unity of god consists in the very plurality of relationships. with such a concept, the metaverse potentially serves as a next step to give space to pluralism as the users value it deeply, and at the same time it will provide a space for unification. indeed, the metaverse can create a self-centred plurality and unity consisting of exclusive groups or communities. in comparison, as cronshaw (2020:3) shows, in the trinitarian concept, unity relates to the plurality of relationships with love at the centre and god’s mission to unite humans, something that the church should emphasise. kärkkäinen (2017) also describes such pluralistic relationships and unity in trinitarian theology, which many scholars have studied. unfortunately, in indonesia as in many other places, the unity of theology and praxis is overly christ-centred or christocentric. such centredness tends to neglect an emphasis on the knowledge of and experience with the holy spirit and god as the father or mother (congar 2017:163). diverse christian communities emerge, even amongst the main churches, such as the mainline denominations, the evangelical churches or the pentecostal-charismatic communities. togetherness is limited. one of the possibilities is that many christians often do not spend their energy developing the holistic teaching of the trinitarian god. the holy spirit as a nonphysical and non-anthropomorphic person of god received less attention, as the respondents in a study on the perception of christians on the holy spirit in greater jakarta churches stated (chandra & tambunan 2019). francis chan (2009) mentions that such a global phenomenon is tragic neglect of the holy spirit’s roles, works, and intentions. jurgen moltmann points out that christians have treated the holy spirit as the cinderella of theology (sirks 1957). it is understandable, as it is easier for them to imagine or relate to a person of god who has anthropomorphic features rather than the holy spirit. thus, the theological concept of god’s unity is incomplete, a phenomenon that hampers closeness and togetherness amongst church denominations. in the digital era and mainly in the metaverse, people might be more accustomed to relating to others and the holy spirit due to the following reasons. firstly, people might become used to experiential presence. such new experiences might help them learn to be more sensitive to the holy spirit’s presence in the metaverse compared to when they are in the actual physical universe. secondly, christians need the holy spirit who comforts, protects, guides and teaches them because the isolation in metaverse immersion is evident. plurality in such spiritual experiences of sensing the spirit’s presence is inevitable because each christian church differs from the others, as the book of acts shows that each apostle’s experience of the holy spirit was unique. yet, realising that they experience the same spirit, each can learn to appreciate or reconcile differences. therefore, today, the church should facilitate awareness training for its members that with diversity, plurality and experiences in the metaverse, they can sense the presence of the spirit of god. yet there could be many other spirits in the metaverse; thus, it is important for the christians to maintain a christocentric praxis. without an intense relationship with god the creator, jesus christ and the holy spirit, christians can easily be lured into centring their lives on new values that foster self-centredness that leads them away from god. thus, the metaverse is a new genesis where another apple is accessible and offered to all people, including christians. inevitably, the metaverse is another phase of evolution or humanity’s journey, where jesus’ followers can be more sensitive to various spirits and learn more about the holy spirit. in the indonesian context, since the prehistoric age, people of most tribes have learned about the presence of various spirits in their lives. therefore, the indonesian churches should facilitate more learning processes, social environments, and relationships, where christians acquire the tacit knowledge about the holy spirit and immerse in the divine’s presence but centred in christ. at the same time, christians can learn to distinguish the power of other spirits and not embrace them, including the spirits embedded in modern technology, such as the metaverse. in short, the metaverse can be either beneficial or detrimental to bringing people closer to god. conclusion this study explored the literature to answer a series of theological questions. concerning the metaverse as a human-created reality, it can be viewed as a part of god’s continuous transformation in human civilisation. indeed, very probably, the metaverse as a non-physical reality can potentially change the human image of god and direct them toward more intimacy with the holy spirit after they receive god’s grace in christ. thus, they will not abandon christ-centred life when they walk in the spirit. the metaverse might create a yearning for an experiential relationship with the spirit as with christ. on the other hand, the metaverse’s features might also lure humans to a set of new habits and values that drive human beings to behave like the self-centred masters of reality instead of living as god’s stewards who serve to recover unity and togetherness. with such findings, the study can contribute a direction for the churches. they need to learn and use a more experiential process of learning to help people build habits and values of retaining their awareness of reality, instead of being immersed regularly in human-constructed one. people also need to learn more about their role as the stewards of god when dealing with changes in order to create togetherness in humanity. acknowledgements competing interests the authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. authors’ contributions r.i.c. created the main concept of the article and wrote the original drafts. n.i.b. developed the manuscript further by sharpening the methodology and adding analysis on experiential learning. both authors were involved in writing the formal analysis of the findings and giving conclusions. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references bagus, l., 2007, kamus filsafat, gramedia, jakarta. ball, m., 2020, the metaverse: what it is, where to find it, who will build it, and fortnite, viewed 02 january 2022, from https://www.matthewball.vc/all/themetaverse. bardi, a. & schwartz, s.h., 2003, ‘values and behavior: strength and structure of relations’, personality and social psychology bulletin 29(10), 1207–1220. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167203254602 bonetto, e., dezecache, g., nugier, a., inigo, 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accepted: 31 aug. 2021; published: 18 oct. 2021 copyright: © 2021. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the theory according to which the yoruba ancestors were coptic christians seemed unpopular amongst many yoruba people despite the fact that the theory was proposed by the most revered yoruba historian, samuel johnson. the aims of this research are firstly, to study johnson’s coptic theory of the yoruba origins and secondly, to highlight the circumstances that might have informed him to associate the yoruba people with the coptic church. this research is achieved through a historical study of a possible interaction between certain ethnic groups in nigeria and the coptic church, and through a comparative study of church liturgies amongst the copts and those of the yoruba traditional churches. the researcher explained that johnson’s christian background influenced his narrative of connecting the yoruba origins with the copts. the researcher is of the opinion that there is no evidence provided by johnson according to which the yoruba people originated from the copts. keywords: africa; ancient near east; copts; egypt; nubia; south-west nigeria; yorubaland. introduction the yoruba people are amongst the most populous ethnic groups in africa. in nigeria alone, there are over 40 million yoruba (ayandele 2004:121). their history is one of the most researched amongst other ethnic groups in sub-saharan africa. the yoruba are also indigenes of west african states such as togo and benin republic (lange 2004:39). this research however, will be centred on the yoruba people of nigeria. the yoruba people of nigeria occupy the south-western region of the most populous african country comprising of six geographical states: oyo, osun, ondo, ogun, lagos and ekiti. the yoruba people are also found to be indigenes of kogi and kwara states in north-central nigeria. despite the achievements they have made with regard to the writing of their history and in the preservation of their culture, there is yet to be an absolute conclusion as to where the yoruba people originated (afolayan 2004:32). a renowned writer of yoruba history, samuel johnson, described the origin of the yoruba people as one that is still not clear and full of obscurity (johnson 1921:3). there are various theories pertaining to the yoruba origins. whilst some say the yoruba people originated from mecca or arabia, others say egypt or monroe or north africa or etruria (agai 2013b; olojede 2011:344–345; oyebade 2004:53–54). samuel johnson is likely the first yoruba person to document the yoruba history extensively. he said that the original yoruba ancestors were coptic christians who originated from upper egypt (johnson 1921:6). after samuel johnson, many other yoruba writers such as lucas olumide, toyin falola, fani-kayode (2013:1–3), afolayan and many more have continued to associate the yoruba origin with egypt. whilst johnson emphasised a christian origin of the yoruba from upper egypt or nubia, lucas went to associating the yoruba origins with the ancient egyptians. he thought that the pre-dynastic and dynastic egyptians had similar cultural practices with the yoruba people of nigeria. he said that the yoruba religious practices, body mutilations, funeral rites, names, sacred numbers, social practices, knowledge, dress, hieroglyphics, emblems and language are similar to those of the ancient egyptians (lucas 1970:411–418). lucas added that a possible contact between the yoruba ancestors and the ancient egyptians took place during the pre-dynastic and dynastic egyptian periods (lucas 1970:291, 352). unlike johnson who linked the yoruba origin with the period after christ lived, lucas was of the opinion that the yoruba ancestors lived before the emergence of christianity. there might have been certain circumstances that made johnson to connect the yoruba people with the egyptians. firstly, it is likely that the perception of the egyptian civilisation or the rise of egyptology in the 18th and 19th centuries influenced his thinking to associate the origin of yoruba with the egyptians (reynolds 2012:1; tyldesley 2005:1–8). secondly, his interest in christianity may have influenced his views as well. this research examines johnson’s view of the coptic origin of the yoruba and the circumstances that might have influenced his thoughts to suggest that the ancestors of the yoruba people were coptic christians.1 the coptic christians some contemporary egyptians think that their ancestors were not africans. they think so simply because many of them are light-skinned and are politically and socially connected to the people of the middle east than the people from other african countries. this is not surprising because a number of 19th century scholars have declassified ancient and contemporary egypt as an african territory (agai 2013a:88). bluemenbach, an anthropologist in 1865, regarded the ancient egyptians as non-africans (adamo 2013:73). in this research, the ancient egyptians, the nubians and the coptic christians will be classified as light-skinned and dark-skinned africans.2 it therefore becomes pertinent to know the time through which christianity entered africa and especially egypt. it is also relevant to know how coptic christianity began and how it possibly spread to west africa as perceived by samuel johnson. according to mark, the word ‘copts’ has a greek origin (mark 2009:1). this could likely be so because in the past, when a nation subdued another, they changed the country’s or city’s names and the cultures of the people subdued. for example, alexander the great captured egypt in 332 bce and he made greek language and culture prominent in egypt (redford 2006:xiii). the romans also captured some regions of the ancient near east around 30 bce and at that time, egypt was included administratively as a part of the near east. the romans developed egypt and built formidable communication systems including the development of the nile. this development contributed to the early church’s accessibility to travel and preach in egypt (boer 1983:1–7). with regard to the connection of the word ‘copts’ with egypt, marcus said that the greek word for ‘copts’ is aegyptus and meant egypt (marcus 2011:4). similarly, mark said that the greek word aegyptus meant egypt and that the word originated from the egyptian name hwt-ka-ptah meaning the house of the spirit of an egyptian god ptah (mark 2009:1). another word for egypt is kemet, which could be associated with black land (johnson 1978:10–11). in addition, adamo and eghubare associated the residences of kemet or the ancient egyptians as a people with black or dark skin (adamo & eghubare 2010:415). the points mentioned here encourage the view according to which the copts were possibly people of an african descent; yet, this classification of the copts as africans is open for further investigation to ascertain its truthfulness. marcus observed that the copts were not foreigners from the ancient near east but direct descendants of the ancient egyptians. before the emergence of christianity into egypt, the copts practiced their traditional religions and lived mostly in rural areas shepherding their flocks (marcus 2011:4). sanneh said that christianity in egypt was at first received by the elite groups that lived in urban areas until the middle of the 3rd century ce, when the egyptians who lived in the nile began to accept and spread the faith within egypt and this led to the building of more coptic villages and towns (sanneh 1983:7). but how did christianity spread to egypt and who were the role players in the spread of the christian faith in egypt? scriptural sources, historical sources and oral traditions are the main sources of information we can rely on to know about the spread of christianity in africa and especially in egypt (sanneh 1983:1). with regard to scriptural sources, the book of matthew records that after the birth of jesus in bethlehem, he was hunted by herod, the district governor of rome and as a result, mary, joseph and jesus left bethlehem for egypt (mt 2:1–23). although jesus was yet to start his ministry when they went to egypt with his family, sanneh believed that the coming of jesus to egypt with his parents marked the first connection of africa with the christian faith ‘… [jesus’ first appearance in egypt] is the first tradition connecting the african continent with the christian story’ (sanneh 1983:1–2). in addition, in the story of the crucifixion, the book of mark records that a particular man by the name simon of cyrenia (a province in libya) was forced to take the cross after the trial of jesus (mk 15:21–32). other role players identified in the new testament as having an african origin or connection include rufus, lucius, simeon, apollos and judich (ac 18; rm 16:3; 1 cor 16:19; 2 tim 4:19; ac 11:26; ac 18; rm 16:21) (sanneh 1983:2). the coptic church of today is mostly centred in egypt only with a few extensions or offices in other parts of the world, still dominated by the egyptians who travelled to those countries. there are about 5 million members of the coptic christians in egypt (harrington 2011:1–2). the coptic christians in egypt are still regarded as a minority group because of their low population size that is incomparable with those of the muslims (sanneh 1983:13). it is not known precisely who started the church in egypt (boer 1983:24). however, there is a tradition amongst the coptic egyptians according to which john mark or saint mark, the author of the gospel of mark founded the coptic church when he went to preach in egypt in a date or year that is contestable (boer 1983:24–25). notwithstanding this fact, most authors agree that saint mark might have arrived in alexandria in 68 ce (marcus 2011:1): and they say that this mark was the first that was sent to egypt, and that he proclaimed the gospel which he had written, and first established churches in alexandria. and the multitude of believers, both men and women, that were collected there at the very outset, and lived lives of the most philosophical and excessive asceticism, was so great, that philo thought it worth while to describe their pursuits, their meetings, their entertainments, and their whole manner of life.3 eusebius of caesarea also said that saint mark was the first bishop of the church in alexandria.4 the copts have a tradition according to which there were four evangelists that came to preach in alexandria at the emergence of christianity and that mark was the first. they thought that the establishment of the coptic church is a fulfilment of the prophecy in isaiah 19:19: [i]n that day there will be an altar to the lord in the midst of the land of egypt, and a pillar to the lord at its border (is 19:19) (the christian coptic orthodox church of egypt 2020:1–2). there is also another unpopular tradition that the apostle thomas preached the gospel in egypt around 52 ce before he went to india to preach (sanneh 1983:4). alexandria became a significant place in the training of popular christian apologists some of whom became martyrs. origen and clement, for example, all received formal theological training in alexandria (boer 1983:24–25): one of the strongest centres of christianity in egypt was alexandria. … it was in alexandria that a serious attempt was made to interpret christian teachings in the light of greek philosophical thought, a process begun under jewish scholars. clement made his mark there, though he was not a native of that city; belonging to an elite, he stressed the element of reason in religion and established it as an important foundation of faith. … one of his [clement] pupils was origen (c. 185–253), who was to eclipse him in learning and fame. in 203, after clement left alexandria, origen, then only eighteen, was appointed to succeed his teacher at the catechetical school which he successfully guided through a time of fierce persecution and gave it an enviable pre-eminence in the christian world. (sanneh 1983:6) it is important to note that the capturing of egypt by rome brought about some developments around the nile and this resulted in easy access to communication in egypt. the early church benefitted in this project to the point that they found it easier to travel and preach in egypt (boer 1983:1–7). contrary to the given development on the growth of the coptic church, the coptic christians also faced persecution by many people including a number of roman emperors. the romans were worried at the fast rate at which the coptic church or christianity generally was growing in egypt and they had to check the influence of christianity. emperor diocletian (284–305) persecuted the coptic christians very harshly (marcus 2011:5). the roman edict of 202 ce in egypt was meant to stop the egyptians from converting to christianity and the edict of 250 ce forced all egyptians including the coptic christians to carry alongside a certificate indicating that they made sacrifices to the roman gods. the aim was to deny coptic christians the worship of their own god but the roman gods (marcus 2011:4–5). unlike the early church and the apostolic fathers who spread the gospel because they were persecuted (boer 1983:49–53), the case-study of the coptic christians was different. sanneh said that that around 300 ce when the coptic christians were persecuted, they did not travel to other countries to preach the gospel. instead, they used the time of their isolation to develop lengthy and sophisticated liturgical church orders used locally during their daily and weekly church programmes (sanneh 1983:7–8). around the 7th century ce and precisely in 642 ce, some muslims attacked the coptic christians in egypt and subdued the christian faith. as a result, islam continued to grow capturing the different tribes in egypt and, by 702 ce, the berbers were also islamised (skolfield 2001:142–143). the question that matters for this research is: did the persecution of the copts by the romans and the rise of islam in egypt contribute to the migration of the coptic christians to other parts of africa or the world? considering the low spread of the coptic christians to other countries especially nigeria, why did johnson associate the yoruba origin with the coptic christians? the connection of the yoruba origins with the coptic christians before samuel johnson, mohammed belo, the son of uthman dan fodio who was not a yoruba indigene wrote that the yoruba people originated from arabia, around 1812 (lange 2011:583). johnson said that belo was responsible for linking the yoruba origin with arabia (johnson 1921:5; olojede 2011:343–44). samuel johnson is the first yoruba indigenous writer to write about the yoruba history. he was born in 1846 to his christian missionary parents sarah and henry johnson, both of whom served as missionaries with the church missionary society (cms). his parents were slaves who were freed or returnees who lived in sierra leone after the abolition of slave trade in 1807. rev. david hinderer, a missionary with the cms who worked in abeokuta and ibadan visited sierra leone and liked johnson’s parents. hinderer requested mr. henry to return to ibadan to serve in the mission centre as a teacher (falola 1999:37). samuel johnson attended the abeokuta training institution between 1863 and 1865. he was influenced by the school principal gotlieb bühler to admire liberal education alongside the bible. he studied general education, history, philosophy, mathematics, greek, religious studies and latin (falola 1999:33–37). he served as a school teacher in ibadan, aremu and kudi around 1865 and 1866. he became a deacon with the cms in 1867 and a catechist at aremu church in 1875. he mediated and served as a translator during the early and mid-19th century yoruba wars. he mediated between the yoruba leaders and the british administrators that came to serve in south-western nigeria before nigeria got her independence in 1960. his experiences with the christian communities, the yoruba traditional leaders and ordinary citizens together with the foreign missionaries and the british staffers who worked in nigeria exposed him to having a wider knowledge and understanding of the yoruba people and their culture (omolewa 2008:124–133). samuel johnson developed interest in the writing of the history of the yoruba people. through his experiences, his interests and exposures, he wrote the history of the yorubas: from the earliest times to the beginning of the british protectorate (johnson 1921:ix). johnson’s book is regarded by many yoruba people as the most detailed, the most respected and seemingly the most accurate or sacred up-to-date document on yoruba history (doortmont 1991:167). johnson discussed the yoruba oral tradition according to which a mythical personage by the name oduduwa came from the ‘east’ or ‘mecca’ to yoruba land to form the yoruba nation. the east in yoruba oral tradition meant arabia or mecca or north africa or meroe or even iraq (johnson 1921:5; olojede 2011:343–345). johnson disputed this theory that associated the yoruba origin with a muslim country. he believed that the yoruba ancestors might have originated from upper egypt or nubia or that they might have been coptic christians. he said the following: that they sprung [sic] from upper egypt, or nubia. that they were subjects of the egyptian conqueror nimrod who was of the phoenician origin andthat they followed him in his wars of conquest as far as arabia, where they settled for a time. it might probably then be shown that the ancestors of the yorubas, hailing from upper egypt, were either coptic christians or at any rate that they had some knowledge of christianity (johnson 1921:6–7). it is clear that johnson specified two possible geographical sources that narrate the various views of the origin of the yoruba people. the geographical sources are upper egypt and nubia. in this research, i shall concentrate on johnson’s interest regarding the coptic church. although he mentioned nubia and upper egypt, it is likely that he preferred to associate the yoruba origin with coptic christianity in order to dissociate the yoruba origin from islam. johnson said the coptic christians he referred to in his book originated from upper egypt (johnson 1921:7). he also mentioned nubia that comprised of of the areas from aswan in the southward direction to the present-day khartoum in southern sudan. there were christians in nubia from the beginning of the 6th century ce. the byzantine missionaries preached in nubia around 540 ce, but the 7th century arab conquest interrupted the spread of the gospel out of nubia by the nubian christians (bowers 1985:2, 6). more so, information about them [the nubian christians] was scanty until the 1930s when nubian archaeologists started to find possible traces of the practices of christianity in nubia (bowers 1985:2–3). it is not known whether johnson was aware of the nubian christianity but his connection of the yoruba origin with the coptic christians and with the nubians suggests that he might be aware that nubia had some christians who were possibly contemporaries of the coptic christians after the 6th century ce. johnson’s background as a pastor or a clergy, his parent’s background as missionaries and his faith in christianity might have motivated him to promote christianity above any other faith. moreover, so, during the yoruba wars, the hausa and the fulani people were also involved at some instances in fighting with the yoruba people. for example, the fulani people invaded oyo in the early 19th century (doortmont 2001:253) and after 1812, ilorin and other parts of yorubaland were captured by the fulani jihadists (omolewa 2008:111–112, 117). johnson was aware of the hausa and fulani influence on yorubaland (doortmont 2001:1–2). more so, the yoruba people also fought against one another from the early 19th century until the end of the century (peel 2000:27–29). in the midst of the yoruba’s internal conflicts, johnson had to promote his christian faith, which he believed promoted human civilisation and enhanced peace and unity amongst humanity (olabimtan 2009:253). falola said johnson’s ‘…greatest wish was to see the triumph of christianity over other religions’ (falola 1999:46) and olupona described johnson’s connection of the yoruba’s origin with the coptic church as christocentric (olupona 1993:242). it is still not known whether the yoruba ancestors were coptic christians or not and johnson might be right or he might not be right in his classification of the yoruba ancestors as coptic christians. what is clearly known is that his christian background influenced his association of the yoruba origin with the coptic christians or probably some christians who lived in egypt and his dissociation of the yoruba origin with islam. he was adamant that the yoruba ancestors were christians to the point that he discussed a yoruba legend that has a link with the jesus’ story of sacrificing himself for the sake of rescuing all humanity from some form of sinful nature or from an enemy: if so [that the yoruba ancestors were coptic christians], it might offer a solution of the problem [of the yoruba origins] of how it came about that traditional stories of the creation, the deluge, of elijah, and other scriptural characters are current amongst them [local yoruba people that were not christians], and indirect stories of our lord, termed ‘son of moremi’. (johnson 1921:7) there is a yoruba legend according to which the goddess moremi had only one begotten son by the name ela or olurogbo. the legend has it that the igbos through some spiritual means tormented the people of ile ife in yorubaland. moremi sacrificed her only son ela in order to redeem the yoruba people who lived at ile ife. the story is similar to biblical account of god sacrificing his only begotten son jesus for the entire human race (jn 3:16) (johnson 1921:148). johnson did not provide further details on the specific identities of the coptic christians who allegedly came to yorubaland. he did not say about the date or the migration routes the coptic christian used to arrive in yorubaland. he only mentioned that the ancestors of the yoruba people might have been coptic christians in only one page of his over 740 pages of the history of the yorubas. he only mentioned the coptic christians once in his book yet it is likely that he meant to emphasise the coptic theory of the yoruba origin above any other theory. this is allegedly possible because, despite his interest in the knowledge of writing the yoruba history, he seemed to emphasise a christian perspective of reading the yoruba origin. it is likely that johnson had to connect the yoruba origin with the coptic christians in order to check the influence of islam on the yoruba people in the 19th century. also, some yoruba oral historians in the 19th century associated the yoruba origins with the ‘east’ or ‘arabia’ or ‘mecca’ (johnson 1921:7). there is a yoruba oral tradition according to which the original ancestor of the yoruba is oduduwa and that he came from mecca or arabia and was a muslim before he became a pagan. the tradition has it that oduduwa came to yorubaland with a relic called idi, a copy of the koran. johnson disputed the tradition and said that the idi was not the koran, but a copy of the christian holy scripture built in rolls (johnson 1921:7). did the coptic christians spread christianity to yorubaland? it is not known with precision the first time christianity found itself into the nigerian soil and particularly into yorubaland (sadiku 2004:124–136). however, historians of west african history believe that there are two possible phases by which christianity might have found its way into nigeria. the business of slave trade and commodities such as pepper, palm oil and other spices opened up nigeria to the europeans and the americans for exploration, expedition, research and christian missions (omolewa 2008:134–136). the portuguese were amongst the earliest to trade for slaves in nigeria around the 15th century. ruy de sequira, a portuguese explorer and trader led the first voyage to benin in south-south nigeria in 1475 and by 1480, about 400 benin slaves were captured. the activities of early traders and explorers in nigeria had opened the country for the entrance of christian missionaries (sanneh 1983:36–37). the first missionaries to have preached in nigeria during the first phase of the spread of christianity were from portugal. they came to benin in 1515 and to warri in 1570 and in 1538; the oba (king) of benin welcomed and accepted to be baptised by the missionaries (omolewa 2008:136). the first phase of the spread of christianity in nigeria yielded poor results because the nigerians at that time and within the specified areas listed were not sincere in their acceptance of the christian faith. the missionaries failed to understand the culture of the nigerian people, and consequently some nigerians thought that the missionaries worked together with the slave traders (adewale & abu 2013:122; omolewa 2008:137). the missionaries left nigeria mostly around the end of the 18th century through the early 19th centuries for their poor performances (omolewa 2008:137). the second phase of the spread of christianity to nigeria started around the 19th century when more and richer documents were found that explained the activities of early christian organisations in nigeria (stevens 2015:1–2). the abolition of slave trade in 1807 contributed to the spread of christianity in nigeria. sierra leone, brazil and liberia became major centres where returnee slaves were hosted. it was in freetown, sierra leone that samuel johnson became exposed to meeting foreign missionaries (adewale & abu 2013:122). it was during these periods, that is, from the mid-19th century that the church missionary society (cms), the roman catholic missions, the qua iboe missions, the scottish presbyterian church and many others extended their mission work to west africa and to nigeria in particular (fyfe 1979:39–41; omolewa 2008:139). subsequently, the slaves who were freed from sierra leone and from brazil helped to spread christianity in yorubaland in the 19th century. around the middle of 1850s, the brazilian returnees who had received christianity came to yorubaland to preach. they came to lagos in 1859 and in 1872. they built a catholic church in lagos, which became famous in 1881 (sundkler & steed 2000:947, 959). the sierra leonean returnees also referred to as the aku as they were called in sierra leone played a great role in the spread of christianity in yorubaland around the mid-19th century (sadiku 2004:125). rev. thomas birch freeman came to badagry to preach on 24th september 1842 where he met 300 other returnees who had settled in badagry (adewale & abu 2013:124). during the second phase of the spread of christianity in nigeria, many foreign mission organisations preached and established humanitarian centres such as hospitals and schools in yorubaland. the wesleyan missionaries established mission centres in lagos, ibadan, badagry, ilesa and abeokuta from 1842 to 1845. the roman catholics through their subsidiary mission originations such as the society of african mission and the holy ghost fathers established their mission stations in lagos, ibadan and some parts of eastern nigeria from 1860 to 1871 (adewale & abu 2013:124, 127). also, at ogbomosho, lagos and abeokuta, the southern american baptist mission founded their mission stations since 1862 (adewale & abu 2013:126). the qua iboe mission was founded by samuel a. bill in 1887. the mission organisation now has branches distributed all over nigeria (adewale & abu 2013:128). the scottish presbyterian church also established branches in some parts of yorubaland (omolewa 2008:139). significant to the spread of christianity in yorubaland are samuel johnson and bishop ajayi crowther. crowther translated the bible into yoruba in 1843 and he preached christianity in yorubaland (ume 1980:154). the second phase of the spread of christianity in nigeria and in the yorubaland in particular was more successful than the first phase. some problems were encountered during the second phase of the spread of christianity in nigeria and especially in yorubaland. nigerian priests were not respected by foreign priests who came to preach in yorubaland. they did not also submit themselves to the church leaders who were indigenes of yorubaland and certain cultural practices like polygamy were discouraged by foreign missionaries. the foreign missionaries discouraged the use of local or traditional names by the yoruba people (adewale& abu 2013:126). the poor relationships between foreign missionaries and local yoruba pastors in the midand late19th century made some yoruba people to start their own indigenous churches that will accommodate their cultures and allow respect for the yoruba people. some yoruba christian leaders started churches such as the aladura in 1918 and the aladura is divided into four groups: the apostolic churches, the cherubim and seraphim churches, the church of the lord and the celestial church (sadiku 2004:127–128; sundkler & steed 2000:950–951). considering the history of how christianity came to yorubaland, the role players in the spread of christianity are first, the yoruba indigenes themselves and second, foreign missionaries from europe and america. there is virtually little or no information that the copts from egypt came to yorubaland to preach before or after the 19th century. samuel johnson mentioned that the yoruba ancestors might have been nubians, which may either be nubian christians or not. paul bower said that in the 1930s, archaeologists have found traces of nubian monastery in western sudan near the border of chad. he said that during the 1930s search, nubian artefacts were found around the north of lake chad. bowers did not say that the finding have had any some connection with yorubaland. he further pointed out that it is likely that franciscan missionaries in 1700s preached in borno and katsina all in northern nigeria. bowers (1985) said that: christian symbols were reported in the last century among the royal regalia of a tribal kingdom on the benue, south of hausaland, though the religious meaning of the symbols had been forgotten. (p. 4) bowers’ emphasis had been on nubian christians whilst johnson emphasised on the coptic christians as the major influencers of the yoruba origin. lucas pointed out that there are traces of contact between the egyptians and nigerians from the 11th century. he added that a number of muslims from borno in nigeria travelled to cairo for pilgrimages in the 11th century. more so, he also said that in the 1870, the egyptian adventurer rabeh came to borno for a visit and was chased away by the sultan of borno in 1893 (lucas 1970:400–401). despite all the travels that connected the egyptians and the nigerians, there is still no mention that the coptic church came to yorubaland or that the yoruba people went to worship amongst the copts in egypt. there might have been or there might not have been a possible contact between the coptic christians and the yoruba ancestors. this view ought to be opened for further research because evidence of a possible contact in yorubaland or in egypt is not available now except for future researches. it is important to note that yoruba local churches were strictly founded by the yoruba people and not the egyptians. more so, there are wide differences in the order of worship between coptic christians and the yoruba local churches. for example, the coptic christian emphasises proclamation of the athanasius creed in every worship service whilst the yoruba local churches do not. although the copts split from the catholic church in 451 ad, yet their liturgical orders and especially worship have many similarities with those of the catholic church (zavada 2019:1–2). the yoruba churches on the other hand worship with many local instruments, they sing loudly, they are vibrant at churches and they dance vigorously during church services without high liturgical observances as the coptic christians do. even if there are similarities in religious practices between the coptic church and the yoruba indigenous churches, there is no evidence that the yoruba churches originated from the copts. this again raises a question on johnson’s connection of the yoruba origin with the coptic christians. so, why did johnson say that the yoruba people originate from the copts? conclusion at the moment, there is no evidence that the coptic christians came to yorubaland to preach the gospel of christ before or after the time of samuel johnson. johnson might have been in haste to connect the yoruba origin with the coptic christians because he never took time to explain or give further information about the coptic christians and yoruba connection. in his over 740 pages book the history of the yorubas, the words ‘coptic christians’ are only mentioned once (johnson 1921:7), yet, the coptic theory of the yoruba origin was paramount to johnson because of his christian background. there are no evidence that johnson ever travelled to egypt so he might have been influenced to have the knowledge of egypt from his school principal who knew about the popularity of egyptology in the 18th and 19th centuries. the school principal gotlieb bühler taught johnson about the histories of egypt, the near east and of alexander the great (brier 2013:20; olabimtan 2011:1–5). johnson’s interest on egypt might have been influenced by the rise of egyptomania in the 18th and the 19th centuries.5 it is not surprising that he compared and claimed similarities between the yoruba ife marbles and those of the egyptians, which he said are still found at the egyptian court of the british museum (johnson 1921:6). his emphasis of the yoruba’s origin from upper egypt or nubia or from the copts supports his unflinching interest about egypt, which he might or might not have regarded as an african country. the fact that johnson expressed his displeasure and frowned at the yoruba educated people who knew the histories of europe and america and not the history of the yoruba (johnson 1921:viii) suggest that he was afrocentric and might have appreciated linking the yoruba origin with another african country and another african people, the egyptians. this suggestion is open for further interpretation. furthermore, j.d.y. peel6 said that in the mid-19th century, there was an ongoing competition between islam and christianity in yorubaland. the seeming competition necessitated the need for each of these two religions to provide a more unifying and attractive identities for the yoruba people (peel 2000:187–200). it was compelling for samuel johnson to link the origin of the yoruba people with his faith in christianity, thus he chose the coptic christians. before johnson, mohammed belo suggested an arab or a muslim origin of the yoruba whilst johnson suggested a coptic or christian origin of the yoruba. peel’s view about the competition between islam and christianity suggests that the two religions influenced johnson in his narration of the yoruba origin. this is why it can be hypothesised that the coptic theory of the yoruba origin was paramount and preferred to johnson because the theory accommodated his faith in christianity. in addition, johnson, a christian missionary needed to unite the yoruba people and to proffer to them an identity of origin he found worthy. this might have motivated his interest to participate as a mediator in curbing the yoruba wars. peel explained that the spread of christianity in yorubaland contributed immensely to creating a consciousness of unity and oneness amongst the yoruba people. he said that before christianity in yorubaland, the yoruba people never saw themselves as one ethnic group (peel 2000:27, 88–89, 152–155). johnson saw the ethnic tension amongst the yoruba people in the 19th century and he decided to unite them by associating their origin to one source, the coptic christians. his association of the yoruba origin with the copts is an expression of his dissatisfaction with the theory that associated the yoruba origin with islam. acknowledgements i wish to appreciate the contribution of the members of africa speaks international (aspi); many of them accompanied me during my research tours and they provided me with some of the materials used to complete the research. the school of religion, philosophy and classics, university of kwazulu-natal sponsored this research, i am grateful for your assistance. competing interests the authors have declared that no competing interest exist. author’s contributions i declare that i am the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for a research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author, and the publisher/s. references adamo, d.t., 2013, ‘the african wife of jeroboam (ano): an african reading of 1 king 14:1–18’, theologia viatorum 2(37), 71–87. adamo, t.d. & eghubare, e.f., 2010, ‘the african queen: queen sheba’, journal for semitics 2(19), 402–420. adewale, o.o. & abu, o.f., 2013, ‘christianity in nigeria before pentecostalism’, academic journal of interdisciplinary studies 2(2), 121–130. afolayan, f., 2004, ‘the early yoruba kingdoms’, in n.s. lawal, m.n.o. sadiku & a. dopamu (eds.), understanding yoruba life and culture, pp. 31–49, african world press, trenton. agai, j.m., 2013a, ‘who were the ancient egyptians?’, theologia viatorum 2(37), 88–101. agai, j.m., 2013b, ‘an investigation into the ancient egyptian cultural influences on the yorubas of nigeria’, hts teologiese studies/theological studies 1(69), 1–9. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v69i1.1919. ayandele, e.a., 2004, ‘yorubal and up to 1800’, in i. obaro (ed.), groundwork of nigeria history, pp. 121–143. heinemann educational books, jos. boer, h.r., 1983, a short history of the early church, day star press, ibadan. bowers, p., 1985, ‘nubian christianity: the neglected heritage’, africa journal of evangelical theology 1(4), 1–11. brier, b., 2013, egyptomania: our three thousand year obsession with the land of the pharaohs, macmillan, new york, ny. doortmont, m.r., 1991, samuel johnson (1846–1901): missionary, diplomat, and historian, 167–182, university of groningen, groningen. doortmont, m.r., 2001, introduction in “recapturing the past: samuel johnson and the history of the yoruba”, pp. 1–8. “eusebius of caesarea ~ 340 ad church history”, l.1, c.17, viewed 15 march 2020, from file:///d|/documenta%20chatolica%20omnia/99%20-%20provvi…ibrary/001%20-da%20fare/01/eusebiuschurchhistory1-16.htm2006-06-03 11:29:32. falola, t., 1999, yoruba gurus: indigenous production of knowledge in africa, african world press, nj. fani-kayode, f., 2013, ‘who are the yoruba people? 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dictionary of african christian biography, pp. 1–5, kehinde olumuyiwa olabimtan, institute of mission and society, lagos. olojede, f., 2011, ‘the exodus and identity formation in view of the yoruba origin and migration narratives’, scriptura 108, 342–356. https://doi.org/10.7833/108-0-7 olupona, j.k., 1993, ‘the study of yoruba religious tradition in historical perspective’, numen 3(40), 240–273. https://doi.org/10.1163/156852793x00176 omolewa, m., 2008, certificate history of nigeria, longman, ikeja. osman, a., 2014, the origins of the ancient coptic church of egypt, pp. 1–2, viewed 18 december 2014, from www.ancientorigins.org. oyebade, a., 2004, ‘reconstructing the past through oral tradition’, in n.s. lawal, m.n.o. sadiku & a. dopamu (eds.), understanding yoruba life and culture, pp. 51–62, african world press, trenton. peel, j.d.y., 2000, religious encounter and making of the yoruba, indiana university press, bloomington, in. redford, d.b., 2006, a history of ancient egypt: egyptian civilisation in context, penn state, iowa. reynolds, e., 2012, the african origin of ancient egyptian civilization, viewed 21 january 2014, from http://www.academia.edu/1971654/the_african_origin_of_ancient_egyptian_civilization. sadiku, m.n.o., 2004, ‘the practice of christianity’, in n.s. lawal, m.n.o. sadiku & a. dopamu (eds.), understanding yoruba life and culture, pp. 125–136, african world press, trenton. sanneh, l., 1983, west african christianity: the religious impact, hurst & company, london. skolfield, e.h., 2001, the false prophet: who is behind middle east terrorism?, fish house publishing, fort myers, florida. stevens, s., 2015, the yorubas and early missionary work among the, viewed 15 october 2015, from http://www.zionchristitanministry.com/international/africa/the-yorubas-and-early-missionary-work-amongthem/. sundkler, b. & steed, c., 2000, a history of the church in africa, cambridge university press, cambridge. the christian coptic orthodox church of egypt, viewed 15 march 2020, from http://st-takla.org/coptic-church-1.html. thompson, j., 2015, wonderful things: a history of egyptology 1 from antiquity to 1881, the american university in cairo, cairo. tyldesley, j., 2005, egypt: how a lost civilization was rediscovered, university of california press, los angles, ca. ume, k.e., 1980, the rise of british colonialism in southern nigeria, 1700–1900: a study of the bights of benin and bonny, exposition press, new york, ny. zavada, j., 2019, coptic christian beliefs and practices, 07 january, viewed 02 april 2020, from https://www.learnreligions.com/coptic-christian-beliefs-and-practices-700009. footnotes 1. despite the fact that the coptic origin of the yoruba is not emphasised specifically, yet, the theory of the egyptian origin of the yoruba in general is gradually becoming popular amongst yoruba scholars and amongst people who are interested in knowing the yoruba history. the egyptian theory is a view that is categorised into the predynastic and dynastic egyptians, the nubians and the upper egyptians. samuel johnson associated the upper egyptians with coptic christians. johnson did not give any detail about how the coptic christians influenced the yoruba people, yet, he implied that the coptic theory of the origin of the yoruba was his priority. this research is a discourse about johnson’s perspective of the coptic origin of the yoruba. students of african history will find this research to be of a great benefit because it spelt-out the socio-political conditions of johnson that prompted him to associate the yoruba origin with the copts. 2. the ancient egyptians might have been classified as dark-skinned people because of the similarities of their culture with other africans such as the yoruba and also because of their geographical location in africa (o’connor & reid 2003:11). adamo and eghubare had earlier observed that the entry of many nationalities into egypt such as the hyksos, the assyrians, the babylonians, the greeks, the romans, the palestinians, the syrians and other africans let into intermarriages between the egyptians the listed foreigners. the intermarriages might have resulted to the egyptians including the copts to have light-skin (adamo & eghubare 2010:415). this researcher is aware that the coptic christians are not necessarily people of dark-skin yet some of them might be of dark skin. skin colour whether dark or light is not a priority in this research. the topic that is relevant precisely in the case of this research is on whether the egyptians were africans or not. 3. “eusebius of caesarea ~ 340 ad church history.” l.1, c.17, from file:///d|/documenta%20chatolica%20omnia/99%20-%20provvi…ibrary/001%20-da%20fare/01/eusebiuschurchhistory1-16.htm2006-06-03 11:29:32. 4. ahmed osman said that a tradition in egypt together with eusebius’s book history of the church, written in greek around 310 ad confirms eusebius argument that saint mark started the coptic church or the first church of alexandria (osman 2014:1). 5. napoleon’s expedition and archaeological discoveries in 1798 promoted further archaeological interests and researches in egypt. the love for egypt increased around the world. the europeans and the americans, for example, were fascinated at the findings and they began to visit egypt frequently (thompson 2015:1). 6. j.d.y peel was born on 13 november 1941 and he died on 02 november 2015 in london. he used to be a highly respected scholar and historian of religions in africa with specific interest on the religions of the yoruba. he served as a faculty member of the school of oriental and african studies at the university of london. he has written broadly on the history of the yoruba people. 1 exploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa. j slater university of south africa abstract this article explores the prophetic liminality of christian leadership as it is practiced against the contextual backdrop of social, ecclesial and ethical upheavals such as secularism, relativism, sexism, corruption, violence, crime, women abuse, xenophobia, disbelief and disillusionment in authority both in church and state. it argues for an up-to-date and leading-edge church-ministerial response to modern-day situations. it proposes liminal and innovative leadership for both church and state. however, the liminal quality is specifically aligned with the prophetic dimension of leadership. a prophet's leadership is here understood as visionary leadership that challenges and directs people beyond the ordinary, and confronts that which is unethical in society. liminal here implies being and functioning at the cutting-edge of events, trailbracing and by steering away from the conventional approaches. sadly, because leadership had become enmeshed with the systemic designs of the church, society, economics, culture or tribe, it demands to be interjected with an exceptional characteristic to minister both directly and at the same time indirectly to problematic situations. in the words of diarmud o’murchu, for a leader to function liminally s/he needs to be on the doorstep or on the horizon of everything contemporary. for leaders to stay in force and relevant implies living with innovative freedom, with humandivine recklessness and with honest integrity. in turn for liminality to be an effective quality in leadership, it involves being spiritually and morally courageous and particularly attuned to a transcendent capacity. this enables the leader to move with the ever changing circumstances of our times, theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 2 into different situations and cultures, thus devising and applying different responses that constantly accommodate new possibilities the article carves out a theological and a directional itinerary for ministerial leadership that offers a liminal-prophetic liminal–transcendent challenge to leadership today. liminal transcendent leadership pleads not to be dictated by ecclesial or social conventions and neither by personal conventions. liminal leadership is by nature a painful search for an appropriate response to what is new, for that which is different in contemporary scenarios. key words: liminality, ministerial leadership, human-divine recklessness, innovative spaces and freedom, graced companionship, prophetic ministry. introduction leadership on the whole is a difficult task and to lead with the required passion in our contemporary social and ecclesial environment calls on some additional skills to assist those in church ministerial leadership. to this end, this article employs the power of liminal resilience, which will enable leaders to function influentially and inspirationally that would somewhat simplify the task of ecclesial or any other kind of leadership today. liminality has a twofold capacity: a leader endowed with liminal competence and insights leads in a manner that promotes “fullness of life” (jn 10:10), since it exercises the moral obligation to create an environment that enables people to engage with the necessary ingredients that fosters well-being. the task of church leaders is to contribute to the holistic growth of members and to prevent the spiritual life of congregants to stagnate, since a dormant and the secular, materialistic, environment does violence to its members and prevents them from growing spiritually. when the spiritual life becomes incompatible with human growth, then it is a deficiency not only to society, but also to the transcendent nature of the human person. if leadership is meant to create exploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 3 movement, if it is meant to reach out to never-ending horizons, to nomadic, shifting horizons, (a term coined by karl rahner (1966:230-231) referring to his “metaphysics of becoming”), then this should define church ministerial leadership as well. this article thus explores the kind of ministerial leadership that is both prophetic and liminal, and facilitates leaders to remain in a continuous state of renewal and development. this implies utilizing the liminal and transcendent capacity towards exercising mindfulness of resonant leadership (boyatzis, and mckee 2005:71). this leadership encourages a person to move with changing circumstances, to remain open to different developments, to devise different responses to contemporary changes, to reply to new possibilities, to remain relevant and rely on the activation ofand attentive to the divine: thus being prophetic. the liminal aspect of leadership involves prophetic “divine-human recklessness”, a term used by o’murchu (1999:18), which implies creating innovative spaces of freedom that challenge others to live a liminal existence rather than becoming over-spiritualized and institutionalized and as a result stand to lose the prophetic capacity, the capacity for growth. liminal and prophetic leadership is for life, the ministry and leadership that derive from this quality is life-giving, and certainly not a preparation for death. the conceptualization of liminality in leadership the term ‘liminality’ derives from the latin word ‘limen’, which means ‘threshold’, to be at the ‘edge’ or at the ‘inception’, the genesis of something. generally the word is associated with the quality of ambiguity, or transition and uncertainty. the state of liminality is depicted as a process of becoming, it is transitory, and does not offer the final answer as it is openended and it is a process of growing in awareness of something different or new. liminality is being in a state of betwixt theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 4 and between; amidst that which is known and unknown. often a liminal space is described as a space created in a transition phase of life, where a person is neither in the previous stage and not yet in the stage to come. this is often referred to a period of initiation or transition, a unique spiritual position of “unknowing”. this space is fluid and flexible and enables the person to be free to say what s/he would normally not say, and do what she would normally not have the courage to do. liminal leadership implies leadership at the margins, shuttling between the periphery and centre, between the known and the unknown. it is not prescriptive, but encounters the situation as it surfaces. it implies working through the contradictions and frustrations of both those in leadership and those who are being lead, but with an openness to the unexpected without any expectations. because life situations are always changing, people’s circumstances are constantly in a state of flux, nothing is therefore certain and fixed. the term liminal has broadened from its original meaning to portray political, cultural, social and religious changes and rituals. people are living in liminal spaces of all kinds, and consequently social, political, religious and cultural hierarchies are often reversed or temporarily dissolved; the continuity of tradition is uncertain, and future outcomes, that were taken for granted, are thrown into doubt. where there existed perceived order, creative chaos generally takes over and within the time of liminality, the state of fluidity enables new institutions and practices to come into being. it is these circumstances that call for liminal leadership, because it has to serve or minister to people that also live and function in liminal conditions. liminal conditions require liminal leadership styles and methods that respond to the flux and fluidity of the statuses of present-day life. exploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 5 leadership, while also in a state of liminality, has to lead to, and in and from liminal situations and to do so, implies dealing with uncertainties. a liminal leader is therefore meant to lead people out of liminal spaces of uncertainty, or alternatively assist people to feel at home with liminal situations. liminal leadership has to lead people to wholeness in such circumstances and from a psychological perspective jung (1953:137) stated that the individuation process of self-realization takes place within liminal spaces. it begins by withdrawing from the normal modes of socialization and move from disorientation to integration. what takes place in the uncertain phase of liminality is a process of breaking down, and this happens in the interest of its permanent accessibility as the source of creative power. major transformations occur in liminal places, because liminality, being so variable can pave the way to access esoteric knowledge or understanding on both sides of the spectrum. in this sense liminality is sacred, alluring and dangerous, and this draws leadership to different heights and expressions. leadership has to take that transcendent leap so as to be versatile and pliable to all circumstances. this is what liminality offers leadership, that unique spiritual position, and in a prophetic sense it means that liminal leadership needs to be attuned to the signs of contemporary times. the challenge for liminal leadership is particularly pivotal in our times that are marked with ecclesial and ethical upheavals such as secularism, relativism, sexism, corruption, violence, crime, women abuse, xenophobia, same sex marriages, homo-parentality, disbelief and disillusionment concerning those in authority both in church and state. in these controversial circumstances liminal leadership will caution not to respond with inappropriate dogmatic resolutions, neither by moralizing, or spurting forth unhelpful biblical doctrine, but to look at what theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 6 constitute responsible and appropriate responses, which may not necessarily include answers or solutions, but a willingness to linger with those who find themselves in liminal spaces of uncertainly. to accompany and remain with the people at the thresholds of waiting and unknowing. church ministerial leadership: a liminal enterprise for ministerial or ecclesial leadership to be liminal, as stated above, requires divine-human recklessness and the creation of innovative spaces and freedom. liminality offers mobility, or freedom of movement and pioneering spaces. charles, la shure (2005:7) explains the freedom as the ability to move back and forth between states and areas. to go out of a situation and go back into it again. when applying the characteristics of liminality to the practice of leadership, it is clear that liminal persons possess a freedom, which non-liminal individuals do not have. liminal persons can impress their leadership on people and situations freely, while with non-liminal persons, it is the other way round, they are “imposed upon” by situations and people. it is not possible for a liminal person to remain static within a given social, political, religious or cultural structure. the more a person gets integrated into a structure, the more the person loses his or her ability to be liminal. the flip side of losing liminality is to gain stability, but stability imparts stagnation and often sacrifices creativity. by the same token, whereas the christian life is a constant liminal undertaking, it should always lurk towards the outeredge of social and ecclesial existence. inspirational christian ministerial leadership inspires others in leadership and people in general to be always at “the hem of the garment of jesus.” unfortunately, in many instances ministers and chrisexploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 7 tian leaders had allowed themselves to become heavily domesticated and excessively observant to the conventions of the institution. christian ministerial leaders have assumed tendencies whereby they are over-identified with orthodox ecclesial life designs. this article argues for the view that christian ministers and clergy cannot be liminally prophetic if they had become and remain enmeshed with the systemic designs of the church, society, culture or nationality. this seriously hinders the ability to lead in a liminal and prophetic manner. in the words of o’murchu (1999: 18) for a leader to function liminally s/he needs to be on the threshold or on the horizon of everything contemporary. for christian ministerial leadership to remain effective and relevant implies living with innovative freedom, with human-divine recklessness, (the ability to take risks) and to minister with integrity. the liminal ministry cannot be dictated by ecclesial or social conventions and neither by personal conventions, but needs to be spiritually open to the divine and prophetically courageous to go against the flow of the secular stream. this liminal–transcendent capacity enables one to move with and within changing circumstances, into different situations and cultures, to devise different responses, to reply to new possibilities in other words, to be spirit-driven. the divine-human arrangement of christian ministerial leadership ministerial leadership, to be precise christian ministerial leadership, is different from corporate leadership in the sense that it has a divine-human purpose and its human management structure should support this divine purpose inherent of prophetic leadership. while there is no uniform definition of prophetic leadership in place, christian leadership can nevertheless be described as having a sustainable leadership style that gives form to the vision and mission while staying faithful theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 8 to the divine mission of the church of jesus christ. the prophetic nature of this type of leadership is that it “leads and inspires” simultaneously. while leadership in all its forms is a personal challenge and responsibility, the ministerial leadership, typical of the christian life, is that which is fixed upon the person of jesus. it is a spiritual leadership that draws its prophetic strength from contemplative listening to the word of god. it is an “attentive leadership” because the art of habitual listening aligns the leader to the discerning movements or gentle stirrings of the spirit. christian ministerial leadership models its governance on the transformational leadership of jesus: a leadership that offers vision, spiritual energy, challenge and courage to those called to minister to of god’s people (doohan 2007:11). this implies absorbing and imbibing jesus’ way of leading by ministering in the face of political and social turmoil and general disillusionment with the christian church by calling upon the spirit’s lead in the evolving nature of ecclesial life by seeking wisdom in exploring how to lead more fully as jesus led his companions in a graded manner (garvin 2013: 3). liminal-prophetic leadership as graced-companionship, not management to formulate a definition of leadership, especially prophetic leadership, in this our post-modern world, is not an easy task, because leadership is something everyone knows about, but to exercise leadership with authority and inspiration is more complex. to lead with authority and inspiration implies being willing to recognize the wisdom and inspiration of others (dorr 2006:10). leadership is a phenomenon that impacts everywhere and specifically on people’s lives. hence, for the purposes of this argument, leadership is illustrated by looking at the prophetic leadership of jesus christ by employing the exploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 9 term “graced companionship” as is used by mary pat garvin (2013:3) to describe the leadership approach of jesus. mary pat garvin maintains that to lead as a “graced companion” is to believe that leadership is first and foremost about the relationship and secondly, that leadership is a shared or communal venture. a prophetic leader capable of “graced companionship” possesses a heightened capacity for “mature, healthy (that is holy) relationships with others. garvin says that “interpersonal intelligence” (a term used by howard gardner 2006:6) is the first and foremost quality of an effective leader, a leader capable of graced companionship. to clarify prophetic leadership, it is therefore necessary to distinguish it from the perception that ministerial leaders had become efficient “managers or executive officers”. while management is a very useful skill, traditionally it is distinguished as the cognitive operation of getting activities completed effectively with and through other people, this, nevertheless, is not leadership. contemporary scholars, such as john p. kotter (2006: 370-381), define leadership-management as coping with (human) complexities. to manage complexity is first done by planning, determining goals for the future and establishing steps to reach the goals and objectives. it likewise does so by organizing its staffing, creating organizational structures and the accomplishment of plans is done by controlling and problem solving, monitoring results by means of reports and meetings (kotter 2006:7). management, thus, entails the processes of planning, organizing, leading and controlling the resources of an organization and this is done as productively as possible. planning includes establishing goals, strategies and coordinating activities. the primary aim of management is therefore to ensure that the goals and purposes of an organization are achieved. while this may be useful to commercial enterprises, but for christian theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 10 governance in a liminal-prophetic leadership, it is the emphasis on a divine-human arrangement that makes the task a grace-filled responsibility. leadership in general brings about change by setting direction and developing a vision along with strategies to achieve the vision. according to kotter (2006:7) leadership aligns people by means of communicating the new direction to understand the vision and its implementation. to accomplish the vision requires motivating and inspiring, keeping people moving in a forward direction, despite obstacles to change, but by “appealing to basic, but often untapped human needs, values and emotions”. leadership is thus not so much about management techniques, movements and strategies, however helpful, but instead a matter of focal point and perspective, interpreting and providing direction. the word manager was not used by jesus in the manner that we use it today; instead he used the word steward. in the biblical sense the word steward, manager or guardian of a household share the same greek source or root, namely oikonomos (luke 16:23). management in the biblical sense implies handling the affairs of the household on behalf of the head of the house. jesus made many references to the steward as one who is accountable to god for his/her actions and results. to be a steward-leader involves offering one’s time, talents and treasure in the service of the lord. to provide the theological understanding of prophetic stewardship and leadership, it is therefore essential to obtain clarity between the different meanings and understandings of the two concepts: leadership and management, even though they are not mutually exclusive. leadership can be described as the development and articulation of a shared vision, motivating the key people without whom that vision cannot become a reality, and gaining the cooperation of most members exploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 11 involved. when it comes to liminal-prophetic-leadership, it implies that leaders model the way, not by words, but by setting the example through daily actions that demonstrate their committed beliefs (kouzes and posner 2008:27). liminal-leadership is inspired by a shared vision and it gazes across the horizon of time. these leaders have a desire to make things happen, to change the way things are, to create something that no one else has ever created before. because liminal leadership is person oriented, these leaders make sure that they have intimate knowledge of people’s dreams, hopes, aspirations, visions and values (kouzes and posner 2008:2). liminal leaders breathe life into the hopes and dreams of others and enable them to see the exciting possibilities that the future holds, they inspire people to move to the edge of possibilities. they ignite the flame of passion in others by expressing enthusiasm for the compelling vision and charisma of their groups or congregations. liminal leaders, venture out into cutting edge service, they see revolutionary opportunities to start up new and innovative as well as groundbreaking initiatives. all leaders and in particular liminal leaders challenge the processes. liminal leaders are innovators, “people who are willing to tread out into the strange” and for this reason they search for opportunities to innovate, grow and improve, and innovation comes more from listening rather than from instructing. to listen and observe dramatic external events can be the catalyst that thrusts an organization or congregation into a radically new condition. and in such a case the primary contribution of the leader is to spot and hold up good ideas, and a willingness to challenge the systems, procedures and services. liminal leaders embark on innovation and change by involving experimentation, risk and failure. they thrive on little victories and so build confidence to the point that big challenges can be met. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 12 the basic curriculum of a liminal leader is the art of facing obstacles and problems. a liminal leader learns from both failures and successes (kouzes and posner 2008:30). exemplary leaders strengthen every person’s capacity to do good and to deliver; they too encourage the affection of their ingredients. liminal leadership is ultimately a relationship between those who aspire to lead and those who choose to follow. kouzes and posner (2008:30) are of opinion that success in ordinary leadership is entirely dependent on the capacity to make and keep up those human relationships that enable people to produce extraordinary things done on a steady basis. it employs the ability to enable others to work by fostering collaboration and by promoting cooperative goals and building confidence, as well as strengthening others by sharing power and free will. by always recognizing and affirming the contribution made by the other and by showing appreciation for individual excellence is to boost the heart by celebrating the values and victories and thereby producing a feeling of community. by comparison liminal and prophetic leadership based on the leadership of jesus christ is to exercise the ability to intuit the emotions, ideas, desires and aspiration of others as jesus did simply, because he was so attuned to his own interior or spiritual life. graced companionship requires a spirituality that sustains leadership, in particular liminal and prophetic leadership. the transcendent that nurtures liminal-prophetic leadership liminal-prophetic leadership is enhanced by an active spiritual life that assists the leaders to move from self-fulfillment to self-transcendence. spirituality is often mistakenly associated with religion, which it is not. instead spirituality is each exploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 13 individual’s exploration of the transcendent and how that plays out in his or her spirit and leadership. to practice liminal leadership, inner spiritual health matters. christian leadership operates out of a spirituality that fosters personal integration, nurtures through reflection, contains a communal dimension, is balanced and moves the leader to compassionate action. a practicing spirituality sustains prophetic liminal leadership; the leaders gain numinous strength deriving from the awareness of the transcendent nature of the gospel together with the art of contemplation. prophetic liminal leadership integrates liturgy and work, prayer and service, faith and action. the aim of christian ministerial leadership is to endeavour at all times how to blend the active life with the contemplative in a meaningful way, to be attentive to the motions of god and discern what christ would desire in a given situation. it is through relationships created and nourished between the divine and the leader, and the relationship between leaders and members that liminal-prophetic leadership is unleashed. without this accompanying and developing spiritual inner self, without the transcendent element, even ordinary leadership goes astray and this is evident in continuous scandals committed by religious ministers, church, government and private sector organizations. in the same vein, the moral character of leadership also mattheologia viatorum 40-1-2016 14 ters immensely. spiritual intelligence, just as relational intelligence, is the positive force that drives liminal leadership. this spiritual intelligence is conceptualized by amram and dryer (2007:17-20) and it involves: • experiencing meaning through a call for service • using ways of knowledge and states of consciousness beyond linear thought such as prayer, meditation, silence and intuition). • aligning with essence, the sacred, divine, or universal life force. • sensing and seeking wholeness, unity, and interconnection between all things • living consciously with intention and mindful presence • being openly curious and accepting of reality (including the negative and shadow sides of life) • appreciating positives: faith, hope, gratitude and optimism • nurturing relationships with respect, empathy, and compassion towards self and others • displaying responsible freedom from conditioning, attachments and fears • acting with integrity and a clear code of values • possessing humble receptivity and openness andre l. delbecq (2008: 487-488) is of opinion that spirituality consists of both a worldview and a path. the worldview may exploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 15 be formed by great wisdom traditions or a mixture of spiritual insights; theistic, non-theistic or transcendent, but it is always intertwined with a person’s life history, experiences, upbringing, personality and a sense of self. this worldview becomes the inner compass that informs action. the path delbecq (2008: 487-488) describes as “the set of disciplines (prayer, meditation, reflection, worship, ascetic practice)” that over time frees the individual from tyranny of the false self – the shadow sideso that fear anxiety, greed, and hubris (excessive pride and ambition) no longer dominate behavior and choice”. be, as it may, there is a definite link between spirituality and leadership effectiveness. spirituality inspires leadership a spirituality that inspires leadership is motivated by a strong sense of calling and the unfolding of the calling is a mysterious process. this calling is an intersection between a person’s gifts and the needs of society or a specific community. in the words of delbecq (2008 487-488) a leader’s becoming precedes the doing: it takes long periods of preparation, skills development, setbacks, failures, seeing, waiting and delayed gratification. the developmental as well as liminal periods prepares the leader to know themselves and compassionately identify with unmet human needs. their combination of personal integration, authenticity, human care and actions inspires others to join them in the search for complex answers. leadership in general requires an integrated self, a conversion from a false self that is trapped in fear, greed and distortion to a true self steeped in compassion and integrity. followers (those who function under the leadership of another) support and are impressed by leaders who stick with a vision that address significant human needs and is forced by a deep sense of missionary work (delbecq: 2008: 487-488). their theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 16 true vision conveys a larger human meaning and there is a spiritual power in that realization. spiritual integration involves learning self-love, differentiating it from narcissism, and developing capacities to fully love and embrace others. this implies that the one, who is missioned or endowed with leadership, cares for his or her own spiritual, emotional, relational and physical well-being, since this is in service of carrying out the task entrusted to him or her. since effective leadership is communal and shared: it is also collaborative. this implies involving others in decision-making processes and those affected by the decision-making, but liminal-prophetic leadership goes far beyond communal and shared leadership, it takes on the quality of ‘generativity’. this means making provision for those in one’s leadership care to develop their own capacities for liminality and leadership. generativity is about being in contact with that innate movement within oneself, to be in touch where the spirit touches us to activity. the process of purgation, and illumination and unification repeat itself in the life of a leader. purgation rids the self of flaws like greed, ambition and lust for power. illumination opens the mind to the laws of spiritual functioning and unification is a sense of the divine, others and all of creation. for the leader to drive attention away from the self, to diminish the messages of the ego and to place the mystery of the spirit and the needs of others in the foreground, is part of the spiritual integration process of the leader’s becoming and doing. delbecq (2008: 494) is of opinion that leaders trained in the christian tradition, progress by embracing the gifts of the spirit: namely wisdom, understanding, counsel, fortitude, knowledge and fear of the lord in their spiritual journey. acexploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 17 cording to delbecq leaders who abide by these spiritual disciplines and mediation developed qualities that benefited them in their tasks such as: an improved capacity to listen and less of a need to dominate • more patience with others, thus less judgmental and self-asserting • greater adaptability and less desire to control others • greater focus and less distraction and anxiety • greater ability to devote self to service through work and less frustrations with burdens and irritants at work • more hopefulness and joyfulness even in times of difficulty and less cynicism and pessimism • greater overall serenity and trust • more confidence in using personal competencies and deeper knowledge of self-limitations, more trust that things will work out • persistence and diligence and less withdrawals and self –occupation when under stress (delbecq (2008: 494). delbecq is of opinion that these qualities are acquired by spiritual practices, which assist leaders to remain faithful in the difficult requirements of subsidiarity: the deep involvement of others in self-forbearance in building consensus, negotiating conflicts, and engaging in ethical and moral judgments. delbecq (2008: 495) says that subsidiarity requires times of reflection to evolve the necessary intuitive and non-linear theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 18 thinking processes and the humility to remain open to others. he says: “being the change you wish to lead” is not easy and not the territory for the spiritually immature. the liminal leaders who travel the spiritual journey have acquired the ability to better facilitate strategic decision-making, which is a central task of leadership. a practical and practiced spirituality is a preordained prerequisite for liminal christian leaders, whose task is to create communities that foster human dignity. their lived or practical spirituality steers the task of leadership to a noble purpose and infuse the ethos of those who are led to their greater sense of calling and create cultures that endorse participatory decision making processes (delbecq 2008: 496). spiritually mature leaders to accept and to be present to the truth of their own limitations and the restrictions of others. they can create a solid community, despite human imperfections and they can see in others the gifts that offset any weaknesses. a culture where the imperfection of the human condition is accepted and individuals are embraced and respected for who they are, is liberating and motivating. harsh judgment is replaced by love and we know when we are loved as opposed to be used and appreciated only when things go well. there is no need for fear, anxiety, self-protection, or blame when we are accepted by the leader in the fullness of our human condition (delbecq 2008: 499). in fact a liminal leader outgrows his or her own suffering, insecurities and the need for acceptance. challenges of liminal-prophetic leadership the conclusion sums up the challenges of liminal-prophetic leadership. the first challenge of liminal leadership is to adopt a prophetic expression for christian life witness and commitment. in other words, if the prophetic dimension of exploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 19 christian life is visible, then prophetic leadership comes easier. the challenges are: liminal-prophetic ministerial leadership is vision-filled. without the clarity of vision together with an understanding of principled leadership, liminality cannot be employed. a clear vision of leadership that embraces liminality provides the leader with the freedom to move from the known to the unknown and vice versa. the prophetic leader displays a spiritual maturity and an awareness of the holiness of the divine. this sense of god’s holiness is central to prophetic leadership. the particular challenge that accompanies this characteristic is that the leader has to have a personal understanding of the essential prophetic nature of his/her own calling. liminal-prophetic ministerial leadership is inspirational. the visionary outlook of the christian leader is inspired by the gospel, the charisms of the holy spirit. this is kept alive by authentic integration of contemplation and the consciousness of the presence of god. the utilization of divine-human recklessness is what provides the liminal dimension to inspirational leadership. it also assists leaders to instill inspiration in the ones that they lead. important for inspiration is the ethical integrity of the leaders that creates trust. the challenge here is to keep abreast with the current development and movements of the holy spirit in the life of the church and world. it requires personal openness to move along with the promptings of the spirit of christ in a liminal fashion, meaning that it is not static, but constantly in motion. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 20 liminal-prophetic ministerial leadership is potentially conflictional. it confronts establishments and authorities: be they the church, state or ministers congregations, society or cultures. liminal-prophetic leadership militates against institutionalization, legalization, clericalism, routine. institutionalization in particular destroys a prophetic spirit, but liminality provides the life-giving aspect. something that is always moving has the potential to be conflictional as it disturbs the mundane and the intimate. the challenge here is whether the leader is prepared to confront power systems and offer an alternate vision and worldviews and move to the edges. liminal-prophetic ministerial leadership displays a godconsciousness, and god-consciousness is always a renewed consciousness. this renewed consciousness is meant to keep lives of ministerial leadership pertinent. a new consciousness has to be created around the minister’s life since it is an undertaking, a mission in motion and not an establishment or an institution. the challenge here is to transcend the reliance on constitutions, rules and regulations for relevance, but to be open to the holy spirit. as a movement the minister’s life needs fluidity, creativity and courageous abandonment to divine recklessness. liminal-prophetic ministerial leadership is emancipatory. it frees others and self from exploitation and destruction. the liminal dimension makes provision to move from the destruction and exploitation of the new and innovative. it needs to risk witnessing to alternatives to the status quo in societies, cultures, world and the church. this may imply creating alternate ethical scenarios, communities of conscience, and these communities by their very existence are prophetic. exploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 21 the challenge here is to veer away from the temptation of legislative leadership that enchains people and become more conducive to prophetic mission and ministry. liminal-prophetic ministerial leadership is accountable. leadership is exercised with the cognition that all are equal and this calls for mutual accountability. accountability here in the manner of stewardship that takes liminal responsibility and risks to embark on that which is new and unknown. the challenge here is to see that ministers and the church are first and foremost accountable to the people of god and not the other way round. the responsibility to be accountable is not marked by domination, control and power, but by trust and empowerment of the other. liminal-prophetic ministerial leadership is counter-cultural as it steers away from the dominant social consciousness of leadership. leadership in this instance is servant leadership, shepherd leadership. living the commitment of prophetic ministerial leadership can be a vital critique of the social wickedness, which diminishes human dignity. the challenge here is to obtain an understanding and responsibility of the liminality of ministerial life. the purpose of liminality is to expand our horizons, not contract them. it is healthier to imbibe the spirit of liminality, to integrate the spirit thereof, rather than becoming obsessed with fitting into the clear-cut parameters of social, cultural and ecclesial expectations. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 22 liminal-prophetic ministerial leadership in the african context has to produce an authentic manifestation of indigenous prophetic christian living by taking into account the diversity of cultural values. the challenge here is to steer away from conformist expectations that all need to be the same and the necessity to filter traditional customs and norms through the lenses of gospel values and human rights. liminal and prophetic leadership is based on vision and values, unleashing passion and courage for leadership that requires both leader and those led to move to the periphery of newness. conclusion liminal leadership is leadership in motion, in search of appropriate responses. it does not reach finality, it is not static and complete. by its very nature, it endeavours to intensify the values of good leadership, to enhance the values of credible leadership and radiates the values in the ecclesial community and society as a whole. it elevates that which is already in existence by bringing it to the frontier, to the threshold, to the edge. it asks the great questions, and says the things that are often uncomfortable to say and says it on behalf of those who do not say it, who cannot say it. liminal leadership does the things that are not generally done, says the things that are not said. it debases status and self aggrandizement. it does not elevate the leader, but the task, and for this reason it is separated from the norm, because it is not conventional in the sense that it does not follow prescribed methods and rules. it tries to restore the sacredness of leadership, by being there on behalf of the other and it does not claim to have the final answer. often the liminal space is created by spiritual exercises and spiritual practices that inform liminal leadership. exploring the characteristic of prophetic-liminality in the ministerial leadership: a necessary ethic for contemporary south africa 23 if ecclesial or christian ministerial leaders lack the energy to go where the minister’s mission calls them, i.e. to the edge of the horizon, to the nomadic horizons of being (rahner 1978:120) then christian leadership needs to be prepared to function outside of relevance. as a service, christian leadership needs to become energetic, spiritually enthusiastic and full of human-divine strength. according to the theology of liminality, there will always be liminal places and liminal people. if christian ministry, and the life of christians, is no longer capable of responding to prophetic-liminality, then it will take on redundancy and alternate movements, which are surfacing within and outside the ministerial life context, will respond to the missing link of contemporary christian leadership. christian leaders need to remain enablers of their members so as to embrace prophetic moments within the church and rediscover the significance and relevance of the christian life and christian ministerial leadership. bibliography amram, y and c. dryer 2007. the seven dimensions of spiritual intelligence. an ecumenical grounded theory. paper presented at the 115th annual conference of the american psychological association, san francisco, c.a. august 17-20-2007 amram, y. 2009. the contribution of emotional and spiritual intelligences to effective business leadership. unpublished doctoral dissertation, institute of transpersonal psychology, palo alto, ca. boyazis, r and a. mckee. 2005. resonant leadership. renewing yourself and connecting with others. through mindfulness, hope and compassion. boston: harvard business school press. delbecq, a.l. 2008. nourishing the soul of the leader: inner growth matters (in gallos, j.v. 2008. business leadership. san francisco: jossy-bass) 486-503. http://www.yosiamram.net/docs/ei_and_si_in_leadership_amram_dissert.pdf http://www.yosiamram.net/docs/ei_and_si_in_leadership_amram_dissert.pdf theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 24 doohan, l. 2007. spiritual leadership: the quest for integrity. mahway, nj: paulist press. dorr, d. 2006. spirituality of leadership: inspiration, empowerment, intuition and discernment. dublin, blackrock, the columba press. gallos, j.v. 2008. business leadership. san francisco: jossy-bass. gardner, h. 2006. changing minds. the art and science of changing our own and other people’s minds. boston, ma. harvard business school press. garvin, m.p. 2013. graced companionship: a metaphor for religious leadership today. an unpublished paper given to religious leaders. kotter, p. j. 2008. leading change: why transformation efforts fail (in gallos, j.v. 2008. business leadership. san francisco: jossybass) 370-381. kouzes, j.m. and b.z. posner. 2004. christian reflection on leadership challenge. san francisco: jossy-bass. la shure, charles, “what is liminality/”, 18 october 2005. url: http://www.liminality. org/about/whatisliminality/ o’murchu, d. 1999. poverty, celibacy and obedience: radical option for life. new york,: crossroad publishing company. rahner, k. 1966. theological reflections. vol.4. london, darton, longman and todd. rahner, k. 1978. foundations of christian faith: an introduction to the idea of christianity. new york: seabury press. http://www.liminality/ abstract bibliography abstract introduction study theory research methodology realities of naming and renaming in zimbabwe dayataya erroneously spelt dadaya striking resemblances in dadaya macrops and mission name the naming of dadaya mission renaming to proclaim change in administration resetting secure identities in the church of christ in zimbabwe conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) gift masengwe department of curriculum studies, faculty of education, university of the free state, qwaqwa, south africa bekithemba dube department of curriculum studies, faculty of education, university of the free state, qwaqwa, south africa citation masengwe, g. & dube, b., 2023, ‘towards a postmissionary review of mission station names in the church of christ in zimbabwe’, theologia viatorum 47(1), a170. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v47i1.170 original research towards a postmissionary review of mission station names in the church of christ in zimbabwe gift masengwe, bekithemba dube received: 19 july 2022; accepted: 31 aug. 2022; published: 15 feb. 2023 copyright: © 2023. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract christian missions are historically captured in the construction of mission stations that facilitated religious instruction to advance the gospel with unintended consequences, such as an extension of missionary-colonial ideologies and attitudes. this article discusses how these were captured in mission station naming, inclusive of erroneous or misspelt names. this makes it necessary for the church of christ in zimbabwe’s (cocz) rural membership, commonly around mission stations, to rename these centres. the distortion of history on mission stations like dadaya calls for the renaming of the station so as to recover lost values and culture, and the significance of the ecology to africans. our discovery of dadaya macrops, an asiatic marine species of water flea found in freshwater in this study, denies the assumption that dadaya was a misspelling of dayataya. this makes us assume that dadaya was an idolatrous symbol for missionaries that rhymed with local isotopes to mentally drawn local communities. norming the mission station, missionaries named dadaya to transmit images, symbols and meanings known to new zealand supporting churches. dayataya hills has been used as a scapegoat to validate their dadaya macrops symbol. this study probes into the need to correct and guide people in renaming the mission station. renaming transforms dadaya into an african mission station. the article used critical discourse analysis (cda) from purposive snowball interview results and a hermeneutic of suspicion to probe into naming the mission station. contribution: the article is interdisciplinary involving missionary history, humanity, socialisation, missiology, literature and education. it contributes to knowledge through decentering on african discourses, contextualisation, christianisation and decolonised church of christ positioned for healing and transformation where church names are not used for perpetuate westernisation in african context. keywords: mission names; missiology; the church of christ in zimbabwe; religious education; dayataya hills; dadaya macrops. introduction missionaries dominated the christian religious sphere and used it to name mission stations in zimbabwe. the use of christianity in helping colonise people led to a reconstruction of a european god using european civilisation in africa. missionaries were accused of consistently and persistently denigrating and/or castigating african religious-cultural, ethical-legal, political-ideological and doctrinal-ecclesiological practices (zimunya & gwara 2013:188). in other words, the researchers wonder if the naming discourse by missionaries during the colonial era was influenced by their thinking of african culture as an extension of heathenism, and in denigrating the evil culture, missionaries preferred place names that resonated with their own way of life. unfortunately, european names have remained in the semiospheric discourse of mission stations after the colonial era in order to revive the colonial onomastic immortality in those churches. names are abstract documents that contain social data; hence, to name is to own and to transform. the public act of naming took full account of local options to get a buy-in from communities upon which symbolic violence was performed. names are significant in church of christ in zimbabwe (cocz) institutions, especially those founded by american missionaries who used traditional leaders’ names, such as mashoko [the message], chidamoyo [the choice], pasipanyoro [tender soil], matara [you ruled out], chiromo [the entrance], chamburikira [it has flown], chitiyo [the chick], mukanga [court marshall], magocha [you roasted], zindove [the cow dung], gava [jackal] and chiremwaremwa [the bat] or rivers such as chiredzi and devure and national ruins such as masvingo. the new zealanders or australians in zvishavane used names of communities, such as sivanga, simane, siboza, bilashaba, lundi, ingome, sindelele and ndinaneni. this practice has been carried out on many more institutions not mentioned in this study. dadaya is believed to have been taken from dayataya hills near old dadaya and erroneously misspelt dadaya. much has been written on spelling errors and historical distortions that interfered with space identities (mazarire 1999:4–9). for this reason, dadaya was highly likely taken from dadaya macrops, representing abundance in a dry-savannah region. the presence of a marine creature invited ‘showers of blessing’ to lundi in those days of colonialism. if so, dadaya becomes a consistently foreign and colonial educational institution in an african space that needs replacement with a correctly spelt name: dayataya. use of correctly spelt local names or legends captures and encapsulates the aspirations of african-christian spirituality, because ‘place names are discourses of power which are used to express and legitimise power because they are part of the symbolic emblems of power’ (mamvura 2014:ii). such legends and ‘fathers of the faith’ in the cocz should include sir reginald stephen garfield todd (1908–2002) (masengwe & dube 2021). garfield carries the immortality of the missionary soul for this mission, hence the significance of his name for the station or its local derivative, dayataya. this re-engineers the discourses of religious power in the cocz, as instruments of marginalisation and exclusion are dismantled. local symbols problematise and deny the brutality of symbolic violence on ecclesial discourses. indigenous religiosity interrogates the legality, spirituality and legitimacy of colonial ecclesiological scholarship using the first mission in the history of the cocz. study theory this article is written from within the field of mission theology. it emphasises aspects of the mission of god, missio dei, in the process of transforming african communities. social transformation or human development is regarded as missio dei. transformation here refers to peaceful relationships by changed people who have recovered their true identities and discovered true vocations in god. missio dei refers to ‘fellowship that builds up the kingdom of god’ (bosch 2011:531). fellowship here emphasises communality, hence commitment towards transformation of communities around mission stations (bevans & schroeder 2004:61–62). mission theology thus appraises the merits and demerits of missionary ideologies for both african society and religious education in zimbabwe. it emphasises social transformation under the purposes of god. church members are committed towards community transformation by building peaceful relationships, as convicted individuals recover lost identities and discover their god-given vocations. research methodology the study used minutes of the missionaries and interviews with former workers at mission stations, pastors in the missions’ employ and mission stakeholders. of significant interest are the members of the executive committee for the dadaya mission trust and interested members. they were engaged in personal interviews and whatsapp discussions because of coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) restrictions. the study therefore used mobile instant messaging interviews to collect in situ data (kaufmann, peil & borkhuer 2021). committee members were unwilling to participate due to court cases on the ownership of the mission between the group that supports garfield todd’s daughter and the group that subscribes to the somabhula national conference ideologies (masengwe & chimhanda 2020). those contacted who participated gave information on the missionary bias towards colonialists. no missionary was contacted to participate in the study, as the church now uses local personnel to advance mission activities. seven pastors participated in the study as well as five former mission workers. focus group discussions became difficult due to the sensitivity of the issues at dadaya, as well as the division in the national church body politic (masengwe & chimhanda 2019). the study met the required validity and reliability tests, as researchers acquired verbal consent for the interviews. this article may not propose what represents the will of the mission founders but rather the genuineness in presenting progressive proposals for the future of the mission and the church in zimbabwe. engagement of key stakeholders of dadaya mission committees made the study reliable. in addition, the study interpreted the data thematically within the contexts of minimum ethical standards of informed consent, confidentiality and anonymity. realities of naming and renaming in zimbabwe (re)naming of schools and institutions in zimbabwe is not a new thing (nyoni, nyoni & mabuto 2014). land and country categories were renamed (mashiri & chabata 2010), such as buildings and streets (chabata 2007), beer halls (nyota, mapara & mutasa 2009), mountains and rivers (mapara, nyota & mutasa 2011). shona (jackson 1957; kahari 1990; pongweni 1983) and ndebele (hlazo 1934) people are concerned about naming and nomenclature, because names are short telegraphic texts used to signify something (koopman 1992:9). furthermore, ‘names of all kinds [for persons] are social documents, which fix a person’s position in the social structure and define his [sic] relations to other members of society’ (koopman 1992:1): among the nuer, people’s names are used in order to define people’s relations with other members of society. however among the shona people, the dog’s name is used to define such relations. (tatira 2004:85) in addition, place names are ‘social documents’ (koopman 1986:132) that capture the historical knowledge of citizens. ‘the study of geographical names in any country involves the exposition of many factors that gave rise to the choice of these names’ (meiring 2010:95). realising that africans were not passive victims of colonisation, missionaries strove to recognise their agency and control of space by naming a place in view of the african immediate environment (mamvura 2014:17). this article suggests that renaming of the cocz institutions will correct erroneously misspelt names to the correct content and context of the true meanings of places for the zimbabwean people and nation. dadaya is a pithy and terse ‘social document’ that violates rather than confirms the dayataya symbols. the government of zimbabwe once suggested renaming of schools in order to honour heroes and heroines after the liberation struggle and was described as ‘an apparent bid by president mugabe to pander an anti-colonialist sentiment’ (the zimbabwean reporter 2006): more recently, the government tried to rename all schools with colonial names after what it terms liberation war heroes, but this failed spectacularly and it was forced to abandon the plan. (shoko 2013:n.p.) names were given by people who invested in the construction of schools during the colonial era. missionaries, with a colonial mentality, undermined history by naming schools and hospitals without consulting indigenous people. while renaming institutions that were constructed by colonialists and missionaries can be seen as distorting colonial history, it is an acknowledgment of the attitude to undermine indigenous people which this article condemns. one pastor critiqued: ‘did these schools exist before 1890; if they did, changes are justified; if they didn’t, history is corrupted’ (chikwanda 2018). there are places such as gokwe (sebukwe) that colonialists failed to penetrate. gokwe constitutes the framework of ‘the power to refuse to be named by and for another’ (worby 1994:372). those institutions’ colonialist names have been difficult to change after independence (magudu, muguti & mutami 2014). renaming distinctly reconstructs important vectors of identifying a place (chabata 2007, 2012). it targeted allan wilson, winston churchill, queen elizabeth ii, theodore roosevelt and cecil rhodes due to their ideological positions (pfukwa & barnes 2010). the then minister of primary and secondary education, dr aeneas chigwedere, urged schools to choose new local names that redrew african ideology and culture (reuters 2001; the daily news 2002; zenenga 2002). renaming prince edward high to murenga boys high; queen elizabeth to sally mugabe girls high; and winston churchill to josiah magamba tongogara appropriately reconstructed identities, but it also disproportionately corrupted history (the standard reporter 2002; the zimbabwean reporter 2006). this makes renaming a mammoth task of gigantic proportions, economically and politically. government struggled to rebrand victoria falls to mosi-oa-tunya and king george vi barracks (kg6) to josiah tongogara barracks. the same was for harare international airport to robert mugabe international airport (shoko 2013). they feared to negate tourism at a time when foreign earnings were needed desperately. this article, however, is not motivated by an apparent bid to pander antimissionary sentiment, because mission stations depend on ‘foreigners’ finances’ (baka-nyoni 2018). this study suggests that renaming dadaya should engage geosemiotics (complementing geography, semiotics and pragmatics) and to fully engage locals in order to fully capture their thoughts (makondo 2010; scollon & scollon 2003). this leads the researchers to ask the question: what is a place? a place is ‘a physical location imbued with meaning’ (cosgrove 1989:104). place names are selected and used in particular social contexts. space waits ‘without meaning’ for people to give it a name in order to turn it into a place. place names are spatial texts that communicate to people meanings of particular periods and objects (pinchevski & torgovnki 2002). ‘naming was part of the corpus of strategies used to show domination, possession and control of the immediate environment’ (mamvura 2014:17). names are durable symbols which carry a political economy of toponymic practices that outlive most material artefacts of a civilisation, even when cultural landscapes are destroyed (saparov 2003:179). this forces one to consider the criticality of place-naming needing erasure and replacing in zimbabwe (rose-redwood et al. 2010:454). onomastics relates to a theory and content of place-naming deserving toponomastic attention, especially on schools built for the colonial project. it ‘was a strategic ideological state apparatus that the colonial establishment used to inculcate its ideology into the minds of the colonised’ (mamvura 2014:19). the school curriculum thus was also ‘littered with justifications for colonialism and racism’ (chung 2007:43), as the regime strove to use schools to transmit symbolic discourses of colonial ideology. thus, ‘[a]n examination of naming schools is important because it sheds light on the totality of social variables that gave rise to different school names during the colonial period in zimbabwe’ (mamvura 2014:19). the issue of naming dadaya mission is important because it draws upon the memories of those who lived with the people of the area, who are the ‘the living dead’ (mbiti 1992) or the ‘shades’ (berglund 1976). dayataya erroneously spelt dadaya dadaya is a key institution in the growth and expansion of the cocz. dadaya is arguably misspelt from dayataya hills located at the old mission school. the name strikingly resembles a misspelt dayataya hill from the local land forms. place names were commonly misspelt and corrupted by colonisers in zimbabwe. colonisers there struggled to pronounce and spell shona names, because ‘most interpreters were ndebele as the whites came to zimbabwe through bulawayo’ (baka-nyoni 2018), such as sivanga [chivanga]; simane [chimane]; siboza [chivodza]; bilashaba [mbirashava]; and lundi [runde] in ndebele–shona communities. these names had particular meanings in their shona language; for instance, chivanga meant place of resilience; chiname meant something that sticks on (referring to the type of grass in the area that sticks onto the clothes when passing over it); chivodza meant something that causes deterioration; mbirashava meant brown rock rabbits in the local mountains that had brown rocks; runde referred to the river that thundered when full; and dayataya referred to nearby hills that whispered when the rains were about to come. use of these names thus had to achieve the listed intended meanings shown in table 1 if they were spelt correctly. homogenous ndebele community schools returned to their local variations, such as ingome, sindelele and ndinaneni (a school that was named after old dadaya under chief mafalala). table 1: comparison of place name spelling conventions used by the colonisers in zimbabwe and the indigenous community. for dadaya, other issues besides errors and misspellings were at play. dadaya was probably a genuine ndebele misspelling for dayataya, since the old dadaya was a school under chief mafalala, a ndebele traditional leader who probably wanted to honour the shona isotopes in this land. an interviewee said: ‘why didn’t they change the mission-name to hokonui high school or musengezi/ngezi high school after relocating to hokonoui ranch?’ (baka-nyoni 2018) misspellings distorted histories and disconnected people from each other and their ‘dear’ past (reuters 2001; shoko 2013; the standard reporter 2002; the zimbabwean reporter 2006). the infamous sir garfield reginald stephen todd lived, died and was buried at dadaya, hence the need for renaming in order to recapture, rekindle and revive local histories (masengwe & dube 2021). mr todd at once confessed: ‘throughout the colonial years, white power had been based, in the first instance, on the occupation and the subjugation of the indigenous population, and second on administrative expedients’ (todd 1989:118). the question arises why garfield todd popularised dadaya and ‘registered it as a trust, so that no one could touch it, or even change the name’ (baka-nyoni 2018; mamvura 2014). surprisingly, he did not attend the name-changing. striking resemblances in dadaya macrops and mission name the researchers’ survey on the term dadaya finds that it is strikingly spelt the same as the name for a marine freshwater plant found in most asian countries, including malaysia, india, australia and new zealand, dadaya macrops. dadaya macrops produces rich nutrients for sexual prowess. much has been written on the plant, found in many parts of the asiatic world (brehm 1953; fernando & kanduru 1984; michael & sharma 1988; raghunathan & suresh-kumar 2007; rane 2006; sharma 2008; sharma & michael 1987; sharma & sharma 2009, 2011; venkataraman & das 2000). there is a high possibility that dadaya is a genuine corruption of dayataya that arose because ndebele interpreters did not understand shona names, but it carried deeper ideological, sociological and religious incentives for the missionaries due to its striking resemblance to dadaya macrops (von daday 1898). corrections of the name from dadaya to dayataya brings significant meaning from the name change to the indigenous people, hence the issue of wanting to correct it, so that it addresses the issues of african people. resemblance to a marine plant casts doubt on the genuineness of the error. if the error was not genuine, dadaya was adopted from the marine plant by missionaries. dadaya macrops was discovered at the magical infancy of the new zealanders’ mission incursion into zimbabwe. this provided satisfaction to the missionaries on the mission station, as one pastor questioned the meaning of dadaya, saying: ‘what did dadaya mean to missionaries? what is its significance towards mission success? what did africans lose/gain by it?’ (chikwanda 2018). dadaya macrops is a common ‘[c]ircumtropical’ species (smirnov 1996) in asian zones (idris 1983; maiphae, pholpunthin & dumont 2005; tanaka & ohtaka 2009), pictured below. dadaya macrops is useful in sexual dimorphism (sexual distinction), that is, within the areas of human sexuality or potency. this is cause for concern regarding what it represents to the new zealanders and their missionaries. this calls for a contemporary name change to its derivative, dayataya, or any other name, such as garfield todd, in order to overcome this dichotomy. the naming of dadaya mission naming the mission dadaya was a political enterprise that achieved several political, emotional and cultural configurations of missionaries during the colonial era. naming takes the cooperative efforts of the community with selected committees approving proposals, but choices depended upon sociolinguistic processes using set-out laws and national regulations (diver 2011; mamvura 2014; neethling 2004). names are ‘instrumental linguistic units’ for power exercises (rofe & szili 2009) such as having absolute control over public sphere discourses by the rhodesian regime cabinet (mamvura 2015). they gave place names that ‘communicate[d] a sense of the landscape to which they [were] attached’ (rofe & szili 2009:362–363). naming is ‘a political act’ (pinchevski & torgovnki 2002:366) that constructs and reconstructs spaces. it declares change of culture, power holding and media control (azaryahu 1990:34). place naming is used to demonstrate, normalise and legitimise power by setting up a new spatial order using space configurations (kearns & berg 2009). naming was bureaucratic, centrist and potentially conflictive, because the place-naming process left out the input of africans, who had different spatial meanings for the sites (pinchevski & torgovnki 2002:367). restructuring space is a political contest, for instance, in education that sparks liberation struggles (zvobgo 1994). it demonstrates power by exclusively classifying and inscribing meanings on a social space (pinchevski & torgovnki 2002:367). political actors create collective memory by engraving their ideologies on space (pinchevski & torgovnki 2002:367). naming is a dominant toponomy that is represented by an ‘official text authorised by the ruling order’ (azaryahu 1992:351). giving dadaya a foreign name declared the presence of foreign missionary power (carter 1987). this became a ‘manipulation of semiotic processes carried out within the overall context of reconstructing official culture in the light of major political ruptures’ (azaryahu 1992:352) by the ruling elite (azaryahu 1990). this helps to understand missionary naming patterns during the colonial era and motivates name changes to inscribe local versions of truth. misspelling was used to potentially commemorate european success; however, name changes are new imprints on the colonial text. renaming to proclaim change in administration renaming is a revolution that modifies space, achieves a political act and commemorates the apparatus and superstructure of a political process. a revolution (social transformation) manifests a creative capacity in daily public life experiences using human creativity (azaryahu 1996:318). in an indispensable period of onomastic practice and ritual revolution, dadaya can be changed to dayataya or a significant church leader’s name like sir garfield todd. it reflects and solidifies a new ecclesiastical order of high ideological sovereignty (mamvura 2014:39; yong 2007:66). renaming is commemorative; it reminds one of the past (koopman 2012). it is a time to remember the past and to celebrate current successes coming out of the history of the people. renaming transfers and immortalises the landscape, from the enclaves of the past to the aperture of the present (mamvura 2014:33). renaming contextualises the past in the present and brings history into the contemporary. renaming is associated with new agencies determining and creating a new view of the past that reshapes contemporary values and attitudes of the local people (alderman 2000:658). renaming involves decommemoration (name removal) and recommemoration (name replacement) (khotso 2012; lombard 2012). renaming involves a twin process of removing discursive vestiges of the past (toppling toponyms) and creating new social patterns of power (securing identity) (kadmon 2000:6). statutes and monuments inconsistent with the new ordering should undergo an ‘orderly dismantling of colonial [religious] relics’ (fischer 2010:65), so that by renaming, history is corrected and the great memory of those who live in the area is restored. resetting secure identities in the church of christ in zimbabwe the past secures social memory and keeps people together (balode 2012). memory is a network of past identities that helps people to come to terms with the present realities. identity is in two forms, individual and collective; that is, an individual has ‘persistent self-sameness’ and ‘collective sameness’ (pfukwa & viriri 2011). names carry transferrable memories and redirect toponyms (koopman 2011:110). collective identities are cohesive devices that enforce ties and bind groups together (reducing social distance). naming thus spatialises memory (mapara & nyota 2016). commemorating dayataya hills in the name of dadaya resonated with the memories of people in runde district. it used symbolic imaginings of geographies interwoven in contemporary materials of these sites (rose-redwood 2008:876). name changes formed new spaces, concepts and historical records that created new memories for those communities (alderman 2002:99). renaming dadaya to dayataya, for example, revives the past in the present, weaving the cocz history into the present geographic fabric of life. renaming significantly redefines spaces that transform religious texts into memorial texts. renaming dadaya ensures that cocz christians regain their past and contemporary religious values in both their ecclesiastical order and ecclesiological heritage. this phenomenological situation of the history of the cocz mission stations brings significance to the importance of missionary work towards the communities and the nation. this does not suggest that every school in the cocz was given an erroneous symbol. those with erroneous, misspelt or disguised names, however, require both erasure and new imprints (mamvura 2014). renaming dadaya to dayataya or garfield todd inversely erases european memories and histories and recaptures the african past that was erased by colonial violence (attenbrow 2005:1; rose-redwood 2008). former place names continued to impose ‘spatial symbols of colonialism, racial appropriation, segregation and apartheid’ (guyot & seethal 2007:86). they erased and reconstructed indigenous thought patterns (chabata 2007, 2012; magudu et al. 2014). dadaya was a well-thought name that strategically decapitated african mnemonic stability (zerubavel 1997:85). africans underwent european identity control (mamvura 2014:46). christianity was used to decapitate african identities by ideologically making them subservient to european domination. ‘religion was used in order to legitimatise, sustain and even promote political tyranny and oppression, as well as in other instances for reasons of political liberation of the people’ (zimunya & gwara 2013:188). the authors hereof contend that regardless of sir garfield todd’s opposition towards colonial domination, some missionaries remained part of that superstructure that brought an alien religion that colonised zimbabwe (masengwe & dube 2021). cocz missionaries attended to both science and spirituality through their mission work. unfortunately, american missionaries displayed the spirit of ‘manifest destiny’ in their dealings with africans. their mission institutions thus commemorated conquest over african landscapes that, as this article advocates, require new identities. converts to christianity during colonialism were given european names termed christian; thus, even enslaved people in the united states had their names changed to capture european histories and thoughts (laversuch 2006). postcolonial christianity should erase such texts in a new identity formation that reinterprets african memories and histories. the same is true for dadaya, which rhythmically sounds like dayataya but is disguised under the european baggage (mamvura 2014:48). onomastic violence was exercised through natural landscapes and built environments across the world (jackson 1986). institutional ‘place naming was a conscious strategy embedded in the politics of creating a colonial state’ (mamvura 2014:45). schools were such strategic institutions that created and developed a colonised people. church of christ in zimbabwe ministers also concur that zimbabwe christian college discourages its graduates from pursuing further ministerial formation, as they struggle to decongest dogmatic catechism received during initial training. this calls for name changes in school mottoes and curriculum reviews (nyoni et al. 2014:1–6). conclusion this article indicated that name changes for dadaya are justified in that it is erroneous, misspelt and disguised. dadaya is a name that retains the semiospheric discourse of missionaries that revives colonial onomastic immortality in the cocz. it abstracts missionary social data in symbolic ways that violate local symbols. name changes are meant to rewrite history that was distorted. the authors are, however, convinced that dadaya was neither misspelt nor erroneously identified but distorted to interfere with local identities (mazarire 1999:4–9). dadaya was more likely adopted from dadaya macrops in reference to abundance and fertility in the tropical savannah. this article argues for the use of inclusive or correct symbols such as dayataya or missionary legends such as garfield todd to recapture and encapsulate local christians’ aspirations. dadaya carries symbolic discourses of power, if not idolatry, as a repository of new zealand values. continuing with dadaya becomes a celebration of memory loss that encourages continuance of colonial immortality to cocz christians (mapara & nyota 2016:289). the seriousness of contemporary church leadership on discourses of power argues for a much more informed analysis of mission naming that interrogates missionary dogma and ideology as well as capturing indigenous spirituality in african christian scholarship. dadaya is the first and legendary institution of the cocz that needs to set its identity history straight by adopting correct nomenclature. acknowledgements this article acknowledges the contributions of study participants, especially revd peter baka-nyoni and revd mordicai chikwanda, who consented to being named in the article. some participants were uncomfortable with being named for personal security reasons. the authors understood their concerns, because the church of christ in zimbabwe was undergoing transformation at the time the study was conducted. competing interests the authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. authors’ contributions g.m. conceptualised and drafted the manuscript. b.d. analysed, critiqued, edited and completed the manuscript. ethical considerations ethical approval to conduct this study was obtained from the university of the free state general and human research ethics committee (ref. no. ufs-hsd2022/1559/22). funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article, as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references alderman, d.h., 2000, ‘a street fit for a 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education in zimbabwe, sapes books, harare. 43 examining the kenōsis of the ccap blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi1 q jere (mzuzu university) & dt williams (university of fort hare) abstract: this article argues that the high level of poverty within the ccap blantyre synod has been due to a lack of kenōsis within the church. the synod is located in the southern part of malawi which experiences the highest level of poverty in malawi. if the kenōsis of jesus were practised, it would lead to drastic change and enhance societal progress in the lives of the people. the ccap synod's inability to practise kenōsis in their daily social and economic life is reflected in the high level of poverty within the congregants and the entire synod operating system. key words: kenōsis, poverty alleviation, ccap, synod, self-emptying, humility. 1 this article is based on chapter five of my doctor of theology thesis which was submitted in the faculty of social science and humanities at the university of fort hare in 2012 toward my d.th graduation which took place on the 7th of may, 2013. the focus of this study was on the question of corruption and poverty within the church and state, a comparative study covering malawi, zambia and zimbabwe. this study was fully sponsored by the malawi government through the malawi government scholarship scheme offer to the scholar to pursue the doctoral degree study at the university of fort hare in 2008-2012. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 44 1. introduction this paper examines the application of the idea of kenōsis in the ccap blantyre synod of the presbyterian church in malawi. kenōsis is seen in jesus' life, providing a model of selfemptying and humility. he demonstrated this to humanity for the sake of bringing about complete and long lasting change in the lives of the people. unless the church of god becomes kenotic, the gap between the poor and the rich will continue to follow the pattern of the secular state where economic segregation and diversity of opportunity tend to divide the people more. this paper therefore shows that lack of true kenōsis within the ccap blantyre synod has hugely contributed to the alarming poverty within the ecclēsia. 2. brief history of the ccap blantrye synod the blantyre mission was the second presbyterian mission to be established in nyasaland in 1876. it was named after livingstone’s birthplace in scotland. the site for the mission was identified by henry henderson when he was still at cape maclear working with the livingstonia mission under the leadership of young and laws. ross (1996:41) says that henderson’s main task was to find a site for the mission of the established church of scotland that was both suitable in itself and conformed to the specifications of the agreement between the two churches, that it should be close enough for each mission to be able to aid the other. selfridge (1976:30) says that with this in mind, henderson made a trip round the lake on the steamship ilala, as instructed by his committee, to find a site on the shores of the lake, but he could not find a place that he considered suitaexamining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 45 ble. he therefore returned to cape maclear, from where he considered the possibility of sitting the mission in the shire highlands which he had passed through on the journey up the shire. selfridge (1976:32) notes the following about henderson……. …leaving his friends at cape maclear he traveled south to the foothills of the mountain range and then climbed up the plateau. he took a course past the old site of the umca mission and when he had gone a further thirty miles south, his interpreter took ill and was not able to travel again for three weeks. this gave henderson time to thoroughly explore the surrounding country and because he found it well watered and the soil good, judging from the gardens of the local people, he decided to suggest that the location of the mission headquarters should be in that vicinity on his mission to identify the site for the established church of scotland, the livingstonia mission rented henderson an interpreter called bokwito who was important in communicating with the local chiefs in the area. after leaving cape maclear, henderson and bokwito travelled through machinga and zomba until they reached mount nyambadwe in the land of chief kapeni (phiri 2004:134). this location and vicinity was the one chosen for the new mission station around ndilande mountain in chief kapeni’s area along the shire highlands (laws 1934:8). regarding the way the blantyre site was identified, some argue that it was only after the arrival of the first party in the following year (1876) that a location in the vicinity of ndilande mountain was chosen (du plessis 1929:301). however, the researcher supports the notion shared by selfridge (1976:31) who argues that henderson was alone with his interpreter when he visited chief theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 46 kapeni’s area for the first time. it was only after the site2 was identified that he went down the zambezi river to meet the second missionary party consisting of the free church of scotland and the established church of scotland all under the leadership of james stewart3. phiri (2004:136) points out that it was on 23 october 1876 that the blantyre mission party led by henderson arrived in chief kapeni’s area which they called blantyre. selfridge (1976:32) says that chief kapeni gave these missionaries a place because he wanted them nearby as he feared the makololo and maseko ngoni west of the shire river. 2.1 early years of settlement 1876-1881 according to du plessis (1929:301-302), the blantyre mission did not commence on a positive note due to repeated attacks of fever, and the inexperience of the missionaries who could not understand the local people. phiri (2004:135) says that while henderson had succeeded in finding a suitable site for the blantyre mission, dr. macrae in scotland had failed to find an ordained minister to go and start work in the shire highlands. instead laymen came because they were promised salaries. some of these were christians only in a very technical sense and had no calling to work as missionaries. this is likely the reason why the blantyre mission 2 thus selfridge adds that after making this decision, he proceeded down the river to meet the new party which had been sent out by the church of scotland. on the 2nd of september 1876 he met the party on the banks of the zambezi. accompanying them was also a second party of missionaries for the livingstonia mission. 3 james stewart was the founding head of the lovedale mission station located in the small town of alice in the eastern cape of south africa. this was the main resting place for many missionaries on a journey into the interior of africa. examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 47 artisans4 who were not religious enough flogged and executed native people without proper legal procedures being followed (weller et al 1984:45). the missionaries’ problem was quite intense due to their inexperience with little knowledge of how to carry out missionary work since they came for their own income generating activity. their involvement in the unholy activities shows the type of men they were and how much of a problem they were to the functioning of mission work in the early part of the blantyre mission (weller et al 1984:45). 2.2 dr. laws temporarily in charge of the blantyre mission 1877-78 by april 1877, henderson felt that his work of finding a site for the mission and seeing it established had ended, so he prepared to leave for scotland. selfridge (1976:34) points out that before leaving he had a strong conviction that the time had come for an ordained minister to take control of the mission station. since no minister seemed to be available from scotland, henderson wrote to ask laws to come and take charge of the mission until the arrival of duff macdonald (ross 1996:44). having agreed to henderson’s pleas, laws and stewart agreed to jointly take care of the blantyre mission until a leader was identified. in this regard, selfridge (1976:34) notes that both laws and stewart took periods away from livingstonia to supervise the work at blantyre mission until july 1878 when macdonald arrived to take charge. 4 these artisans who flogged africans, some to death, were john buchanan, john walker and george fenwick (see dd phiri, history of malawi p.136. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 48 2.3 the blantyre mission scandal by 1978, macdonald took charge of the blantyre mission. phiri (2004:136) notes that though macdonald arrived at the blantyre mission, there were some key challenges in terms of administering the station. according to ross (1996:64), the outstanding and disappointing activity was the poor behaviour and actions of some of the first team of missionaries who were involved in the most unholy activities against the locals. this was called the blantyre scandal because the missionaries who came to preach god’s word were involved in the mistreating of the same people to whom they came to minister; it was hardly a good imitation of the humility of christ. he adds that due to this behavior, the foreign office instituted a commission led by dr. rankin and mr. pringle to investigate the reports that came from nyasaland about the behaviour of these missionaries. this misconduct led to macdonald’s resignation and the dismissal of the artisans, while at the same time, it also led to the appointment of new church leaders to take over the blantyre mission work. 3. clement scott 1881-1898 clement scott took over the leadership of the blantyre mission after the first five scandalous years the mission had gone through under the leadership of henderson. scott was chosen by the church of scotland to become the next overseer as he was in full agreement with the policies which had been settled after the enquiry and also with the respectful attitude toward african customs which the commission’s members adopted (weller et al 1984:45). in october 1881, the year in which the livingstonia mission moved its headquarters from cape maclear to bandawe, scott and his wife arrived from scotland to assume responsibility for the blantyre mission (selfridge 1976:44). examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 49 3.1 scott’s outstanding activities the success of clement scott in his missionary work in then nyasaland is seen in the following major activities he successfully accomplished. according to baur (1994:209) clement scott managed to save the mission by giving it a new direction similar to that of ccap livingstonia mission. he adds that scott came to evangelistic work by which he believed in spreading the gospel of christ in an african culture5. in addition, scott's main goal was to promote education which given in an african form. outstandingly, scott empowered africans to develop christianity for local people and help them become members of the true universal church. also he firmly believed that africans were part of the same humanity and that they would contribute to the christian church as well as benefit from it like the rest of advanced societies globally (pachai 1972:206). 3.2 major achievements of scott at blantyre mission as the leader of the blantyre mission, scott’s key achievement was the construction of the cathedral. phiri (2004:138) says that scott started building the main church in 1888 with the full cooperation of african workers. he says that within three years, and on 10th may 1891, the church building, named st michaels and all angels, was officially dedicated by scott himself. in addition to the construction of st michaels and all angels, some key mission stations were opened in the southern part of nyasaland in his tenure, including domasi, chiradzulu and mulanje (ross 1996:82). as well as opening up stations, scott promoted training of the local people, some of whom he sent to scotland; one was mungo chisuse who went to scotland to learn printing (phiri 5 also see andrew ross, blantyre mission, p.63. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 50 2004:137). in november 1894, scott ordained some africans as deacons who included joseph bismarck, henry kambwiri matecheta6, mungo murry chisuse and john gray kufa (phiri 2004:139). 4. church at crossroad and threats the british and the portuguese were the major players in southern african in the partitioning of africa. the portuguese and the british had unresolved issues over the shire highlands in the nyasa region. the portuguese wanted to take over the entire shire highlands whereas by 1885 british missionaries had stayed in the area for ten years. during this time, the future and destiny of the mission was at a crossroads, because the portuguese claimed that its colony of portuguese east africa stretched to the south eastern parts of lake nyasa and the shire highlands (kalinga 1998:526). at this time, the two scottish mission stations7, anglicans (umca) and the lakes company were fully established in nyasaland. 4.1 the portuguese threats: 1885-1890 the first threat to missionary work in nyasaland was the portuguese intention to take over the shire highlands. phiri (2004:203) states that the portuguese governor at quelimane made preparations to occupy blantyre, something that alarmed the scottish missionaries who then put 6 in 1911, henry kambwiri together with stephen kundache were officially ordained as clergy of the blantyre mission (see andrew ross, blantyre mission, p.140). 7 these were the livingstonia mission who came in 1875 and this time had moved to bandawe and crossed into the northern and eastern rhodesia. the other was the blantyre mission which came in 1876 and was stationed in the entire southern part of nyasaland. examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 51 pressure on their government to resist portugal’s advance inland. the scots placed much pressure because if the portuguese succeeded in taking over the area (southern nyasaland and shire highlands), all the work by the presbyterian missions and traders would come to an end (selfridge 1976:51); and, instead, the portuguese could have enforced their catholicism in the area. again, this political wrangling was hardly a reflection of christ! 4.1.1 southern nyasa into portuguese control in 1886, the portuguese consul, cardoso, visited the shire highlands and the makanjila area where he bribed some chiefs to accept portuguese dominion (phiri 2004:205). in 1887, the lisbon government published maps showing nyasaland as part of the portuguese empire. in july 1888, the king of portugal authorized the opening of a portuguese station in southern nyasaland to act as a centre from which portugal could enlarge her influence in that region (axelson 1972:252). at the same time, the british prime minister lord salisbury appointed harry johnston as the british consul in mozambique who was sent to lisbon (phiri 2004:2006). ross (1996:106) states that johnston was instructed to negotiate a preliminary agreement on the basis of which a treaty could be concluded with portugal clearing up the difficulties with her in zambezia. however, johnston’s visit to portugal produced a draft which handed over the shire highlands to the portuguese (weller et al 1984:46). 4.1.2 harry johnson's push to hand southern nyasaland to portugal by 1888, johnson the british consul and bsac representative had almost given in to the portuguese pressure to take the entire nyasa region, while at the same time, the area had british activities through the presbyterian missionary theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 52 work and the african lakes company. during this time, johnson’s main goal was to build an empire and not to safeguard blantyre. hanna (1956:136) points out that johnson’s role was to safeguard the rights of the cape colonists, to expand northward beyond the zambezi as far as tanganyika and to keep the portuguese out of blantyre. hanna adds that in his letter to salisbury (1889), johnston did not respond to the sentiments and concerns of british missionaries already in the nyasa region because he argued that the missionaries’ concerns in the shire district were not the only element for consideration in an assignment with portugal. johnston added that there are interests and expectations of various british subjects who were awaiting concessions from the portuguese government for opening up of mining and agriculture in the sofala region. 4.2 the scottish missionary and eleven thousand signatures ross (1996:107) says that word of johnston’s terms of agreement with portugal soon reached the missionaries where scott could not believe the report to be serious and wrote: ..rumour from home reach us of a division of territory between portugal and britain in which the shire is the boundary line. this is disastrous if it is true: it is indeed keeping the shell and giving the portuguese the kernel. we must hold fast to this stronghold and gateway of african civilization whatever comes and in this face of what lord salisbury and the home authorities know of the shire highlands we feel persuaded enough to say of the possibility of its eventually becoming portuguese that we don’t believe it. (dc scott in ross 1996:107) examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 53 selfridge (1976:52) says that salisbury himself was not happy about handing over the southern part of nyasaland and was glad to have the scots strengthen his hand in the negotiations with the portuguese and that he gave johnston the task to sell the contents of the draft to missionaries in scotland. weller et al (1984:47) state that as johnston argued the case (to have blantyre given to the portuguese), the leaders of the church of scotland in their campaign in scotland produced eleven thousand signatures demanding the re-negotiation of the terms in such a way as to exclude the portuguese from the southern lakeshores and shire highlands. with this evidence of support behind him, lord salisbury in 1890 issued the ultimatum which led to the definition of the present malawi-mozambique boundary. hanna (1956:183) notes that on 14 may 1891, the foreign office issued a formal notification which was published in the london gazette that under and by virtue of agreements with the native chiefs and by other lawful means, the territories in africa hereinafter referred to as the nyasaland districts, were under the protection of her majesty the queen. thus in 1891, the entire nyasaland became a british protectorate. what is perhaps striking in the history of the area is that neither the attitudes of missionaries, especially the artisans, nor that of political authorities, reflects an attitude of the kenōsis that was put forward by jesus as an example for his followers. it is hardly surprising that the christian church that emerged out of that situation then failed to live up to that example. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 54 5. understanding kenōsis according to hayden (2009:1) the ancient greek word kenōsis8 means "emptying” or the action of emptying. it derives from kenōs meaning “empty or purged” and from the greek verb kenóō meaning "to empty out". williams (2007:vii) says that the philippians hymn (phil 2:5f) in which this word is prominent, is set in a passage in which paul is encouraging his readers to live the sort of life that is appropriate for their profession, which means one in obedience to and in imitation of their lord. in practising kenōsis, jesus self-emptied, self-limited and humiliated himself for the sake of saving lost humanity. blanchard (1993:60) says that in his kenōsis, jesus christ, the eternal son of god, voluntarily gave up the independent use of his divine attributes in order to fulfill his purpose in coming into the world. williams (2007:231) adds that jesus in his kenōsis, went through all that agony not only for us, but also that he might gain the fullness, the completion, or wholeness of his body which led finally to glorification and exaltation. 5.1 kenoticism in philippians according to strong (2001:2073), the word “mind” comes from the greek verb, “phroneō” which has the connotation of thinking, holding an opinion, and setting one’s mind on, and having a certain attitude while the word “form” comes from the greek noun, “morphē" which means nature or character 8 “have this mind among yourselves, which is yours in christ jesus, who, though he was in the form of god, did not count equality8 with god a thing to be grasped, but emptied himself, talking the form of a servant, being born in the likeness of men. and being found in human form he humbled himself and became obedient unto death, even death on a cross.” (phil 2:5-8 rsv) examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 55 (strong 2001:2025). in addition, the word "grasping", which comes from the greek noun “harpagmos”, means “to hold on to something” (strong 2001:1995), while the word “equal/equality comes from the greek noun “isotēs”, which means, “same”, "much like" (strong 2001:2025). the preexistent christ who was in the form of god counted not his being in equality with god a thing to be grasped. christ could have existed and have appeared as god in a manner equal to god, a right which was due to him, but did not. the section below exposes the three major statements in understanding the philippian song. 5.1.1 imitating the mind of christ this philippians song in verses 5 and 6 says that christians need to have the mind of christ or emulate the attitude of jesus christ who though he was god (in nature) did not refrain from bringing himself to the level of human beings; he brought himself so low and therefore limited or reduced himself so as to achieve god’s salvation plan for humanity. williams (2009:83) says that incarnation did not involve a change in his essence, but that during the period of earthly incarnation, the second person of the holy trinity limited9 himself. augustine once said that god gives where he can find empty hands (foster 2000:199). in his incarnation, jesus was not manifesting the attributes of his divinity as he could affirm that, the father is greater than him (john14:28). 9 perhaps we tend to resist the idea of god’s self-limitation not just out of respect for god, but also because it implies that in imitation of him we should also limit ourselves. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 56 5.1.2 self-emptying of christ the self-emptying of christ in the philippians’ song did not include the relinquishing of his divinity (williams 2007:224). ellis (2009:2) says that from a kenotic angle, jesus laid aside his status and suffered a humiliating death rather than lead his followers into violent resistance. in doing so, he became the supreme model for kenōsis and paradoxically, his influence long-outlasted those who executed him. gavrilyuk (2005:225) in his explanation of self emptying says that the father as well emptied himself in begetting the son as he gave himself entirely to the son. on the same the father comes out of himself and found fulfillment in and identified himself with the being of the son. he adds that the father emptied himself into the son without in any way being limited by him because the son shares in the same infinite and unfathomable divine nature. the son on his part empties himself by submitting to be begotten from the father and by being obedient to the father. according to richard (1982:40), self-emptying is neither self-effacement nor servility, but letting go for the sake of others. this is basically a situation where christ abandoned his other functions as god and reduced himself to the level where he could properly execute his divine assignment of saving the lost humanity. the kenōsis of jesus existed in christ taking the form of a servant and being made in the likeness of men through his incarnation. 5.1.3 humility thirdly is that humility remains vital in the exposition of the phillipians’ song in that in as much as christ is god, he brought himself low for the sake of saving the lost humanity. a brief look into verse 7 according to strong (2001:2066) examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 57 reveals that the word “humility or humble” comes from the greek verb, “tapeinoō” which means “to lower oneself” or “brought low” while the greek noun “tapeinōsis” has the connotation of “humiliation”, made low, humbleness and low estate. humility according to ravenhill (1961:148) is essential and is clearly seen through certain unique and unusual actions where even though christ had all the necessary means and know how to act as god, he reduced himself, made himself low to be equal with humanity which he created (jn 1:1). as in the philippian hymn, james 4:10 indicates that exaltation and upliftment is achieved after someone humbles himself. so, while christ humbled himself through the suffering and even death on the cross, he gained and restored everything back to god. 5.2 the kenotic thought the main issue after the arian controversy was how to reconcile the two natures (humanity and divinity of christ), something which neither nicaea nor chalcedon solved. while the affirmation of christ's full deity was essential for salvation, it was hard to see how full deity could incarnate. mcclain (1967:1) states that having successfully repelled the arian assault, the attention of the church logically shifted to another problem and that was how to reconcile proper deity and true humanity in the person of the historic saviour, jesus christ. he describes how that discussion ran the gamut of various conceivable opinions where men, according to their particular bias, became apollinarians, nestorians, eutychians, monophysites, monothelites and adoptionists. however, blanchard (1993:56) says that these heresies were outlawed by the synod of constantinople in 448 ad and the council of chalcedon, in 451 ad. according to mcclain (1967:11), it was at chalcedon (451) that the church declared that in the saviour there are two natures, theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 58 one divine and the other human which were described as perfectly and organically united in one person, yet they remain distinct, each retaining its complete integrity10. but while affirming these, it was hard to understand how it could be possible. out of the many attempts that were made to solve and reconcile the divinity and humanity of christ in relation to incarnation, the breakthrough came from the application of philippians 2 which applied kenōsis as a theory and kenotic theology as a theological framework and the operating system. kenōsis was the only better way of understanding and making sense of the technical aspects of the humanity and divinity of christ. essentially, divinity was seen to be incarnate only if it self-limited in kenōsis. according to mcclain (1967:1), it was the words of philippians 2 that gave rise to the nineteenth century "kenotic theory" which stated that christ laid aside, not his divine nature but the privileges that had been eternally his, co-equal with the father and the spirit, in that he was born god man through incarnation. it was at that time that kenōsis became a hotly debatable issue. packer (in blanchard 1993:58) states that in england kenōsis theory was first broached by bishop gore in 1880 to explain why our lord was ignorant of what the nineteenth century higher critics thought they knew about the errors of the old testament. this could not be an inherent limitation, but a self-restriction if the error of arianism was to be avoided. since then the concept has generated a branch of theology called, “kenotic theology” (grudem 1994:555-570). self-limitation, in imitation of christ, has 10 the chalcedon’s declaration did not show and explain how these two natures in christ were reconciled together and didn’t explain incarnation. examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 59 been seen to have many applications in christian life and practice. indeed, if it is fundamental to the incarnation, it is fundamental to christianity. 6. kenōsis of the ccap blantyre synod the philippian epistle argues that the christian life should be in imitation of jesus' example, so should then be one of kenōsis. the ongoing challenge for christians and specifically those in the ccap blantyre synod is how to transfer that into practice. there are two general principles that can be applied, as they reflect the way in which jesus selflimited. firstly the philippian text indicates that jesus limited himself to be a servant (phil 2:7). he was not doing this for his own sake, but for the benefit of others. then service implies work, and indeed the need is for malawians to work if they are to escape poverty11. this does not mean that they are lazy, indeed malawians are a people who are most industrious; there is a real contrast with south africa, which does not in general display the same quality of industriousness. the writer of the philippian hymn, in describing jesus as a "servant", explains that he became in the likeness of people. the allusion must be to the creation story, specifically to the creation of people in the image and likeness of god. it is in reflecting that that christians do as god intended. what is then significant is that the primal couple was sent to care for the garden. they were involved in agriculture, which is certainly a close reflection of the original creation. it might just be observed here that modern people often feel that agricul 11 hard work is one of the three major pillars set by malawi’s current president, his excellency prof peter muthalika where he orders malawians to develop the culture of hard work so as to get rid of poverty and help in the nation’s development. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 60 ture is demeaning, and they do not want to humble themselves in that way; they prefer "white collar" occupations. however, the philippian hymn speaks of jesus as humbling himself, and it should not be felt that agriculture is too demeaning for christians. it must therefore be seen as an appropriate manifestation of the imitation of the kenōsis of jesus for malawians of blantyre synod to labour for the sake of others, and specifically in agriculture. it is to be hoped that just as the kenōsis of jesus was ultimately succeeded by glory (phil 2:10), so there will be ultimate benefit to blantyre synod, to malawi, and indeed to the world from their practice. the ccap blantyre synod is housed in malawi’s commercial capital of blantyre named in honour of david livingstone’s birth town of blantyre in scotland. since precolonialism, blantyre has been the key business center for malawi. the ccap blantyre synod in poverty alleviation involves the synod’s kenotic action through the creation of the presbyteries’ poverty alleviation committee which would formulate action plan to end poverty within the presbyteries. at the same time, synod kenotic action in poverty alleviation would begin with the poor themselves who would be guided toward their liberation path from poverty. the synod would reflect christ's kenōsis whereby jesus indentified the key need of humanity hence he limited himself for their salvation to be possible. in the same way, the synod would indentify inborn expertise and utilized them from within the poor in their economic liberation process. not all presbyteries within ccap blantyre synod would have similar poverty alleviation initiatives because it would depend on the poverty alleviation strength of the specific christians and the type of natural resource available in their examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 61 respective presbyteries for economic empowerment. therefore, through the presbyteries’ poverty alleviation action, the ccap blantyre synod would organize the presbyteries according to their economic strength for economic empowerment. 6.1 fruits and veg synod initiative fruits and veg initiatives would be the major kenotic step that the synod would take toward helping to empower the people within the presbyteries’ of mwanza, thyolo, mulanje, ntcheu and chiradzulu. just like christ self-emptied and humbled himself, going to the cross not for himself but for the benefit of others, the synod would do likewise. it would first identify and strategise on how the presbyteries within this jurisdiction could get empowered and economically liberated. this is how the fruits and veg production within this jurisdiction could help in the poverty alleviation of the people. these five districts in the southern region of malawi produce a variety of fruits and vegetables for the commercial city of blantyre. specifically, the ccap blantyre synod presbyteries of mwanza, thyolo and mulanje produce large scale assorted fruits which include bananas, pineapples, avocado pears, mangoes and oranges which would lead to the production of assorted fruit juices for market. this is because in these presbyteries, the peoples’ main source of income is fruits farming in which christians sell the raw fruits to the main market in the commercial cities of blantyre and zomba. modification of this venture by the blantyre synod to install machines for the production of assorted juices would bring about change in the economic lives of the people in these presbyteries which at the same time would enhance theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 62 and encourage many synod christians to venture in fruit farming. for ntcheu and chiradzulu presbyteries, the main point of contact for the people’s poverty alleviation would be vegetable gardening, since these two districts are the chief suppliers of tomatoes, onions, cabbage and potatoes to the markets of both blantyre and lilongwe. in this regard, the ccap blantyre synod, through the presbytery poverty alleviation action, would initiate the establishment of fresh fruits and vegetables shops where christians would sell their produce at a competitive price. this would mean that the ccap blantyre synod would initiate distribution points for the farmers of these vegetables. the support of the entire synod in this initiative would go a long way in boosting the christian vegetable farmers who would eventually expand their trade and materially become independent suppliers and eventually get economically empowered. 6.2 staple food production the large scale production of malawi’s staple food crops of maize and rice would be one such good poverty alleviation action for the christians in the presbyteries of migowi, thutchira and domasi. the people in these three synod presbyteries produce and supply staple food crops which have sustained generations in this ccap blantyre synod. like the heart of christ's kenōsis was self-giving, the presbyteries of migowi, thuchira and domasi would give themselves out and produce more not for themselves but for the betterment of others through the production of large scale maize and rice which would be sold to grain and milling companies. now the ccap blantyre synod would, through the presbyteries, help christian farmers create cooperatives or farming groups with the purpose of having farmers jointly examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 63 supply maize and other grain crops to big companies for more profit. this is bearing in mind that migowi, thutchira and domasi produce sizeable maize and rice to feed the southern region of malawi12. 6.3 presbyteries commercial farming lack of presbyterian kenōsis has led to poverty in the chingale, chikwawa, shire south and livilizi presbyteries in that since the people in the area have been doing cotton farming since independence, still their lives have remained the same with no meaningful progress. to effectively lift the synod for effective economic empowerment of the people, the ccap synod mother body would self empty itself by letting the presbyteries get more authority in economic empowerment process. the economic empowerment and poverty alleviation of christians in the livilizi, chingale, chikwawa and shire-south presbyteries would not take place outside the commercial activity of cotton farming (twaibu13 2007). by and large, these four areas produce cotton for malawi and some of the people involved in the production are christians of the ccap blantyre synod. to enhance the effectiveness of the production of cotton and marketing, the ccap blantyre synod would organize christian cotton farmers into cotton presbyterian clubs and link them with the mapeto david whitehead company and other big cotton buyers internationally. this would stimulate christians’ involvement in the respective zones to venture into this type of 12 the southern region houses half of the population of malawi which entails that there is need for the increase in supply of maize for the production of flour which is the nation’s staple food. 13 mrs. r.w. taibu is currently the coordinator for health programmes of the blantyre synod. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 64 activity, and the ccap blantyre synod involvement would create a positive step in ensuring that christians directly benefit from the industry hence alleviating their own poverty in turn. 6.4 small scale business and fish farming finally, the three remaining ccap blantyre synod presbyteries of mangochi, zomba rural and chiuta have fish business as the dominant source of income for the people in the area (mokiwa14 19/5/11). many in these presbyteries are basically business oriented people and fishing as a business is what defines their existence and it is passed on from one generation to the other. tapping from fish farming business, the ccap blantyre synod would organize christians into groups which would be linked to the nation’s departmental stores, hotels, motels and institutions of learning to provide them with fish as one of the most needed food items. since many of such institutions are within the city of blantyre and zomba in the southern region, the ccap blantyre synod would create this business venture as a way of enhancing productivity and also helping christians acquire profit from of their business and in turn promote their livelihood at household level. in addition, the ccap blantyre synod presbyteries of blantyre city, blantyre north and zomba city are some of the major presbyteries where majority of christians’ main income generating venture are white collar jobs and small scale businesses (mangisa15 25/2/07). in this regard, the ccap 14 rev. mokiwa is the sitting parish minister at lunchenza of the ccap blantyre synod. 15 rev. raynold mangisa was in 2007 the resident clergy for st michael and all angels of the blantyre synod. he is currently (2016) the clergy at zomba ccap church. examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 65 blantyre synod would provide a platform and help their christians get financial capital in a form of soft loans from banks that support small scale businesses. the synod through the presbyterian poverty alleviation action would encourage those in white collar positions in blantyre and zomba to patronize and support their fellow christians involved in small scale businesses by buying from them in what would be called supporting the home industry initiative. having looked into the respective presbyteries’ poverty alleviation action in relation to how these initiatives would enhance poverty alleviation and economic development at presbyteries’ and household level, it is important to bear in mind that the success of any poverty alleviation strategy depends on the decisions of both the poor and the initiators of such poverty alleviation activities. for the ccap blantyre synod presbyteries’, this would be the kenotic action of the synod itself where in its humility and self-limitation it would self-empty itself and directly take charge in empowering the people. in this regard, the application of kenotic principles would be in such a way that ccap blantyre synod would economically empower christians in their respective synod presbyteries. the ccap blantyre synod would act out of love for the poor in their midst and like christ would, be willing to do something about it. economic action of christ through incarnation was the manifestation of love for the lost humanity (williams 2007:172), the same love motivates the church and christians to take action in helping the poor get out of poverty. 7. conclusion in this paper we have examined the history of the ccap blantyre synod in relation to what could efficiently work better to properly address the question of poverty in the synod. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 66 it was noted that much in its history could hardly be said to reflect the example of humility shown by christ in his incarnation. at the same time the synod played a role in safeguarding the southern territories from the portuguese, but again the attitude of conflict hardly reflects christ. hence whereas kenotic principles have been used to help to address the poverty challenge, it is hardly surprising that these have not been adhered to adequately. while the industry of malawians does reflect the nature of the one who came as a servant, and that it is generally in agriculture reflects the creation of the first couple in the image of god, the imitation of christ needs to be more consistent. if this were the case, there would be an expectation of following the path of christ further into glorification. 8. references axelson, e. 1972. portugal’s attitude to nyasaland during the period of the partition of africa, in pachai (ed) the early history of malawi. longman: london (252-262). baur, j. 1994. 2000 years of christianity in africa. pauline publication: nairobi. blanchard, j 1993. the humanity of christ. reformation & revival. a quarterly journal for church leadership. volume 2, number 2 • spring (55-66). du plessis, j. 1929. the evangelization of pagan africa-a history of christian mission to the pagan tribes of central africa. j.c juta: cape town. foster, r j 2000. prayer: finding the heart true home. hodder & stoughton: london. gavrilyuk, p. l., 2005. the kenotic theology of sergius bulgakov. scottish journal of theology, 58 (3), 251-269. grudem, w.a. 1994. systematic theology. leicester: england. hanna, a. j. 1956. the beginning of nyasaland and north eastern rhodesia 1851-1895, clarendon press: oxford. hayden, d 2009. kénōsis in action: message. cincinnati friends meeting, cincinnati: ohio, (20/9/09 ) examining the kenosis of the ccap of blantyre synod in poverty alleviation in malawi 67 kalinga, o. 1998. the production of history in malawi in the 1960’s: the legacy of sir harry johnston, the influence of the society of malawi and the role of dr.kamuzu banda and his malawi congress party. african affair, 97 (389), pp. 523-549. laws, r.,1934. reminiscences of livingstonia. oliver and boyd : edinburgh. mangisa, l. interviews: blantyre synod headquarters: blantyre (25/2/07). mcclain, j. a., 1967. doctrine of the kenōsis in phillippians 2:5-8. grace journal, 8(2). 3-13. mokiwa. oral interview: alice-univerity of fort hare for ccap blantyre synod. (19/5/11). pachai, b. 1972 (ed). early history of malawi, longman: london phiri, d. 2004. history of malawi: from earliest times to the year 1915, claim: blantyre ravenhill, l (ed) 1961. a treasury of prayer: from the writings of e. m. bounds. ravenhill press: greensburg, la. richard, l 1982. a kénōtic christology: in the humanity of jesus christ, the compassion of our god. university press of america: lanham, ny. ross, a.c. 1996. blantyre mission and the making of modern malawi. assemblies of god press: blantyre. selfridge, j. 1976. the church’s first thirty years in nyasaland (malawi) 1861-1891. nkhoma press: nkhoma, lilongwe. strong, j 2001. the strongest strong’s exhaustive concordance of the bible (larger print edition). zondervan: grand rapids, michigan. twaibu, r.w. 2007. personal interview. head department, blantyre development commission, blantyre synod: blantyre. weller, l. et al 1984. mainstream christianity to 1980, malawi, zambia, zimbabwe. mambo press: gwelo. williams, d t 2009. kénōsis of god: the self limitation of god-father, son and the holy spirit. iuniverse: ny. williams, d t 2007. have this mind: following the examples of christ. iuniverse: ny. abstract: 8. references tv 46-1_2022_contents.indd https://theologiaviatorum.org open access table of contents original research the assurance that yahweh can and will keep his own: an exegesis of psalm 121:1–8 david t. adamo, bukola olusegun theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a125 | 17 march 2022 original research the ‘invisible enemy’ covid-19 and the responses of aladura churches in south west nigeria babatunde a. adedibu, akinwumi a. akindolie, adeleke a. olujobi theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a138 | 12 april 2022 original research the link between aphorisms on jewish eschatological expectation of the anti-christ and covid-19 vaccine hesitancy among pentecostal christians in makurdi, nigeria favour c. uroko, lawrence okwuosa theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a150 | 14 june 2022 original research jeremiah 17:11 and blood money rituals among youths in southern nigeria favour c. uroko theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a162 | 19 august 2022 original research the one-sided view of vatsonga marital endurance, vukati va kandza hi mbilu: a challenge to pastoral care hundzukani p. khosa-nkatini, dee khosa theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a167 | 19 october 2022 original research death in abundance versus life in abundance in the context of covid-19 and poverty: a practical theological reflection on pastoral accompaniment during the grieving process olehile a. buffel theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a156 | 26 october 2022 original research the role of the eucharist in national healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding: a case study of zimbabwe’s fractured society sekgothe n. mokgoatšana, mischeck mudyiwa theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a142 | 15 december 2022 reviewer acknowledgement theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a177 | 20 december 2022 61 68 76 83 88 94 103 113 page i of i table of contents editorial editorial: theologia viatorum simon moripe theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a174 | 03 october 2022 review article the metaverse’s potential impacts on the god-centred life and togetherness of indonesian christians robby i. chandra, noh i. boiliu theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a157 | 15 july 2022 original research the shifting landscape of african-pentecostalism in kenya julius m. gathogo theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a121 | 13 january 2022 original research the rich man and lazarus: covid-19, class and identity in nigeria benson o. igboin theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a134 | 17 january 2022 original research hope and hopelessness in jeremiah 2:1–13: an interpretive understanding to help deal with covid-19 doniwen pietersen theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a127 | 17 january 2022 original research critical evaluation of the doctrine of predestination within black-african theology: christ the elected and electing leepo j. modise theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a118 | 31 january 2022 original research childhood theology and implications for pedagogy jane a. chiroma, nathan h. chiroma theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a115 | 17 february 2022 original research reimagining socio-economic well-being through the integration of arthashastra’s economic treatise and madhva’s philosophical notion on social cohesion mathias yuvan shunmugam, maniraj sukdaven theologia viatorum | vol 46, no 1 | a139 | 22 february 2022 1 3 11 22 31 36 42 51 vol 46, no 1 (2022) issn: 0378-4142 (print) | issn: 2664-2980 (online)theologia viatorum abstract introduction the reflection of pre-mosaic tithing in the new testament mosaic tithes and their new testament implications moral obligation in the ritual ‘tithe’ within the new testament church conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) prince e. peters department of religion and cultural studies, faculty of social sciences, university of nigeria, nsukka, nigeria citation peters, p.e., 2021, ‘deontology of new testament tithing: an analysis’, theologia viatorum 45(1), a102. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v45i1.102 original research deontology of new testament tithing: an analysis prince e. peters received: 08 dec. 2020; accepted: 25 jan. 2021; published: 30 mar. 2021 copyright: © 2021. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract with the sudden heightened controversy surrounding tithing lately around the world, the subject of tithing deserves a critical analysis and a re-examination especially with regard to its ethical implications both in the new testament text and the new testament era. with the rationality theory applicable in the framework of deontology and form criticism as its methodology, this study analysed new testament texts that speak about tithe in line with their moral obligation as a duty both to the organised church and the poor congregants. keywords: tithe; new testament; ethics; mosaic law; old testament; melchizedek; abraham. introduction tithe (מַעְשַׂר֙, δεκάτη, decimas obtulerunt, otu uzo n’uzo iri, a tenth), which is supposedly a part of the larger christian responsibility of giving, has become an issue of serious controversy lately (oluwoye 2013:2) probably because the church is at its ‘height of “prosperity” and “word of faith”’ (ajah 2013:107) theological euphoria. in 2005 when the present author was a serving minister in the defunct methodist church nigeria (mcn) (1962 foundation constitution), the superintendent minister, who he worked under, came to the pulpit one sunday morning to ‘counter’ an age-long teaching upheld by mcn (1962 f.c). this age-long teaching was that tithe is not a new testament practice. the church may have held to that opinion earlier on probably because ‘john wesley is[sic] a difficult figure in this debate’ (croteau 2005:18) who it appears gave less than a tithe in the first year of his ministry.1 the superintendent minister apologised to the church, almost kneeling down for misleading them into believing that tithe is no longer a new testament doctrine. ‘for far too long tithing has been treated as a “taboo” off-limits subject among many conservative churches. too many informed seminary professors silently observe’ (russell 2007:1) whilst the battle rages on. it is obvious that ‘there is some confusion on the subject’ (van der merwe 2010:2). whilst the study is not unaware of the dual challenge from teachings which claim that christians under grace in the new testament (nt) dispensation are not obligated to tithe like the jews in the old testament (ot) and that christian tithing is a hoax (smith n.d.:online); the study’s statement of problem therefore is as follows: what is the moral obligation of an nt christian in the matter of tithing? for example, should christians pay tithe as a moral obligation whether or not there is a direct command in the nt texts to make such a payment? similarly, the study aims to enquire if the church has the moral obligation to use tithe to alleviate the sufferings of its congregants. deontology, which is regarded in general as ‘the study of moral obligation’ (nelson 1995:331), and considered particularly as a rational obligation towards a certain duty (here, the duty of tithe payment), is employed to understand the ethics of tithe payment, especially in contemporary christianity. form critical method helped in understanding the various nt texts under study in their various sociological contexts, and structuralist critical method enables the comparison of ancient biblical texts with modern situations. to read more meanings into such passages with uncertain interpretations, sensus plenior2 was employed. the reflection of pre-mosaic tithing in the new testament there are arguments that abel’s gift to god was a tithe (croteau 2005:31; snoeberger 2000:73); therefore, abel should be adjudged as the first man to pay a tithe to god. this idea seems to come from an unclear interpretation of the genesis (4:7) account in the lxx (croteau 2005:71–72). this is probably first propounded by landsell (1955). the word which suggests a possible allusion to tithing in that passage is ‘ἡμαρτες’ [‘to dissect or divide] as against what is seen in the masoretic text ‘לַפֶּ֖תַח’ [at the door].3. god asks cain, οὐκ ἐὰν ὀρθῶς προσενέγκης, ὀρθῶς δὲ µὴ διέλῃς, ἡμαρτες. this question suggests that god’s rejection of cain’s gift was because, although he brought the right gift, he was not able to divide it rightly by bringing out the right portion for god; this was a sin for cain. even though some scholars (e.g. brenton 1986) have tried to study the said passage to see if truly it relates to tithing, it is doubtful that any biblical narrative compiled by the j redactors which concerns cain and abel’s sacrifice especially genesis (4:1.8) is tithe related for its obvious hermeneutical disconnect from other tithe passages. some scholars have discussed the cain and abel saga, not as a tithe narrative, but as one related to election (see doukhan 2020:2; duyndam 2008–2009:238; orlov 2016:9). however, the context in which the narrative appears in the nt (heb 11:4) is faith discourses (kim 2016:130). the text refers to abel’s gift as θυσία [sacrifice], which gained acceptance because it was of an excellent quality than cain’s and not a tithe in the current understanding. but then θυσία being ‘a part of all cultic religions’ (link & brown 1975:iii, 415) includes first fruits – ἀπαρχή – which renders מַעְשַׂ֨ר [tenth part or tithe] (link & brown 1975:iii, 416) and this leaves a wide opportunity to translate abel’s sacrifice as tithe. genesis (14:20) speaks about abram’s (abraham) presentation to melchizedek, the king of salem and priest of god most high, the tenth of everything. a tithe of everything (מִכֹּֽל׃ מַעֲשֵׂ֖ר) in the passage would include but is limited to everything that soldiers acquire as spoils of war which abraham took away from them and subsequently owned. the word translated ‘everything’ in that passage comes from the root verb כָּלַל (kalal), which means ‘to complete or perfect’ which came to acquire the meaning of ‘all’. this abrahamic tithe is said to be ‘in obedience to the arab war custom’ (budiselić 2015:37; kelly 2007:23). two problems pose themselves in the text: first, the text is ambiguous (croteau 2005:76), thereby presenting textual unclarity as to who gave tithe (one tenth) of everything to the other (emerton 1971:407). this problem is basically because of the rabbinical interpretation of the passage which tends to suggest that melchizedek and not abraham gave one tenth (dalgaard 2013:24). even jerome (lett lxxiii, 6) agrees that either abraham or melchizedek could be the recipient of the tithe because of the ambiguity of the text. however, r. h. smith (1965:129–152) suggests that the one paying the tithe was melchizedek based on a parallel ugaritic text, the kirta legend. again, there is also a case of clear uncertainty from the text that abraham continued to pay tithe either to melchizedek or to anyone else after the said event. but to the first problem, it is much more agreeable based on intrinsic probability that the tithe was paid by abraham to melchizedek chiefly because the passage records that melchizedek the priest of god (לְאֵ֥ל כֹהֵ֖ן) blessed abraham (harris 1975:ii, 694) a sign of the superiority of the office of melchizedek to abraham. this narrative is supported by the nt hebrews (7:1,7). westermann (1981:203) opines that ‘the question whether the subject of ל֥וֹוַיִּתֶּן־ – and he gave to him – is melchizedek or abraham is to be answered from the structure of the whole, which is a cultic exchange’. here, smith’s earlier assertion did not put into consideration that, in ugarit, as well as other parts of the ancient near east, tithe belonged to kings and was received by kings only (ajah 2006:32) and melchizedek, not abraham, was both the king and priest. on this same point, emerton (1971:407–408) once again suggests that: [s]ince the word translated ‘tenth’ … is almost invariably used of a sacred payment, and since melchizedek is said to be a priest, it is natural to suppose that he received the tithe and that abram paid it. in short, the melchizedek–abram passage is said to be added to ‘reflect sedentary cult in which priest and tithes have their proper place’ (scullion 1992:3101). to the second challenge of uncertainty of abraham’s continued payment of tithe after the melchizedek encounter, both the sociological condition behind the ot text and the life situation accompanying the nt exegesis on the said text do not reflect any possibility of continuity. however, archaeological findings suggest that the custom of paying a tithe, or tenth part, to the priesthood, or to the sanctuary, was very general in ancient times. traces of it are found in assyria and babylonia. it also prevailed amongst the greeks (see https://biblehub.com/commentaries/pulpit/genesis/14.htm). it is therefore possible that the practice of paying tithes, primarily a voluntary tax4 for the servants of the sanctuary, appears to have been obtained amongst different nations from the remotest antiquity and was merely incorporated into the mosaic laws at a much later date. it is even possible that tithe was not the only heathen practice culled from the nations and incorporated into the levitical institution. many scholars argue that the levitical institution itself ‘was borrowed strictly from early contemporary heathen practices’.5 arthur (1912:13–24) and stewart (1903:7–13) seem to agree with landsell that tithe was a well-known cultural practice in the earliest of cultures including that of the greeks, romans, egyptians, akkadians, babylonians, carthaginians, silicians, cretans, phoenicians, chinese and going as far back as the civilisations of the antediluvian age.6 actually, these early civilisations are known because they are documented; however, there are civilisations that are not formally documented, and in such civilisations, oral tradition maintains its subsistence. for example, in igbo civilisation, ndi mbu na ndi egede [the ancient people] told of the tale of the man ojadili who wrestled and conquered the most violent and the best wrestling spirits. this heroic adventure of ojadili made him the king of kings, who was only toppled by chukwu [almighty god]. ojadili had seven priests who were considered the wise men (sages) and who were fed by the communal efforts of the people through one tenth of their wealth. based on the opinions of arthur, stewart and landsell as cited earlier, it seems that what abraham did was a normal practice (to which he must have practised several times in the past) and the writer of genesis felt reluctant to elaborate on this practice probably because of the assumed commonality. this corroborates davies’ (1987:87) assertion that, as no elaboration is given concerning abraham’s gift, tithing must have been a common practice during abraham’s day. this may also answer the question of abraham’s continuity of the tithe. abraham’s tithe of everything may be the tithe pattern described by lukan evangelist in luke 18:12 because of the appearance of the construction πάντα…κτῶµαι. in light of the scope of this article, jacob’s tithe, which is a narrative from the e source, shall not be discussed because of its non-reflection in the nt. mosaic tithes and their new testament implications the poor’s tithe [ma’aser ‘âni] in studying the various forms of tithe found in the yahwist elohist deuteronomist priestly (jedp) documents (especially p and d), this study omits tithe in leviticus 27 because it ‘is problematic in that it does not fit the description of either numbers 18 or deuteronomy 14’ (croteau 2005:91). in deuteronomy 14:28–29 cev, we are looking at the work of the d redactors concerning tithe, what some have come to call the third tithe (köstenberger & croteau 2006:63), with verses 22–27 containing the second. some others, like de vaux (1997:141–142) and murray (2002:76), have even tried justifying its uniqueness by mentioning its distinct characteristics. to those who feel it falls in the third type, the tithe document of the p school in numbers 18 is the first. however, some others see what is called second and third as one as well as the second in tithe classification, whilst the tithe document in numbers remains the first (https://biblehub.com/commentaries/ellicott/deuteronomy/14.htm). of course, a closer look at the earlier two classifications suggests that it is unnecessary, and could be the error of poor redaction. for simplification purposes, ma’aser ‘âni shall be called the second tithe. from the opening text, it can be seen that the d school believed that the ma’aser ‘âni was not for the levites and priests only; it was also for those who were handicapped and incapacitated by being landless, and this could be the reason why croteau (2005:34) calls it ‘the charity tithe’. but it is very important to explain that this kind of tithe (although the levites can partake in it through the magnanimity of the one who pays the tithe), however, is totally different from that which the levites received from the people, which is documented by the p redactors and mainly contained in numbers, chapter 18. ma’aser ‘âni is strictly an opportunity for those who cannot fend or provide for themselves for the major reason that they were landless to still join in the celebration of fruitful harvest. this kind of tithe is enjoyed every 3 years – ant. iv, 4.3; tobit 1:7–8 – (i.e. the 3rd and 6th years of each 7-year cycle – sanders 1992:5213). with time in israel, it seems that ma’aser ‘âni disappeared from the religious scene and was replaced with organised charity from the kuppah – charity fund (rabinowitz 2008:online). since its disappearance from the religious scene in israel took effect even before the nt era, it is hardly possible that it was ever reflected in any christian traditions. considering that it was precisely in ma’aser ‘âni that the moral and ritual overlap of ot tithe becomes prominent – by its provision for charity outside the priesthood – it suggests for a re-institution or an engrafting of this tithe system into the levitical tithe system which currently dominates christian liturgy, for the entrenching of sound ethical values in modern tithing. when jesus criticised the pharisees in matthew 23:23, although they paid their tithe by law, but neglected the βαρύτερα [heavier part] of the same law, it carries the implication that the law jesus refers to was the tithe law of which the pharisees unfortunately fulfilled half of it (the ritual) and neglected the other half (ethical obligation), which include κρίσιν [justice], ἔλεος [mercy] and πίστιν [faithfulness] – moral attributes needed to see the well-being of the less privileged in the community. tithe for the levites the tithe represented in numbers 18:24–29 nlt is the so-called first tithe that yahweh discussed. this tithe as contained in the above-mentioned passage is given to the levites ‘as an inheritance’ (לְנַחֲלָ֑ה) but received from the hands of the children of israel. the levites inherited the tithe primarily because of the service they rendered to the children of israel which is ‘to do the service of the tabernacle of the congregation and to bear their (the israelite’s) iniquity’ (nm 18:23), and mainly because they were not meant to hold ‘personal’ landed property. the israelites were given the land of canaan by yahweh but the levites were not to inherit any direct property, and therefore their heritage from yahweh was ‘all’ (כָּל־) of the tithe of the children of israel. the study should do well at this juncture to explain that certain translations like english standard version (esv) and christian standard bible (csb) which replaced ‘all’ with ‘every’ in that p document (nm 18:21) could plunge the entire narrative into a mistranslation because ‘every’ would broaden the tithe scope in this passage to include even the two other kinds of tithe contained in the d document. another peculiarity of this tithe was that, out of it, the levites would pay the priests (the sons of aaron) a tithe, the best of what they got from the whole house of israel. the beauty here is that this is the only tithe commanded by yahweh to be exclusively used by those who do the temple service. indeed, this kind of tithe follows the style of what obtains in almost all brands of christianity today. malachi 3:6–10 discourses on tithe the book of malachi is grouped under the very broad ‘prophecy’ genre (everett 2018:9). however, a close study would indicate that it is precisely kerygmatic apocalypsis. it seems to follow d document in its legal interpretations instead of p (hill 1992:5528). its composition was circa 430 bc7 by the prophet malachi (everett 2018:7).8 it is the ‘concluding book’ (martin 2014:2) of the minor books of the prophets contained in the hebrew bible. the theology of malachi is primarily care for yahweh’s sanctuary (fischer 2012:133–138). on the fifth oracle which deals with tithe and offerings, malachi justly reminds the people of their flagrant disobedience to god’s instruction, which they seem not to be aware of. they took (robbed) god’s tithe and offerings by not giving in full. the context of the passage suggests that the tithe that malachi accused the people of robbing god was the one contained in numbers 18:21–29, which was called the ‘tithe for the levites’. whilst the ‘offering’ in that text could be the heave offering, the breast and shoulder of the peace offering were the priests’ portions. it will be recalled that during the return from exile, nehemiah (10:32–39) took the attention of the people to the temple, its worship, including the maintenance of the priests and the levites who served along with them through tithe and various offerings (see willmington 2018:5). here nehemiah (10:38) instructs them on how the levites will collect the tithe (which is theirs by right) and forward the tithe of tithes (which belonged to the priests) to the treasure house or store house. with the application of structuralist critical method to malachi, there is a new awareness that the priestly cult in jerusalem and the storehouse phenomenon went hand in hand and were inseparable from the second temple period. whilst in its application we see the priestly cult existing in vague form in the contemporary christian clerical calling, the storehouse also must exist in the form of church treasury, from where the current levites (church workers) and priests (pastors) must feed. because ‘one of the fundamental structuralist principles used to interpret all empirical forms of social behaviour and their deep structures is the principle of binary opposition’ (hayes & holladay 1934:115), there is therefore a strong assertion that the priestly cult of selflessness and the levitical calling of landlessness pairs in opposition to a storehouse of wealth, riches and gaiety. active and passive discourse on tithe in the new testament matthew 23:23 and luke 11:42, 18:9–12 are the only passages in the gospels that spoke about tithe. additionally, in the rest of the nt, hebrews 7:1–10 speaks about it too. in all these passages, jesus made implied statements, none had the discourse on tithe as the primary subject and because of this sensus plenior must be employed. in the q text (lk 11:42//mt 23:23), jesus’ statement was to the scribes and pharisees whom he pronounced ‘woes’ upon. on the first woe, he accused them of being so superstitious as to observe the minutest of the law by extension, tithing. they gave tithe of the smallest plants in israel which included mint, anise and cumin. it should be recalled that mint, anise and cumin were garden seeds of small nature with aromatic flavour. they were ‘marketable commodities, used as condiments or for medicinal purposes’ (https://biblehub.com/commentaries/egt/matthew/23.htm). there is no data to argue that jesus attacked the pharisees for tithing irrelevant things (it is likely that the rabbinic laws accommodated even herbs – jacobs n.d.). again, it has also been argued that jesus’ attack against the pharisees in the text does not suggest that he opposed tithe (davies 1987:88–89). jesus’ anger on the pharisees was their extreme scrupulousness which led to self-righteousness (see rodriguez 1994:46). the passage itself gives some insights into jesus’ position about tithe: (1) jesus considered the kind of tithe obtainable in his time as a continuity of ot laws. this position hardly suggests that jesus saw tithe as part of the fulfilled and abrogated laws, it rather suggests that it was one of those legal practices that should not take precedence in the religious life of an average jew. in fact, the great zeal to pay tithe by those jews was an outward zeal of an inward rotten religious life (dosker 1915:458). the ‘jew’ is mentioned here because the original audience in that narrative were jews and not messianists. one is here enabled to understand that jesus’ point was that religious observances like tithing were good (budiselić 2014:34) – the last part of the verse indicates that jesus approved tithe – (köstenberger:19; wilson 1967:357), but fulfilling the law of righteousness which would include the conversion of the legalistic observance to practical moral display was better and in fact takes precedence. (2) because the very words of jesus on this subject are contained in a christian text, the application extends to christians by implication owing to the fact that the evangelists wrote those words primarily for their various gospel communities. here, it can be argued that jesus gave a reason as to why payment of tithe should not be dismissed as a jewish ritual, rather one that equally affects christians (because jesus neither frowned at the practice nor condemned it). hence, ‘jesus does not prohibit tithing; he condemns the wrong attitude and motive of those who were tithing’ (croteau 2005:125), which was to exclude the moral obligation of tithing from the practice itself. luke’s account of a two-point parable (18:9–12) (see blomberg 1990:257–258) just like the previous q text is itself not a teaching on tithe by jesus, rather it is a teaching on humility which is more pleasing to god than a haughty and perfunctory performance of religious duties. however, tithing is inferred. the haughtiness of the pharisee who prided himself in his righteousness turns to an abomination before god not because he reminded god of his righteous deeds but because he took ostentation as a duty (culpepper 1983:340). he reminded god of his twice a week (mondays and thursdays) fasting, a practice without in fact divine sanction in ancient israel (https://biblehub.com/commentaries/pulpit/luke/18.htm). at the same time, his empty ceremonialism widened to include his tithe of thoroughness which infuriated jesus. on the part of the τελώνης [tax collector], his job alone is offensive to the jew who sees him as being in league with rome to put the jews to forced labour and taxation. consequently, a tax collector was one of the basest of men with no moral rectitude who cannot even bring his tithe to the temple. it appears that the jews in jesus’ time saw whoever that enforces rome’s servitude as defiled (see dt 23:18) and so should not be allowed, and neither their gifts, into the temple. the tithe implication from the text then is that whilst jesus did not teach tithing, he at the same time did not condemn it. wilson (1992:578–580) is of the opinion that tithes receive very little attention in the nt, whilst coetzee (1992:26–27) argues that ‘we read nowhere that jesus and his disciples cancelled the bringing of the tithe’. hebrews (7:1–10) gives an occasion to discuss tithing outside the gospels. this discourse which has no parallel in any biblical literature introduces a mysterious figure. according to the author, jesus was in fashion a high priest κατὰ τὴν τάξιν μελχισεδὲκ ἀρχιερεὺς γενόμενος εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα [according to the order of melchizedek right through the age or forever]. meyer (https://biblehub.com/commentaries/meyer/hebrews/7.htm) explains that by delineation of the character of melchizedek hebrews 7:1–3 forms a single proposition, in which µένει, [he remains] is the tempus finitum. who was melchizedek? apart from the knowledge that his name means the king of righteousness, no doubt it can also mean ‘my king is zedek’ (van der toorn et al. 1996:560) (a meaning that the church may have hidden especially since the name ‘melchizedek’ has ‘entered the canon of the roman mass’) (see https://www.britannica.com/biography/melchizedek). the scripture said he was the king of salem, which means ‘peace’, and had no record of a father or mother (finkbeiner 2017:108). does this suggest that he was a theophany?9 the melchizedek’s tithe narrative, just like jacob’s tithe narrative, could be unhistorical (wilson 1992:8962) but if we assume that it is historical, then he had a real personage. as a real figure, melchizedek must be the contemporary of abraham, which disassociates him from shem10. it seems that the two perfect indicative verbs in hebrews 7:6, δεδεκάτωκεν [he has collected a tenth] and εὐλόγηκεν [he has blessed] – form the centre of the melchizedek discourse in the passage (heath 2011:192), yet there is no implication that the writer of hebrews presents tithing as an nt practice or an ot norm which must be maintained in the new era. moral obligation in the ritual ‘tithe’ within the new testament church the trace of tithing through the pre-mosaic to the nt text in this study is to prove that there are no textual or historical evidence of nt tithing either as an instruction or as a practice throughout the 1st century christianity. in fact, it has been argued that the practice of tithing started as a child of necessity by the early church fathers, after the cost of maintaining the church became unbearable (nwokoro 2007:30). however, tithe was not forbidden or criticised by jesus. moreover, history has established that there are many traditions in christianity which, although not explicitly found in the bible, enjoys a pride of place in church teachings; tithe should enjoy more than a pride of place for being a part of christian tradition for over 1000 years11 and also for being implied by jesus himself; not forgetting that it has solved obvious ecclesiological and missiological problems over the years. the pentecostal churches in africa are prospering because of people’s faithfulness in payment of tithe; christian missions are doing well on the international scene courtesy of tithe (ehioghae 2012:144). but the practice has received much criticism from practising christians who call it ‘extortion’. some have argued that with regard to the brand of tithe taught in malachi 3:8–12, it is limited to farmers only who have land to the exclusion of others (ademiluka 2020:301). whilst the context of the malachi passage gives room to assume that the material required for tithing was agrarian products (plants and animals), it should be borne in mind that revelation is progressive and the essence of hermeneutics is the application of interpretation gotten from ancient texts and cultural practices to the contemporary times. one does not expect joshua to fight all the wars to establish the 12 tribes on the promised land with modern war machines and ammunitions, neither does one expect paul to travel on his missionary journeys in modern fast cars and marine vessels. in the same vein, the culture upon which the instruction to tithe was given was an agrarian culture and the major products for commerce and industry were also agrarian. there are two moral obligations for which every faithful should pay tithe; one is that ‘there may be meat in mine house’. such provision takes care of the daily sacrifices in the temple and the personal needs of the priests and levites who serve in the temple. this does not include wastages and extravagance from the priests and levites. such provision from tithe was to satisfy their immediate needs. jesus taught clearly on the disapproval of the father to wastages and extravagance (mk 6:43) and it is an abuse of office for pastors to flagrantly display wealth gotten from tithes and offerings as some are seen to do (see kitause & achunike 2013:7). the fact that an advocacy has been made that priests and levites were given tithe in ot because they had no land and the present clergy are not denied access to own landed property, and so should not collect tithe, is a one-sided argument because it does not consider that tithe in the ot was compulsory in order to adequately carter for the needs of the entire landless priesthood. in a dispensation where tithe is not compulsory and the government does not give out land for free to the clergy to farm on, tithe is definitely required as a rational measure. however, if tithe should be collected by the church, the church should consider humanitarian services to the poor through tithe; as argued earlier on, this is the second ethical angle that must become prominent. the call to consider the poor as a moral obligation from tithe is mainly fuelled by two factors: the economic downturn amongst christian faithful especially in africa and the unfortunate extravagant lifestyle of church clergy. furthermore, to successfully continue the tradition of tithing in the present church would naturally require that the church ceases to place curses upon whosoever did not pay. such threats, if it ever existed in the bible, were within the reins of the ot when it was compulsory and mandatory under law to pay tithe. the present author once saw a video clip of a nigerian pastor who declared that ‘anyone who did not pay tithe will go to hell fire, period’. such lies and threats arise from ignorance. whilst such pastors command large followership, sadly they have little or no theological knowledge. conclusion there are no tithe passages in the nt; however, the bible with no exception to the nt does not frown at the payment of tithe. rightly said, tithe was a lawfully obligatory responsibility of every israelite in the ot; it carried no such import in the nt, but jesus’ implied statement about tithe itself including its practice as a church tradition gives it a pride of place in christian practice. however, the moral obligation of tithing has long been partially implemented by using the proceeds to take care of the church without care for the poor and the less privileged. this article argues that all moral obligations accruable to the practice of tithing should be upheld without discrimination. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. author’s contribution p.e.p. is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability the author confirms that the data supporting the findings of this study are available within the article. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this 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1994, ‘stewardship roots: toward a theology of stewardship, tithe and offerings’, in general conference of seventh-day adventists, cohutta springs, ga, united states of america, march 20, 1994, pp. 1–89. russell, e.k. 2007, should the church teach tithing? a theologian’s conclusions about a taboo doctrine, writers club press, new york, ny. sanders, e.p., 1992, ‘law in judaism of the nt period’, in d.n. freedman (gen. ed.), the anchor bible dictionary, pp. 5210–5225, doubleday, new york, ny. scullion, j.j., 1992, ‘the narrative of genesis’, in d.n. freedman (gen. ed.), the anchor bible dictionary, pp. 3088–3108, doubleday, new york, ny. smith, l.r., n.d., tithing is unscriptural under the new covenant [a scriptural exposition on the fraudulent fleecing of the flock], viewed 06 december 2018, from https://bible-truths.com/tithing.html. smith, r.h., 1965, ‘abram and melchizedek (gen 14.18–20)’, zaw 77, 129–152. https://doi.org/10.1515/zatw.1965.77.2.129 snoeberger, m.a., 2000, ‘the pre-mosaic tithe: issues and implications’, detroit baptist seminary journal 5(fall), 71–95. spoer, h.h., 1908, ‘some new considerations towards the dating of the book of malachi’, jewish quarterly review 20, 167–186. stewart, e.b., 1903, the tithe, winona publishing co., chicago, il. tate, m.e., 1973, ‘tithing: legalism or benchmark?’, review and expositor 70(spring), 153–161. https://doi.org/10.1177/003463737307000203 van der merwe, j.a.i., 2010, ‘an exegetical and theological study of malachi 3:8–12 and its implications for christians, with particular reference to tithing’, unpublished master of theology thesis, south african theological seminary. van der toorn, k., becking, b. & van der horst, p.w., 1996, dictionary of deities and demons in the bible, william b. eerdmans publishing, grand rapids, mi. weinfeld, m., 1971, sv ‘tithes’, ej 15, 1155–1163. https://doi.org/10.1016/0013-4686(70)85009-5 westermann, c., 1981, genesis 12–36, spck, london. willmington, h., 2018, ‘the chapters of nehemiah’, in an alliterated outline for the chapters of the bible, 35, viewed 07 august 2020, from http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/outline_chapters_bible/35. wilson, j.c., 1992, ‘tithe’, in d.n. freedman (ed.), the anchor bible dictionary, vol. 4, k-n., doubleday dell, new york, ny. wilson, l., 1967, ‘the old testament and tithe’, in baker’s dictionary of practical theology, baker book house, grand rapids, mi. footnotes 1. see harshman (1905:79). wesley’s idea of tithing may have been misunderstood and misinterpreted over the years. wesley’s popular phrase ‘render unto god not a tenth’ may have informed that wesley never believed in payment of tithe. however, we should look at it in the right context; he said: ‘render unto god not a tenth, not a third, not half, but all that is god’s (be it more or less)…’ (chervonenko 2017:65). the supposed understanding that wesley always refers to ‘a good jew’ only with reference to ‘giving a tenth of all you possess’ (dang. of riches, ii, 8; boddie 2005:9) throws light that wesley may have believed that tithing is mainly for the jews. 2. sensus plenior is that additional, deeper meaning, intended by god but not clearly intended by the human author, which is seen to exist in the words of a biblical text (or group of texts, or even a whole book) when they are studied in the light of further revelation or development in the understanding of revelation. brown (1955:92) 3. this argument is advanced by mark a. snoeberger (2000:73). 4. quoting 1 samuel 8:10–17, rodriguez (1994:82) mentions that a non-religious royal tithe (tax) was known in israel. however, for reference to religious tax outside israel, see hendriksen and kistemaker (1995:187); and for non-religious tax outside israel, see anderson (1987:78–80). 5. snoeberger (2000:72) cites jagersma (1981:116–128) and tate (1973:153). according to snoeberger, included in this group are all those who view israel’s ‘cultus’ as evolutionary and not revelational. 6. see snoeberger (2000:71), who according to köstenberger et al. (2006) lists the roman, greek, carthaginian, cretan, sicilian, phoenician, chinese, babylonian, akkadian and egyptian cultures as ones who had some form of tithing. see also jagersma (1981:78–79) and weinfeld (1971:1155). 7. some scholars propose different dates for its composition. for example, longman iii and dillard (2006:498) propose 475–450 bc; spoer (1908:167) dates it to the period of ezra and nehemiah, the persian period. 8. martin (2014:5) argues that ‘malachi, according to the jews, is a title, not a man’s name’. malachi means ‘my messenger’. it was applied to john the baptist later as the ‘messenger of god’. anyone who is a ‘messenger of god’ can be called a malachi. it is like an angel is a ‘malacha’ or a king in hebrew is a melek. 9. some interpreters have thought that melchizedek in genesis 14:18–20 is a pre-incarnate appearance of christ, mostly on the basis of what hebrews 7:1–3 says. but hebrews 7:1–3 is better interpreted as teaching that melchizedek is a type of christ. he is both the king and the priest; the lack of mention of genealogy shows that his priesthood does not depend on tribal descent; the lack of mention of his beginning or end indicates a similarity to the coming greater priesthood of christ (poythress 2018:257). 10. a long-standing rabbinic tradition differed from the christian innovation and identified melchizedek with biblical character of shem, the son of noah (kuehn 2010:510–571). 11. cross (1957:1626) argues that the payment of tithe has enjoyed a pride of place in christian tradition since the 4th century. 68 chasing the wind amidst roaring lions!1 problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape2 m a masoga3 university of venda abstract mbiti once asserted that africans are notoriously religious. for mbiti, africans are incurably religious. it becomes necessary to look intently at the current south african sociopolitical and economic landscape in the context of religiosity. there are vivid indications that religiosity in south africa has become a common ‘terrain ‘of use, abuse, and misuse in processes of both politicking and moralising. interestingly, when any political leadership asserts power, there is also a discourse of ‘religiosity’ that develops. this propensity has unfortunately equated religion or being religious (in south africa) to political democratic legitimization, consolidation and normalization. outside south africa is the narrative of prophet tb joshua. there are claims that a number of political leaders have been to the 1 the metaphoric meaning of the expression: chasing the wind amidst roaring lions refers to religiosity in action and the impact of politics on religiosity. in this case politics are presented as a force that has the potential to either ‘tear or patch’, hence roaring lions. 2this paper was first presented at the research institute for theology and religion (ritr) international conference on: accountable leadership and sustainability in africa: religion, democracy and civil society, 21-24 april 2015, unisa, pretoria, south africa. critical comments and inputs by members of the panel are highly appreciated. during the panel discussion i was advised to focus the paper on the south african context. 3 the school of human and social sciences, university of venda, thohoyandou, south africa. chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. 69 synagogue church of all nations (scoan), lagos headquarters, in nigeria, arguably chasing their political validity. there are other relevant narratives and accounts in south africa which include the frequent visits to moriya, the headquarters of the zion christian church (zcc), in limpopo and also the isaiah shembe meeting place at ekuphakameni. the question is whether religion or religiosities are appropriate instruments to give political credibility. the paper aims to question how religion and religiosity affect the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. some anecdotes and narratives of how polarized this situation is will be presented and analysed. 1. introduction current south african socio-political and economic landscapes are complex. culture and style of political leadership remain points of public debate. the history of liberation struggles in south africa can be structured according to pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial phases. in reflecting on this history, one cannot avoid the deeply nuanced meanings of liberation, freedom and democracy in south africa. religion and religiosity remained and impacted on the processes of south africa’s democratic consolidation and normalization. one notes that in 1996 when south africa adopted its first democratic constitution secularism was embraced. historically, during the apartheid dispensation, religion was effectively used as an ancilla to both justify and implement apartheid policies – thereby undermining and dehuminising blacks who are in the majority. this structured discrimination was theorised, rationalised, institutionalised and theologically validated. biblical texts were selectively used to defend and mainstream the apartheid ideology and practice. this meant theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 70 that theological statements and narratives of power and domination were constructed along this. franz fanon4 asserted that imperialism leaves behind germs of rot which we must clinically detect and remove, not from our land only but our minds as well. post 1994 south africa found itself in a state where it had to reconstruct, cleanse and rid itself of the evil past. unfortunately, it has not easy to address some of these endemic crises. in the process of doing this, other crises were created by the current ruling party. as fanon5 argues, slaves learn very well from their masters (my emphasis and appropriation). religiosity and politics become part of the other crises currently facing south africa. the current problem of politics and religiosity has many layers of meaning and interpretation. haynes (1993)6 when discussing the high degree of political and religious heterogeneity in africa discusses various issues of relevance, including: the relationship of the state with various religious organisations; the appeal of religious actors as political protagonists or as intermediaries between citizens and the regime. haynes (1993:15) argues that: africa is a culturally and religiously diverse, politically complex, region of more than 50 countries – one quarter of the global total. the background to the region’s recent democratic transitions was an array of apparently unpropitious structural characteristics, such as economic failure and ethnic 4 black skin, white masks(1952) 5 wretched of the earth (1961) 7mbiti's seminal book, african religions and philosophy (1969), was the first work to significantly challenge christian assumptions that traditional african religious ideas were "demonic and anti-christian". his sympathetic treatment of traditional religions was based on massive field work. mbiti is clear that his interpretation of these religions is from a firmly christian perspective, and this aspect of his work has sometimes been severely criticized. chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. 71 friction. while the precise source of democratic reforms varied from country to country, both domestic and international factors were often important. the paper was prompted by earlier comments made by john mbiti7, who asserted that (generally) africans are notoriously8 religious. it is imperative to interrogate the current south african socio-political and economic landscape in the context of religion and religiosity. the paper argues that that in africa, religiosity9 has become a common ‘terrain’ of ‘use’, ‘misuse’ and ‘abuse’ in the processes of both ‘politicking’ and ‘moralising’. interestingly, when any political leadership asserts power, there is also a discourse of ‘religiosity’ that develops. this propensity has unfortunately equated religion or being 7mbiti's seminal book, african religions and philosophy (1969), was the first work to significantly challenge christian assumptions that traditional african religious ideas were "demonic and anti-christian". his sympathetic treatment of traditional religions was based on massive field work. mbiti is clear that his interpretation of these religions is from a firmly christian perspective, and this aspect of his work has sometimes been severely criticized. 8david adamo (christianity and the african traditional religion(s): the postcolonial round of engagement, verbum et ecclesia, vol. 32 (1) (2011, art. 285, 10 pages), argues that mbiti’s reason is that africans are notoriously religious and there are different beliefs and tradition according to ethnic groups. there are so many ethnic groups as there are many traditional religions. furthermore, mbiti argues that air does not have one origin or one historic movement and that the beliefs amongst the different communities differ greatly. however, mbiti later accepts the use of air in the singular, in the preface of the second edition of his book (african religions and philosophy (1969). he says that ‘in the first edition i spoke about “african religions” in the plural to keep alive the diversity of african religiosity … i now use the singular, “african religion,” more than the plural expression’ (mbiti 1990:13). 9the author is very much aware of the ‘generalising’ effect that the paper might be taking. hence appropriate anecdotes and narratives will be used to demonstrate this. also the author is aware of often made general tendencies of ‘wrongly assuming’ that africa is homogenous. it remains a fact that africa is diverse given its political, economic, social, cultural and religious make-ups. even in its diverse make-up there are motifs that deserve to be studied and analysed to construct the ‘idea of africa’ in this regard. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 72 religious in africa to political democratic legitimization, consolidation and normalisation’. references has been made to the narrative of prophet tb joshua narrative. there are claims that a number of religious leaders have been to the scoan, lagos headquarters, in nigeria, ‘arguably chasing their political validity’. there are other relevant narratives and accounts in south africa which include frequent visits to the moriya, at the south african zion christian church (zcc) headquarters in limpopo, and the prophet isaiah shembe at ekhuphakameni. the question is whether religion or religiosities are appropriate instruments for political validation. the paper questions how religion and religiosity affect the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. some anecdotes and narratives of how polarised this situation is will be presented and analysed. 2. religion(s) and religiosity (-ies) – some definitions, context(s) and theories religiosity, in its broadest sense has been defined as a comprehensive sociological term used to refer to the numerous aspects of religious activity, dedication, and belief (religious doctrine). another term that would work equally well, though less often used, is religiousness. there are various definitions presented aimed at defining two broad related terminologies: religion and religiosity. the paper has opted to use holdcroft’s discussion and definition of these terms. barbara holdcroft (2006) notes that religiosity is a complex concept and difficult to define. she posits two reasons for this. first, is about “the uncertainty and imprecise nature of the english language” (2006:89) wherein “religiosity is found to be synonymous with such terms as religiousness, orthodoxy, faith, belief, piousness, devotion and holiness”. for holdcroft, the latter synonyms reflect what “studies of religiosity would term as dimensions of religiosity, rather than terms that are equivalent to chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. 73 religiosity”. the second reason for this complex nature of the concept and term, argues holdcroft (2006:89)10, “is that current interest in the concept of religiosity crosses several academic disciplines, each approaching religiosity from different vantage points”. in this case, seminal works of jd cardwell (the social context of religiosity, 1980), nj demerah and pe hammond (religion in social context, 1969), groome and corso (empowering catechetical leaders, 1999) are referred to in this conversation of definition. in this debate, one finds different conversations, including, political scientists, sociologists, theologians, literary analysts, hermeneuticists etc. holdcroft (2006:89) reasons that that consideration of a plethora of definitions “across academic disciplines to identify what could be thought of as like dimensions of religiosity makes it difficult to discuss without an explicit definition from the viewpoint of religious education and the application of that knowledge to the lived experience”. what becomes useful to take from the work of holdcroft is her presentation of: dimensions11 of religiosity. holdcroft relies on the theoretical works of glock and stark12 in defining religious orientation, origins and dimensions. for glock and stark, five dimensions can be identified: experiential, ritualistic, ideological, intellectual and consequential. the experiential, according to glock and stark 10 anthony apiah’s definition of religion becomes relevant here, 11it should be noted that in the early 1960s just before the glock and stark major publication on dimensions of religiosity, f fukuyama examined four dimensions that he identified as cognitive, cultic, creedal and devotional. the entitled publication by fukuyama is: the major dimensions of church membership. review of religious research (2), 154-161. 12refer to glock, cy stark, r (1965), religion and society in tension. san francisco: rand mcnally. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 74 (2006:1) focuses on the personal faith (a kind on transcendent encounter)13. the ritualistic domain on the other had refers to the worship experience that is involved in community (holdcroft 2006:1)14. the ideological dimension of religiosity, according to glock and stark speaks to expectations that “the religious will hold to certain beliefs” – meaning professed doctrines. unfortunately, both glock and stark do not spend time to explain whether these ‘professed doctrines’ are only written or whether there is a category of oral professed doctrines as it applies to most foundations of african traditional or indigenous religions (or religious expressions). in the latter, ‘orality’ plays a central role– thereby giving the whole enterprise a ‘lived and performed’ one. in this case one notices ‘religious expressions and intentions’ latent in poems, stories and storytelling, life-dramas, music performances, life narratives and histories of communities, indigenous knowledge about fauna and flora, astronomy and astrology knowledge of local people etc. the last dimension is intellectual, which has to do with the “expectation that the religious person will be informed and knowledgeable about the basic tenets of his faith and sacred scriptures” – the reason being that “knowledge of a belief is a necessary condition for its acceptance” (glock and stark 1965:20-21). it is interesting to note that both glock and stark (1965) acknowledge the fact that “belief does not necessarily flow from knowledge, nor does all religious knowledge accompany belief” (holdcroft 2006). 13holdcroft’s reading of glock and stark (2006:1) – noting the author’s emphasis in this regard. 14 clifford geertz (1979) definition of religion as a cultural system becomes interesting here – politicking and vulnerability – thereby making religion ‘’power’’ chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. 75 there are two other interesting dimensions of religiosity raised by allport and ross (1967); extrinsic and intrinsic. as holdcroft notes, allport and ross “interpreted extrinsic religiosity as a self-serving and utilitarian outlook on religion that provides the believer with comfort in salvation”. on the other hand “a person with intrinsic religiosity is one who internalizes the total creed of his or her faith and moves beyond mere church attendance” (holdcroft 2006:90). allport and ross argue, “the extrinsically motivated person uses his religion, whereas the intrinsically motivated person lives his religion” (1967:434). indigenous african views or dimensions on religiosity have varied through time. as indicated earlier, orality and expression of indigeneity are key in unlocking knowledge paradigms in this regard15. the works of mbiti, bediako, and setiloane16, and others remain central in this dialogue. as noted by holdcroft it becomes difficult to offer a single interpretation of the meaning of the term religiosity. as pointed out above even poetry and storytelling form part elements, materials and possessions in african religiosity. it becomes necessary for this task to bring the voice of gabriel molehe setiloane in this space. setiloane engaged and challenged the western theological discourse on the structure and function of what he calls african divinity. most of his published dialogues pushed for the importance of an african theological discourse17. some of setiloane's sensitive, but also 15as beyers (‘what is religion? an african understanding’, hts teologiese studies/theological studies 66 (1), art#341, 8 pages) argues that “even in efforts to try to understand african religions, scholars have ‘abstracted african religions from their cultural and historical contexts’ (westerlund 1993:59). scholars of religion, as well as anthropologists, ‘had a tendency to “westernize” african religions’ (westerlund 1993:59). african traditional religion is part of the category designated as primal religion (momen 2009:356). a major characteristic of primal religions is the fact that they originated and developed in relative isolation from other cultures”. 16 masoga 2014 17setiloane, gm 1976. the image of god among the sotho-tswana. rotterdam: theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 76 critical, expressions made by him (setiloane) include statements such as, motho ke modimo ("a human being is god/divine")18. according to setiloane, there is a need for a comprehensive understanding of divinity in african theology encompassing all the living and the dead. in this regard, setiloane attempted to develop what he called the "african divinity discourse", encompassing areas of life such as ethics and morality in secular contexts, family life, and civil authority, "riches and poverties" and the land question, crime, leadership styles, the functioning of the corporate sector in terms of ubuntu and bio-centric ethics (masoga 2012). for more than 30 years, setiloane dialogued critically with the then proponents of black theology and liberation theology, holding the firm view that african divinity derives from african culture and black and liberation theology from a form of western christianity. his main points are that (i) for african people, african divinity is primary to their life and death experience; and (ii) if one has to confront the fact that many african people are christian bring a much more elevated and encompassing understanding of divinity to christianity, ultimately enriching it (masoga 2012). for setiloane, black and liberation theology as is currently acknowledged were contextual phenomena necessitated by the contingent challenges of having to advance the dignity of the oppressed african people on the basis of race and the struggle for political freedom in the context of an oppressive political and ideological regime (masoga 2012). according to gabriel setiloane19, such movements balkema and setiloane, gm 1986. african theology: an introduction. cape town: lux verbi. 18refer to mogomme a masoga, a critical dialogue with gabriel molehe setiloane: the unfinished business on the african divinity question, in: studia hist. ecc. vol.38 (2012) suppl.1 19setiloane’s views re-open a dialogue with a voice that has been side tracked by the past and current (south) african theological systems and structures. the author was chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. 77 were necessary at the time, but the question of african divinity transcends them. john mbiti’s views in his book african religions and philosophy, constructed an overview of african religious concepts based on a study of three hundred african tribal groups. african religions have no founders or reformers; they are an integral part of the daily life and customs of each tribe. religion is not an individual matter, but is practiced as a community. african belief systems are homocentric; god is the origin of man and provides for man’s needs: immortality, rejuvenation, food, knowledge, doctors, medicines, animals, fire and light. man is at the centre, and everything else supports and sustains man. there are five categories of being: god; spirits (both non-human and people who died a long time ago); men who are alive or about to be born; animals, plants and the remainder of biological life; and phenomena and objects without physical life. mbiti describes the african perception of time as being divided into zamani (past) and sasa (now). events taking place in the immediate present gradually move into zamani as those who experienced them pass away and the memory of the events is sustained only by oral tradition. when christianity introduced the concept of the future and salvation, the result was a strong and immediate messianic expectation and the appearance of many small religions focusing on messianic figures (mbiti year of publication: 15–28). privileged to have been entrusted with unpublished articles by the late professor setiloane. these unpublished articles are in the process of being published under the title african perspectives, as instructed by the late professor setiloane. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 78 3. south africa today – a brief overview the current south african socio-political and economic landscape is interesting for any human and social science research analysis. liberation struggles intensified in the continent for centuries ago – to liberate african men and women from the ‘troubles’ and ‘pains’ of colonialism. the continent became serious about the possibility of ‘african governing’. these periods of struggle for liberation were not without challenges. killings and violence engulfed most communities20. all kinds of theories were proffered to explain such carnage and spate of violence. reflections at the time became ‘heated’ on how an oppressive colonial system that undermined african human life should be dismantled. the current african situation has become complex. new issues and challenges have emerged. the hiv/aids pandemic remains a challenge. poverty and unemployment remain stubbornly high. the economic storm clouds are far from disappearing. crime is not only soaring, but increasingly violent. there is a pervasive aura of public corruption. in some democratically consolidated states such as south africa efforts to make the public service more efficient have failed. often, one notes, with a sense of disappointment that democratic institutions are battered. the abuse of children21, women and the aged have reached terrifying levels. communities are paralyzed by the feeling of anxiety, drift and foreboding of imminent collapse among communities. most communities are facing a broken state22 in south africa. there are voices calling and demanding for fresh ideas and a 20current south africa’s xenophobic and afrophobic debates and events 21boko haram matter should be brought up here – somalia, sudan situations become relevant in this regard 22bring the matter of nigeria, kenya, malawi, botswana and zimbabwe here chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. 79 new direction – which appears to be spectacularly lacking23. the spate of violence and protests by communities across the country against sluggish government service delivery, indifferent officials and corruption are also likely to continue. restlessness grips the entire continent. it is giving a strong sense of uncertainty, discontentment and doubt, even to the point of seriously questioning the validity of the some of south africa’s democracy that have been fought for many years inside and outside the continent.. the latter in essence pushed a number of people to do african regional self-introspection and self-critical engagement about the already established south african history of protest and affirmation. this constant reflection is noted in various forms which includes local narratives and anecdotes and also reported stories of anger, frustration, anguish and agitation. this came to the point where public infrastructures were destroyed in the process of staging these protests. one noticed that there were two kinds of protests: first “social delivery protests”, which often spring up as road blockades, burning tyres, trashing vehicles, scattering rubbish and then die away, and the activities of social movements, which assume a more ongoing and organized form. these protests have been called “social delivery protests”24. while one agrees with generalised comments raised on south africa’s ‘growing democracy’, one is inclined to read that there is a level of dissatisfaction and disappointment 23a new agenda for africa –au debates to be included in this discussion. 24 this is a form of anxiety – to borrow jean satre’s word: nervous condition which he uses to explain the condition of the native in his preface to frantz fanon’s wretched of the earth. also the work of walter rodney “how europe underdeveloped africa” becomes relevant here. while it is true that africa is plagued by leadership it is important not to discount the impact that europe’s intentional pillage of africa is having on the continent today. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 80 among communities. the fact remains – all is not well. a serious rethinking is necessary to push african leaders to the drawing board and start to re-strategize on a number (on) of issues: reflect on the mandate, and consider honestly on the servitude task for the people of africa, have a better way to re-articulate policies around public service, review the human capability plans, have a well-shaped monitoring and evaluation plan in place. on another level, there has always been a need to distinguish between political leadership and administrative task. although at times the two are linked they should not be confused. 4. constructed trajectories of “political holiness” the focus of this paper as earlier stated is to question how religion and religiosity affect the current south african sociopolitical and economic landscape. as stated earlier, some anecdotes and narratives of how polarized this situation is will be presented and analysed. the paper does not claim to address all matters related to how religion and religiosity affect the current african socio-political and economic landscape, nor does it assume to have the capacity to exhaust all avenues in this regard. having noted briefly highlighted some theories and definitions of religiosity and sketched the current african socio-political and economic landscape, the focus now turns to how politics and religiosity intersect. this section of the paper discusses two camps: political leaders and religious leaders. some pre-colonial and colonial stories become helpful here – assisting one to understand the genesis of the intersection of religiosity and politics in africa. chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. 81 here there are two interesting cases: kings shaka25 and moshoeshoe26. there are narratives that remain unrecorded but circulate as ‘loose’ stories that both shaka and moshoeshoe used traditional healers (isangoma, ngaka, or sedupe) for advice and ‘spiritual strengthening’ (go tiiswa). oral tradition has it that there was creative tension between kgosi and ngaka. ngaka was regarded as the ‘direct eye and ear’ of the ‘spiritual realm/ space. he or she communicated and interpreted messages such as dreams and visions for the welfare of the entire community. kgosi, on the other hand remained the anchor and protector of the sacred canopy (including both people and the spiritual realm). the relationship between moshoeshoe the first and makhetha mantsopa27, the prophetess is instructive here. it is reported that mantsopa was a sister, advisor to king moshoeshoe i. it is also reported that moshoeshoe i was threatened by the talented mantsopa and banished her from the kingdom28. 25according to the recorded narrative (biographies: special south africans) king shaka was born circa 1787, son of a minor zulu chief. according to this special narrative king shaka’s mother was an unranked woman, and shaka was a humiliated and discredited child. taking refuge with his mother in the court of the zulu leader of the day, he grew up to become a great military leader. when the zulu leader was murdered by a rival clan, shaka assumed the throne. 26 king moshoeshoe’s name was allegedly changed from lepoqo after a successful raid in which he had sheared the beards of his victims – the word ‘moshoeshoe’ represented the sound of the shearing. in 1820 moshoeshoe succeeded his father, mokhacane, as the chief of the bamokoteli. his first settlement was at butha buthe, but he later built his stronghold at thaba bosiu (mountain of the night). he united various groups of refugees during the shaka wars, a period known as the ‘mfecane’ or difaqane (1813-1830), into the basotho nation (south african history on line: king moshoeshoe i). 27 born in approximately 1795. 28 moira stewardt’s rumblings through the arts: mantsopa, sister to a king and a prophet in her own right (arts comments (2014/08/10). it should be noted that both moshoeshoe and mzilikazi had close friendship with missionaries (the french and robert moffatt respectively) and often “used” them for advice and guidance – often theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 82 interestingly, with the dawn of democracy riddled with its own normalisation and consolidation challenges there are political leaders on the continent who use any form of religiosity to validate themselves29, by either proclaiming themselves to be ‘the holier than thou’, ‘priests’, ‘sacred men’, ‘bishops who are at the same time leaders of democratic institutions’ and ‘leaders who straddle between a democratic office and traditional position’30. interestingly ranjeni munusamy’s work (in the name of the father: jacob’s law on politics and religion) published in the daily maverick (08/10/2013) portrays jacob zuma been ‘angelified’. munusamy is a survivor of the salem witch trials and has the scars to show it. she has substantial collection of tat to influence political direction. this occurred notwithstanding the fact that they also used other traditional healers (dingaka). 29in this case it becomes interesting to note that according to sebudubudu and molutsi (2008), botswana’s democracy is unique in the sense that it is founded on setswana traditional values / culture of consultation, participation and consensus building (2008). historically, the kgotla / traditional parliament played a critical role in governance because this is the place where decisions were taken. it is in this sense that the new state retained the kgotla and at the same time allowed chiefs to play an important part in governance. despite its limitations of being afflicted by among others poor attendance (apathy), the kgotla continues to play a critical role in governance as a major structure of consultation on policy matters and dissemination of information (sebudubudu and osei-hwedie 2006; sebudubudu and molutsi 2008). lekorwe (1989) argues that the kgotla is a structure of communication. before a policy could be taken to parliament for discussion politicians and public servants take a proposed policy to the kgotla to solicit public views on the policy. this helps government to gauge public opinion on the proposed policy and also build consensus in and around the policy and thus ensures ownership. 30botswana ian khama’s ‘conflictual’ position is a point in case here – being both kgosi and democratically elected president of the country. where does one draw a line? chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. 83 tered t-shirts from having “been there and done it” – from government, the zuma trials, spin-doctoring and upsetting the applecart in south african newsrooms. according to ranjeni munusamy, jacob zuma the ‘angel’ ‘angelified’ or ‘sanctified’– or going through the process of angelification or sanctification– the making of angel and saint jacob zuma. one could take this forward and bring the divination process in the making of jacob zuma divinity. the implication of the entire story is to present a pure (umsulwa, umhlope, akanacala, uyincwele, uphakeme, unamandla) and ‘sits at the right hand of god the father, son and the holy spirit’. in short, he is divine and exudes a sense of perfection, completeness, righteousness and purity. all these ‘heretical’ and false attributes create a political idea of leadership. it also undermines the democratic processes and institutional systems. religiosity is both usurped and abused. it should be noted that the story of jacob zuma as relating to religion and politics becomes an interesting evolution of narratives and plays. munusamy opines that: in the gospel according to jacob (zuma, that is, not the son of isaac and grandson of abraham in the old testament) there are a whole lot of us going to hell for sins against the government. zuma, who is an “honorary pastor”31 of the full gospel church, is now a regular commentator on the nexus between politics and religion. he has fascinating insights on how god perceives the african national congress, its supporters and its critics. as it turns out, religious gatherings are a convenient campaign platform; so expect to hear a lot more political rhetoric at a pulpit near you (2013:2) 31 jacob zuma was ordained as an honorary pastor in the full gospel church in 2007. theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 84 the tale of his ‘holiness jacob zuma’ finds affirmations in some interesting related stories about the evolution of the african national congress (anc)., firstly, the birth of the anc was in “a church in bloemfontein in 1912 and several of its founding members were clergymen” (munusamy 2013:2). one wonders whether this should validate the anc as a political denomination – as munusamy comments that many of the anc’s “original values were derived from the church and other religious teachings. even the anc anthem nkosi sikelel’ iafrika (on which the south african national anthem is based) was a hymn composed by a lay preacher enoch sontonga” (2013:3). van onselen of the inside-politics wrote an interesting piece with the title: the ten commandments according to jacob zuma (2012/09/17). according to van onselen jacob zuma has, over the last years, spent much time advocating his and the anc’s religious credentials: that his is a party endorsed by god that it will rule till the end of days that its enemies will suffer damnation that he is like jesus, even that an anc membership card is a ticket into heaven. in this regard, the van onselen of inside-politics organised all jacob zuma’s religious rhetoric into ten key ideas “everything jacob zuma has ever said about the anc and religion”. below are ten organised key ideas: thou shalt believe in god and the anc alone the gates of heaven shall be opened only unto anc supporters blessed shall be the anc jesus shall return only when the anc falls chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. 85 those who oppose the anc shall be condemned thou constitutional democracy shall be based on the word of god the church and god shall guide anc government policy like jesus, jacob zuma shall be persecuted no man shall stand in the way of the anc no party shall be allowed to govern other than the anc the picture above looks interesting in the sense that the laws are ‘divinely’ received and should be ‘religiously’ observed and honoured. a critical analysis of each ‘key idea’ or ‘law’ as munusamy refers to them has had serious implications for the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. some of the latest stories include how the ‘nkandla gate’ debacle has been handled. to larger an extent, public institutions such as the parliament, judiciary, security and public protector in south africa have been intensely tested in terms of their consistency, integrity, independence. all debates referred to how the president has been protected and feared. in this case the law of saint jacob zuma applies32. below a picture by van onselen vividly presents the idea of jacob zuma’s ten commandments. 4.1 some south african faith formations in a trapped position it cannot be eschewed that during the apartheid era in south africa churches played a critical role in the fight against this evil system. their role included providing refuge to freedom 32 there are also consistent references to the bible and biblical figures to stress metaphorically the primordial status of the anc. such like the anc will be there till jesus comes again (zuma) and the anc is like moses who can face difficult times, but is on its way to the promised land (mantashe). theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 86 fighters and s supplying chaplains to liberation movements or organisations and some religious leaders were at the forefront of the united democratic front. there is no denial of the historical association between the church and the anc it remained deeply entrenched over the 102-year of the anc existence. postliberation, the anc has attempted to go the route of ‘all religious faiths” with the result that all major events now commence with interfaith prayers. according to van onselen, 2013:3) churches have …become powerful campaign platforms and politicians attendance as big religious events translate into passive endorsement for them and their parties. the zion christian church (zcc) has estimated six million followers, which is why leaders such as president jacob zuma and expelled anc youth league leader julius malema, now the leader of the economic freedom fighters (eff), have attended the mass gathering of the zcc at moria in limpopo over easter. zuma has also visited the four million strong shembe nazareth church, which is a mixture of zulu tradition and christianity. although van onselen’s observation that the fact that church leaders are consenting to the attendance of political figures shows that there is nothing wrong with “the president and other political leaders visiting and seeking spiritual guidance for the important task of running the country” appears plausible the question is, how critical this whole matter becomes. are these political leaders held accountable? at what level are these political leaders held accountable? is this not a form of religious endorsement33? 33 the current role of the anc chief whip, dr mathole motshekga becomes interesting. he is the anc’s cultural desk. pushing for civil religion in parliament speeches and motions – the emerging civil religion in south africa today. chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! problematisation of religiosity in the current south african socio-political and economic landscape. 87 5. conclusion the other interesting narrative is that of president robert mugabe of zimbabwe. mugabe has pointed at a number of occasions that he is god’s chosen leader and that his leadership has been approved by god himself (this is typical of the civil religion taking root here – no wonder there is such an appreciation of mugabe). a botswana newspaper, the daily news (18/02/13) reported that in an apparent bootlicking crusade that has become synonymous with zanu pf officials, the party’s bulawayo provincial chairperson, killian sibanda equated zimbabwean president, robert mugabe to jesus christ sibanda, who had been elected into the position late that year reportedly said mugabe was like jesus brought on earth to deliver people out of the political and economic mess. sibanda was directly quoted by the daily news, saying: “why i say that, it is because jesus was sent by god to come and deliver us from our sins, similarly our president was sent by god to come and save the people of zimbabwe from all the challenges we face today. so as from today know that our president robert mugabe is just like jesus”. telegraph newspaper on (uk) january 5, 2005 reported that a former mayor of zimbabwe’s capital, harare, tony gara, who once likened president mugabe to jesus christ has been awarded land seized from a white farmer by zimbabwe's government. gara, now a businessman, was listed in the state-controlled herald newspaper with other mugabe supporters whose loyalty had been rewarded with land. it is important to relate the connection of religion to politics and to political authority as a form of civil religion where the politicians take up their role as divinely predestined to the benefit of society. this mix of indigenous belief and christianity may be understood given the high percentage of africans theologia viatorum 40-1-2016 88 who believe in the protective spirits, ancestors and sacrifices. democratic south africa’s first president, nelson mandela is also reported to have consulted isangoma. but the important issue is rather the power of the metaphorical mission of the leaders towards “salvation” and the immunization of their political programme against “mundane” criticism. the deepened crisis is the intrinsic dynamics of the mix of indigenous – christian belief and coupled with a kind of fundamentalism regarding a diffused sense of religious destiny in all spheres of life, but mainly its consequence of power in the political sphere. outside south africa, it is amazing to look at how africa is prone to the ritualistic and charismatic religiosity –the growth of christianity in its charismatic expression is very dominant and will certainly deepen through political “trafficking” of ideas and also in the face of an islamic emphasis on religion and societal order witnessed in boko haram (is). even in this case religion was often the dividing and uniting factor in major conflicts. in the serbcroatia wars religion was a major factor. church –state tensions may escalate, but more dangerously what one can expect is “state-owned” religion to serve its political ends. the fact remains, jacob zuma also deliberately seeks the support of religious leaders and several attempts have been made in this regard. fortunately there are some other religious leaders (desmond tutu and the south african council of churches) who are beginning to see it is a subtle manoeuvre to gain moral support and religious legitimacy. bibliography ake, c (1993) “the unique case of african democracy”, international affairs, 69, 2, pp239244. allport, g., & ross j. 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(2012) ‘a critical dialogue with gabriel molehe setiloane: the unfinished business on the african divinity question’, studia historiae ecclesiasticae’, xxxviii, 323-344. mbiti, j. (1986). bible and theology in african christianity. nairobi. sebudubudu, d., and lotshwao. k. (2009) managing resources and the democratic order: the experience of botswana, south african institute of international affairs, johannesburg, occasional paper no. 31. sebudubudu.d. and molutsi. p. (2009) leaders, elites and coalitions in the development of botswana, leaders, elites & coalitions research programme (lecrp) (www.lecrp.org), world bank, research paper no.2. (april 2009). struwig, j. & roberts, b. (2008), ‘religion and politics’, social attitudes survey, 18-19. http://www.lecrp.org/ abstract bibliography abstract introduction the problem statement methodology african understandings of childhood theology community and personhood in africa: potentials for childhood theology global framings of childhood conceptions of childhood rights and duties biblical evidence for childhood theology conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) jane a. chiroma department of leadership, faculty of leadership, pan africa christian university, nairobi, kenya nathan h. chiroma department of children and youth ministry, pan africa christian university, nairobi, kenyadepartment of practical theology and missiology, faculty of theology, stellenbosch university, stellenbosch, south africa citation chiroma, j.a. & chiroma, n.h., 2022, ‘childhood theology and implications for pedagogy’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a115. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.115 original research childhood theology and implications for pedagogy jane a. chiroma, nathan h. chiroma received: 08 apr. 2021; accepted: 15 nov. 2021; published: 17 feb. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this article argues for a childhood theology informed by systematic theology, which enabled the researcher to mould the concepts of childhood theology to understand in order to use it. child theology has been a neglected study in most african scholarship. systematic theology guided the analysis of data as objectively as possible and contributed to the development of a childhood theology model that best accounts for all the data, showing that how childhood theology can be constructed in the african setting. the philosophy of christian education aided the analysis of childhood theology and to assess the pedagogical relevance towards maximising a child’s potential in learning. considerations of african theological perspectives, western perspectives and biblical evidence for childhood theology are explored to configure its significance to african childhood theology and the implications for pedagogical practices that are holistic, god-centred and transformative. keywords: childhood theology; systematic theology; pedagogy; holistic education; philosophy of christian education; africa. introduction childhood theology triggers the social structure centred on god as an outstanding and necessary feature of a child’s dignity and value in the christian society. concepts, such as childhood theology, have developed not only to give meaning to a particular conception of human personhood and dignity of a child with god but as well to postulate an agenda and structure for maximising a child’s potentials, purposes and possibilities in a given society, and sustain it for the survival of youth in a given society (africa) and in our educational settings (de witt 2016:246–247; gyekye 2000:317; thiselton 2015:136). conceptions of childhood theology call for critical analyses and arguments of realities of its scholarship and theological frameworks of human potentialities, possible child’s relationship with god and the image of god the child bears, and approaches that educators can employ to cultivate and nurture through education (de witt 2016; gyekye 2000:317; thiselton 2015:10). childhood theology is a contested concept. scholars have raised questions regarding childhood theology in various dimensions, such as moral, social, cultural and psychological aspects that investigate childhood in connection with the philosophical and ethical significance of self or person (ansell 2005; gyekye 2000:317; thiselton 2015:102). other scholars uniquely analyse the child as a person within the theological dimension about god’s image represented in the child (thiselton 2015:102). according to gyekye (2000): moral and political philosophers raise metaphysical question on whether a person, even though lives in human society, is a self-sufficient atomic individual who does not depend on his/her relationships with others for the realization of personhood, and who has ontological priority over the community, or whether the person is by nature a communal being, having natural and essential relationships with others. moral questions, which may in some sense be said to be linked to or engendered by metaphysical conceptions of the person [childhood], relate to the status of rights of an individual, the place of duties, and the existence and appreciation of a sense of an ordinary good life or common (collective) good. (p. 317) from the above, one can deduce that a child is a person who has the fundamental rights that cannot be overruled in any situation and has duties ethically concerning others’ interests and welfare. besides, a child has a sense of everyday life and collective good. scholars argue that theological, moral and normative concerns about childhood theology (theologising with children) can be articulated in complex and intricate theoretical formulations. however, reasonable formations regarding childhood theology can be articulated and translated in the authentic way of the life of children – in the way children respond to communal concerns and how they instinctively socialise and care for one another, and the possibility of a relationship with god (de witt 2016:247; gyekye 2000; mtata 2009:85; thiselton 2015:29, 136; ware 2001). pedagogy is pivotal to a child’s holistic development – social, bodily, emotive, spiritual growth and transformation. there is a need for christian educators to rethink childhood education that is holistic and centred on god for spiritual transformation. the concept of pedagogy underscores the art, craft or science of teaching. smith (2019) defined pedagogy as ‘an orientation, a set of processes and a way of thinking’, and used this to influence (through pedagogical process) children to grow. prehistoric greek philosophy distinguished substantially between the activities of pedagogues and field-specific educator. historically, pedagogy played a significant role in moral transformation (young 1987:156). the educators (pedagogues) historically serve the responsible position in the child’s upbringing and training, especially in the informal settings with parents and or knowledgeable others at home. the relation of the educator (including parents) with the child is a fascinating one. it contributes to transformative pedagogical meaning to a child’s education. according to hederman (1982:3), freire’s concept of the pedagogy of the oppressed is an education centred on bringing hope to the hopeless – a critical approach to teaching and learning that leads to transformation and growth. aristotle’s pedagogy comprises leading with the connotation of a moral disposition to act honestly and rightly (carr & kemmis 1986:132). this kind of education for aristotle values dialogue in learning – learning that characterises social interaction and praxis-oriented, including cognitive and practical wisdom (carr & kemmis 1986:132; grundy 1987). transformative pedagogy is essential for early education because it aids the socialisation of children into established models, customs, and attitudes to preserve social stability and stratify individuals in line with the dynamic complexities in the social world and continue a moral, social harmony (carr & kemmis 1986). a nuanced conception of childhood theology bears the potential for a christian educator to employ pedagogical approaches informed by spiritual awareness that includes the way the educator views the child in reflection of how god sees them – this way of teaching can contribute not only to physical, social, cognitive but also to a spiritual transformation of the child. debates centred in pedagogy around the world depict several pedagogical approaches. some proponents argue for holistic forms of pedagogical practice (huitt 2011; rudge 2008, 2016). whilst others view pedagogy away from the minimalistic understanding, education is more than mere predefined learning outcomes (brühlmeier 2010:5). teaching and learning should involve educating the total person in terms of physical, mental and emotional intelligence and growth. education should influence a child’s head, hand, and considering the childhood theological framework heart (brühlmeier 2010; gazibara 2013). the heart reflects the child’s spiritual growth that affects their moral reasoning and conscience whilst instilling the virtues, standards and viewpoints that guide the child’s well-being – the kind of person they become (brühlmeier 2010; doyle & smith 1999:33–34). besides that, pedagogy depicts the teachers’ ability to reflect, imagine and respond to teaching, and encourages them to develop concepts, reasoning capabilities, hand-on skills and imaginative strengths (eisner 1979). therefore, it is paramount that teachers and parents extend their role to a pedagogue, especially given the diverse challenges they confront teaching children at all levels, whether informal (school and church) or informal settings (home). in contrast, other scholars advocate a rethinking of pedagogical approaches that are more learner-centred such as cooperative and collaborative learning (de witt 2016:17; le grange 2019; myers 2013:147). this kind of learning resonates with the child’s view within the african culture and how such collaborative activities can transform the way the child learns any subject (de witt 2016:70, 247; le grange 2019). de witt (2016:247) noted that a child can form relationships with fellow humans, which allows the child to play together with others to learn acceptable behaviour. therefore, providing a cooperative learning environment can enable learners to learn rules and morality to survive and to engage in both vertical and horizontal relationships. the problem statement this article explores the concerns that bear on childhood and community theology; how the two concepts showcase in african culture will be pointed out. i use african understanding of childhood to illustrate individuality and communalism as understood in africa generally. then i focus on childhood theology as depicted in the bible and concentrate on the biblical aspects of childhood (personhood), community and god. popular concepts of childhood or youth have been neglected by social sciences in the past, mainly because it was predominantly male oriented (ansell 2005:14; mtata 2009:92). thus, the studies around the importance of childhood theology did not attract scholarship. childhood studies have been ignored by scholars mostly because it was considered unimportant; this is critical because children’s needs are never taken seriously, and possibly the assumption that children’s lives are transient and insignificant. this perception has influenced how scholars have engaged with aspects of young people (mtata 2009:92). in recent times the study of childhood theology has emerged as a discipline (ansell 2005:17). much of the children’s tasks are centred on psychological perspectives, examined around child development, attachment theory and adolescence (ansell 2005:17–18; neufeld & maté 2013:27). more studies on young people from the sociological, anthropological and cultural views concentrate on children and youth subcultures’ socialisation. many childhood studies revolve around childhood as ‘socially constructed’ (ansell 2005:21). for this reason, childhood theology cannot be delinked from the social evaluation, including the ideas around gender, ethnicity and class. the study also considers that children’s social associations, values and beliefs are critical as they stand out differently from adults’ concerns (ansell 2005; grobbelaar 2012). besides that, ethnography is a specific applicable methodology suggested by scholars for the study of childhood as it allows children’s voices to be heard, and the development of a new paradigm that contribute to reconstructing childhood in a society (ansell 2005:21; grobbelaar 2012:23). an average african conception and theories of childhood have nurtured and not remained tied to societies in which they initiated. africa has actively interpolated around the world over several centuries of colonialism, migration, missionary activities, slavery, democratic regimes and globalisation, which has shaped a global understanding of childhood (ansell 2005:23; kayongo-male & onyango 1984). how teachers perceive, regard and treat children in schools is critical, especially for christian educators. it is hoped that childhood theology can provide nuances for pedagogical choices that would lead to transformation. methodology smith (2008) explained that a two-fold process is central to research in systematic theology, namely, the collection of data from scriptural and dogma-historical references, and theory construction such as the possibility or impossibility of a specific doctrine or a variation thereof (smith 2008:184). a systematic theologian’s task is to analyse the data as objectively as possible (thiselton 2015:17) and develop a childhood theological model that best accounts for all the data, showing how childhood theology can be constructed in the african setting necessary to capture the african experience and life. grobbelaar (2012:23) argued that childhood theology in africa needs to consider the complexities of the african context in terms of diversities of culture and traditions, and the still emerging african identity from ethnicity, colonialism, race, family, gender and class. grobbelaar (2012:29) argued that the african child suffers an identity crisis amidst this diversity that is laced with poverty that tempers with the child finding his or her place in the society that ranks them at the bottom of the hierarchy persons. thus, he proffers a childhood theology that is hermeneutic, missional and captures the african child’s way of life: it is systematic theology which spreads it before us in the form most accessible to our modes of conception, pours it, so to speak, into the moulds of our minds, and makes it our assured possession that we may thoroughly understand and utilize it. (warfield, brown & smith 1910:192) the philosophy of christian education also informs both the methodology and methods in this study. philosophy of christian education ‘provide transcultural and cultural universals to guide thought and practice’ (pazmiño 2008:85). by this, pazmiño refers to axioms or beliefs that originate from god and from a given society, which are binding to humanity. he bolsters the vital role of philosophy in educational practice. according to pazmino, the philosophy of education is ‘the attempts to articulate a systematic and life-giving scheme of thought that can guide practice’ (pazmiño 2008:85). educational practice bears the results of its philosophical origins. for christian education, practitioners need to seek a philosophy of explicit and consistent education with a christian worldview. philosophy of christian education informs this study in the following ways: firstly, it provides a worldview underlying the ideas that inform childhood theology and its implications to pedagogical practices in thought and acts upon in education. secondly, it gives a christian knowledge with fundamental beliefs that most adequately describe the relationship between god and the child with a holistic goal towards child identity and potentials towards pedagogical approaches that explore transformative education. thirdly, the philosophy of christian education enables this research to systematically interpret some thoughts on childhood theology (its values and realities) and its implications to pedagogical practices. giving their meaning from the bible teachings and the african experience (metaphysical) towards building faith-based pedagogy and finally providing conceptions of education as a socialisation process enable the child to become a responsible member in a community with others (pazmiño 2008:89). african understandings of childhood theology childhood studies in africa have not been explored explicitly towards theological framings. according to mtata (2009:86), the african theology of personhood (african theology’s anthropology) undermines childhood and does not offer a fairground for constructing childhood theology. he provides examples of how early african theologians who engulfed a narrow understanding of the community that excluded both women and children in the conception of personhood (identity) were rather hierarchal and male-dominated. according to mtata (2009), the immediate post-colonial theologians did not do justice in recognising all believers’ personhood; instead, narrowed and did not even recognise childhood as personhood. however, much of the research has dealt with personhood analysis about the individual, community and god. for example, african thought on community plays an essential role in the metaphysical understanding of childhood theology (grobbelaar 2012; teffo & roux 2002). besides: [a] child is held to be the property of the community, and it is the community who are going to see to it that the individual child becomes a significant member of the community, an asset to all. (teffo & roux [2002:1440] citing raditlhalo [1996:123]) other key scholars who contribute to childhood meanings include sociological framings of childhood within families and community (gyekye 1997; kayongo-male 1984; mtata 2009). additionally, moral and political–philosophical analyses of personhood concerning individual and community (grobbelaar 2012), and psychological–social aspects of young child in identity formation about schooling, learning and child development and how family, environment and poverty affect childhood development (de witt 2016). mtata (2009:84) critiques the african theology based on anthropology and communitarianism as narrow and inadequate to build childhood theology. mtata (2009:85) noted that the anthropological framings of childhood theology limit and exclude children from the church’s life because it is hierarchical and places children at the bottom of personhood and other margins. however, this may not be true if evaluated from ecclesiological framings. from the preceding section, it is evident that the african personhood with the community’s sense of belonging has contributed immensely to how african theologians have engaged with constructing a theology of childhood. that is to say, the cohort of african theologians thus far have neglected the holistic childhood theology and somewhat diminished the position of children in the hierarchal understanding of community as a sense of belonging. consequently, the voices and the need for the child’s place in theological development have attracted little attention and have not caught much recognition and reconceptualisation. in the following section, i argue that the african notion of community can be expanded to include the current african experiences of dynamism to allow for defensible childhood theology nuances. community and personhood in africa: potentials for childhood theology there is a possibility that african notions of community and personhood still hold potentialities of childhood theology. however, a renewed sense of communitarianism can be reconstructed to include children and the current challenges and development needs in africa. this can be referenced to the notions of african sense of belonging vis-a-vis ubuntu as an instance of the african community to become a concept. that is to say that africa is not static, and that meaning of community holds potentialities for childhood theology. in other words, a sense of community in the current african context has evolved to the child’s inclusion. in which sense, a childhood theology is grounded in the renewed sense of belonging to a community. ubuntu (community) is a concept with a viable ideology to synthesise emerging conceptions of african sense of community that is dynamic and bears prospects for african theology of childhood. this article focuses on how ubuntu as a concept is studied within scholarship and the possibilities it bears for childhood theology. ubuntu depicts people’s value and their cultural heritage (chiroma 2015:149; grobbelaar 2012). it also foregrounds how members of a society connect amidst global trends. benhabib’s (2011) philosophical reflection on reiteration enabled this research to comprehend humanness in africa and, in general, relate to the universal discourses on understanding humanity in a society (chiroma 2015:149) and theological systems in childhood identity. ubuntu as a concept is contextual to african communalism – a shared sense of humanness, in most cases, has united the african continent, especially when divisiveness features and so have formed the basis in which reconciliation has been considered to resolve conflicts that arise within the region (chiroma 2015; letseka 2011; ntamushobora 2012:6). despite the strong propensities ubuntu holds for african humanity and community, it is a contested concept within scholarship. a handful of scholars differ in its viability for a possibility to resolve conflicts of common humanity (chiroma 2015; enslin & horsthemke 2004:545). in contrast, some argue for the possibility of ubuntu contributing to the conceptualisation of personhood (gyekye 1987; mbithi 1970; ed. wiredu 2004), citizenship (sense of belonging) (chiroma 2015; mbiti 1970), care (waghid & smeyers 2012), hospitality (waghid 2014:92), justice (waghid 2011) and forgiveness (chiroma 2015; ntamushobora 2012). in this vein, i argue that ubuntu bears the possibility of rethinking childhood theology and the implications for pedagogy. in the african context, a person is defined by their sense of belonging to a community. a person’s being and identity are also viewed in terms of belonging, as in the common catchphrase commonly used by mbithi (1970:141), ‘i am because we are’. mbiti’s (1970) phrase portrays a person’s distinctiveness in survival with another in the context of community. the phrase prompts a person’s collective identity, dignity, participation and living, and captures the african initiative of articulating the essence of personhood (chiroma 2015). put differently, mbiti’s description of a person specifies that one’s (childhood’s) humanity is connected to others’ network within a community. it describes the person (child) to others’ connections in an ethical consideration (menkiti 2004:24). personhood within the african context is also considered beyond the biological connectedness to more robust identities of cosmopolitan sense of belonging to human beings’ community (chiroma 2015; menkiti 2004:24). this understanding considers human diversity in ethnic mosaic, multiracial, languages, religions or economic class that exist together but still need each other to survive. in an african context, an individual realises that there is common humanity within the diversity of existence and values the common humanity where they find themselves. this way of understanding personhood and humanity recognises and symbolises their source of human ethics as a community. we argue ‘ubuntu’ in terms of how the child is connected to the community and not necessarily an individual self. this argument leads us to the morality of the child’s humanity relevant for the african context (chiroma 2015; menkiti 2004:330). this consideration discloses the worth attached to a person by the african context and all humankind. our common humanity is evident in both the african and the euro-american conceptions. to begin dealing with justice and human rights concerning recognising children’s individuality and their sense of belonging, we must start with the understanding of humanity. for instance, nussbaum (1997) argued for the cultivation of humanity, benhabib (2011) for human rights, rawls (1999) for justice and public reason, and habermas (1978a, 1978b) for speech and thought as considerations for valuing humanity. they also argue for common concepts for reimagining human identity with connotation to promote justice, a sense of belonging, and respect for human rights and dignity, which are necessary to describe childhood and considerations for pedagogy (chiroma 2015). the community’s idea here argued for points to the community’s spaces, whether in abstract form or intangible human behaviour, the standards, regulations, guides and vicarious models from which the child can learn foundational moral behaviour (chiroma 2015). a child needs to develop, survive and thrive in their potentials, so they need to learn the standards and guidelines to live within a world – the community of others. thus, knowing about others inevitably forms the potential for and possibility for a renewed theology of childhood. culture is an aspect of community that plays a significant role in developing conceptions of childhood theology in africa. within the african culture, different communities – tribes – have various practices that set the tone and defines a child’s identity. an example of how culture plays a role in defining personhood can be illustrated using the akan community in ghana (chiroma 2015; gyekye 1987; ed. wiredu 2004). wiredu (ed. 2004) and gyekye (1987) show three significant components of their culture that define a person’s identity and development. first is ‘the blood principle’ also known as honam or mogya (chiroma 2015:137), which designates a person’s clan identity, majorly inherited from the maternal lineage and represents a new member of family arrival and continuity of a parent lineage (chiroma 2015). the second component is the soul, referred to as okra, which is believed by the akan community to represent life and is god given; it also represents the self and one’s individuality (chiroma 2015:137; wiredu 1996:157). the third component is the ‘spirit’ referred to as sunsum; this represents a paternal heritage and is considered as given by the gods; it is believed to die when a person dies, it is embedded in one’s body (chiroma 2015:137). there is an emerging interrelationship amongst factors that contribute to a person’s identity within the cultural communities. the factors can help explain a childhood identity as well. it points to the interconnectedness of a child as a complex being with different complexities, yet intrinsically intertwined existence. this denotes the child’s spiritual, physical and social connectedness that points to kinship, as illustrated in the political culture of the akan community where decision-making included all persons as essential members of the community. this designates the worth of a child’s respect and human dignity their individuality to others (chiroma 2015:137). ideas on the african community bear essential considerations for childhood theology in africa. a theology is contextual and yet points to how we view childhood in relation to god. africa has a valuable culture for cultivating care towards understanding personhood with such dignity. the question could be asked, why there is so much violence and prejudice towards children? are children not human persons? according to serequeberhan (1994:55), the phenomenon of violence in africa requires deep philosophical reflection, hence the need for african philosophers to adequately address the issue as it relates to african experience. the notion of child violence has received less attention in philosophical thought and theological literature, except in wiredu’s (1980) and oruka’s (1998) studies, who consider personhood as a critical reflection relevant to the african culture. besides that, ubuntu as an african concept and lived experience can proffer a constructivist theological approach to building a theology of childhood that is contextual and relevant for african current development needs. african culture and values bear a powerful sense of community that calls for collective theological engagement that will include the most influential african community members – children. ethical virtues of respect, hospitality and respecting differences are axiological and moral conceptions for african childhood theology. ubuntu denotes that african theology encompasses children in theological thought and practice as a sign of collective synergy towards achieving ethical results in childhood theology. it also advances the notion of individualistic thought by providing concepts and constructing realistic supports in policymaking to make better the community (chiroma 2015:140). ubuntu as a concept and a practice, and a way of life in the communal sense can minimise ethnic wars and violence that may interfere with child development and well-being. for this to happen, there is a need for a critical engagement with child theology and african philosophies of child and childhood. ubuntu also designates against a sense of morality and cultural values that can contribute to the development and theological thought in conceptualising human dignity and the value of childhood care. global framings of childhood dionysian and apollonian are critical western views that inform childhood concepts in the global sense (ansell 2005:11). the dionysian theory states that ‘children should be seen and not heard; children need protection from themselves, and that childhood is a time to learn discipline’ (ansell 2005:11). whilst the apollonian views childhood as ‘…a time for play, and not for work. children need protection from the world; children are innocent, children are passive, and childhood should be happy’ (ansell 2005:11). the dionysian and apollonian mutually view childhood as separate from the adult world; yet define their sense of belonging within families. they also agree that children belong to nature than adults, and that they are incomplete, that is, that they are less than an adult. the views differ, in that dionysian views the child as the devil that needs taming from the liberation of the sinful nature, whilst the apollonian views the child as an angel that the adult world should not pollute. in the west, by ‘1975, children were considered more like super-pet at the beginning of the 21st-century childhoods are described as predominantly apollonian’ (ansell 2005:13). conceptions of childhood rights and duties children’s rights have taken a centre stage in the 21st century to protect children from violence. adults can no longer mistreat children as in the previous century, yet children cannot be left to their expedients (ansell 2005:13). ansell (2005:13) pointed out that debates that are defining childhood today ‘have become conventional wisdom’. these debates are a critical starting point for reflecting a child’s sense of belonging to concepts of childhood outside away from the social context the child inhabits. the view of childhood as naturalistic has contributed to western models’ generalisation and presumptuous to employ in the same way in non-western settings. conversely, features of childhood that are common in western mass media debates only partially relate to western youths as they lived currently. they differ from the childhood experiences in africa and other developing world. yet, they remain impactful on the development of policy and practice, and their traces are visible in the childhood policy in africa. for instance, ‘children’s innocence, vulnerability and need for protection are frequently stressed, including by development practitioners in their attempts sensitize the plight of the children in africa’ (ansell [2005]:13 citing boyden [1990]). biblical evidence for childhood theology the status of rights of the child the biblical writers (munyon 2017:238–239) maintain that god created human beings (gn 26–28; 2) in his image (gn 5:1). human beings are composed of a heart (2 cor 6:12); mind or will (mk 12:30); body (lv 21:11; nm 5:2; dt 6:5; mk 12:30); spirit (2 cor 7:15; mt 27:50: lk 23:46; ac 7:59); and life, soul and self (jos 2:13; 1 ki 19:3; jr 52:28; mk 8:35). a child is a human being created in god’s image. therefore, a child is composed of a heart, mind and will, body and soul (self, life and person) (1 th 5:23). this understanding of what a child gives the child an important place in the community of human beings is central to god, which is also similar to the child’s african view, as exemplified in the akan illustration. meaning that the child also needs a holistic education: the mind–intellectual knowledge of god; soul–spiritual education that enriches their heart to please god and desire to be a responsible member of the community, and then the body needs knowledge of self and physical health. it also has major implications to the relationships (community–family) that the child needs to grow to maturity. proverbs 127:3 states, ‘[c]hildren are a heritage from the lord, offspring a reward from him’. for instance, munyon (2017:8) observed that god enabled adam and eve (family) to bear children who were like themselves in composition (gn 5:3). there is a common truth that children inherit tendencies to sin from the parents, as in david’s case (ps 51:5). besides that, paul in his address to the areopagus in athens providing the background for engaging with the concepts of the ‘unknown god’ states, ‘from one man he made every nation’ (ac 17:26), which means that the components of humankind from adam are inherited by the rest of humanity, including sinful nature. thus, a child is inherently sinful until they confess christ at the knowledge of his salvation gift. the parents have a responsibility towards the child. proverbs 22: 6 states, ‘[s]tart children off on the way they should go, and even when they are old, they will not turn from it’. besides that, ephesians 6:4 admonishes fathers not to exasperate their children; instead, to bring them up in the training and instruction of the lord. this stands to the words of jesus when the disciples looked down on the children and wanted to hinder them from going to jesus; jesus emphasised the necessity of letting children go to him for the kingdom of heaven belongs to children (lk 18:16; mt 19:14; mk 10:14). three things stand out in these verses that relate to the african conception of a person (child, not equated to the biblical concept), such as individuality of the child, the community in which the child grows (family aka parents and those surrounding the children, as in the example of the disciples) have a responsibility towards child training, upbringing and care. however, it must be noted that child upbringing in most african concepts differs from one culture to the other. for example, in most culture, boys and girls are brought up differently. this is significant to the knowledge that children can be saved, and that they can inherit the kingdom of god, and that parents (community) have a responsibility to start them off in the ways of the lord. the place of duties of a child paul admonishes the child (son) to submit to the father (1 cor 15:28). this does not mean that the child (son) is inferior to the father but that each member’s role in the family is for all family members’ benefit in obedience to god. and by implication we argue that the same apply to the father–daughter relationship and son–mother relationship. also, the child is commanded to obey his or her parents in the lord, for that is right, and this is the first commandment with a promise that they may live long in the world (eph 6:1; col 3:20; dt 28:62). children have a responsibility and duty to obey their parents in the lord, and the reward is long life – meaning that they will inherit the kingdom of god. it is a reality and obligation to understand children’s place in our communities to create a sense of everyday life for god’s common good and glory. parents have the responsibility to bringing up their children in the lord in the context of various cultural and social factors. contemporary significance of the theology of childhood in africa childhood theology, therefore, needs to consider the child from the perspective that god views the child – the one created in the image of god. although a child is created in god’s image, they inherited the sinful nature of their forefathers (adam and eve), passed down through generations. childhood theology should be mission oriented. the child’s sinful tendency can be tamed, taught and saved through the parents’ instruction, the saving grace of our lord, and continuous recognition of the rights and the place of the children in our societies and the kingdom of god. the education that nurtures the child needs to be holistic is penetrating the child’s heart, mind, body and soul for a compelling sense of belonging to the communities they live in and in the body of christ and the future they look forward to in heaven. childhood theology needs to consider the ethics of care and nurture, hospitality and create deliberative spaces to allow the child to grow in the ways of the lord. childhood theology thus needs to consider every child’s individuality and uniqueness to maximise their potentials to the glory of god. childhood theology should not just be a one-time occurrence but should be dynamic and a growing practice that reflects the child’s everyday way of life. doing childhood theology in africa requires a renewed understanding of the community that considers the child’s humanity, not only to the particular ethnic, tribe or community of biological and national orientation but the humanity of every individual child irrespective of where they are coming from. for the world and the fullness thereof is the lord’s. a confined understanding of community will limit how children will view those who are different from all indications. the african community (church) needs to reposition the child in the centre of the church ministry without neglecting the other aspects of adult ministries. the church in africa needs to rethink childhood theology in terms of rights and responsibilities and not just in the traditional african thought (of the child as a semi-human being at the bottom of the hierarchy) but as an individual created in the image of god and who is capable of inheriting the kingdom of god. therefore, the church should nurture and educate children holistically to grow spiritually, socially, physically and morally. the church (as a community) needs to protect the child from the various violations faced by the children in africa today, such as rape, child trafficking, child abuse, parental neglect, pornography, amongst others. this will only be possible when church leaders engage in engendering sound childhood theology that sees the children as christ saw and valued them. more emphasis and resources should be allocated to children’s ministry. contemporary significance of the theology of childhood towards transformative pedagogy what does the above imply for child educators? first of all, teachers should be aware of learners’ socio-cultural frameworks because this influences how children learn and how the teachers make choices of teaching approaches to include all children. for the educators to do so, they have to enter the student’s mind-world and extend their role as facilitators of learning, who rightly acknowledges learners’ potentialities in the learning spaces. often, educators focus on covering the curriculum and conveying knowledge, forgetting that the children’s training comprises much more than just intellectual growth. however, it is holistic because it develops the spiritual, physical, mental, emotional and practical skills children require to function in a society. teaching children to pass the examination and complete the curriculum is merely teaching similar to what paulo freire identifies as the ‘banking system’ – making deposits of knowledge. this implies that when students are assessed, they can give the teacher what they have learned just as they were taught. similarly, an individual can draw from the atm what they have put into their account. so, in most cases, we teach children as those with empty slates – ‘a tabula rasa’ (duschinsky 2012:509). in return to what we have taught them, teachers often want the children to give back exactly as they have been taught without processing the knowledge to fit their context. it can stem into perceiving children as passive non-living things without life or abilities to act and think, so their agency as humans is ignored; instead, children are human beings with the god-given ability that needs to be guided and led out. children require functional relationships (de witt 2016:246–247) to inform teachers’ pedagogical encounters to lead out their potentials. in contrast, in order to call ourselves ‘educators’ and pedagogues, we need to consider the prospects of acting with children instead of on them. understanding childhood theology provides nuances that call for pedagogical practicalities that view the child as god’s creation. that is, one who has potential for speech and thought, who values relationships and learning in other communities, has cultural values and faith, and has the potential to become other than they are. teachers’ pedagogical approaches should value education as caring, transformative and relational, and is a sacred call to nurture god’s creation (the child) to become what god wants them to be. education distinct from schooling is a deliberate process of designing and learning to encourage and transform the child’s development. it is an intentional act of living, socialisation process (dewey 1963; de witt 2016:250; pazmiño 2008). conclusion childhood theology has been a neglected area of study, especially in africa. the african child matter to god for christ recognised their importance in the kingdom of god. it is imperative that begin childhood theology in africa reflects on the notion of community as a defining denominator for values and practice for the african child. however, the community’s idea needs to be disrupted and reconceptualised to include all the narrow understanding of the society in the traditional african sense. this is because globalisation and colonisation contributed to transformative movements that have opened african borders to extend their sense of community to include all humanity, in which case a community of believers from all works of life. this way of thinking expands child theology to notions of care, cosmopolitan hospitality and developing a church’s universal concept towards all believers’ priesthood. childhood theology, therefore, should focus firstly on god, contextualised to the context where the child originates, and consider god’s salvific plan to redeem all humankind. childhood theology needs to encapsulate the child’s rights in the community to the christian belief and defines the child’s responsibility to god, community (the church as god’s people) and god’s creation. acknowledgements competing interests the authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. authors’ contributions j.a.c. was involved in the conceptualisation and resources, and n.h.c. contributed to editing, resources and writing. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without any direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references ansell, n., 2005, child, youth and development, routledge, london. benhabib, s., 2011, dignity in adversity: human rights in troubled times, cambridge, polity press. boyden, j., 1990, ‘childhood and the policy makers: a comparative perspective on the globalization of childhood’, in a. james & a. prout (eds.), constructing and reconstructing childhood, pp. 184–215, falmer press, 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(ed.), 2004, a companion to african philosophy, blackwell publishing, oxford. young, n.h., 1987, ‘paidagogos: the social setting of a pauline metaphor’, novum testamentum 29(2), 150–176. https://doi.org/10.1163/156853687x00047 abstract introduction arthashastra economic treatise madhva’s context madhva’s literary works arthashastra and madhva’s contribution to economics madhva and economics conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) mathias yuvan shunmugam department of religious studies, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa maniraj sukdaven department of religious studies, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa citation shunmugam, m.y. & sukdaven, m., 2022, ‘reimagining socio-economic well-being through the integration of arthashastra’s economic treatise and madhva’s philosophical notion on social cohesion’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a139. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.139 original research reimagining socio-economic well-being through the integration of arthashastra’s economic treatise and madhva’s philosophical notion on social cohesion mathias yuvan shunmugam, maniraj sukdaven received: 27 sept. 2021; accepted: 21 jan. 2022; published: 22 feb. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the current coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) pandemic that has ravaged glocal societies of both developed and developing countries, has once again shown that there are some phenomena that are no respecters of societies. this is clearly observed in the most recent covid-19 global statistics, where the most advanced country in the world has the greatest number of infections and deaths. globally, there are 171.5 million covid-19 cases, 153.7 million recoveries and 3.6 million deaths (worldmeters.info/coronavirus accessed 01 june 2021). not only has covid-19 devastated both developed and developing countries, but has also demonstrated the widening gulf between the rich and the poor. the minority world were able to secure millions of vaccine doses for their citizens, while the majority world had to wait in line. we have also witnessed an uprising recently (july 2021) in two of south african provinces of social dissolution where socio-economic and racial tension resulted in a number of deaths. it is within this context that this study aimed to examine how the integration of arthashastra’s economic treatise and madhva’s philosophical notion on social cohesion, can contribute to a just socio-economic society. even though arthashastra’s economic treatise and madhva’s philosophical notion of social cohesion are common within hinduism, and more specifically related to india, the global community will benefit from implementing the salient features from it for application in their contexts. keywords: theology; religion; hinduism; madhva; socio-economic; social cohesion; philosophy; arthashastra. introduction according to the statistics of the worldwide coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) report, the five most affected countries presently are as follows: (1) united states of america– 34.1 million cases and 609.7 thousand deaths, (2) india – 28.2 million cases and 331.9 thousand deaths, (3) brazil – 16.5 million cases and 462.9 thousand deaths, (4) france – 5.67 million cases and 109.5 thousand deaths, and (5) turkey – 5.2 million cases and 47.5 thousand deaths. closer to home, here in south africa (sa) – 1.7 million cases and 56.5 thousand deaths. the above-mentioned statistical reports reflect an example of the devastation that covid-19 has caused. from these statistics, it is clear that covid-19 has inflicted a toll on both majority and minority worlds. the minority world, being much wealthier than the majority world, were able to secure vast amounts of covid-19 vaccinations for their citizens. the majority world had to wait in line because they did not have the financial muscle to compete with the minority world. as this is only an example of how unequal the global society is, the authors of this article wish to put forward a proposal of how economic policies can be implemented that will assist the global community in developing an equal society and, in doing so, also promote social cohesion among citizens of the global community. in proposing this, the economic treatise of arthashastra and the social cohesion ideals of madhva are considered. we will firstly examine the contribution that arthashastra treatise makes to economic policies and then consider the philosophical ideals of social cohesion that madhva addresses through his philosophy of dvaita. thereafter we will combine these two contributions to reimagine a just and socio-economic environment conducive to the establishment of an equitable society. an important aspect of social cohesion is economic equality. ritzen and woolcock (2000:5) explain that the ‘uprooting’ of poverty and the addressal of economic developmental issues are pivotal for the construction of a socially cohesive society. borisov and vinogradov (2018:522) explain that social cohesion, while promoting economic development, aims to close the ‘gap between the rich and the poor’. an important objective of social cohesion is the advocacy of economic equality, although this may be challenging for world economies to implement due to social and econometric factors. without economic equality, social class systems form and prevent socially cohesive development. therefore, the contribution of the political economy of arthashastra and the social cohesion philosophy of dvaita together will afford us to present an answer to the socio-economic well-being of a nation. arthashastra economic treatise the themes of the arthashastra focus on ensuring economic development and social cohesion through well-structured management of state funds that centre on public welfare. in hinduism, the purushartha refers to the objectives of human life and is subdivided into dharma (law), artha (wealth), kama (pleasure) and moksha (salvation). sharma (2008:70) explains: ‘dharma, artha, kama, and moksa are the aims or goals of human life which man ought to strive for attaining it throughout his life, and in all births’. in this section we therefore reflect on the arthashastra1 – as any discussion involving political economics will do well to mention this ancient text. das (2012:vii) in the introduction to the book by trautman (arthashastra: the science of wealth), claims that the arthashastra is ‘the world’s first manual in political economy’. in accordance with the purushartha, the arthashastra focuses on guiding people towards upholding dharma and artha – to allow for lawful, ethical, and righteous practices in the process of accumulating wealth. for reimagining socio-economic wealth and integrating the arthashastra’s economic treatise with madhva’s philosophy, an introduction to the arthashastra that touches on its historical context is necessary. the historical context and background aids in uncovering societal challenges that the arthashastra sought to address, which in turn creates a clear identification of socially cohesive concepts within the arthashastra. this further contributes to integrating the arthashastra with madhva’s philosophy towards socio-economic well-being. hindu philosophy recognises the importance of artha, wealth and possessions, in the daily lives of humankind. due to the importance of artha, the hindu philosopher chanakya2 wrote the arthashastra around 300 bce. the arthashastra consists of 15 books, 150 chapters, 180 sections and 6000 slokas (poetic form). chanakya was born in 375 bce and was well known as the adviser to chandragupta maurya, who was the founder of the mauryan empire. according to waldauer, zahka and pal (1996:101), chanakya wrote the arthashastra as a ‘primer for good rule by the king’ so as ‘to increase the monarch’s wealth and that of his realm’. boesche (2003:9) describes the arthashastra as ‘one of the greatest political books of the ancient world’. echoing this sentiment, sihag (2016:60) says that the arthashastra focuses on teaching the ‘peaceful enjoyment of prosperity for all people’. boesche (2003:9) and sihag (2016:60) describe the arthashastra as a manual that centres on the socio-economic well-being for all people – establishing the arthashastra as a valuable, contributing, text to the reimagining of socio-economic well-being. the arthashastra is simply an economical treatise written by chanakya with the aim of merging economics and politics for the social welfare and prosperity of people living in india; yet it is applicable to the global community today. tanwar (2014:32–35) notes that the arthashastra covers the following themes, among others: state welfare – the happiness of the king lies in the happiness of his subjects. as a result, the needs of the people must be a top priority for a ruler. according to the white paper for social welfare by the south african government (1997),3 the goal of state/social welfare is to promote a humane, peaceful, developing, just society that upholds the basic human rights and promotes all people to participate in all spheres of life, i.e, creative expression, sport, social, economic, political, etc. economic growth, employment, social development, and the addressal of economic and social disparities form the main focal points of state welfare. the arthashastra containing teachings pertaining to state welfare (and the subsequent economic and social development) relates to madhva’s teachings on social cohesion, as both look toward the overall wellbeing of state citizens. good governance – successful governance relies on strong economic policies that ensure transparent administration and financial development. on the significance of good governance as a link between the arthashastra and madhva’s philosophy on social cohesion, kraipornsak (2018:93) defines good governance as: ‘a key factor that plays [a] role in modern economic development’. therefore, good governance is characterised by the administrative operations of an institution that advances economic and social development toward promoting overall wellbeing. re-imagining socio-economic wellbeing depends on good governance for the success of economic wellbeing and equity. foreign trade – tanwar (2014:34) states: ‘kautilya recognized that foreign trade in goods and services is a major vehicle for increasing state wealth’. trade, import, and export are vital to economic stability and growth. according to barker (1977:154), free, international trade stimulates substantial growth in the production of goods. by encouraging mass production of goods, foreign trade enables job opportunities and growth in a country’s income. as a theme of the arthashastra, foreign trade mirrors madhva’s philosophy on social cohesion by increasing economic growth (allowing for economic cohesion) through improving productivity, expanding the market, and creating employment opportunities. taxation – developing a rich treasury is vital to the survival of a kingdom. tax should be regulated to ensure that it is for the benefit of people rather than a means of creating a rich elite. discussions pertaining to economic growth and the re-imagining of socio-economic wellbeing requires mention of taxation. macek (2014) explains: when evaluating the impact of fiscal variables on economic growth, it is necessary to derive from the fact that taxation influences economic growth solely through its impact on individual growth variables. (p. 311) taxation as an important discussion point for economic wellbeing displays the arthashastra’s contribution to the discussion of re-imagining socio-economic wellbeing – as the arthashastra covers themes that are relevant to the conversations of economic development and wellbeing in the current era. growth orientated public expenditure – expenses made by the king should focus on public welfare and development. countries that invest in education experience social development and growth on a faster scale as opposed to countries that make little investments towards education (suwandaru 2021:1). growth orientated public expenditure is characterised by governmental expenditures that focus on development – sustainable economic and social development. linked to good governance, growth orientated public expenditure allows for socio-economic wellbeing through concerns expressed by governmental structures toward a specific sector. as a result, funds are allocated for the development of that sector. growth orientated public expenditure fits into the re-imagining of socio-economic wellbeing by stressing the importance of allocating funds toward growth-oriented activities such as technological and scientific innovation, employment opportunities, health care, and education (primary, secondary, and tertiary). infrastructure – tanwar (2014) claims: kautilya considers infrastructure as very important for the state development and also very useful for promoting commercial and trade activities. he suggests that state should invest in transport infrastructure, especially roads so that foreign trade and commercial activities can be increased …. (pp. 34–35) the united nations human settlements programme (2011)4 affirms: a recent body of research confirms the importance of infrastructure service provision to sustainable development. the world bank’s (1994) world development report landmark study on infrastructure highlighted the critical role of infrastructure in the development process. (p. 9) the sustainable development referred to is characterised by the creation of employment opportunities, ease of access, linking different communities, improving environment conditions, and allowing trade flows within and across borders5. in promoting sustainable development, infrastructure as a theme of the arthashastra relates to madhva’s philosophy on social cohesion in encouraging the re-imagination of socio-economic wellbeing. this is evident in the vital role that infrastructure plays toward sustainable development. the above-mentioned themes of the arthashastra focus on ensuring economic development and social cohesion through well-structured management of state funds that centres on public welfare. these themes are important to this discussion as they form the foundation of what socio-economic well-being entails. for the integration of the arthashastra’s economic treatise with madhva’s philosophy, the above-mentioned themes are required as they guide the researcher through madhva’s philosophy by displaying the themes that are relevant to socio-economic well-being. while heeding to the contribution made by the arthashastra on economics and social cohesion, rajeev (2012) states that: people who have built a state by social-cohesion, they built it for security and welfare. welfare of citizens is the priority of the king. he should do his best efforts for welfare… by it as well as economy and work can be provided. (p. 14) thus, the arthashastra contributes significantly to the discussion on economics and socially cohesive governance which should be seriously considered by politicians and economists of any country. when this socio-economic structure is coupled with madhva’s philosophy of social cohesion, we have an added incentive to offer a successful social-economic well-being for society at large. to assess madhva’s contribution to economics and social cohesion, his literary work requires an engagement with the six themes of the arthashastra. although madhva never wrote a commentary on the arthashastra and makes little to no mention of the text, there are similarities between the arthashastra and its contribution to economics and social cohesion and madhva’s contribution to economics and social cohesion. madhva’s context in considering madhva’s contribution to social cohesion within the ambits of this article, it is important to understand the social and economic milieu in which madhva found himself. from 1200 ce to 1350 ce was a formative time in indian history. apart from the rise of madhva’s dvaita philosophy, india witnessed the establishment of islam with the delhi sultanate in 1200 ce. according to singh (2018:82), the administration of the delhi sultanate advanced ‘indo-islamic engineering’ and ‘expanded development rates in india’s populace and economy’. under the delhi sultanate, madhva lived during the administration of the mamluk (1206–1290) and khilji (1290–1320) states. during this time, india witnessed major shifts in its social, political, and economic environment. prasad (2011:113) notes that madhva rose during a time when ‘hinduism would face extinction’. the period that madhva found himself in was a tumultuous and uncertain period for hinduism and indian society. madhva’s religious thought would not only transform the hindu faith but also contribute to the broader, transforming indian community at the time. madhva is believed to have been born and died in udupi, a southern city in karnataka in india. although his hometown was in the southern regions of india, madhva travelled to neighbouring cities and states. as he began to explore the foundations of what would become his dvaita philosophical system of vedanta, madhva travelled far south and north to engage in debates where he is believed to have debased shankara’s advaita vedanta. after exploring the southern cities of india, madhva travelled to the northern cities of haridwar, badrinath and varanasi where he engaged in more debates. prasad (2011:43) notes that madhva’s travels and dvaita philosophy came during an ‘onslaught of islamic powers’. the invasion by islamic empires fostered a tense environment in india – one that madhva could not escape. the mamluk dynasty (1206–1290) was the first dynasty that madhva lived through. mamluk is an arabic term used to refer to a non-arab slave who accepted islam, subsequently being freed from slavery. the mamluk dynasty is also referred to as the slave dynasty, as the major rulers of this dynasty were of non-arab, slave descent. additionally, the mamluk dynasty of the delhi sultanate were of turkish and afghan origins. the mamluk dynasty ended in 1290 when jalauddin khilji founded the khilji dynasty. jalauddin khilji is revered as one of the strongest militant leaders of the delhi sultanate as he kept the mongol invasion at bay. the following leaders of the delhi sultanate ruled during madhva’s lifetime: razia (1236–1240) of the mamluk dynasty. razia sultana is famous for being the first female muslim ruler of india and for her invasion and conquest of ranthambore. much of razia’s reign focused on asserting her claim and authenticity as a ruler of the delhi sultanate. ghiyas-ud-din balban (1266–1287) of the mamluk dynasty. ghiyas-ud-din stressed the importance of allegiance to the crown and is known to have spied on members of his council and the general populous. he is also known for conquest of mewat and gwalior. ghiyas-ud-din also introduced the persian festival navroz to india. jalauddin (1290–1296) of the khilji dynasty. jalauddin was the first ruler of the khilji dynasty. he defended india from attacks by the mongols, and made vital contributions to the growth of the delhi sultanate and islam. ala-ud-din (1296–1316) of the khilji dynasty. ala-ud-din is famous for his victories over the kingdoms of gujarat, chittor and malwa. ala-ud-din also implemented economic policies that directly affected the livelihood of hindus. kaur (2019:33) says: ‘alaudin khilji was the greatest ruler of the khilji dynasty and was the first muslim ruler to extend his empire right up to the extreme south of india’. ala-ud-din’s reign made significant changes to the social, political, and economic state of all india, making him one of the most prominent rulers when reflecting on madhva’s context. shihab-ud-din omar (05 january – april 1316) of the khilji dynasty. omar was the son of ala-ud-din and ascended to the throne at the age of six. very little is known of his reign which lasted four months before he died. qutb-ud-din mubarak shah (april 1316 – may 1320) of the khilji dynasty. shah was the last ruler of the delhi sultanate to have reigned during the time of madhva. shah is famous for the abolishment of severe taxes and fines and made attempts to rectify the harsh treatment of hindus that were set in place by ala-ud-din. of the six rulers of the delhi sultanate mentioned above, ala-ud-din stands out as the most influential ruler. the socio-economic reforms by ala-ud-din affected india as a whole. ala-ud-din’s reforms transformed hindu societies and directly affected madhva’s life as he travelled and resided in different indian states that were subject to ala-ud-din’s rule. according to kulke and rothermund (2002): ala-ud-din’s predecessors had based their rule mainly on the strength of their army and the control of a few important towns and fortresses. they derived their financial resources from loot, from taxes imposed on the markets of delhi, from the land revenue of the area around delhi and from the tribute of subjected kings. land revenue and tribute were not always paid very regularly. the rural people were still mostly hindus; the muslims lived in the cities and towns…. (p. 160) the khilji dynasty ruled india through its strong armies and financial control. ala-ud-din is believed to have said (see kulke & rothermund 2002): the hindus will never become submissive and obedient till they are reduced to poverty. i have, therefore, given orders, that just sufficient shall be left to them from year to year, of corn, milk, and curds, but they shall not be allowed to accumulate hoards and property. (p. 164) like most colonial governments, a successful rule was based on the complete dominance of the livelihood of all citizens of the colony. the economic policies designed by ala-ud-din were solely for the purpose of strengthening the delhi sultanate at the expense of the hindu community. due to ala-ud-din’s economic policies, an economical divide formed between the hindus in rural areas and the hindus and muslims living in the cities. klune (2014:1) notes that under the reign of ala-ud-din, the khilji dynasty engaged in ‘less tolerant behaviour towards the hindus, evidenced by the destruction of temples and heavier taxation’. the intolerance of the khilji dynasty to hindus, the destruction of temples and strong taxation laws affected a society that madhva was preaching to. evidently, madhva lived in a context that was plagued with war, illegitimate kings, and harsh living conditions for hindus. having lived through the mamluk and khilji dynasty, madhva was a first hand witness to the economic challenges faced by hindu communities. to assess madhva’s contributions to economics and social cohesion, madhva’s writings are vital. sri madhvacharya was a prominent philosophical teacher who contributed to the vedanta school of hindu philosophy. madhva is famous for his advocacy of the dvaita (dualism) philosophy. hindu tradition places madhva’s birth at 1238 ce and death at 1317 ce. during his lifetime, madhva wrote commentaries on the foundational texts of hinduism and composed his own literary works to elaborate on his dvaita philosophy. madhva’s dvaita philosophy remains an important part of vedanta philosophy and has a significant following in india and internationally. madhva’s literary works this section explores madhva’s literary works considering the six themes of the arthashastra to assess madhva’s contribution to economics and social cohesion. having come after the great philosophers like shankara and ramanuja, madhva saw fit to ensure that all his literature focused on expanding dvaita philosophy while simultaneously offering a critique on advaita and visistadvaita. despite finding himself in a context that required hinduism’s participation in social, economic, and political discourse, madhva saw fit to write mainly on dvaita philosophy. despite his dedication to dvaita philosophy, madhva makes certain notes that pertain to ethical behaviour that relates to the lessons in the arthashastra. in the tatparya nirnaya (see sonde 2011:69–228), madhva says: 3.14–16. ‘for householders, charity of wealth and for the forest-dwellers charity of food (is recommended).’ 9.16–19. ‘sacrifice means renunciation of wealth etc. at the feet of the lord.’ 14.22–24. ‘for the sake of wealth, of dear ones or those who are inimical or because of fright, there is never any decrease in their devotion to sri vishnu.’ 18.6. ‘in the sacrifice of wealth, in the sacrifice of knowledge, in the sacrifice of penance, one should perform charity, instruct and practice austerity according to one’s capacity and according to the classification ….’ madhva’s commentary on the tatparya nirnaya says very little of economic and governmental policy. however, madhva speaks on acquiring, sharing and detachment from wealth for the sake of moksha and social welfare. the focus of madhva’s thought on wealth rests on the importance of material possessions, the acquisition of material objects as establishing dvaita, and indifference to wealth as one’s focus must be on vishnu. in doing so, madhva stresses that all actions performed should be for the delight of vishnu. the delight of vishnu is linked to detachment from material objects and performing actions that contribute to social welfare. contributing to economics and social cohesion, madhva’s tatparya nirnaya stresses the importance of indifference to the presence of wealth and the sharing of wealth for social welfare purposes. sharma (1962:xii) attributes 37 literary works to madhva. these writings comprise madhva’s commentaries on the upanishads, bhagavad gita, brahma sutras, the vedas, and other texts that expound his dvaita philosophy. unlike the arthashastra that focuses on economic policies and social/governmental reforms, madhva’s literary works focus solely on dvaita philosophy, devotion to vishnu, and a critique on advaita and visistadvaita. in this sense madhva contributes very little to economic policies and governmental structures. despite the lack of noteworthy contributions to economic policies, madhva’s thought on karma yoga contributes to understanding work ethic and detachment from material objects. positive work ethic and detachment contribute to economic development by ensuring that all members of a community make valuable, selfless contributions to the development of their community. arthashastra and madhva’s contribution to economics diplomacy, social structures, and ethics are important themes in the arthashastra. shabbir (2004:1) describes the following as valuable lessons in the arthashastra: sandhi: the accommodation of all people, irrespective of status or nationality. vigraha: viewing all people as equal and removing all sense of hostility so that war and conflict can come to an end. asana: state of being indifferent in treatment or understanding to different kingdoms or governmental structures. dvaidhibhava: the promotion of peace and harmony through policies and treaties with different kingdoms. samsarya: protecting weaker kingdoms and tribes from mutual threats. yana: intervening with other kingdoms when there is an unjust king. although conflict is frowned upon, war is necessary in the case of removing an unjust king. other concepts in the arthashastra mentioned by shabbir (2004:1) are that of effective usage of power, promotion of welfare, honesty, truthfulness, and self-discipline. the above-mentioned lessons of the arthashastra are solely for the purpose of economic development and social cohesion. dvaidhibhava, samsarya and yana relate to economic and administrative management, while sandhi, vigraha and asana focus on social engagements with culturally and economically diverse people. in addition to the six lessons, honesty, self-discipline, and effective usage of power contribute to transparent, successful governance and cohesive social engagements. while madhva does not directly speak on economics and governmental administration, his commentary on the bhagavad gita and tatparya nirnaya mirror the lessons of the arthashastra on economic development and social cohesion. on bhagavad gita 9.9 (see sonde 2011:143) madhva comments: ‘…he who creates and destroys the universe effortlessly, how can there be any attachment to in his actions….’ madhva asserts that vishnu is the controller of the universe and therefore, all things within the material world belong to vishnu. because all things belong to vishnu, one should be indifferent to changes in the world as they are beyond the control of the mortals. madhva adds to this in gita 6.4 (see sonde 2011): ‘sri krishna speaks of the marks of those who have established themselves in equanimity. for such one, there is comprehensive detachment.’ (p. 106) the term equanimity is used by madhva to denote a sense of calmness and indifference to pressure. madhva teaches that equanimity comes with detachment. when one is detached from the thoughts and objects related to the material world, changes within the material world does not deter the focus of one’s mind. through self-discipline, one can attain and maintain detachment, resulting in equanimity and composure. relating to the arthashastra, madhva’s thought on detachment and equanimity engage the points of indifference, self-discipline, and mental welfare. madhva’s thought on war revolves around his notes in his invocation to the tatparya nirnaya (see sonde 2011:4). madhva says: ‘but if you do not fight such righteous battle, then shorn of one’s righteous duty and glory you will incur demerit.’ ‘preferable is one’s own ordained dharma (perennial principle) even though imperfect, thern following dharma ordained for others even though followed perfectly. death in performance of one’s own dharma is preferable for the dharma ordained for others is fraught with danger.’ the other literary work of madhva agrees that, on the topic of war, one must strictly adhere to dharma. madhva stresses the importance of following one’s duty and performing all prescribed action to avoid the accrual of demerits and punishment. in gita 17:1 (sonde 2011:219) madhva notes that ‘the vedas is dharma and all that is contrary to that is against dharma’. therefore, war as prescribed action that upholds dharma (as defined in the vedas), is action that must be performed. madhva endorses war that is prescribed by dharma and for the preservation of dharma. madhva’s understanding of the vedas as dharma suggests that the vedas (and texts affiliated to it, such as upanishads, brahma sutras and bhagavad gita) are the epitome of righteousness that teaches cosmic well-being. madhva’s thoughts on warfare align itself with the lesson of the arthashastra on dharmic (or righteous) war and protecting the weak. this is evident in madhva’s understanding of righteous war (war for the protection of dharma) as ordained action prescribed by vishnu. in gita 1.40-41 (sonde 2011:37) madhva engages the concept of truthfulness by commenting on the discussion between arjuna and sri krishna. madhva acknowledges arjuna’s confusion on the differences in advice that he was given. in explaining how arjuna should engage all opinions given to him, madhva says that all opinions that are truthful are united. madhva encourages truthfulness and describes it as an attribute worthy of moksha. to be truthful is to reflect deep devotion and dedication to the will of vishnu. madhva also posits that truthfulness stems from detached action, as one lies in pursuit of materialistic objects. madhva’s thought on peace relates to his idea of detachment. throughout madhva’s literary works and philosophical ideologies, he stresses the importance of detachment. according to madhva, detachment from materialistic objects is an imperative for a person who desires to attain moksha. madhva encourages detachment from materialistic objects as one’s focus should only be on the will and delight of vishnu. in tatparya nirnaya 2.15 (sonde 2011:15), madhva says: ‘[h]e without attachment to sense, does not grieve. he remains quiet and peaceful within. being attached to the body, every one becomes influenced by sorrows.’ madhva adds to this in gita 1.66 (sonde 2011:55): ‘for the one who has no concentration, his intellect can never have realization. therefore, it is declared that peace is not for the one without concentration. peace means deliverance, peace, deliverance, nirvana have similar meanings, thus has it been said.’ for madhva, peace comes from concentration. by concentrating on vishnu, one can attain inner peace. madhva describes this inner peace synonymously with deliverance and nirvana. to concentrate on vishnu and attain inner peace, madhva stresses the detachment from sensory organs. therefore, his understanding of peace and detachment are interlinked. madhva’s context shows that he was aware of the islamic forces pervading in india. sarma (2008:1) agrees that there were strong islamic influences during madhva’s time, but also suggests the presence of christianity within madhva’s context. sarma (2008:6) notes that one of the misconceptions of madhva is that ‘madhvacarya is christ rather than that he is like christ’. the presence of islam, christianity, and the variety of hindu beliefs in madhva’s context suggests that madhva taught in a community that required teachings of cohesion and religious tolerance. in alignment with the arthashastra, madhva’s commentary on bhagavad gita 6.9 sonde (2011:109) teaches: ‘one who is affectionate without any expectation is the magnanimous one. seeing suffering the one who extends help is the friend. one who causes pain is evil. one who does not reciprocate friendship even when given friendship is ungrateful. one who does good to others only if good was done for them is known as mediocre…’ on the lesson of accommodation and harmony in the arthashastra, madhva proposes friendship as affectionate actions that promote social harmony and peace. madhva describes one who hurts (or causes pain and discomfort) others as evil. as a result, madhva promotes selfless acts that seek to alleviate pain and promote friendship. therefore, promoting harmony and the accommodation of other members of society by looking beyond divisive tools, with the goal being to promote friendship. madhva’s thoughts on peace, honesty, and harmony are linked to his emphasis of detachment. in turn, detachment requires self-discipline to focus the mind only on performing actions that please vishnu. on kautilya, howladar (2017:78) states: kautilya is perhaps less well known outside india compared to other social and political philosophers of the world like confucius and machiavelli, but is definitely considered to be the first genuine political theorist in indian history. (p. 78) madhva, however, is described by subindra rao (2019:3) as the ‘first historical teacher of the dvaita doctrine.’ kautilya as a political minister living around 300 bce and madhva as a philosophical teacher in 1200 ce – 1317 ce, served different purposes to different contexts. where kautilya’s contribution was that of economic policy, political legislation for state operations and successful governance, madhva’s contribution was that of dvaita philosophy. kautilya’s focus was on shaping a government that had the interest of the people (their economic and social welfare) at heart. madhva’s focus was that of criticising shankara and ramanuja in order to establish dvaita philosophy. as a philosophical teacher establishing a new vedantic school of thought, madhva did not see fit to dedicate time to writing economic policy or governmental legislature. his contribution to economics is not on the legal level of kautilya and his arthashastra. instead, madhva contributes to economics by promoting pro-social behaviour. madhva’s contributions to economics and social cohesion align with the arthashastra and are embedded in his commentary of the bhagavad gita and tatparya nirnaya. his contributions, as aligned with the arthashastra, are contained in the following lessons: detachment: madhva believed that by detaching oneself from the material world, one can attain a state of equanimity and be indifferent to sudden change or pressure. the state of equanimity allows for calmness in tense situations and is a vital skill for leaders in economic and governmental spaces. madhva’s detachment mirrors the lesson of asana. performance of one’s duty: according to madhva, the performance of one’s duty to society is imperative and should be a top priority. in terms of economic management, madhva teaches that one must detach from performing actions that are for selfish purposes and rather perform actions that are aligned with dharma – contributing to social welfare. as a result, madhva reiterates the lessons of samsarya and yana. truthfulness: being truthful is an ethical practice that is of top priority in economic management spaces. deceitfulness results in corrupt management of funds that profit a select few, at the expense of the vast majority. self-discipline: madhva’s comments on self-discipline are applicable to any field. it is always important to concentrate the mind of completing a task successfully without easily being distracted. considering the arthashastra, madhva suggests self-discipline as a practice that guides ministers and kings to always remember the interests of the people. leaders of a governmental structure must be self-disciplined in putting the interests of the people above everything else. friendship: the concept of friendship in madhva’s philosophy is for the purpose of alleviating pain and performing selfless acts of kindness. madhva proposes friendship to advance social welfare and promote cohesion through selfless acts of support. madhva’s thought on friendship promote the lessons of dvaidhibhava, vigraha and sandhi. the above-mentioned lessons from madhva’s commentaries align with the arthashastra in promoting sustainable economic development and social cohesion. madhva and economics on indian economy paruchuru, mavuri and jyothsna (2020) state: the present performance of indian economy, partly supported by international monetary fund (imf) estimation of india being one of the fastest growing economies in the world, played an important role. despite the predictions, surprisingly the economy has not fared well since in the last quarter of 2018–19 (5.8%) indicating a slowdown in the economy. the july 2019 monthly report released by the union finance ministry reveals a three-year trend of 1 declining economic growth. it is a clear picture of india’s underwhelming economic performance for a decade. further it highlights about slowdown in agricultural output, sluggish investment consumption ration, increasing inflation and deficit balance of payments in the current account. hence it is a story of what could have been, of growth that did not happen, of missed opportunity. it also narrated the story of mismatch of economic and political objectives. (p. 169) despite the above-mentioned critique, in march 2021 cnn business6 notes that after india’s recession, its gross domestic product could expand by 12.6% in 2021 and that: if that level of growth is realized, it would allow india to reclaim its status as the fastest growing major economy … (n.p.) considering some setbacks and the possibility of india becoming the fastest growing major economy, panagariya and mukim (2014:20–21) claim that of the 17 largest states of india, 29.9% of people live in poverty. panagariya and mukim (2014:20–21) suggest that while poverty in india is on a steady decline, there is still room for improvement. this means that, until poverty is completely removed from the indian society, there will always be more that can be done. this validates the need for economic development. madhva’s contribution to economic development is based on his comments of detachment, honesty, and friendship. his contributions are more philosophical and ethical rather than legislative. neumark (2017:748) explains that ‘detachment is an ethical practice’ is best understood as a ‘care for relationships’. neumark (2017:748) suggests that detachment from material objects linked to selfish motives displays a sense of care and love for other members of society and the relationships thereof. cross (2011:36) supports detachment in economic spaces by suggesting the following: there is emerging interest among anthropologists in ‘disconnection, distance, and detachment’ as meaningful frameworks for action and forms of virtue. [s]ee detachment as a relationship, or as relational. [d]etachment is a guide to conduct, it is an ethic. detachment as a corporate ethic is one that must be constantly performed in the everyday operations of management. evidently, detachment in corporate spaces is an imperative for successful working relationships. honesty in economic spaces is one such topic that requires little elaboration as honesty is, or should be, an ethical prerequisite for all persons dealing with finances and economic legislation. failure to be honest results in the failure to be transparent. the failure to be honest and transparent is often due to corrupt actions for selfish purposes. hugh-jones (2016:1–2) suggests that with honesty comes mutual trust, which in turn promotes trade and cooperation. additionally, hugh-jones (2016) states: when people are honest, bare promises act like contracts, allowing gains from cooperation in situations where formal contracts would be hard to write or enforce. (p. 1) mazar (2006:12) adds that dishonest action is linked to selfish behaviour (antisocial behaviour) and honesty is linked to detachment from motives of self-gain (prosocial behaviour). honesty as prosocial behaviour promotes strong relationships, thus fostering positive business relationships and economic development. madhva’s contribution to economic development through his teachings of honesty laid the foundation for friendships, another contribution to economic development and social cohesion. according to nunez (2004:2), the divide between the rich and the poor causes social division through classism. an important part of economic development is social cohesion on the grounds of closing the gap between the rich and the poor. madhva’s contribution to this discussion is evident in his comments of friendship. d’hont, doern, and delgado garcia (2016:528–540) support madhva by noting the following: [f]riendship ties are governed by accepted rules of behaviour such as equality, benevolence or reciprocity. entrepreneurs reported that strong friendship ties played a role in achieving consensus and overcoming conflict in decision-making processes. [s]trong friendship ties seemed to favour affective associations – i.e., the selection of partners from personal networks based on the quality of friendship ties… evidently, friendship plays an important role in the formation of business relationships and in the decision-making process of businesses. madhva’s thoughts on friendship as performing selfless actions that alleviate pain promotes business relationships centred on healthy relationships, which thus contribute to economic development in poor communities. reflecting on the current business world and economic scholars, madhva’s thoughts on detachment, honesty and friendship contribute to economic development and social cohesion. conclusion any discussion on economics requires mention of the arthashastra. the arthashastra makes valuable contributions to economic development and social cohesion as it is a legislative document written by kautilya. unlike kautilya, madhva was a philosophical teacher whose attention was focused on contributing to vedantic philosophy through the establishment of his dvaita philosophy. as a philosophical teacher, madhva dedicated his literary works to exploring the nature and non-duality of atman and brahman. although madhva’s focus was on dvaita philosophy, he made major contributions to ethical behaviour. applying madhva’s ethical lessons to the arthashastra allowed this article to understand madhva’s contribution to economic development and social cohesion. through his lessons on detachment, madhva promotes economic development by encouraging members of society to detach from selfish acts. the detachment from selfish acts allows for economic development as members of society are encouraged to focus on contributing to social welfare rather than performing selfishly motivated actions. honesty allows for transparency and accountability. additionally, honesty contributes to mutual trust, an important contributor to business relationships. madhva’s thought on honesty links to his notes on friendship. in the economic sector, friendship allows for the formation of business relationships and better decision-making processes. through honesty and friendship, cohesion is promoted among different individuals. madhva’s thought on detachment, honesty and friendship promote cohesive working relations that centre on social welfare by contributing to economic development in poor communities and bridging the gap between the rich and the poor. taking madhva’s context into consideration, madhva looks beyond religious divides and offers his lessons on detachment, honesty, and friendship as the foundation for unity, economic development, and cohesion. in a world that is divided by religion and classism, madhva teaches that social welfare should be the ground on which people unify. applying madhva’s lessons to the current economic world means that all members of society are encouraged to contribute to the advancement of society. acknowledgements competing interests the authors 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https://www.gov.za/sites/default/files/gcis_document/201409/whitepaperonsocialwelfare0.pdf 4. https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/download-manager-files/infrastructure%20for%20poverty%20reduction%20and%20economic%20development%20in%20africa.pdf 5. see the united nations human settlements programme (2011:9). 6. see https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/19/economy/oecd-economic-outlook/index.html abstract introduction the parable of the rich man and lazarus the parable in the context of covid-19 in nigeria ‘even jesus wasn’t buried in this kind of grave’ conclusion acknowledgements references footnote about the author(s) benson o. igboin department of religion and african culture, faculty of arts, adekunle ajasin university, akungba, nigeriaresearch institute of theology and religion, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation igboin, b.o., 2022, ‘the rich man and lazarus: covid-19, class and identity in nigeria’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a134. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.134 original research the rich man and lazarus: covid-19, class and identity in nigeria benson o. igboin received: 27 aug. 2021; accepted: 09 nov. 2021; published: 17 jan. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the parable of the rich man and lazarus (lk 16:19–31) has attracted many interpretations from different cultural and theological contexts. but one thread that holds most of the works together is structural disparity in human society and the reality of judgement in the afterlife. this article re-reads the parable within the context of the coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19). this method of re-reading the parable in this particular context (of covid-19) is to serve two major purposes within the nigerian and global sphere. first, it demonstrates how humans in their (dis)ingenuity try to outwit the moral and theological, and even the eschatological, import it is meant to serve. second, it elucidates that despite human efforts to manoeuvre theological truth, the faithful should be encouraged to abide in the truth. keywords: parable; covid-19; rich man; lazarus; class. introduction the parable of the rich man and lazarus (lk 16: 19–31) raises issues of class and identity, which are still a matter of contemporary interest in human or societal relations. it is certainly not a coincidence that there is a widening of the gap between the rich and the poor in the nigerian society and elsewhere, leading to ‘class disadvantage … there is no real debate about whether this heartless inequality is the case or that is getting wider’ (duckett 2021:2). even though there have been critical interventions to change the system, those who find themselves at the top echelon have remained, and in fact, maintained an evolutionary accretive method to sustain themselves and their close kin and kith up there. even the western world which many developing countries look up to as ‘perfect’ example of class mobility has been shown to be less mobile. historian todd (2021) in her snakes and ladders shattered the myth of class mobility in britain, arguing that those who have held privileged positions have continued to securely maintain them, only leaving little breathing space for mobility. she disrupted the claim of the political that there is social mobility in britain based on hard work, presenting brutal evidence to maintain her position that social mobility is a myth rather than a reality. duckett (2021:2) reminded us of ‘how a powerful elite on the top rungs have clung to their perch and prevented others ascending’. this clique or cabal of powerful elite enjoys excessively at the expense of the hard-working, but decimated poor people. the rich man and lazarus belong to opposing and fixed class structure; but whilst lazarus has a name with which he can be identified and related with, the rich man is only described and leaves much to be figured out speculatively. the second aspect of the parable that is of utmost importance to this article is the fact that whilst the rich man was buried at death, there is no record that lazarus was buried. these two themes of name and burial are critical to the first part of the parable, and they very seriously provide the data for contextual engagement on the existential part of the parable within the nigerian covid-19 experience. the second part which has to do with an additional character – abraham – provides a scintillating twist when human (dis)ingenuity comes into the picture; this will help to understand how humans, in this case, some wealthy nigerians are attempting to circumvent the morals of the parable by trying to cast the personae in a reverse/parallel role/plot. the fact that covid-19 has dramatically changed the world and ways of doing things in a very short time cannot be denied. its changes are real and concrete. whilst government at national and global levels has concentrated on recovering from the pandemic and recovery of the economic and political shocks and exigencies that have resulted from the pandemic thus far, little attention has been paid to the fact that although the disease does not seem to discriminate in infesting people, there is conscious, deliberate human discrimination of its patients and victims. this is increasingly made clear from the way and manner in which the rich and powerful persons who have either contracted or died of the disease are disparately treated from other poor citizens or victims. this discriminatory treatment thus introduces class and identity into how the pandemic is conceived. furthermore, the way the socially or politically prominent people infested with the disease or those who died as a consequence of it are treated raises serious political, cultural and theological questions. this article will be foregrounded on the parable of the rich man and lazarus to demonstrate the twist that has taken place in class and identity issues in relation to covid-19 in nigeria. it will suggest a theology of hope for the underprivileged who as it seems at present, have lost both name and identity and proper or decent burial. the parable of the rich man and lazarus this parable of the rich man and lazarus is situated within the first century palestine to demonstrate ‘the great class disparity’ between the ‘urban elite’ and ‘rural peasantry’, superabundance and abject poverty, upper and lower class, exploiter and exploited, and the economic injustice that prevailed in that society (van eck 2009:1). it is ‘largely based on issues of wealth and identity’ (van groeningen 2021:27). some scholars argue that the parable shows jesus as interested more in political restructuring of society than religious or theological activity. according to van eck (2009), for instance, the name of the poor man – lazarus, that is, one whom god helps – resounds the premium jesus places on the poor, the socially-discriminated, the impure and the neglected. the gap between the rich and the poor is so wide and it is maintained in such a way that one cannot cross from one side to the other. this social gap is replicated in a reversed position when the rich man indirectly requested lazarus to fetch him water to drink. he argues that it is because the wealthy people neglect to care for the poor that societal chasm is created. the rich man’s fate is not because of his wealth, but his total neglect of the plight of lazarus. scott (1989) also made the point that the parable clearly depicts the boundaries that exist between the rich and the poor in the first century. the rich remain within their cosy palaces and eat sumptuously, whilst the poor are outside having their sores licked by dogs whilst waiting for crumbs to be thrown at them. although the rich deliberately do not cross the boundaries to meet and help the poor, the poor however are fenced out in order to not access the rich. in fact, in the modern world, the dogs are guards that are positioned to prevent the poor and unwanted people to come close to the gates of the rich. the poor having access to the rich tends to stigmatise the rich; the social class has to be distinctly maintained so that the rich will enjoy their status without interference from the poor. this socioeconomic injustice that prevails in human society calls for jesus’ attention; jesus steps into the gap in favour of the poor (scott 1989). szukalski (2012) viewed the parable as problematic in the sense that it appears that only economic injustice is the sole criterion for the determination of the eventual fate of the rich man in the afterlife. in any case, in the context of a social structure that only accommodates the upper and lower classes, socioeconomic powers play significant role in identity and class relations – one is either poor or rich. szukalski’s concern here raises social ethical questions rather than theological. he may ask, for instance, whether the rich man is responsible for the poverty of lazarus? is the rich man obligated to help lazarus given that he is not directly responsible for his penury? shouldn’t the rich man’s decision not to help lazarus be within the remit of his right? why, therefore, should his decision not to use his wealth to alleviate the plight of lazarus be used as the sole criterion for the determination of his ultimate fate? such questions do not express the ethos and morals of the first century palestine; they appear as though modern standard is used to evaluate the period of the parable. in any case, johnson (1977:165) suggested that the use of ‘rich’ and ‘poor’ should be understood metaphorically. he posited that the socioeconomic interpretation that the parable has elicited should be expanded to designate ‘conditions of powerlessness and power, being outcast by people or accepted by them’. the rich man’s status confers power on him, whilst lazarus’s powerlessness stems from his economic disadvantage. the rich man has power and access to the powerful in the society; he has a voice as well as influence. on the contrary, lazarus operates from the position of powerlessness and has to suffer hunger and injustice associated with his status. he is: [n]either in a place to have access to higher positions nor in a place to work his way up into one. he would have been compelled to live such a life, devoid of affection and the favour of others and destitute, with no hope of gaining access to the basic minimum he needed to survive. (van groeningen 2021:39) szukalski (2012) extrapolated the class differentiation in the following submission: lazarus means ‘god has helped me’, rather than man’s help. the meaning of the name nicely depicts the class and identity that existed in the first century where the rich extravagantly socialised with their own class and spitefully related with the poor – leaving the poor to be helped by god even though man has the capacity to help, but refuses. lazarus’ poverty readily shows in his lack of clothes, having sores all over his body, and lack of food, having to wait for the crumbs that may fall from the rich man’s well garnished table. lazarus’s status means he is an outsider, dehumanised and marginalised by society and helpless, perhaps, his only hope is death as a necessary end to his existential suffering. he will also not quicken the process of death; he waits patiently whilst in pain for it to come. szukalski (2012) described it as follows: [t]he dogs are neither friendly companions, nor do they provide comfort by licking the poor man’s sores. rather, they are wild scavengers roaming the city streets ‘that detect and taste the “fresh meat” that the sores on lazarus would present to them’. they wait for his death. (p. 90) furthermore, david van groeningen (2021) examined how ascribed and acquired high social status helps the rich man to maintain his socioeconomic profile or identity in the society. the rich, who probably was a patron to many clients, lived a ritzy life, fed sumptuously and regularly organised banquets where his clients and class would fete. from his daily lifestyle, it is clear that the rich man spent money lavishly on himself rather than show any kindness to those around him. in other words, he lived a selfish life: ‘the rich man was supposed to spend money on the community, but he did not spend much on his community’ (van groeningen 2021:41). in addition: [h]is social identity ‘rich’ means, to him at least, that he has to associate only with those who share his identity and those that can increase his social credit … his identity … entitles him to the group benefit of being allowed to increase his wealth in any way he pleases … (p. 46) another significant aspect of the parable to this article is that both lazarus and the rich man died. there is no record that lazarus is buried at death; he is only carried by angels, as if on a flight, to abraham’s bosom. of course, as a poor person perhaps his relatives could not afford to give him a burial. but when the rich man died, he was buried. in genesis 50:1–14, for instance, we can glean what it means to bury a wealthy person. the entire cabinet of pharaoh and other important dignitaries in egypt followed joseph to canaan to bury jacob after 40 days of mourning and embalmment. berman (2006) pointed out that the burial of jacob (gn. 50:1–14) is one of the most elaborate narratives in the entire bible. it is a reflection of the status of joseph, a man of economic and political influence in egypt. burial is very important here because it carries forth the social status that in life separated the rich man from lazarus. in fact, the rich man takes with him the aura of his social status on earth even in the place of great torment: his audacious request for water from lazarus whom he had treated as a pariah whilst on earth eloquently affirms this. his consciousness of his status rather than sobriety in his new place of torment further demonstrates how ingrained class consciousness has functioned in keeping the low-status people under the rung. groeningen (2021:96) even saw this as arrogance on the part of the rich man: ‘he will not even deign to fetch his own water; because he occupies a high status as a rich man, he expects lazarus to do his work for him’. he will not even directly speak with lazarus, a former beggar; he prefers to associate with abraham, and sends abraham to talk to lazarus on his behalf. whilst on earth he avoided lazarus, and even at death he will still not talk with him. in any case, the rich man got ‘a glorious burial’ (van groeningen 2021:17). as szukalski (2012:183) described it, ‘the rich man dies while feasting sumptuously and is most likely buried with all the pomp and ceremony befitting his elite status’. but the gate which lazarus could not cross into the house of the rich man on the first part of the parable has parallel on the second part also. namely, the rich man, seeing lazarus in abraham’s bosom could have wished to pass over to meet him, but for the gulf in between, a similitude of the gate lazarus was not allowed to cross whilst on earth. the difference here is that whilst lazarus was not allowed to cross the gate, the rich man was unable to cross the gulf. for lazarus, not being buried means that he is cursed; cursed by his social status. ‘in jewish tradition, to be refused burial, to be left exposed as carrion for scavenger animals… was tantamount to bearing the curse of god’ (szukalski 2012:183). giving a jewish palestinian background to the parable, regalado (2002:341) noted that ‘with regard to the burial of lazarus, the text implicitly states that he was not buried, while the rich man is described as being buried’. the implication of this, he argued, is that jesus’s audience would have been shocked if jesus had said that lazarus was buried. the class distinction and the everyday experience of the jews would have been blurred had jesus ascribed burial to lazarus. ‘jesus emphasizes the destitute condition of lazarus in contradistinction from the luxurious and better condition of the rich man by indirectly stating that lazarus was not properly buried’ (regalado 2002:342). regalado further asserted that ‘the idea of not receiving a decent burial is a strong jewish element in this parable’ (regalado 2002:342). however, szukalski’s (2012:88) emphasis on the rich man being ‘properly buried’ resonates so much with african belief that proper burial is a condition for eternal rest. scott (1989:152) also holds the view that lack of decent or proper burial is not only scandalous and a curse, but also capable of denying one resurrection or afterlife. this aligns with koka’s (2002:47) thought when he argued that burial brings the past, present and the future together in a common thread. in his words, ‘burial is a theater where ancient rituals and ceremonies are enacted by the living to appease the dead, and thus to ensure the future’. in fact, funerals are ‘moral orders’ and ‘moral economies’ of africa, which help to bind and bond the social body, social order and hierarchy as well as the otherworldly realm. whilst for the west burial is private, it is communal in africa, and every aspect of it gives meaning and points to eschatological ramifications (jindra & noret n.d.a, p. 17). what is interesting here is first, that the rich man was buried when he died and lazarus was not; and second, lazarus has his name mentioned, identified and can still be related with even now, whereas the rich man has no name and identity, but class. these two points raise issues for african christian theology and normative nuances and interpretations of death and burial in responding to covid-19 victims. in nigeria, whereas the rich and powerful patients and victims of covid-19 have both names and identity, and therefore accorded burial, the poor patients and victims are denied same, and are even stigmatised at death. this is where and why a re-reading of this parable becomes pertinent and urgent. the parable in the context of covid-19 in nigeria the coronavirus disease broke out in wuhan province, china, in december 2019, and quickly spread across the world, leading to fatalities and political and economic shocks. zizek (2020) argued that covid-19 brought sharp awareness of the people whose presence was taken for granted before the pandemic. he added that instead of the national leaders to be concerned about the masses, they concentrated more on how to recover the economy, which has been adversely affected by the pandemic. according to zizek (2020), the european economy was already showing signs of stagnation as imports and exports came to a standstill during the lockdown. the forceful reopening of the economy in the absence of vaccines was a political strategy to address the economic shocks. he quoted dan patrick, the governor of texas thus: ‘my message: let’s get back to work, let’s get back to living, let’s be smart about it, and those of us who are 70-plus, we’ll take care of ourselves’ (zizek 2020:101). he thus argued that it is capitalism that is the underlying factor that recognises the survival of the economy over the human beings. this marxist conception of the lockdown explains that the capitalist government wherever it exists, undermines the rights and choices of the people, except where such rights and choices are in tandem with economic gain. however, ‘in the choice, human lives lose’ (zizek 2020:101). perhaps, their preference for non-human system to human lives is responsible for the gross lack of trust in the government during the first round of the pandemic: [p]eople needed to have faith and trust in their government while the uncertainties of the new outbreak were worked out by the scientific community … you need extra trust, an extra sense of solidarity, an extra sense of goodwill, all of which have been completely used up. (zizek 2020:10) zizek (2020:10) argued that ‘only a mutual trust between ordinary people and the state can prevent this from happening’. but the way some national leaders handled the pandemic left much to be desired. the case of nigeria during the lockdown expressly drives home this argument. even though almost all activities were affected by the lockdown, corruption in high places, in fact, corruption of covid-19 palliatives, was not shut down. the massive corrupt practices during the lockdown negatively affected how the poor perceived the pandemic, as will be elucidated later. even though the slogan seemed to be that the coronavirus was non-discriminatory in terms of race, age, status, religion, gender and so forth, the manner with which certain group of people was perceived and treated raises the issue of class and identity. many studies have shown how the lower class suffer disproportionately from the disease around the world. they lose their jobs, suffer pay cut, suffer discriminatory educational opportunities and so on (soria & horgos 2020). the first index case in nigeria was an italian man who flew into nigeria in february 2020. as more cases of infection were recorded, the government felt the need to lock down lagos, ogun and abuja which were the most hit as the gateways into the country. the impact of the lockdown varies from upper class to lower class. even though the lockdown was meant to be obeyed by all and sundry, reality showed that there are those who seem to be above the law. in any case, it was the social deprivation that the lower class people suffered that led to their perception of covid-19 as ‘the rich man’s disease’ and a ‘divine and deserved punishment from god upon them’ because of their corruption that has brought the country to its knees (onwughalu 2020), even though zizek (2020) will want us to believe that it is purely a natural pandemic. the perception of covid-19 being a rich man’s disease (rmd) is important for this article because, first, those whose names were/are published to have either contracted or died as a consequence of it are mainly politically influential persons (pip); second, those who have also requested for prayers nationally for recovery from the rmd are pip; third, those who have publicly shared testimonies of survival from rmd and have attracted nation-wide interest and accolades are pip; fourth, those who have publicly and fragrantly flouted the safety protocols of the rmd are pip. hence, it is reasonable for the masses of the country to describe covid-19 as rmd! despite this, covid-19 also created corruption pipelines through which humongous sums of public money were embezzled without call to accountability, which vincent onwughalu (2020:1456) referred to as ‘covidpreneurs’. in fact, those who have been accused of embezzlement from the rmd’s fund are pip. the concept of rmd in reference to covid-19 resonates with class and identity discourse in nigeria where there is a wide gulf between the rich and the poor. the social chasm that has defined class structure in nigeria has continued to enervate the poor. to a very large extent, it can be argued that the poor have lost faith in the capability of the leadership of the country to ameliorate their plight because of the unconscionable corruption in high places. loss of faith or trust in government by the poor affected how covid-19 was perceived and responded to. apart from it being referred to as rmd, the poor doubted the reality of the disease. they thought it was a political ploy or scam to hoodwink them as usual, especially with the promise of aids from international bodies. it is also widely believed that the number of infections being announced daily is grossly falsified. the people believe that the numbers were exaggerated in order to access the aids. two states (kogi and cross river) out of the 36 states in the country maintained that covid-19 was a hoax, giving vent to the suspicion of the people. the government itself seems to support the people’s suspicion in the manner with which its palliatives were administered. for instance, during the #endsars protests in october 2020, covid-19 palliatives were found hoarded in politicians’ houses and warehouses, traditional rulers’ palaces, whilst some markets were flooded with them at high prices. this ‘coup’ against the poor, which has been referred to as ‘hovid’ (karam & ali 2020),1 clearly depicts how the rich treat the poor as dispensable. in addition, the manner and speed with which the national assembly attempted to pass the infectious disease control bill 2020 and the national health emergency bill 2020 in the absence of any vaccine raised the suspicion that it was a coup against the people. the coincidence of the fire that gutted the office of the auditor-general of the federation when the national assembly was to begin a probe into the disbursement of covid-19 palliatives further heightened the position of the people that covid-19 is a scam. the near-total neglect of the health workers and facilities in the midst of the severity of the pandemic which led to health workers embarking on nationwide strike to demand for their allowances and health materials to work with, despite the government announced n100 billion intervention funds for health sector are quintessential in supporting the position of the poor (onwughalu 2020). in spite of the discrimination against the poor and the unfair treatment meted out to them during the lockdown, there is one equilibrium that covid-19 has occasioned, namely: unlike the pre-covid-19 era no person, whether pip or otherwise, could travel abroad for medical attention and even now that restrictions have been relaxed in many countries. voice of america (voa) reports that at least 1 billion us dollars is spent on foreign medical tourism by the nigerian pip annually (https://www.voanews.com/africa/nigeria-losing-1b-annually-medical-tourism-authorities-say) (voa n.d.). with the reality that covid-19 forced on the country generally and the health sector in particular, one would have thought that the government would reconsider its negligent stance towards the health sector in the country. unfortunately, the pip and government have quickly forgotten the lessons of the lockdown and how they were unable to access medical care abroad (muanya, jimoh & olaniyi n.d.). it is even suggested that the number of covid-19 deaths amongst the pip would have been lesser than what it is if there were no lockdown and restrictions at the international levels. another leveller covid-19 occasioned is ‘forced’ realisation of the inevitability of death – a concept that is a universal truth. it is also believed that the rich can enhance their lives in such a way that they may live longer. their access to the finest medical personnel and facilities is one of the ways they have maintained their health. but covid-19 has compelled them to realise the inevitability of death when their wealth could not help them to access health facilities they had been used to. according to mbiti (2002:119), ‘the death that has come to a soul cannot be prevented by a wise person’, in this context the pip. he emphasised the point that death does not respect a chief or his or her servant. this impartial knell of death was brought home more pungently during the lockdown where little or nothing could save those who believed that their wealth could ordinarily save them. death blurs the line of social segregation that wealth creates in human society. the causes of death are very important in african religious thought. they determine what kind of burial will be accorded the deceased. there are good and bad deaths. good death is one that occurs at old age in a peaceful manner. bad death is one that occurs violently or is caused by a bad disease. whilst those who die good death are accorded proper burial, those who die bad death are not buried; they may be thrown into the evil forest. the significance of this distinction is that death resulting from covid-19 was initially regarded as a bad death by the nigerian government. despite the burial protocols that recommend ‘dignified burial’ in accordance with ‘customs’ in the context of the covid-19 pandemic, the concept of death resulting from covid-19 was still maintained by the federal government. in the burial protocols, it was the federal ministry of health that was empowered to dispose of the bodies of covid-19 victims. it was even suggested that cremation might be the most suitable form of disposing the bodies (ncdc 2020). although cremation is being introduced to some parts of africa such as south africa because of the devastating consequences of aids and non-availability of land, it is generally regarded as an ‘insult to the past’ and ‘threatens the future with discontinuity’ (jindra & noret n.d.b). those who died of covid-19 were not allowed to be placed in the mortuary for an obvious reason – the likelihood of infesting other corpses thereby spreading the disease. they were thus to be disposed of immediately without ‘proper burial’. according to the information minister, lai mohammed, ‘nigerians should not forget that these are not the types of corpses that can be claimed for burial because it must be handled by the ministry of health’ (folorunsho-francis 2020). but the twist happened when abba kyari, the chief of staff to the nigerian president died of covid-19. top government functionaries flouted all the covid-19 protocols in their bid to accord him proper burial (ayeni 2020). ‘burial ceremonies of highly-placed government officials were also held in grand styles irrespective of the social distancing protocols’ (okoro 2021:26). the death and public burial accorded abba kyari suddenly changed the concept of bad death resulting from covid-19 to good death. this again is critical to the social structure that undermines the poor. poor people who had died of covid-19 complications were not accorded decent or proper burial. preliminary exploration has shown that some of those who have contracted the disease are not usually mentioned in the various lists of updates daily announced by the nigeria centre for disease control (ncdc). but the media, especially the social media outlets, freely publish the names of politicians and other wealthy persons in the country who have contracted or died from covid-19. these personalities are carefully monitored and their response or otherwise to treatment is also shared in the media. in addition, prayer requests have been made, often placed on the media, asking the whole country, irrespective of the citizens’ religious affiliations to pray for this set of people to recover from the disease (olasupo 2020). here, the much-advertised stigmatisation of covid-19 patients is blurred, and it appears that their class or status in society has helped them to deal with stigmatisation that was rife with the disease initially. conversely, when one subtracts the number of these rich people from the list of names of those who are infested with the disease, one can conveniently surmise that the rest are patients who are less known, that is, they are not pip. here, the empathy that the rich patients of covid-19 have been accorded is consciously or unconsciously the poor patients were denied. for instance, a former nigerian vice president tweeted that his son had contracted covid-19, was in isolation, and requested all nigerians to pray for his recovery. the criticality of this request is that it came from a prominent person, who has a ‘name’, that is, social status. according or denying empathy is connected with human names within the african tradition and christianity; name creates image and relationship of a person in the mind of the imaginer. in africa, name is life because it is whoever that has a name that exists. in other words, names confer some level of existence on what is named. to be named is to have identity amongst people in human community. name identifies individuals and also confers status on them. names evoke feeling and emotion (igboin 2004, 2014, 2018). this is why empathy cannot be showed to poor people who cannot be connected with by their names in the covid-19 situation. the same discriminatory treatment is also being meted to the rich and poor victims of covid-19. thus far, whilst the names of rich and powerful people who died as a result of covid-19 are being made public and physical and e-sympathisers or e-mourners send their condolences to the families, the poor victims do not have any announcement except that they form part of the general number of those who have died of the virus. again, when a simple calculation is performed on the number of the rich and powerful victims publicly announced being taken away from the total number of victims, it will be certain that poor people have died more of the disease than the rich. as of 30 may 2021 there were 166 285 cases of coronavirus infection, 2071 deaths and 156 557 recovered. table 1 sheds light on the names of those announced to have either contracted or died of covid-19. table 1: some prominent names of those who have contracted covid-19 in nigeria. but why is death an important identifier here? it is partly because the cause of death is important to african religious eschatology as well as christian theology and eschatology. before i explore this point, it is pertinent to clearly understand that there are also class and identity issues in the death and burial of the victims of covid-19 in nigeria. ‘even jesus wasn’t buried in this kind of grave’ there is the need to discuss the twist in the fate of the rich man in the context of the grave of senator abiola ajumobi. ajumobi was a nigerian senator, two-time governor of oyo state, and deputy national chairman of the nigerian ruling party, all progressive congress (apc). by the positions he held in the country, it can safely be argued that he was extremely rich in a country where political positions constitute the easiest way to access public funds without accountability. ajumobi died as a result of complications from covid-19, and his burial ceremonies also defiled the government protocols in a bid to accord him befitting and proper burial. that all protocols were flouted demonstrates that he was a pip who died of rmd. but what is more pertinent to this article is the nature of his grave, which has widely elicited comments. like the rich man, ajumobi was buried. even though there are no details of the grave of the rich man, those of ajumobi seem to twist the fate of the rich man. the rich man was in a state of torment in hell, where the fire was making him to thirst. the heat of hell must have been very great regardless of the fact that he could still recognise lazarus and abraham. the grave of ajumobi that went viral on social media reveals that it is made of world best marble, tiles, and is fully air conditioned with constant electricity supply in a country that hardly enjoys electricity (vanguard n.d.). the cushion chairs that surround the grave room are exotic, neatly positioned in the form of an executive office. at the top of the grave stands an imposing statue of the dead, probably meant to stimulate the reality of his presence. the air conditioner is meant to cool the mausoleum and perhaps, the soul of the dead. the furniture is probably meant to make visitors comfortable in the grave room. all this is meant to give maximum comfort to the dead. one commentator even estimates the cost of the mausoleum as capable of paying emoluments of ‘500 pensioners’ (falade 2020) in a country where senior citizens are literally hastened to die because of government non-payment of pension. it seems to me that with this ritzy mausoleum, there is the belief that the dead should continue to enjoy what they enjoyed whilst alive. this will mean that there will be no need of thirst, heat of hell, isolation that made the rich man reach out to abraham for help. a belief that a comfortable mausoleum for the dead translates to repose of the same soul is antithetical to the morals of the parable. even though the rich man seemed to want to maintain his superior class in hades, he found out that it was not practicable. the dismissive responses of abraham to his requests are a good point to argue that no matter how beautiful a person’s grave is, it has nothing to benefit the soul of the dead. it is this that must have led to moturola’s exclamation that ‘even jesus wasn’t buried in this kind of grave’ (falade 2020). what is therefore the implication for the contemporary poor christians who must have been through this experience of denying their deceased a decent burial? how would they relate in a society that has different standards for the rich and the poor, and yet keep their trust or faith? how would they minister to others who might be in the same situation? i think that moturola’s response is enlivening in the sense that jesus, who was buried in joseph of arimathea’s grave never remained in the grave. the empty grave of jesus instantiates the fact that what happens after and beyond the grave is more important than how the grave is decorated, maintained or animated. grave has no comfort for the soul of the dead; the soul certainly lives outside the grave. humans can attach light or obsessive attachment to the grave, but the reality is that no matter how exquisite the grave may be, they also believe that much of it is emotional attachment. conor omecinski (2018) drove home this point thus: the respective burials of the rich man and lazarus serve as the earthly perceptions of each character against which their post mortem destinies would be emphasized. just as lazarus was perceived (and certainly would have been perceived by the audience) to have been a poor, sinful beggar who was unworthy of eternal treasure in paradise, the parable shockingly describes lazarus not as rotting in some mass grave after his death, but instead demonstrates that lazarus is carried ‘to the bosom of abraham by angels’. in contrast, the death and burial of the rich man (who most-likely represented the pharisees in this tale), which was ‘presumably elaborate’, did not bring him eternal bliss, but rather brought him to torment in hades. (p. 6) what omecinski is emphasising is that humans attach so much meaning to burial; they are the ones that classify it as either proper, decent, befitting or otherwise. whilst this should not be interpreted to mean that omecinski is advocating that the dead should not be properly (in the terms of earthly measure) buried, he is indeed drawing attention to the fact that burial, after all, will not be the yardstick to gauge the character of the dead. as the parable illustrates, the rich man was not in torment because of elaborate burial, but his deeds. how does this resonate with the african who believes that the grave is a scene of presence of the departed? it is to be noted that it is not every one who dies that has a grave. grave is an entitlement only to those who live and die well; those who have names amongst the community, and those who are saved – those who lived an exemplary life (shipton 2009; turner 2017). ‘the ancestor is the definition and epitome of salvation, since the ancestor is the living embodiment of the exemplary life, the life worthy of emulation’ (clark 2012:117). can the life of the rich man be regarded as exemplary, given his character to entitle him to a grave in the real african sense of grave? the concern of the rich man for his five brothers has been a matter eliciting different interpretations. first, is his concern borne out of love for his brothers to escape the fate he was going through in hade? second, if he were, would he still proudly ignore lazarus and prefer to talk with abraham directly? whatever the intention of the rich man, his request was turned down by abraham. the motive of the rich man in requesting abraham to send lazarus to his five brothers has been interpreted in different ways: borne of love and fear. it has been suggested that he made the request out of real compassion for his brothers, having realised the irreversible torment he has found himself. he is bothered about the destiny that awaits his brothers, which presupposes that they may not be conducting their lives in accordance with the scripture as he did (https://biblehub.com/luke/16-27.htm). in any case, that abraham, known for his intercession for sodom and gomorrah would ignore the rich man’s three requests raises other set of questions that are beyond the remit of this present article. but who are his five brothers that are being referred to? some refer to the pentateuch (that is, the five books of moses), the five foolish virgins, the children of leah and so forth. but i would like to see it as a symbolic reference to the rich man’s class with whom he, whilst on earth, had been feasting, neglecting the poor. of course, as one commentator puts it, the rich man’s five brothers have been seeing lazarus lying helplessly every day at the gated house of their brothers: [t]he brothers had seen the beggar lying at his gate. if they were to see him now, as risen from the dead, they would learn how far more blessed his state had been than the luxurious ease in which they had passed and were still passing their lives. (n.p.) in other words, the rich man’s ‘class’ brothers, the pip, daily see the plight of those they have, by their exploitative craft, socioeconomically decimated. as abraham retorted, moses and the prophets are still in human societies, preaching. regalado (2002:345) argued, for the christians, moses and the prophets refer to the word of god. the second twist is that all the rmd’s victims known to the public by their names are pip. in contrast, in the parable, the rich man, despite his influence in the society, had no name, at least in the bible. according to igboin (2005): names are very essential to the africans as well as the jews. considering the parable from a purely african cultural setting that attaches great importance to names, the reasons for, and consequence of, the rich man in the parable not having a name are that his actions were anti-religious and anti-cultural. he therefore has to suffer the eternal fate because he lost his name. the african holds that ‘because god does not like evil, he gave each person a name’.… therefore, … ‘to save fraud, god gave each person a name’. (pp. 266–267) in the context of the rmd, the case is that it is only the pip that both have names and burial, whilst the low-class victims lose their names and burial in the cloud of the numbers that the ncdc regularly releases. as has been argued earlier, proper burial is a condition for admission into ancestorhood in traditional africa. it is believed that without proper burial the ghost of the deceased would continue to haunt the family they left behind. this is because it is believed that denial into the communion of the ancestors makes the ghost to wander, and therefore has to torment the living as a way of demanding a proper burial (clark 2012). in other words, whilst in the parable the rich man was buried but had no name, lazarus, at least, has a name even though he was not accorded burial. now is it literally possible for the rich man not to have a name? many theologians have controversially argued that he has a name, finees, but the more popular one is dives, which in latin, means ‘a certain man was rich’ (van eck 2009:6). according to izibili and aidenojie (2021:125), ‘a name tells a lot about the person who bears it. this means that a name carries alongside with it a personality, an identity and in fact a destiny’. they further noted that ‘a name functions as a stamp of identity, an expression of belief, feeling and understanding of a situation’ (izibili & aidenojie 2021:123). assuming the rich man’s name is dives as suggested, what he did with his wealth formed his belief, character and destiny. as he did not do what moses and the prophets taught him to do, he became an ‘anonymous’ (szukalski 2012:210) rich man. it is indeed his refusal to carry out his social responsibility that ‘he lost his name’ (igboin 2005:266). in other words, the rich man lost his personality, identity and destiny because he deliberately neglected the socially, religiously and culturally approved duty to care for the poor and needy. it can also be argued that although he literally has a name amongst the members of his community, he does not have it before god; this being the reason jesus described him anonymously as a certain rich man. conclusion i have argued that human society has had an enduring class and identity issues that continued to dictate how society responds to its challenges. the coronavirus, which has been widely viewed as a non-discriminatory disease, has become amenable to structural and hegemonic influences. the way the nigerian government treated its citizens who contracted the virus or died as a consequence of it, has made the masses to regard it as a rmd, brought about to punish them for their corruption and oppression. whilst this theory satisfies the poor, who have suffered also from its infectious consequences, the powerful and influential people navigate or absolutely disregard all protocols to accord themselves befitting burial. this imprudent way of handling the pandemic has continued to affect the citizens’ responses even to the third wave of the virus. it is also argued that rich people have names, thus challenging the parable’s moral mandate that teaches the essentiality of names. but the twist is only a manipulation as the grave does not determine the real place where the dead will spend eternity. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. author’s contributions b.o.i. is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the 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the parable of lazarus and the rich man (luke 16:19–31) to construct new social identities’, a dissertation submitted to stellenbosch university. vanguard, n.d., video: world-class marble furnishing, ac, massive interior décor inside late sen. ajumobi’s grave, viewed 06 june 2021, from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/09/video-world-class-marble-finishing-ac-massive-interior-decor-inside-late-sen-ajimobis-grave/. voa, n.d., nigeria losing $1b annually to medical tourism, authorities say, viewed 06 june 2021, from https://www.voanews.com/africa/nigeria-losing-1b-annually-medical-tourism-authorities-say. zizek, s., 2020, pandemic! covid-19 shakes the world, or books, london. footnote 1. agatha chikelue, the executive director of the cardinal onaiyekan foundation and coordinator of religious for peace’s interfaith women’s network observed, ‘people are afraid of dying of “hovid” – the hunger caused as a result of loss of livelihoods from the lockdown’ than covid-19 itself. for details, see karam and ali (2020). abstract introduction problem statement locating the reflection within practical theology understanding death, an inevitable reality experienced by all grief and grieving grief as a normal process that should not be allowed to complicate stages of death and stages of grief and grieving according to kubler-ross the much-needed pastoral accompaniment in the context of covid-19 and poverty acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) olehile a. buffel department of philosophy, practical and systematic theology, college of human sciences, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation buffel, o.a., 2022, ‘death in abundance versus life in abundance in the context of covid-19 and poverty: a practical theological reflection on pastoral accompaniment during the grieving process’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a156. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.156 original research death in abundance versus life in abundance in the context of covid-19 and poverty: a practical theological reflection on pastoral accompaniment during the grieving process olehile a. buffel received: 25 mar. 2022; accepted: 11 july 2022; published: 26 oct. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author. licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) pandemic is currently holding the whole world hostage. it has led to the death of millions accross the world and thousands in south africa. on the surface, it looks like there is an abundance of death in contrast to an abundance of life. many of those who have lost their loved ones are being left to grieve alone without appropriate pastoral accompaniment by their pastors and other trained pastoral caregivers. in this article, written from a practical theological perspective, it is argued that those who are grieving as a result of the loss of loved ones must be pastorally accompanied. pastors should be empowered in order to journey with the grieving persons in the context of covid-19 and poverty. they should also be empowered to equip others who join them in the responsibility of pastorally accompanying the grieving as they transition through various stages of grief. pastoral accompaniment should happen with due recognition of the socioeconomic context of south africa and the context in which traditional and cultural practices of africans persist amid opposition from churches. contribution: this article, which is written from a practical theological perspective and using an interdisciplinary approach, contributes to discourse on pastoral care and particularly pastoral accompaniment of those who are going through various stages of grieving in the context of poverty and covid-19. keywords: covid-19; poverty; pastoral accompaniment; death; grieving stages. introduction when millions in the world are infected by a virus such as the coronavirus (sars-cov-2),1 this constitutes a pandemic.2 when millions in the world lose their lives, and millions are bereaved and are grieving, this equally constitutes a global health crisis of epic proportions.3 it constitutes a grave humanitarian crisis that is unprecedented. this is the reality that was ushered into the world in december 2019 in wuhan, china, and in the south african context, the reality occurred in the country on 05 march 2020, with the first death reported on 27 march 2020. not since the spanish flu of 1918 has there been a pandemic of this magnitude. this is notwithstanding that we live in a century that some refer to as the pandemic century4 where there have been several epidemics such as hiv and aids (1980s), sars (2003), ebola virus at the borders (2014), zika (2015) and many others (cf. honingsbaum 2019). the spanish flu, caused by the h1n1 virus, infected over 500 million people and is estimated to have killed at least 50 million people worldwide; it is regarded as a byword for viral armageddon or the apocalypse5 (cf. honingsbaum 2019:xi). the covid-19 pandemic is the second most severe pandemic after the spanish flu of 1918. it has infected and affected the entire human world (mackenzie 2020:x). it has in many ways negatively affected the whole world more than any other global health crisis in recent years. mackenzie (2020) describes covid-19 as follows: the pandemic has been like a big dog, picking up our fragile, complex society in its teeth and shaking it. many people have died. many people will continue to die, either from the virus itself or from the long-term poverty, political and economic dislocation, and overloaded medical systems that will be the pandemic’s legacy. (p. x) it is particularly the abundance of death in contrast to abundance of life that is of concern in this article. the death of one person is one death too many and it is worse, if not devastating, when millions lose their lives in just a matter of two and half years in the global context and when thousands lose their lives in a matter of 2.5 years (2020–2022) in the south african context. this global health crisis ‘added considerably to south africa’s economic burdens’ (ed. parsons 2020:xxv). parsons (ed. 2020) captures the state of the economy that has been worsened by the advent of the covid-19 pandemic: ‘[t]he economy still finds itself in a low-growth trap’, the unemployment rate is the highest in the world, the nation’s public finances are in a parlous state and corruption still persists. (p. xxv) it is worth remembering that, just as covid-19 occurred in south africa in march 2020, south africa was downgraded to an economic junk status, when the remaining rating agency moody’s downgraded south africa’s credit rating to subinvestment grade in the same month (cf. ed. parsons 2020:xxvi). that was a rating that had already been pronounced by standard & poor and fitch with their previous ratings. although the rating itself does not cause poverty, it exacerbates the bad economic conditions as the government accesses international funding at higher costs that have a negative impact on the cost of living. according to parsons (ed. 2020:xxvi), the combined impact of covid-19 and moody’s rating ‘pushed the economy of south africa into deep, uncharted waters which will require very skilful navigation’. thus, covid-19 exacerbated the situation of the poor in the context in which the socio-economic and political conditions entrenching poverty continued to make matters worse for the poor as their lives and livelihoods were disrupted. in a preface to the report of statistics south africa, the statistician-general maluleka (2020) captures the global reality of covid-19 as follows: the covid-19 pandemic has without doubt been the biggest disruptor to our lives ever since the second world war. no territory has been spared the impact of the sars-cov-2 and its various impacts. whether these are health related with the number of cases or death, direct and indirect – most health systems have been tested for something they were never designed for. economically many countries, even the wealthiest of these have suffered the brunt of the sars-cov-2. due to lockdowns in various guises across the world many industries have suffered with economic growth being severely compromised and unemployment rising to unprecedented levels. (p. iii) it has not been uncommon to lose more than one member of the family and in some cases the entire family dying. as a result, we live in the context in which the whole world is grieving. many nations in different countries are grieving. many individuals, families and communities are grieving. this pandemic has surrounded the world with a dark cloud that has created fear among human beings. the loss of a loved one is a ubiquitous human experience which threatens the health and well-being of individuals, communities, congregations and nations (cf. boerner et al. 2016). it may be justified therefore to lament the loss of many people across the world and in south africa. on the surface, it looks like this abundance of death is a direct contradiction of what jesus said in john 10:10: ‘i have come so that you may have life in abundance’. this assurance of jesus continues to be valid even under difficult conditions such as death and the difficulties associated with death. with the death of millions in the world and thousands in the south african context (and still counting), many people, families and individuals are grieving as a result of the death of their loved ones. death has always been an inevitable reality even before the current covid-19 pandemic and will continue to be a reality beyond the pandemic. however, the arrival of the pandemic has now elevated death to a different and higher level. this, by implication, has also elevated the depth and magnitude of mourning and grieving in the world, particularly in africa and southern africa. as many people are mourning and grieving, the pandemic and lockdown regulations make it difficult for them to observe the normal rituals that they used in the past to cope with the painful reality of loss. many of those who are grieving do so in the context of their traditional-cultural beliefs and practices, particularly africans. it is not the responsibility of pastors, theologians and the church to ignore and nullify those beliefs, practices and rituals that co-exist with our christian faith. with or without our permission, those traditional beliefs and practices will continue. as setiloane (1988:13) says, ‘we cannot with impunity and a clear conscience ignore or write off african experiences before the advent of christianity as irrelevant’. the covid-19 pandemic is even more devastating for the poor, who, when the economy collapses, have no financial reserves to cushion themselves against more devastation. the poor have no access to adequate health systems. they have no access to medical aid, professional counsellors and grief experts that the rich and the middle class have when they are grieving and when grieving becomes complicated or prolonged. lee (2021) correctly points out to the fact that in africa: there are particular vulnerabilities to consider (as well): lack of medical supplies, diagnostic equipment and ventilators; a significant ‘preexisting’ disease burden, involving significant numbers of infectious diseases such as tuberculosis and hiv/aids, which make these populations uniquely susceptible to covid-19’s pathology; poor health infrastructures, exacerbated by limited numbers of medical and scientific personnel and under-financed health services; and extreme poverty inequality, which affects livelihoods, housing, sanitation and nutrition, all of which have been shown to influence covid-19’s differential impact on communities. (p. ix) grieving becomes even more complicated when the grieving africans are forced to go underground and hide some of their beliefs and practices that western christianity frowns upon. problem statement we live at the time when death is ravaging citizens of many countries in the world, including south africa. one could say that death is in abundance in contrast to life being in abundance because of the unprecedented cases of death since the arrival of covid-19. death is a painful reality that necessitates the much-needed pastoral accompaniment as the bereaved grieve the loss of loved ones. as death abounds, it stands to reasons that many families, friends, colleagues and individuals have lost their loved ones due to covid-19 and its complications. people who are grieving are left to their own devices in many households, communities, congregations, places of work and neighbourhoods. as people grieve, they go through various stages which are identified by kubler-ross (1969), namely denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance, often referred to as dabda. the main argument in this article is that amid grief that is unattended, the grieving members of society, families and individuals need pastoral accompaniment during dark periods of bereavement as they struggle with the loss of loved ones. the article is written from a practical theological perspective regarding the need to pastorally accompany others who are bereaved and going through various stages of grief. what does grief and grieving have to do with practical theology, a discipline that some doubt that it should be taught at the university? it is therefore necessary to locate the discussions about grief from a pastoral perspective and within the broader field of practical theology. locating the reflection within practical theology practical theology is one of the fields of theological studies focusing on people’s religious actions. it is an academic discipline alongside biblical studies, church history, missiology, systematic theology, fundamental theology and other theological disciplines (cf. ballard & pritchard 2006:27). these are religious actions faced by pastors and and all believers. practical theology is important not only to pastors but to all people who are confronted everyday with people’s spiritual needs and have to offer support to relatives and friends (cf. heyns & pieterse 1990:2). this is what should be happening in the context of covid-19 and poverty, as pastors journey with god’s people, including christians and non-christians – all people. according to ballard and pritchard (2006:1), ‘practical theology is a particular field of theology that specifically deals with christian life and practice within the church and in relation to wider society’. as a result it needs to deal with problems faced by people. as a theological field, practical theology consists of subdisciplines such as preaching, worship, church administration and leadership, pastoral care and religious education, which according to browning (1996:ix) have to be broadened and redefined, without necessarily creating a new genre of theology. as browning (1996) broadens and redefines practical theology and its subdisciplines, he refers to the discipline as fundamental practical theology. the stages that people go through when they are either dying or grieving have been identified by kubler-ross (2014). on the surface of it, one may ask the question: ‘what do stages of grieving have to do with pastoral ministry or with practical theology?’ to be sure, kubler-ross included clergy in the list of the people for whom the first book was written. other than that, practical theology is interdisciplinary in nature as it learns from and cooperates with other disciplines. helping professions and related academic disciplines (subjects) cannot work in isolation from each other. when a person is going through the various stages, one may consult a general practitioner, psychologist, a psychiatrist or social worker, a sangoma, ngaka ya setso, a traditional healer or any other member of the helping professions. despite consulting other helping professionals, many people may in addition wish to consult their pastors or ministers. pastors or ministers work with the bereaved in any case when doctors, nurses, sangomas, dingaka, traditional healers and other medical and helping professionals are no longer available or no longer needed. pruyser (1976), in his book the minister as a diagnostician, poses the following questions: but what if some people have a great desire to be assessed, evaluated, and diagnosed by their pastors? what if certain persons want to make an honest assessment of themselves, and turn to their pastors for expert help in making a diagnosis of their troubles, their stance in life, their troublesome, puzzle-some, or wayward selves? what if they want precisely their pastors, rather than some specialists, to guide them in search for a self-diagnosis? what if they want to place themselves in a pastoral-theological (perspective) rather than a medical, psychiatrist, legal or social perspective? what if they want to be in the hands of several professionals? (p. 9) having raised the questions, pruyser (1976:10) proposes a thesis that pastors, like all other professional workers, possess a body of theoretical and practical knowledge that is uniquely their own, which evolved over the years of practice by themselves and their forebears. therefore, as practical theologians, we have no choice but to ensure that modules and other educational processes that we offer equip not only pastors but also christians (and non-christians) with the necessary skills and abilities that enable them to pastorally journey with those who are going through ‘the dark night of desperation, grief, guilt, fear, anger, blame, isolation and separation, as a result of death of a relative or beloved friend’ (cf. kumar in bridgewater 2014:6). understanding death, an inevitable reality experienced by all death is an inevitable reality that we cannot escape. it is also universal, that is, being experienced by all people and all nations. writing in an african context, mbiti (1975:110) refers to death as the most universal and mysterious experience. it is a fact of life and a reality that at one stage or the other, all human beings must face. death is as much a part of human existence, of human growth and development, as being born (braga and braga in kubler-ross 1975:x). kubler-ross (2019:3) makes a valid point that ‘our omnipotence is really not so omnipotent’. kubler-ross (1975:1) refers to death as ‘the final stage of growth’. she acknowledges that death has always been a subject of deep concern to all of us. since the dawn of humankind, the human mind has always pondered death, searching for answers to the mysteries associated with death. according to kubler-ross (1975:1), ‘the key to the question of death unlocks the door of life’. mbiti (1969:149) correctly states that following birth and the various rites that are performed to make the person a corporate being, there is ‘finality that is inevitable and in many societies the most disrupting phenomenon of all’. mbiti (1979:149) continues to argue that ‘death is something that concerns everybody, partly because sooner or later everyone personally faces it and partly because it brings loss and sorrow to every family and community’. according to kubler-ross and kessler (2014:1), in their modern classic on grief and grieving, human beings are the only species aware of the inevitability of their own death. although there is this awareness, the subject of death is regarded as a taboo. death is a subject that is often ‘evaded, ignored and denied’ (braga and braga in kubler-ross 1975:x). death is also feared and found to be distasteful. when we do talk about death, we use euphemisms, as we make the dead look as if they were asleep, we ship children off to protect them from the anxiety and turmoil around the house if the patient is fortunate enough to die at home and we do not allow children to visit the dying patients in the hospitals (kubler-ross 2014:7). we often avoid talking about death to the extent that we are afraid that if we talk about death, we are inviting death. it is not uncommon for people, especially among africans, to die intestate, that is, without a will – all mainly because of fear of talking about death and thereby inviting death. one of the leading protagonists in shakespeare’s julius caesar said the following about the fear and inevitability of death: cowards die many times before their deaths; the valiant never taste of death but once; of all the wonders that i have heard, it seems strange that men [sic] should fear death, seeing that death, a necessary end, will come when it will come. (ed. humphreys 1984:149–150) this fear of death is as universal as death is, even if we think we have mastered it on many levels. with the above in mind, let us now analyse the issues of grief and grieving. grief and grieving as much as death is universal, grieving is a process and an experience that is equally universal through which all human beings go. in emphasising this universal experience, mcnulty (2021) states: grief is such a strange thing. it is the most universal experience-the one thing that unites us all, regardless of where we live or who we are, no matter our culture or colour or beliefs. and yet, at the same time, it is the most unique and personal experience, because no two people grieve in the same way. grief affects every part of us: the way we feel, the way we think, our physical and mental health, the way we breathe and carry ourselves in the world. (p. 1) also emphasising the uniqueness of grief for each person, brazier (2017:1) says, ‘our personal relationship with grief is personal’. he goes on to say, ‘you as a person are different to every other human being on the planet, so it makes perfect sense that no two people would grieve identically’ (brazier 2017:1). it therefore makes sense that there is no formula for grieving, even as those who are grieving are going through the various stages of grief in the context of covid-19 and poverty. the ongoing covid-19 pandemic has shattered many countries, many sectors of the economy, many lives, many families and many communities and caused multiple losses (hopfgarten 2021:xii). many relationships have been broken up, jobs have been lost and in many cases, ill-health has led to long-standing pain and suffering. most importantly, lives have been tragically lost (cf. hopfgarten 2021:xii). collins (2007:466) laments that grief has gripped people since the beginning of human existence. it is no wonder that some prominent counsellors, researchers and practitioners have dedicated due attention to death studies and bereavement studies. as far back as 1917, sigmund freud published a detailed psychological study of grief (cf. collins 2007:466). he was followed 30 years later by eric lindeman, who wrote a highly acclaimed paper on his interviews with grieving relatives. in 1969, kubler-ross followed with her most famous book, which became a classic in the field, on death and dying: what the dying have to teach doctors, nurses, clergy and their own families (2014). therein she outlines and conceptualises the five stages of dying as experienced by those who are facing death (cf. kessler 2019:1). in her line of work as a medical professional and a psychiatrist, she observed that patients who were dying appeared to go through common experiences or stages of grief (kessler 2019:1). later, together with the grief expert david kessler, she applied the stages of grieving to the survivors who had lost their beloved ones (kubler-ross and kessler 2014). more than any other book, kubler-ross’ work stimulated development of a whole new body of literature and a field of study referred to as thanatology, that is, the branch of knowledge that deals with dying, death and bereavement (collins 2007:466). in the true spirit of interdisciplinary cooperation, practical theology can tap into the wisdom and research produced in other fields, theological and nontheological. grief as a normal process that should not be allowed to complicate grief is a normal response to the loss of any significant person, object or opportunity (collins 2007:466). while it is a normal response, grief can develop into pathology (complicated and prolonged) when it is not well managed. when grief is left unattended, there is a risk that we could have another pandemic, namely complicated, prolonged grief. collins (2007:466) asserts that grieving is not easy, however hard we attempt to soften its trauma by dressing up the corpse, surrounding the body with flowers or soft lights, performing certain rituals or making our beloved go out in style. neither can death be softened by disguising and using softening words like ‘passing away’ or ‘departed’ or ‘he is sleeping’ instead of saying that he or she has died. in the african context, we often say, ‘he has joined the departed’: he has joined those ancestors who are at times referred to as ‘the living dead’. death is ugly and cannot be regarded as something beautiful (cf. collins 2007:466). death remains an ugly, painful, traumatic reality, for which nothing prepares us. writing from experience after losing her father to kidney failure complications during the time of covid-19 and the accompanying lockdown, adichie (2020:5) describes grief as ‘a kind of cruel education’. she refers to grief as a kind of education where one learns how ungentle mourning can be adichie (2020:5) captures her educational process from grieving as follows: ‘you learn how much glib condolences can feel. you learn how much grief is about language, the failure of language and the grasping of language’. she went on to pose a question: ‘how do people walk around functioning in the world after losing a beloved father?’ (adichie 2020:14). much as it is a common experience to grieve, it is equally a common practice for members of congregations and members of society to be left on their own as they grieve the loss of their loved ones. when members of congregations and members of society grieve, they are often neglected and pastorally unaccompanied. at best, pastors preach at the occasion of the funeral. however, after the funeral sermon at the divine service, the grieving families are left to their own devices. they are often left on their own, isolated, inconsolable and unattended, with all associated challenges and pains. it is particularly pastors who have a critical role to play in pastoral accompaniment, especially after burial. they do not only have to personally and pastorally accompany every grieving individuals and families, but they also have a responsibility to empower others in the ability to offer mutual support and care to each other throughout the grieving process. as part of their calling (vocation) clergy have a responsibility to accompany individuals, families, groups and communities that are going through the various stages of grieving as they face the harsh realities related to the loss of their loved ones in their specific contexts. the specific context is that of africans whose lives are turned upside down by poverty and covid-19. in this article, the contention is that individuals and families need pastoral accompaniment facilitated by clergy as they go through the various stages of grieving as identified and conceptualised by kubler-ross in 1969, namely denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance (kubler-ross 1975, 1981; kessler 20196). stages of death and stages of grief and grieving according to kubler-ross the identification of the five stages was used to meticulously describe the emotional states that seriously (terminally) ill patients commonly experienced and the adaptive mechanisms they used to make sense of and live with their incurable conditions (kubler-ross 2019:xiii). the five stages are part of an integral framework that makes our learning to live without the one we lost (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:7). these are the tools that help us to frame and identify what we may be feeling after loss due to death (kessler 2014:7). these tools are also not stops on some linear timeline in grief, with individuals, families and groups experiencing death differently as if the five stages occur in a prescribed order. the understanding of the stages through which the grieving individuals and groups pass makes us better equipped to cope with life and loss (kessler 2019:7). various researchers have observed that there are various emotional stages through which grieving persons pass (cf. watts, nye & savage 2002:154). when the five stages were initially introduced, the focus was then on persons who were terminally ill and who were in the process of dying. there has since been a shift in which all stages are now applied to people who are grieving as a result of the death of loved ones or groups (cf. kessler 2019:8; cf. watts et al. 2002:154). both the person facing death and the person losing a loved one go through the same five stages and not necessarily in the same order. in practice, these stages of grieving may be cyclical, some may even be skipped and some may be revisited from time to time. the five stages ‘are essential touchstones on the journey of peaceful reconciliation with the fact and phenomenon of loss and suffering due to death’ (kumar in bridgewater 2014:7). the concern of this article is with persons who seem to be drowning in a sea of sorrow and are grieving as a result of the death of a beloved, significant other person due to covid-19. it is important to share how these stages may help in grieving stages of death. denial denial is usually a temporary defence that usually precedes partial acceptance (kubler-ross 2014:39). denial involves shock, numbness and a struggle to accept that a beloved person is no more. it involves disbelief. when adichie, a self-confessed daddy’s girl, lost her father, james nwoye adichie (10 june 2020), she went through various stages of grieving, including denial. james adichie died due to kidney complications. confronted by pain and going through the grieving process, adichie struggled to believe that, saying, ‘somewhere in the background there is a haze of disbelief’ (adichie 2020:8). denial starts with denying that terminal illness exists and it extends to denial that death has indeed occurred. kessler (2019) captures it in the following words: when we are in denial, we may respond at first by being paralysed with shock or blanketed numbness. the denial is still not denial of the actual death, even though someone may be saying, ‘i can’t believe he is dead’. the person is actually saying that, at first, because it is too much for his or her psyche. (p. 8) in other words, it is the beginning of grieving that protects the person from pain of death. according to watts et al. (2002:155), whether the news of an impending death or sudden death is sudden or gradual, there can be numbness and denial, a normal process accompanied by shock and numbness, and when this happens a person is protected from being overwhelmed too suddenly. upon learning of the death of a loved one, the person may initially think that he or she is dreaming or that there may have been a mistake, or that it cannot be true. this denial co-exists with the reality of death, as the bereaved family member continues with the funeral arrangements and even as the tributes and eulogies are dedicated to the deceased. on the one hand, there are times when denial is very obvious and noticed by others. on the other hand, there are times when denial is very subtle. kubler-ross (2019:1) correctly argues that the first stage of grieving, involving denial and shock, helps us to survive the pain of loss. during that first stage, the world becomes meaningless and overwhelming, with life making no sense at all. according to kubler-ross and kessler (2014:10), the first stage, denial and shock, helps us to cope and make survival possible. she also believes that there is grace in denial, which she regards as nature’s way of letting in only as much as we can handle. the mind has ways of dealing with the trauma related to loss of loved ones. one of the ways described by kubler-ross and kessler (2014:10) is denying the pain while trying to accept the reality of the loss. gradually, the reality sinks in until the reality of loss is accepted, as existential questions related to the loss are raised. as the process of denial continues, followed by existential questions, one unknowingly begins the healing process as the denial phase disappears. the person may now move into anger as another stage of grieving. anger when one anticipates death, one is filled with anger. even when one loses a loved one, there are feelings of anger, rage, envy and resentment. anger is often associated with other accompanying feelings such as sadness, hurt, panic and loneliness. the process of grieving always includes some qualities of anger (kubler-ross 2019:4). that is the case even though the one who is angry might not be willing to admit it, particularly anger at a deceased person who has left them. there is also the prospect of anger at oneself for not having taken good care of the deceased or for not having been able to prevent the death of a beloved person. in some cases, anger is misdirected at the doctors and nurses for not being able to do enough to save someone that you love. in some instances, particularly the south african context where health systems and services are inadequate, the relevant government, the department of health, becomes the object of anger. even worse, the grieving person(s) may be angry at god but are not likely to admit anger at god. someone grieving a deceased member of the family may, during moments of anger at god, grapple with questions raised by kubler-ross and kessler (2014:13) such as, ‘where is god in this? where is his love? his powerfulness? his compassion? is this really god’s will?’ there are occasions when the grieving are not necessarily angry at god but believe that it is god who is angry at them or that the ancestors are angry. kubler-ross and kessler (2014:11) argue that anger does not have to be logical or valid. these feelings of anger that are not acknowledged and admitted arouse emotions that are often disguised or repressed and that prolong the period of grief. they also complicate grief and lead to unresolved grief and associated trauma. when grieving is complicated, this also complicates the healing process. kubler-ross (2019) is correct when she points out that: [i]t is well to remember that it is not up to us to judge such feelings as bad or shameful but to understand their true meaning and origin as something very human. (p. 4) the people who are grieving ought to be understood and supported on their journeys as they search for meaning after their loss of loved ones. anger is an unavoidable human feeling and constitutes a necessary stage in the healing process. it is a stage that needs to be managed. warning against the possibilities of being completely consumed by anger, kubler-ross and kessler (2014:12) say, ‘as long as it does not consume you for a long period of time, it is part of your emotional management’. the starting point in the management of anger is acknowledgement and openly talking about one’s feelings. kubler-ross and kessler (2014) observe that: today, most churches and clergy understand that it is not unusual for people to feel anger at god. many churches have started bereavement groups in which priests and ministers encourage expression of all feelings. they allow it and are not put off if you speak of it. (p. 15) on the other hand, there are those who discourage anger, especially in some african churches. they see it as inappropriate and not a christian way of grieving. anger, like all feelings, is not bought at a supermarket; rather, it is a feeling that comes with or without our permission, hence the importance of avoiding the discouragement of its expression. as the grieving persons go through the stage of anger in its many forms, they require pastoral accompaniment that offers understanding and not judgement. that would include anger towards self, towards other family members and friends, towards the deceased, towards doctors, nurses, hospital and government and towards god. this includes feelings that god is angry and therefore god is punishing us. in some cases, it is believed that it is the ancestors who are angry at people. it is not the work of the pastor, minister or priest to make the grieving persons have feelings of guilt. as the pastor, minister or priest pastorally accompanies the grieving person, that person must not be judged but be allowed to express their feelings of anger, including anger towards god, for abandoning the living. in this anger towards god, pastors and church members become soft targets at whom anger is projected or misdirected. when this happens, there is no need to take it personally or feel under obligation to defend god or the church. one of the stages that the grieving go through is that of bargaining, often with god and with the deceased person when he or she was still terminally ill. kubler-ross and kessler (2014) state the reality of bargaining as follows: perhaps when our loved one was dying and we already experienced the bargaining stage, we asked god to intervene and to save our loved one. if despite our bargaining with either god or the deceased, the resultant feeling is anger at either god or the deceased or at both, those feelings must be allowed to find expression. (p. 13) the journey lead us to bargaining as a way of dealing with our grief. bargaining bargaining, which is often accompanied by guilt, has to do with the stage where the person who is about to lose a beloved family member or friend and loved one then promises to do anything if the life of the terminally ill person is spared. in this stage the grieving person tries to negotiate a change to the terrible reality of loss. kessler (2014:17) summarise the stage as follows: ‘before a loss, it seems you will do anything if only your loved one may be spared. one may say, “please, god, i will never be angry at my wife again if you just let her live”’. they go on to point out the form that bargaining takes after the loss due to death: ‘what if i devote the rest of my life to helping others? then i can wake up and realise that this has all been a dream’ (kessler 2019:170). this is normal as we face death. this stage is often accompanied by ‘if only …’, as the grieving find fault with themselves and consider what they could have done differently or what they could have said to the deceased. it is accompanied by regrets and feelings of guilt. caregivers must journey with those facing death by allowing them to share their pain of death. according to kubler-ross and kessler (2014:18), the stages do not necessarily last weeks or months but rather they are responses to feelings that can last for minutes or an hour as the grieving vacillates from one stage to another. the stages are not experienced in a linear fashion but enter one stage, skip another, back to another and back to the first one (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:18). at this stage, the role of the clergyperson is not to actively collude with unrealistic hopes. watts et al. (2002:155) state that the pastor or minister cannot collude with the view that god’s arm can be twisted. they go on to say, ‘it is normal that we try to manipulate god in times of crisis’ (watts et al. 2002:155). the clergyperson must pastorally journey with the grieving person on the journey towards eventually acknowledging the reality of loss. this is a journey towards healing. depression this is the stage where death becomes a painful reality that we have to deal with. depression is a deep sadness that we feel at certain times in our lives. following the stage of bargaining, the attention of a grieving person moves squarely into the present as one experiences empty feelings as grief deepens (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:20). these are feelings of deep sense of loss and sadness, which is the beginning of a process towards accepting the painful reality of loss. the depressive and painfully sad feelings are nothing out of the ordinary but normal and include feelings of despair, hopelessness or intense grief and a sense of being overwhelmed surfaces (cf. watts et al. 2002:156). this depressive stage feels as if it will last forever (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:20). this depression is not the clinical depression that is associated with mental illness. it could drift towards that direction, if grief is allowed to be prolonged and complicated. it is merely a natural, normal and an appropriate response to a great loss that is accompanied by heavy and dark feelings (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:20). during this stage of grieving, depression is a way of nature to keep us protected by shutting down the nervous system so that we can adapt to something we feel we cannot handle (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:21). without doubt, the loss of a loved one is a very depressing situation. it would be very unusual not to experience a bit of depression after losing a beloved member of the family or friend (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:21). kubler-ross and kessler (2014:210) state, ‘if grief is a way of healing, then depression is one of the many necessary steps along the way’. the grieving person needs pastoral accompaniment as they go through those necessary steps, including depression. depression due to the loss of a beloved person is not necessarily something that has to be avoided or stamped out, but it is a stage that is normal. the grieving person must go through that as part of the healing process. it is not the role of the clergyperson to avoid feelings driven by grief, including depression. grief work is the hard work that must happen and that is intensely absorbing and draining (cf. watts et al. 2002:156). should the person appear to be stuck for some length or depression becomes severe, the person needs to be encouraged to seek medical help (cf. watts et al. 2002:156). one of the skills that is required from clergy is the ability to refer to other professionals when necessary. acceptance like a person nearing their own death, there may come a time when a grieving person eventually enters a period of aquiescence (watts et al. 2002:156). that is making peace with the reality of the loss. this is the stage at which there is an acceptance of the reality of loss of a beloved one. one accepts that the beloved person has gone physically and recognising that this new reality is a permanent reality (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:25). this is a stage at which the grieving person learns to live with reality, with the new norm at this stage of acceptance where the final healing and adjustment can take a firm hold, despite the fact that healing often looks impossible and unattainable (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:25). during that process of healing, there is remembering, recollecting and reorganising. according to kubler-ross and kessler (2014:25), at that point where healing occurs, the grieving person ceases to be angry at god, at the deceased and at oneself. during that stage of acceptance, the grieving person learns to reorganise roles, reassign the roles to others and take on other roles. acceptance is a process that the grieving person experiences, and it is not necessarily a final stage with an end (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:27). there are possibilities of feelings of guilt when a person reaches a stage of acceptance, as if acceptance is a betrayal of the deceased. in the pastoral accompaniment, the grieving person may be reassured that it is not disloyal for them to accept the death of the other (watts et al. 2002:156). it is not necessarily disloyal to move on with one’s life. in that journey, the grieving person is pastorally accompanied as they adjust to the new reality, with hope for the future and gradual re-entry to social life (watts et al. 2002:156). the social support of a church or a community, involving the bereaved in the normal round of activities, can provide a caring, albeit altered, network of relationship (watts et al. 2002:156). while african traditional practices may be helpful in facilitating therapy for the grieving person, some practices may not be helpful. for instance, the mourning period of women lasting for 12 months is not helpful, as in some faith communities, they are discouraged from resuming normal activities such as attending church services and being in the company of others. in fact, in some cases, they are discriminated against and people move away from them. this deprives the bereaved of the possibility of having a caring and supportive network. the much-needed pastoral accompaniment in the context of covid-19 and poverty it is the task of practical theology, particularly pastoral care and counselling, to keep on looking for new and innovative ways to teach undergraduate and postgraduate students who will respond to challenges and crises of our times. pastors and theologians that go through our offerings must be able to pastorally and meaningfully accompany people going through the ups and downs of life, particularly those going through the various stages of grieving, denial, anger, depression and acceptance. this ought to happen in various contexts, including the context of covid-19 and poverty. this journey with the grieving must be embarked upon with the awareness that each grieving journey should be allowed to unfold in a unique way. each person has the right to experience and express their own feelings of pain and anger without being judged. the responsibility is to pastorally journey with the grieving without pushing them to have feelings of guilt for feelings experienced and expressed. furthermore, the responsibility is to facilitate grieving processes in which grief is made less harsh and eventually assist in making grief manageable and uncomplicated. as people struggle to cope with loss and struggle with questions and feelings and sometimes conflicting feelings of wanting to find happiness, related to their loss, they must be pastorally accompanied. this must happen as they struggle to look for meaning in the context of pain and suffering that comes as a result of loss of a loved person. they must also be able to train the others in the spirit of the priesthood (‘pastorhood’) of all believers. the believers must be equally equipped to mutually care and support each other in line with the understanding that the church is one body of christ consisting of many parts that care for each other and for other troubled souls. theological faculties and departments and disciplines of practical theology (pastoral care) should keep that in mind and ensure that theological education and training includes pastoral ministry in all stages of human life, from cradle to grave, even beyond the grave. these are stages of human life, which include all challenges that people experience and the stages before death, during death and after death happen in a context in which africans continue with traditional cultural beliefs, practices and rituals, many of which still have some therapeutic value. it is not the responsibility of pastoral caregivers and other helping professionals to condemn and outlaw them but to be companions of the grieving as they grieve. it must be kept in mind that the african traditional cultural beliefs, practices and rituals have been handed down from generation to generation. this is a process that mbiti (1969) and other african scholars remind us to do. even when people are converted from african traditional religion to another religion, they inevitably retain their former beliefs because it is hard to destroy beliefs. therefore, it is good to understand people’s beliefs well, because it is these beliefs which influence their behaviour (mbiti 1975:26). the author maintains that these beliefs that people follow have a bearing on the grieving process as people go through the various stages of grief, even in the context of covid-19 and poverty. practical theology and all academic disciplines must desist from colluding with neocolonialism and christianity as the two marginalise african traditional, cultural values, practices and rituals rooted in the african heritage (cf. mucherera 2017). according to mucherera (2017:vii), the humanity of the native african peoples must not be marginalised and their ways of grieving must be understood as they grieve. in conclusion, practical theology and particularly pastoral care and all other disciplines related to the helping professions must prepare and empower students in view of enabling them to empower others. in the case of pastoral care, the pastors must be equipped to pastorally journey with those who are grieving and equip them in such a way that they are also able to equip and empower others as they grieve in the context where death seems to be in abundance in contrast to life in abundance. that should be done also even in the context in which illness is in abundance. interdisciplinary and multidisciplinarily must be the order of the day as candidates go through education and training programmes. as far as the grieving persons are concerned, they must be pastorally accompanied as they go through various stages of grieving, keeping in mind the cross-cultural contexts and the hard realities in which we live. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that he has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article. author’s contributions o.a.b. is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated 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(ed.), 1984, shakespeare: julius caesar, oxford university press, oxford. kessler, d., 2019, finding meaning: the sixth stage of grief, rider, london. kubler-ross, e., 1969, on death and dying, macmillan, new york, ny. kubler-ross, e., 1975, death: the final death of growth, touchstone rockefeller center, new york, ny. kubler-ross, e., 1981, living with death and dying: questions and answers on death and dying, macmillan publishing inc., london. kubler-ross, e., 2014, on death and dying: what the dying have to teach doctors, nurses, clergy & their own families, 50th anniversary edn., scribner, new york, ny. kubler-ross, e., 2019, on death and dying: what the dying have to teach doctors, nurses, clergy and their own families, scribner, new york, ny. kubler-ross, e. & kessler, d., 2014, on grief and grieving: finding the meaning of grief through the five stages of loss, simon & schuster, london. kumar, s., 2014, ‘foreword’, in p. bridgewater (ed.), mindfulness & journey of bereavement: restoring hope after death, leaping hare press, east sussex. lee, r., 2021, health, healing and illness in african history, bloomsbury academic, london. mackenzie, d., 2020, covid-19: the pandemic that should never have happened, and how to stop the next one, the bridge street press, london. maluleka, r., 2020, ‘preface’, in covid-19 pandemic in south africa – demography, vol. 1, statistics south africa, pretoria, viewed 05 feburary 2022, from http://www.statssa.gov.za/publications/report%2000-80-05/report%2000-80-052020.pdf. mbiti, j., 1969, african religions and philosophy, heinemann, ibadan. mbiti, j., 1975, introduction to african religion, heinemann, ibadan. mcnulty, b., 2021, the grief handbook: a guide through the worst days of your life, watkins media limited, cape town. mucherera, t.n., 2017, counselling and pastoral care in african and other cross-cultural contexts, wipf & stock, eugene, or. parsons, r. (ed.), 2020, south africa after covid-19, jacana, auckland park. pruyser, p.w., 1976, the minister as a diagnostician: personal problems in pastoral perspective, the wesminter press, philadelphia, pa. setiloane, m.j., 1988, african theology: an introduction, 2nd edn., lux verbi, cape town. watts, f., nye, r. & savage, s., 2002, psychology for christian ministry, routledge, london. footnotes 1. the virus was officially named sars-cov-2 because it was similar to another one that came to the global scene in 2003 that was referred to as sars-cov-1. covid-19 means ‘co’ for corona, ‘vi’ for virus, ‘d’ for disease and 19 for the year it appeared (cf. mackenzie 2020:ix). 2. the world health organization simply defines a pandemic as the ‘worldwide spread of a new disease’ (honingsbaum 2019:xi). 3. epic proportion here is not merely idiomatic but an existential reality facing the world and facing africa and southern africa. 4. the pandemic century: a history of global contagion from the spanish flu to covid-19 is the title of a book by mark honingsbaum. in the book, he reviews the last 100 years of epidemic outbreaks, including the current covid-19 pandemic. he states the certainty that there will be new plagues and new pandemics. 5. a dramatic and catastrophic conflict, especially seen as likely to destroy both the world and the human race. also regarded as the last day before the day of judgement. 6. elizabeth kubler-ross and david kessler wrote the book on grief and grieving: finding the meaning of grief through the five stages of loss (2014) with the hope that readers would familiarise themselves with the aspects of grief and grieving (kubler-ross & kessler 2014:xvii). abstract introduction is ṅwali african or semitic, or both? on de-hellenising ṅwali african traditional religion: a praeparatio evangelica? analysis conclusion acknowledgements references footnote about the author(s) moffat sebola department of languages, school of languages and communication studies, university of limpopo, limpopo, south africa citation sebola, m., 2023, ‘blurry boundaries between ṅwali and jehovah in some tshivenḓa modern poems’, theologia viatorum 47(1), a160. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v47i1.160 original research blurry boundaries between ṅwali and jehovah in some tshivenḓa modern poems moffat sebola received: 21 apr. 2022; accepted: 23 june 2022; published: 20 feb. 2023 copyright: © 2023. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract contrary to some vhavenḓa poets who recognise ṅwali and/or raluvhimba as jehovah, this article argues that ṅwali and jehovah are two distinct deities. it further asserts that there is no kinship or continuity between these deities. although there are possibilities of there being some similarities of attributes between these deities, their conceptual distinctions highlight significant incongruities between them. ṅwali in tshivenḓa traditional religion (ttr) is identified as the semitic ṅwali, which is arguably evidence that there has been a ‘hellenisation’ of ttr and the vhavenḓa’s concept of god. consequently, the vhavenḓa have been left with essentially two distinct deities to consider – a fact that has contributed and still contributes immensely to the ambivalence of the modern-day vhavenḓa’s spiritual lifestyle. this article might add to the ongoing discourse on the decolonisation of african traditional religions and their attendant theology. keywords: christianity; hellenisation; jehovah; mudzimu; ṅwali; raluvhimba; tshivenḓa traditional religion. introduction some vhavenḓa poets perceive the vhavenḓa’s god, ṅwali and/or raluvhimba, and the god of the jews, jehovah or yahweh, as one and the same in their poems, despite the fact that the vhavenḓa’s concept of mwali, ṅwali, mwari and/or raluvhimba initially did not acknowledge any israelite roots until the vhalemba and christian missionaries purported it in venḓa (le roux 1999:119; cf. mafela 2008; mashau 2004; matshidze 2013; munyai 2016; sebola 2020; stayt 1931; wessman 1908). the foregoing names for god as used in tshivenḓa traditional religion (ttr) are viewed by scholars as referring to one deity, ṅwali (mashau 2004; munyai 2016; schapera & eiselen 1959; stayt 1931), with the orthographic distinctions between ṅwali, mwali and mwari ascribed only to some linguistic variations among the tshivenḓa, karanga and kalanga languages in venḓa, western zimbabwe and north-eastern botswana (madiba 1994). however, rodewald (2010a, 2010b) objects and proffers that mwali, who is worshipped by the kalanga in botswana, is different from mwari and ṅwali, worshipped by the karanga in western zimbabwe and the vhavenḓa in venḓa. he further distinguishes the kalanga-speaking people of botswana from the karanga-speaking people of zimbabwe, highlighting the use of /l/ and /r/ as significant markers of distinction between them. seemingly, rodewald highlights such distinctions to link mwali in botswana to the israelites’ yahweh, while concurrently depicting mwari in zimbabwe and ṅwali in venḓa as merely traditional deities with intertribal significance. is ṅwali african or semitic, or both? rodewald’s (2010a:11) insistence that ‘the roots of worship to mwali [in botswana] can be found in israelite worship of yahweh’ (original italics, author’s insertion) can be critically engaged in lieu of the ‘concept of hellenisation’ (kanu 2021:61). this could be done in order to foreground the possibilities of african deities donning hellenistic garb for the purposes of proving a point to the west, who thought africans had neither a concept of god nor religion (mbiti 1969). the concept of ‘hellenisation’ is deployed within african and western contexts often to locate (judeo-christian) missionaries’ attempts to comprehend african cultures, traditions and religions, without regard to the peculiarities and particularities of the african traditional and religious context (kanu 2021). possibly, rodewald’s (2010a, 2010b) delineations of an african mwali as semitic yahweh might be in tandem with some african scholars who are concerned with the misunderstanding and misinterpretation(s) of african traditional religion (atr) and theology by the missionaries, ethnographers, historians, anthropologists and philosophers, among others. among these scholars, there are those (e.g. p’ bitek 1963, 1964, 1969, 1971, 1972; setiloane 1986) who have categorised african religion and theology as an independent field of study requiring the application of african-based approaches and those african scholars (e.g. mbiti, danquah, etc.) who were notably influenced by the western approach to the study of african theology and religion (kanu 2021:62). the latter category of scholars are criticised by p’ bitek (1969, 1972) for their misinterpretation of african traditional religion, particularly because of their efforts to comprehend this religion within the theoretical framework of the west, and thus they end up ‘hellenising’ african religion and deities. the concept ‘hellenisation of african deities’, as propounded by okot and recently summarised by kanu (2021), manifests in three important ways, namely (1) ‘[u]sing them to prove that the judeo-christian god does exist and has always been known among africans’; (2) some african nationalists’ obsession with proving to the west that the african is also ‘civilised’; therefore, they dress african deities in hellenistic garb and parade them before their western counterpart(s); and (3): western missionaries who sought to show their audience of african elites that they, as saint paul in athens, were highly religious people with the hope of winning them over to christianity. (p. 62) it is possible that the claim that an african deity such as mwali is yahweh falls within the ambit of hellenisation, as presented here. although there is a possibility of a local, traditional deity gaining intertribal and possibly even intercontinental significance because of migration and intermarriage, among other contributory factors, it does not necessarily mean that such a deity should be replaced by another on the premise of popularised ‘similarities’. rodewald’s (2010a, 2010b) view of african mwali as linked to semitic yahweh is presented selectively in favour of those aspects (laws, worship and supplication, day of rest, etc.) that resonate with the worship of the latter deity and subtly ascribes aspects deemed abhorrent to yahweh, such as ancestor veneration, to mwari in zimbabwe. rodewald does this to bolster the view that mwali in botswana is a distinct deity from mwari and ṅwali in zimbabwe and venḓa, respectively. one might even argue that rodewald hellenises mwali and relegates mwari and ṅwali to the fringes just to ensure that mwali in botswana attains acceptability in judaism. in the same vein, although mashau (2004) and munyai (2016) acknowledged the possibility of there being some etymological and historical links of the name ṅwali to the karanga (and shona) language in zimbabwe, where the name for god is ‘mwari’, the duo still insists that the mwari referred to here is the mwari wematonjeni [god of matongoni] and not mwari wedenga [god of heaven]. mwari wematonjeni is said to have historical links with the vhavenḓa people (namely the singo clan), and accordingly, even before they supposedly migrated to the southern parts of rhodesia and northern transvaal, the singo had been closely associated with the mbire tribe and regularly sent delegations to the matonjeni shrines (daneel 1970:44; munyai 2016:21), suggesting that there are links to the past and continuity. the tshivenḓa equivalent name for matonjeni is matongoni. mashau (2004) and munyai (2016) distinguished between mwari of matongoni and mwari of heaven because their goal is to help christian missionaries on how to best present a contextualised missiology to the vhavenḓa, unlike their forerunners who dismissed tshivenḓa culture as pagan and barbaric. needless to say, both mashau and munyai distance themselves from the ṅwali in venḓa and associate themselves with the semitic ṅwali, as ratshiṱanga’s poem will also affirm. this article argues to the contrary. on de-hellenising ṅwali the antithetical stance assumed here emanates from the realisation that, in the vhavenḓa’s traditional concept of ṅwali, there are neither allusions to kinship nor continuities between african ṅwali and semitic jehovah. put succinctly, ttr and judaism did not originate as the same religion, as is seemingly the case with mwali in botswana. certainly, a semitic-related ṅwali, also known as jehovah, yahweh or mudzimu – the god of the bible (adamo & olusegun 2022:1–7; rodewald 2010a:11–21, 2010b:22–30) – is acknowledged among the vhavenḓa. this, however, should not be taken to imply that this semitic ṅwali was always known and worshipped by the vhavenḓa. as will be shown later, the vhavenḓa (formerly called vhasenzi by the vhalemba) associate their ṅwali with their ancestral home, matonjeni or matongoni, and not israel. in addition, the analysis of matshili’s (1972:26) poem ‘matongoni’ will reveal that the vhavenḓa also refer to ṅwali as makhulu [grandparent]. reference to ṅwali as makhulu resonates with the vhavenḓa’s view of their ancestors (vhomakhulu) as mediators between them and ṅwali. thus, there is a hierarchy of authority in the religious view of the vhavenḓa, with ṅwali as the most senior ancestor, the ancestors occupying the immediate ranks below and the living vhavenḓa at the most junior level (cf. schutte 1978:111). the semitic ṅwali, on the other hand, has no room for ancestor veneration in his institution of worship (leviticus 19:13; deuteronomy 18:11; isaiah 8:19). the semitic ṅwali was probably introduced by the vhalemba1: [d]uring the pre-islamic period (before 600 ad) [when] judaism spread into saudi arabia, africa and the rest of the world, resulting in more than one tribe in africa embracing a self-declared form of judaism. (le roux 1999:14) that the vhalemba have lived for centuries among the vhavenḓa, resolutely stating their israelite roots and yahweh as their god from generation to generation, contributed immensely to the identification of ṅwali in venḓa as yahweh (le roux 1999). with this identification also came the adoption of various forms of judaism by distinct groups in distinct locations (parfitt 1997 in le roux 1999:14). the adopted forms of judaism, le roux (1999) averred, were preceded by african traditional religious practices, including the veneration of african ṅwali. jehovah must have been introduced in this process of adoption and subsequently gained prominence and ultimacy as the true, exclusive and universal god. african traditional religion: a praeparatio evangelica? there is also a claim that the traditional ṅwali exited the matopo hills in zimbabwe to make way for the white missionaries who were bringing the gospel to the indigenes (schutte 1978:110). this is problematic because it depicts african traditional religion in general and ttr in particular as ‘praeparatio evangelica’ (mbaya & cezula 2019:425, original italics). moreover, it suggests that ttr comprises elements that can be validated as judeo-christian, which if true, further implies that judeo-christianity is a true and universal religion for which all other religions must be abandoned. if ttr is praeparatio evangelica, a question arises – that is, why would the missionaries supposedly sent by ṅwali, who exited to make room for them, speak of the same ṅwali as pagan and superstitious (khorommbi 1996)? why would the same ṅwali allow the message of ‘redemption from sin’, preached in his name, to be accompanied by the colonisation, oppression and dehumanisation of the very people in need of redemption? did the message of redemption necessitate the imposition of a semitic heritage on africans and subsequent misinterpretations of atr, as le roux (1999:16) observed? is there room for a postcolonial student of religions and religious movements in africa and south africa to view these phenomena through ‘the lens of decoloniality’ (kgatle 2021:1)? is it possible to evaluate religion and religious movements in africa within a context that interlinks ‘colonisation, domination, resistance and recovery’ (chidester 1996:238–240)? how does one objectively reflect on the blurred boundaries between ṅwali in venḓa and jehovah in israel without ignoring the fact that in south africa: [t]here are groups on whom the idea of jewishness was either imposed, or those who identified with the concept, because it may have confirmed and reinforced ancient traditions and customs? (le roux 1999:21) can one interpret ttr not as some barbaric paganism or a distorted form of judaism once observed by ‘illiterate’ africans while waiting for the ‘civilised’ europeans to come and enlighten them, but as a legitimately independent religion? does african religion always have to be studied solely in comparison to christianity? these questions are raised naïvely, not only to encourage an interpretation of atr and ttr that goes beyond relying on ‘frontier theorists (comparativists)’ when discussing unfamiliar african religions but also to propose a discourse that moves away from discussing african traditional religion and theology, explicitly or implicitly, either as a distorted form or an antithesis of a more ‘superiorised’ and ‘universalised’ religion – judeo-christianity. as a first step towards responding to some of the questions raised here, this article argues that, fundamentally, there is no kinship or continuity between ṅwali in venḓa and jehovah, as purported by some of the selected vhavenḓa poets. this means that, historically, ttr and judeo-christianity originated as separate religions. given that there is a conceptual difference between these deities, one can logically argue that the two deities stand in possible antagonism with one another. the argument is based on an analysis of a representative sample of tshivenḓa poems on ṅwali and jehovah, where some poets who believe in ṅwali in venḓa maintain the deity’s distinction from jehovah, whereas the other poets who insist on ṅwali being jehovah do so while exhibiting a sense of dual consciousness. this article is purely qualitative in approach and analyses six purposively selected tshivenḓa poetry anthologies. the texts were selected because they contained poems that thematised ṅwali and jehovah either as one and the same or as distinct. the anthologies are vhakale vha hone (ngwana 1958), vhungoho na vivho (ratshiṱanga 1972), tsiko-tshiphiri (sigwavhulimu 1971), fhulufhedzani (matshili 1972), mirunzi ya vhuvha (sigwavhulimu 1975) and vhadzimu vho tshenuwa (ratshiṱanga 1987). nine poems were selected from the anthologies and analysed based on the following themes: (1) ṅwali as distinct from jehovah in ttr, (2) communion with the spirit world in ttr, (3) ṅwali as jehovah in tshivenḓa poetry and (4) perceptions of jehovah in tshivenḓa poetry. analysis ṅwali as distinct from jehovah matshili’s (1972:26) poem ‘matongoni’ not only implicates matonjeni, matongoni or vhukalanga (zimbabwe) as the vhavenḓa’s ancestral home, but it also emphatically separates ṅwali from judeo-christianity. prior to that, however, the poet provides the reader with some sort of sociological background to the historical relationship between ṅwali and vhasenzi. the poem reads thus: tshi dinaho mwali makhulu ndi mufhumudzi, ro thakhwa hani matongoni hayani hashu; ndi tshini tshe ra vha ri tshi lila? tshifhefho dzithumbu dzi tshi dzula dzi mirutshe. [what bothers mwali, grandfather, is a consoler, how spoiled we were at matongoni our home; what did we lack? in autumn, our bellies were full.] (p. 26) originally, the vhasenzi (an ancient name of the vhavenḓa), the ancestors of the royal singo clan of the vhavenḓa, lived in a city called matongoni [the graves] in zimbabwe (schutte 1978). the first line of poem states that ṅwali is grief-stricken and without a consoler in sight. the reader is not immediately informed about the cause(s) of mwali’s grief. the poet progresses to reminiscing about the bounties once enjoyed at matongoni. the poet does this to depict matongoni as a place not only worth reimagining but also revisiting because of the tranquillity and prosperity once enjoyed there. the poet opts for reimagining instead of physically returning to matongoni because ṅwali wa matongoni [ṅwali of matongoni] is angry at the vhasenzi because of their disobedience to him, for reasons to be considered shortly. the poet’s mention of mwali in the same breath with matongoni is unsurprising, given that mwali or ṅwali conversed with the vhavenḓa at mount matongoni (khorommbi 1996). the matonjeni or matongoni shrine complex was essentially the centre of the mwari cult (daneel 1970; schutte 1978). schutte (1978) recorded that matongoni itself had six distinct offices, occupied by a high priest, a keeper of the shrine, a hosanna or dedicated male, a jukwa dancer, a second priest and interpreter of the voice of mwari and a medium. also connected to the cult was the tremendous drum that was classified as the drum of ṅwali, ngomalungundu (le roux 2009:102), the voice of the great god, king of heaven (mambo wa denga), but also of the ancestor god of the vhavenḓa and vhakalanga (schutte 1978). the drum is believed by some scholars to parallel the ark of the covenant in the old testament (le roux 2009). perhaps this is where others might claim that the semitic yahweh is ṅwali. however, le roux (1999, 2009) is quick to associate the drum strictly with the vhalemba, whose oral traditions trace back to israelite roots, and not the rest of the vhavenḓa. unlike mashau (2004) and munyai (2016), schutte (1978) does not see a distinction between mwali wedenga and mwali wematonjeni. this lack of distinction implies that to the vhavenḓa, mwali or ṅwali was both an apical ancestor (also referred to as makhulu) and the god of heaven. had mashau and munyai corroborated their claims by presenting the distinctions between the two deities, perhaps what would have been left to address is only the identification of these distinct deities by the same name. in the next stanza, the poet reflects on the vhavenḓa’s relationship with ṅwali at matongoni: mvula i sa ni vhakalaha vha isa nduvho, nduvho ya ṱanganedzwa nga dakalo ḽihulwane, ngomalungundu ye ngindi-ngunduu ya unga ḽoṱhe, mifhululu ya ṱaha thungo dzoṱhe. [when it did not rain, the elders sent propitiations, the propitiations were accepted with great joy, ngomalungundu would naturally rumble, ululations would spread to all directions.] (p. 26) the foregoing stanza ascribes rain-making qualities to ṅwali, an aspect that was triggered by adherence to ṅwali’s prescriptions. as stated in the poem, vhakalaha were designated to deliver these propitiations to ṅwali at matongoni. implied here is that ṅwali was never approached or appeased by just any member of society (mashau 2004; munyai 2016) but by designated members of the vhavenḓa. the principle of relying on intermediaries to approach and address the king, the ancestors and ṅwali is well known and observed in african communities (mokgoatšana 1996). however, that ṅwali is approached and propitiated mainly by vhakalaha as intermediaries does not mean women have no place or roles in the worship of ṅwali. in fact, mukonyora (1999) challenged the marginalisation of women and their depictions as men’s subordinates in the ‘particular strand of shona religiosity known widely as the mwari religion’ (mukonyora 1999:278). furthermore, ‘madzitete [aunts] and madzimbuya [grandmothers], for example, brew beer for drinking at ritual gatherings’ (mukonyora 1999:277). the central thesis of mukonyora’s (1999:278) article is that ‘some of the feminine features of this [mwari] religion were suppressed and others distorted’ (author’s insertion). the female features of mwari alluded to here include but are not limited to (1) fertility, as ascribed to mwari, resonates with the aspects of a woman-focused culture, and (2) the designation of mwari as dzivaguru [the great pool]symbolises a pool of water, ‘the fountain and origin of life, like the woman’s womb’ (mukonyora 1999:282). therefore, mwari has two dimensions: the male dimension and the female dimension. however, the latter has been suppressed, resulting in mwari being viewed essentially as the god of the patriarchal family only. even in tshivenḓa culture, the makhadzi plays a prominent role in the veneration and propitiation of both ṅwali and the ancestors (matshidze 2013). thus, the poet’s mention of vhakalaha as the only ones eligible to approach ṅwali is a deliberate tactic to enforce male focus in the worship of ṅwali. this tactic seemingly resulted in ṅwali being regarded as ‘a personal being beyond and above ancestral hierarchies and [who] could only be approached through the mediation of the senior lineage ancestors (mhondoro or vharudzi) or special messengers’ (schutte 1978:110). even from this patriarchal posture, that the poet mentions vhakalaha (pl. ‘old men’) instead of mukalaha (singular) shows at the very least that atrs and ttr are not an individual affair; they are corporate religions that include the whole community. generally, ṅwali and the ancestors are approached by the group (vhakalaha and vhakegulu, ‘old women’) to satisfy group interests and needs. even if an individual were to attempt to open a line of communication with ṅwali, an ancestor or ancestors, that individual would use the plural to indicate that the interests are not only his or her own but also those of the groups that he or she represents (mokgoatšana 1996). when this principle is adhered to, ṅwali responds favourably to all people in his realm of rulership, resulting in the people’s tremendous joy. in these moments of joy, ṅwali’s tremendous drum ngomalungundu would, according to the poet, also spread its echoing sound (for a detailed analysis of the drum, see le roux 2009). at times, the power of the drum was so great that it appeared to play itself, as stated in the poem, and this was because the invisible mwari or ṅwali was playing it (kirkarldy 2002). when ṅwali received propitiations from his people, what would happen was: ya thoma u bvuma nga tshipembe, kukole paṱa vhukati ha ṱhoho, milobilo ya unga thungo dzoṱhe, ra takala u handululwa nga makhulu washu. [thunder began in the south, a small cloud would gather in the [sky] downpours would gush from all directions, we would be glad after receiving relief from our grandfather.] (p. 26) the poet’s recurrent allusions to and appreciations of mwali’s rain-making abilities are meant to reveal the deity as muali [sower], which acknowledges the deity as the giver of rain and with ‘the fertility of crops and women’ and (schutte 1978:110). when rain falls, because ṅwali is appeased, the people celebrate and live at ease. theirs is a life characterised by: dzinyimbo na miulu zwi tshi nanela, matangwa na tshikona zwi tshi likitana, tshigombela na lugube zwi tshi fhalana, ḽo lala matongoni hayani hashu havhuḓi. [songs and celebratory performances plays and the reed-pipe dance in full blast, tshigombela and hollow bamboo instrument in accord, with matongoni, our beautiful home, at ease.] (p. 26) in the foregoing stanza, tshivenḓa traditional songs and dances, tshikona and tshigombela, are not only linked to pastimes in matongoni but presented as praise to ṅwali in gratitude to the provision of abundant rain. seemingly, ṅwali did not perceive the vhavenḓa’s traditional songs and dances as pagan and therefore abhorrent expressions of worship, unlike the missionaries who perceived them as animist, heathen and pagan practices that reflected barbarism and backwardness (mokgoatšana 1996). for the poet, matongoni is the vhasenzi’s place of creation and origin, not israel: matongoni, matongoni tsikoni yashu, wo ri kanzwa zwihulu vhukuma, zwigala zwau wo sala nazwo wo zwi kuvhatedza; ra humbula matongoni ri a ḓidzima zwi ḽ iwa. [matongoni, matongoni, our place of creation you bestowed so much good to us your glories remained with you shielded; when we remember matongoni, we fast from food.] (p. 26) as might have been observed, matshili’s poem makes no mention of ṅwali as being jehovah. if anything, his poem depicts ṅwali as free from hellenisation. in his poem, he touches (although tangentially) on the migration of the vhasenzi from vhukalanga (zimbabwe), matongoni, to their present habitation in south africa (madiba 1994). this hypothesis is explored in yet another poem by matshili (1972), ‘mupfuluwo wa vhasenzi’ [‘the migration of the vhasenzi’], where the poet speaks in the first person as ṅwali, thus: hee inwi vhaḓuhulu vhanga! ni itani phanḓa ha maṱo anga? milayo yanga no i isa ngafhi naa? zwiito zwaṋu zwi a nengisa vhannani. [hey you, my grandchildren! what are you doing before my eyes? where did you put my laws? your deeds are disgusting.] (p. 29) according to the poet, ṅwali’s displeasure with the vhavenḓa emanated from their abandonment of his laws, but the poet does not specify those laws. here, ṅwali has parallels with jehovah, who also has laws, which because of spatial limitations cannot be explored here. the poet, speaking in the first person, implies that ṅwali not only spoke to people but also through a person, that is, a poet. if ṅwali spoke through a person, it follows then that ṅwali could inhabit or possess a human being. ṅwali’s possession of a human being also implies that the deity could take control of both the mental and vocal faculties of a person to express his will and intentions, making a human being a medium through which he could convey his word and will. here, ṅwali is also in consonance with jehovah who is believed to fill his messengers with his spirit for the purposes of fulfilling divine purposes. contrary to the claim that ṅwali left matongoni to make room for the white people, the poet ascribes the vhavenḓa’s abandonment of ṅwali’s laws and internecine wars to his departure from them, as the next stanza affirms: mufhirifhiri ndi wani vhukati haṋu? ni vhangisana mini tshihuluhulu? no nndina nga maanḓa vhasenzi vhanga, mishumo yaṋu i a ntsilinga zwihulu. [what are the bloody wars for among you? what are you fighting one another for? you infuriated me so much, my vhasenzi, your deeds are greatly repulsive to me.] (p. 26) vhasenzi! no n[n]dina pfuluwani, no ntshonisa vhuhulwane a vhu lwelwi, muḓi wanga no u fhiselani vhannani? vhasenzi nandi! pfuluwani maṱoni anga. iyani thungo ya tshipembe noṱhe, ni dzule shangoni ḽavhuḓi ḽa mulalo, fhano aiwa, ndi a pfuluwa nṋe mwali nga ndoṱhe, ndo sinyuwa muḓi wanga wo lovha na zwalo. [vhasenzi! you angered me, move away you embarrassed me, seniority is not acquired through protest why did you burn my home? oh, vhasenzi! move away from my sight. all of you, move to the south and settle in the good land of peace here, no, i, mwali am leaving of my own accord i am furious, my residence has disappeared with its sacred sites.] (p. 26) the cause of conflict among the vhasenzi is not specified in the poem. what is clear is that ṅwali is both infuriated and nauseated by the internecine wars at matongoni. in fury, ṅwali commands the vhavenḓa to leave both their home and his sacred place, matongoni, to go to a place merely referred as the ‘south’ in the poem. however, part of ṅwali’s fury with the vhasenzi is that in their internecine wars, they also burnt his sacred site, his home. although ṅwali is grieved by the vhavenḓa’s abandonment of his laws, their bloody wars and subsequent destruction of his sacred site, he still instructs them to go to ‘a good land of peace’ that is in the south (venḓa?). here, ṅwali is depicted as a god who, although infuriated by his people, still provides what is good for them, which typifies his benevolence towards his people as superseding his fury against them. in matshili’s poem, ṅwali is presented uniquely as the vhasenzi’s deity, with no semitic connection. even in their communion with ṅwali, tradition and ancestor veneration interface with each other, something forbidden by jehovah in the bible. on this note, it might be worthwhile to state that ṅwali in venḓa has no problem with the ancestral dance called malombo, to which jehovah would not take kindly because it is essentially a dance that facilitates communion with the ancestral spirits. the next subsection analyses ngwana’s poem with the intention to show how ttr associates communion with ancestral spirits with ṅwali. communion with the spirit world in tshivenḓa traditional religion ngwana’s (1958:28) poem ‘malombo’ sheds light on how the dance facilitates communion with the ancestors as intermediaries to ṅwali in ttr. the first stanza reads thus: dzi a takuwa ngoma dza malombo, vhomatsige a vha tsha amba na muthu; hu pfala tshele na ngoma fhedzi; hu pfala nyimbo dza matongoni. [the malombo drums are rising master drummers no longer talk to anyone only hand-rattles are heard matongoni songs are heard.] (p. 28) malombo is performed seasonally in tshivenḓa culture, usually when there are some obligations from the ancestors that it must be performed (ṋengovhela 2010:17). it could be that there is a person who has an ancestral call that they must start operating in. such a person cannot start operating without being authorised by the ancestors, which is why the ritual dance must be performed first (ṋengovhela 2010). another name for this ritual dance is u tika ngoma [to hold or keep the drum in balance] performed for the purposes of u wisa midzimu [to settle the spirit of the gods]. the word ngoma is pregnant with meaning here, because the drums played during the dance are also viewed as the voices of the ancestors. hence, in the first line of the poem, the poet mentions ngoma to centralise the role and significance of drums in the dance. it is noteworthy that the poet identifies the songs sung during malombo as matongoni (ṅwali’s home) songs. that the songs were performed at ṅwali’s shrine without ṅwali being offended (as jehovah would be), shows that there are distinctions between the deities. also, the malombo dance requires the ṅanga [traditional healer] and maine wa tshele [hand-rattle specialist], or ngaka ya malopo [malombo specialist] in northern sotho (sodi 1998), to be present to diagnose the possessed person and to facilitate communion with the spirit. the poet’s use of the word tshele [hand-rattles] in the third line of the preceding stanza affirms the role and significance of these ritual specialists. when the tshilombo finally relays its message, it speaks in tshikalanga, tshivenḓa and a mixture of the two, or in a language intelligible only to the initiated: vhatshini vha amba nga lukalanga; vha amba lwa vhadzimu vhavho; ndi lwone lwa vhomakhulukuku; vha rerela midzimu yavho. [the dancers speak the lukalanga language they speak their ancestors’ language the ancestors’ language they worship their ancestors.] (p. 28) that the ancestral spirit speaks in tshivenḓa, tshikalanga or a mixture of both and not hebrew should suffice to inform the reader that ṅwali, acknowledged as working in harmony with the ancestors, is not jehovah. the malombo dance is not only linked to matongoni, but the beat of the drum (symbolic of the ancestors’ speech) also contributes to communion with the ancestors at ṅwali’s abode. jehovah does not permit this in his worship, hence the clash between adherents of ttr and judeo-christianity, which further confirms that the two groups do not believe that they are worshipping the same god. while the two poets, matshili and ngwana, portray ṅwali as exclusively african, with no connection whatsoever to jehovah, there are, however, other vhavenḓa poets who perceive ṅwali as jehovah, whom they also identify as mudzimu [an ancestral spirit](rodewald 2010a). ṅwali as jehovah in tshivenḓa poetry despite the missionaries having perceived ṅwali as a pagan god and further replacing his name with jehovah and mudzimu, ratshiṱanga (1972), however, thinks ṅwali is an appropriate name for jehovah: jehova ndi u ri mini? nga tshihevheru ndi u ri ṅwali. kha testamente ntswa ḽi siho ndi mini? ndi nge kani ḽi sa taṅwe nga vhaṅwali? vhaṅwali a huna [sic] tshe vha nanga, vhunga zwe vha ṅwala a si zwe vha tama, vho tovhela zwe muimeleli na vhafunziwa vha kwanga [what is meant by the designation jehovah? in hebrew, it means ṅwali. why is this name not there in the new testament? is it probably because the writers did not like it? the writers did not write according to their own dictates since what they wrote was not what they desired they tailed the advocate’s and disciples’ prescription.] (pp. 24–25) that the poems open with a rhetorical question could be an indication that there were concerns with the use of the name, jehovah, to refer to the ‘high god’ in venḓa. the concept must have been so foreign to the vhavenḓa that they wondered what it meant. instead of providing the etymology and meaning of the name ṅwali in vhavenḓa, ratshiṱanga prefers to equate the name with a hebrew one. to begin with, there is no phonetic, phonological, morphological or syntactic resonance between the names ṅwali and jehovah. one wonders how the poet came to the conclusion that ṅwali means jehovah in hebrew. one can only speculate on the poet’s hellenisation of ṅwali, which might have been influenced by the vhalemba in venḓa and later endorsed by the missionaries. the poet wonders why the translators of the new testament into tshivenḓa disregarded the name ṅwali as an equivalent of the name jehovah, as if the name ṅwali was used in the tshivenḓa translation of the old testament to refer to jehovah. the deity named jehovah in hebrew is identified as mudzimu in both the old and the new testaments. the fact that ṅwali was avoided as an equivalent of jehovah when translating the bible into tshivenḓa may be because of what it represents and means in ttr. this avoidance, a cause for wonder even to the poet, might also evince ‘the problems of translating the names that refer to (yhwh) and his attributes’ into african languages (moomo 2005:151). had translation of jehovah into tshivenḓa relied on ‘a theoretical frame of reference’ (moomo 2005:151), where the vhavenḓa’s rich sources of description of god were considered, ratshiṱanga’s identification of ṅwali in venḓa as the semitic jehovah would not have been left unaddressed. his view, like rodewald’s, discussed earlier, should be read in light of the three ways through which the hellenisation of african deities manifests. by identifying ṅwali as jehovah, ratshiṱanga essentially vanguards the notion that this deity was a disguised or distorted form of jehovah in precolonial and premissionary africa. although ratshiṱanga asks an important question, that is, ‘was it because the translators did not like the name (ṅwali)?’, he is either unwilling or unable to search for an answer. in the end, the question remains unanswered in his poem. upon failing to provide an answer, he concludes that this disregard of the name ṅwali for god in the bible must have been the preference of jehovah himself. further compounding the problem is that jehovah or yahweh is identified as mudzimu in the tshivenḓa bible. this is problematic because the noun mudzimu refers to ‘the ancestral spirit or spirit elder’ in chishona and in tshivenḓa (gelfand 1959:74). the noun mudzimu, as used in the tshivenḓa bible, was adapted from modimo, which means mo-(go)dimo or mo(ho)limo [‘there above’ or ‘the place where god is’] (setiloane 1986:22). therefore, for the vhavenḓa who espouse ttr, the noun mudzimu could be read as referring to an ancestral spirit and not the almighty god, as the bible translators intended. evidently, a wrong name, wrongly interpreted, has been used wrongly to refer to god in the tshivenḓa bible. in spite of this, the name mudzimu came to be used as a natural name for god in tshivenḓa culture, with poets such as sigwavhulimu (1971) attempting to account for its etymology and meaning in the poem ‘mudzimu’ [ancestral spirit but now ‘god’]: iwe mudzi mudzi-mudzi mudzimu mudzi-muthu mudzi wa muthu u thoma muthu, u fhedza muthu, u mudzi wa u thoma, u mudzi wa u fhedza mudzimu [you are the root the real root god god-person a person’s root you invent a person you complete a person you are the first [top] root you are the last [ultimate] root god.] (p. 53) sigwavhulimu seeks to educate the reader about how the vhavenḓa eventually appropriated an ambiguous name for god in tshivenḓa. for sigwavhulimu, god (jehovah) can be viewed as the root: iwe mudzi [you root]. the root’s fundamental function is to attach a plant to the earth. the same root transports nutrients and nourishment from the soil to the plant to which it is connected. as the root, god is depicted as the foundation of all life and living. to the poet, mudzimu is not just an option in a multiple choice of ‘roots’; he is the real and ultimate one, the one without whom nothing and no one can live. thus, to sigwavhulimu, mudzi-mu is the real root of a person; that is, he is both mudzi wa muthu [root of a person] and mudzi-muthu [god-man]. hence, ratshiṱanga (1987) affirmed this view: vho ri ndi ene mudzi wa vhathu na zwivhumbwa zwoṱhe. [they said he is the root of people and the whole creation.] (p. 5) it must be borne in mind that the mudzimu praised by the christian poets sigwavhulimu and ratshiṱanga (khorommbi 1996; mafela 2008) is jehovah. perhaps, to address the ambiguities of reference when the term mudzimu is used in tshivenḓa, ratshiṱanga (1972) thought it fit to distinguish mudzimu for jehovah from mudzimu for an ancestral spirit in the poem, ‘mudzimu na vhadzimu’ [god and gods]: mudzimu ndi musiki na mukuvhatedzi wa tsiko yoṱhe ya ṱaḓulu na shangoni ngeno vhadzimu vhe vhakukumedzi kha vhuswina uri shango ḽi dzule mivhangoni. [god is the creator and buffer of all creation in heaven and on earth while gods are instigators of the enmity so that world continues to live in disharmony.] (pp. 6–7) instead of providing the etymology of the terms and their semantic properties in tshivenḓa culture, such as sigwavhulimu attempted earlier, ratshiṱanga prefers to disparage ancestor spirits while depicting jehovah as the only true god. mudzimu (jehovah) is identified as the creator, who is also a compassionate and loving father with the best interests at heart for all his creation. his demonstration of love is notable in his delegation of all his earthly creations to human beings. vhadzimu [ancestors or gods], on the other hand, are presented as antagonists and false versions of god, undeserving of veneration. in the final stanza, vhadzimu are classified as marena a si na vhuhosi [lords without jurisdictions of rulership], implying that they are undeserving of any seat of sovereignty among the living – or anywhere else for that matter. ratshiṱanga’s espousal of the christian faith and subsequent promotion of the faith are accompanied by disparagements of ttr – a tactic deployed by the early christian missionaries in venḓa. sigwavhulimu also uses the names mudzimu and yehova (jehovah) interchangeably in his poetry. in sigwavhulimu’s (1975) poem, ‘khumbelo kha yehova!’ [petition to jehovah], mudzimu is identified as jehovah: yehova! iwe yehova! ri sikele vhuthu vhu sa tshili; vhuthu vhu sa fi. ri sikele maṱo a sa vhoni; maṱo a sa kombodzali, maṱo a sa pofuli. [jehovah! you jehovah! create for us humanity that does not live humanity that does not die create for us eyes that do not see eyes that do not become blinded eyes that do not become blind.] (p. 7) the poem is essentially a prayer, which according to mokgoatšana (1996) is a mode of communication between people and their creator. this communication can be direct or indirect, depending on the cosmogonic view of those praying (mokgoatšana 1996). in the given poem, sigwavhulimu does not plead with ṅwali of matongoni, as would be expected in venḓa where ttr is practised; on the contrary, his plea is directed to jehovah, equated with ṅwali by ratshiṱanga earlier. in the poem, jehovah is depicted as possessing the supernatural power to create and recreate, suggesting that he is musiki [creator]. although the same qualities were also ascribed to ṅwali of matongoni by the ‘traditional’ poets, sigwavhulimu and ratshiṱanga both chose to ascribe them solely to the christian god. to these poets, the only true god is jehovah, and all reverence and supernatural abilities should be exclusively assigned to him. surprisingly, while in the poems cited earlier, ratshiṱanga vehemently attacked ttr to advocate judeo-christianity, in yet another poem, he pleads with ṅwali, who is venerated in ttr and no longer the semitic ṅwali. in the poem ‘ṅwali thetshelesa’ [ṅwali listen], ratshiṱanga (1987) says: masimu vho govhela, na mvula i sa ni. madanga o fhalala, ro sala ri si na. [they took our fields rain no longer comes our kraals are empty we are left with nothing.] (p. 44) the poet implores ṅwali to notice that the fields of the oppressed vhavenḓa have been taken by their oppressors. this issue is important to raise to ṅwali of matongoni because the vhavenḓa were and, to a certain extent, still are an agricultural community (khorommbi 1996). they depended largely on what the fields yielded for their livelihood, hence their propitiation of ṅwali for the provision of rain. therefore, taking away their fields equals taking away their means of sustaining their livelihoods. aggravating the problem for the poet was that there was no rain. here, the poet implicitly draws the vhavenḓa’s ancient understanding of ṅwali of matongoni as the rain-giver into considerable light. unlike the previous poems, where he disparaged ancestors while praising the judeo-christian mudzimu, in this poem, ratshiṱanga changes his position: vhadzimu vho tshenuwa, zwifho a ri tshee na. ho sala u tovhela, kha vho ri thubaho. [the gods are astonished our sacred places are gone all that is left is for us to follow those who captured us.] (p. 44) ratshiṱanga now perceives the hierarchy of spiritual authority as having ṅwali at the top and vhadzimu [ancestor spirits] at the bottom, but in unity. this perception lends support to khorommbi’s (1996) assertion that: the two realities are not in conflict with each other. the ancestors (vhadzimu) have been living on earth worshipping ṅwali. when they die, they go to be with ṅwali. in the whole exercise of worship, they are not excluded. (p. 100) with his change of heart, ratshiṱanga bemoans the vhavenḓa’s loss of their traditional and ancient ways of worship. the captors referred to in the poem are the colonial missionaries who came to venḓa and imposed their religion on the people. ratshiṱanga is unhappy that the vhavenḓa are not only suffering at the hands of their captors, but also because their captors contributed to the loss of their ethnic heritage. consequently, the vhavenḓa are now the ‘followers’ of their ‘captors’. seemingly, the new religious exercise does not find resonance with the vhavenḓa’s cosmogonic and cosmological views. ratshiṱanga now sees missionary christianity as disruptive of the african way of life. according to ratshiṱanga, a community that once lived in harmony and love now lives fearfully and somewhat in cultural schizophrenia because of the new religion. hence, he pleads with ṅwali of matongoni to: ipfa khumbelo dzashu, ri fhe zwo ṱuwaho. ri vhuyelele hafhu, murahu havhuḓi. [listen to our pleas restore to us what was taken let us return [again] to the beautiful past.] (p. 44) in his conclusion, the poet issues a communal request to ṅwali to hearken to his prayer. the request is that ṅwali should restore what has been lost. the allusive quality of ri fhe zwo ṱuwaho [restore to us what was taken] entails the lost land, flocks, freedom and ttr. ratshiṱanga propagates the idea that the ancient ways that have been dismantled were better than the new ways. he asks for the opportunity to be returned to the ‘beautiful’ past, although he does not speak clearly on what he means by this request. one can only insinuate that ratshiṱanga refers to the olden days when the vhavenḓa lived in harmony and love as one family under one god (ṅwali), before the missionary invasion. in this poem, ratshiṱanga depicts god (ṅwali) and gods or ancestors (vhadzimu) as living in harmony, an aspect that he contested seriously in his earlier poetry. this syncretism either affirms the tenacity of ttr against attempts to obliterate it or a nuanced realisation that there are, after all, distinctions between ṅwali and jehovah. conclusion in ttr, ṅwali is depicted as a deity who has no problems with ancestor veneration and belief in traditional healers, among others, which were perceived by jehovah’s adherents either as pagan, satanic or superstitious. particularly concerning is that ṅwali is claimed by some vhavenḓa poets as the judeo-christian god. the hellenisation of ṅwali in venḓa, where ttr is practised, included introducing him as jehovah or mudzimu. seemingly, (1) some missionaries were deeply concerned with the vhavenḓa’s conversion to christianity in an apolitical manner, (2) some missionaries cooperated more with the colonial forces of the time towards political and cultural subjugation and (3) the proliferation of information about the judeo-christian god as the only true god seems to have contributed to some vhavenḓa poets desecrating their own deity and religion in favour of the former. these three ways through which the concept of ‘god’ as jehovah was introduced in venḓa should be considered a springboard into further research and discourse on the blurred boundaries between ṅwali and jehovah. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. author’s contributions m.s. is the sole author of the manuscript. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information the conceptualisation of the article emanated from ms’s ongoing doctoral thesis, which was funded by the national institute for the humanities and social sciences (nihss) in collaboration with south african humanities deans’ association (sahuda). opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at are those of the author and are not necessarily to be 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https://doi.org/10.1163/157006678x00037 sebola, m., 2020, ‘selfhood in tshivenḓa poetry: reflections on vhavenḓa’s identity, culture and ideology’, imbizo 11(1), 1–20. https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6565/6849 setiloane, g.m., 1986 african theology: an introduction, skotaville publishers, johannesburg. sigwavhulimu, w.m.r., 1971, tsiko-tshiphiri, j.l. van schaik, pretoria. sigwavhulimu, w.m.r., 1975, mirunzi ya vhuvha, j.l. van schaik, pretoria. sodi, t., 1998, ‘a phenomenological study of healing in a north sotho community’, phd dissertation, university of cape town. stayt, h.a., 1931, the bavenda, oxford university press, london. wessman, r., 1908, the bawenda of the spelonken (transvaal): a contribution towards the psychology and folk-lore of african peoples, the african world, london. footnote 1. vhalemba are ‘a group in southern africa who even today regard themselves as jews or israelites … and to my knowledge the only group in southern africa who have specific oral traditions that they originally came by boat to africa’ (le roux 1999:26). they live amongst other peoples in southern africa, mainly in venḓa, sekhukhune, mpumalanga and the southern parts of zimbabwe. 102 investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context s d edwards, s govender, d r nzima & m m hlongwane university of zululand abstract this article is intended as an original contribution towards contemplation of the self with special reference to a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. an integral approach involving a heuristic phenomenological investigation of four participant researchers’ contemplation derived experiences is described. individual and collective descriptions reveal immediate, direct, contact with the self. this presence is indicated through universal, differential, unique, transpersonal, personal, spiritual, communal, applied psychological and relational descriptions. findings support integral and other theoretical perspectives with special reference to ancestral consciousness and psychotherapeutic applications and implications of contemplation of the self. keywords: self, contemplation, phenomenology, spirituality, transpersonal, psychology introduction as university psychology colleagues we were intrigued with questions as to what sourced existence, consciousness, strength, energy, creativity and our everyday working lives. we considered and discussed various concepts, terms, themes, phenomena, experiences, approaches and methodologies. for example, terms discussed included source, creator, god, being and spirit. we eventually decided that “the self” was the most appropriate term for this mystical source yet present reality that reflected our spiritual, investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 103 transpersonal, psychological, multicultural, and community backgrounds and that contemplation of the self was the most appropriate way to answer our questions. these research questions and our ensuing discussion lead to this exploratory, heuristic phenomenological investigation into contemplating the self and its psychological applications from universal as well as local, spiritual, personal and applied psychological perspectives. the first author, who had previous experience in researching the self, acted as lead investigator in co-coordinating and writing up the study, all aspects of which were consensually validated by all authors. a disclaimer is made that this writing intuitively recognizes the presence of the pre-existent self and acknowledges that this and any other attempt to describe this reality is already a memory that will ultimately distort this presence. paradoxically, it is this here and now ineffable self who provides final motivation and direction for the writing. the self leahey (1987) has described the history of psychology in terms of humanity’s attempt to understand the self. various understandings also reveal various ways of conceptualizing the self. these include spiritual, transpersonal, holistic, unitary, communal, relational, singular, differentiated, object relations, polycentric and integrated perspectives. to some extent these perspectives represent collective, human evolution and development from hypothesized origins in africa over one hundred thousand years ago, followed by communal human migrations through asia, europe and the americas (jobling, hurles & tyler-smith, 2004), which were simultaneously reflected in distilled layers of the collective unconsciousness, as portrayed in the ensuing discussion. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 104 myers (1993) has articulated fundamental philosophical assumptions of ancient african psychology. the main ontological assumption is that reality is at once spiritual and material, with an all-pervading spiritual energy as source and essence of all phenomena. everything is spirit manifested where ‘spirit’ is known in extrasensory fashion via energy/consciousness/god through an extended self –concept which includes ancestors, all of nature and the entire community. spiritual healing logic embraces polarities yielding “both/and” conclusions, with axiology respectively emphasizing the value and interrelationships of communal, human, spiritual networks. such understandings of spirit and self underlie the zulu umoya/umphefumulo distinction, the hindu brahman/atman distinction, taoist heaven/earth and yang/yin polarities, platonic ideas and archetypes. the words “know thyself” which were written on the walls of the temple at delphi in early days, formed guiding instructions for early greek and roman civilizations, as well as sourcing the relatively recent views on consciousness (james), the unconscious (freud), the collective unconscious (jung), ego development (loevinger) and self psychology (kohut). the following reflection from jung (1961:196) is particularly relevant in the present context. … “the goal of psychic development is the self. there is no linear evolution: there is only a circumambulation of the self. uniform development exists, at most, only at the beginning; later everything points towards the centre. this insight gave me stability, and gradually my inner piece returned. i knew that in finding the mandala as an expression of the self, i had attained what was for me the ultimate.” the views of fonda (1995), assagioli (2012) and wilber (2000, 2007) provide composite respective updates of differentiated, synthetic and integrative perspectives on the investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 105 self. noting western psychology views on the self as singular, unitary and developmental, fonda (1995) has integrated psychoanalytic and postmodern, social constructionist perspectives in arguing for the notion of a polycentric self. he notes that the views of object relations theorists such as klein, winnicott and fairbairn may all be adapted to reveal this differentiated understanding, not considered to be indicative of classical western psychological thought. nonetheless, it is an understanding of the self in a diverse world that contains diverse people with diverse interests. fonda notes that recognition of a polycentric self requires more sensitivity, careful investigation, accurate observation and acceptance of the diversity inherent in the world, its individuals and their selves than has previously been the case. assagioli (2012:98) has distinguished ontogenetic, evolutionary and developmental meanings of the term “self” in the process of “self-identification”. firstly, individuals tend to view themselves in terms of important meanings, values and/or roles. this typically involves identifying with the ego and/or what gives the greatest sense of being. this may be her body for the beauty queen, or elite athlete, the emotional life for the lover, the mind for the intellectual, motherhood for the wife, breadwinner work for the husband etc. the second meaning is the inner experience of pure self-identity, awareness and/or consciousness, which typically does not arise spontaneously but only after inner experimentation and identification with the personal self. the third meaning of self-identification is that of realization of a higher, deeper and/or spiritual self (which is written here with a capital letter to denote its transpersonal nature). self-identification through progressive dis-identification with and/or transcendence of partial self-identifications is accelerated through meditation, where there is a progressive witnessing of bodily theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 106 sensations, emotions, thoughts, the witness as witness, and beyond (assagioli, 2012). wilber’s (1996, 2000, 2007) non-dual approach integrates involving and evolving, or descending and ascending movements of consciousness present in every ecological, spiritual, psychological and physical breath inhalation and exhalation. in decent or inhalation, spirit and self involve into self-other, life-death, body-mind and ego-shadow dualisms. in ascent or exhalation, spirit, consciousness and breath returns, evolves and develops towards ultimate nonduality, self and spirit. mapping correlative basic structures in the stages of the self as conceptualized by over fifteen major self-theorists, wilber (1996:95) documented as invariant pattern emerged in the form of development, from personal to transpersonal realms, which he describes as follows: “…at each point in evolution or remembrance, a mode of self becomes a component of a higher order self (e.g. the body was the mode of the self before the mind emerged, whereupon it becomes merely a component of self). this can be put in different ways, each of which tell us something important about development, evolution and transcendence: 1) what is whole becomes part; 2) what is identification becomes detachment; 3) what is context becomes content (that is, the context of cognition/experience of one level becomes simply a content of experience of the next; 4) what is ground becomes figure; 5) what is subjective becomes objective (until both of these terms become meaningless; 6) what is condition becomes element (e.g. the mind, which is the a priori condition of egoic experience, becomes merely a element in the higher order realms)…” for buddhism, one of wilber’s (2000) main inspirational sources, as well as other perennial philosophical and empirical traditions, all such terms as self, no-self, original face, investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 107 no-face, permanent and impermanent, are equivalent, mere words for what is essentially unnamable, but apprehensible, recognizable through direct experience. in this context, versveld (2010:54) writes of “the self, which the ego obscures” and also of “the self, which excludes others, and the self, which is found in the practice of the presence of god, and which is a return to what we are by nature, a gift of ourselves to ourselves, occupy different times.” recognizing how, as human beings, we have arbitrarily cut up time, divided space, and alienated ourselves from ourselves, we hope to convey some impression of both temporal, spatial selves and selfless self in the following contemplations and applications. method approach we chose wilber’s (2000) integral approach as we considered it to contain sufficient theoretical height, depth and breadth to frame our contemplation experiences. wilber’s (2000, 2007) approach is based on an integral philosophy of science, and a post-metaphysical, post-postmodern epistemology, that leads to an integral methodological pluralism (wilber, 2007:33), which transcends and includes theoretical, paradigmatic perspectives such as positivism, interpretivism and social constructionism (terre blanche, durrheim & painter 2006: 6). an integral, epistemological approach becomes possible if it is accepted that the same investigative sequence, the same three deep strands of science, run through all such perspectives. this investigative sequence consists of three phases: (a) an intuitive apprehension, (b) direct experience or resultant data discovery and (c) communal confirmation or rejection of the data. this also enables research investigations to integrate knowledge specific theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 108 to various domains, such as matter, mind and spirit, as well as recognize logical category errors that occur if knowledge derived from one domain is confused with or substituted for knowledge from another domain. contextualized within this theoretical, integral approach, the present study is heuristic and phenomenological in orientation, research methodology and practical investigation, with psychologists functioning as both researchers and participants, with special reference to their contemplation derived experience of the self in a transpersonal psychological context (moustakas, 1994). in other words, this approach required us to explore our contemplations from subjective and objective, individual and collective perspective. model wilber’s (2000, 2007) aqal model, which is shorthand for all quadrants, all levels, refers to a comprehensive system that integrates quadrants and levels, as well as lines, states and types of consciousness. the aqal model postulates an essentially non-dual universe, with four quadrants, reflecting interior and exterior aspects of the individual and collective. the fundamental linkages in this universe are called holons, which are always both wholes and parts of other wholes, at various levels of consciousness experienced as matter, body, mind, soul and spirit, involving, evolving, moment to moment, in inter-being. in the present heuristic phenomenological study, as psychologists we contemplated the self, with special reference to its spiritual and psychological applications and implications. wilber’s (2000, 2007) aqal model enabled us to distinguish bodily, mental and spiritual levels of transpersonal, personal, interpersonal and impersonal dimensions of our self contemplations. investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 109 research technique we chose contemplation as our research technique as it includes the reflective and reverential connotations of such terms as meditation and prayer in order to approach our subject matter of the self and its psychological applications from an integral and holistic perspective. for us meditation typically constitutes reflection on interiority and prayer usually includes a divinity, whereas contemplation may be viewed as an advanced form of meditation and/or prayer that is experientially grounded as well as facilitative of insights and revelations. it has been described as “the highest expression of intellectual and spiritual life” (merton 2000: 546), design an integrative, qualitative design was involved. the qualitative research methodology involved heuristic phenomenological analysis, synthesis, integration and discussion of contemplation derived experience from individual and collective descriptions, which were viewed from subjective, objective, collective and shared group perspectives. participants as participants we knew each other for over twenty years, as psychology students and staff. we thus constituted a volunteer, convenience sample, specifically self-selected for our established academic, interpersonal and community relationships, commitment to participate in the research, and willingness to explore, describe, explicate and articulate our experience. we defined ourselves as having suitable, qualitative characteristics for research purposes. we constituted 3 men and 1 women, with a mean age of 45 years and an age range from 38 to 62 years. our interview language of communication was english. in terms of home language two theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 110 of us spoke isizulu, one tamil and one english. although we were a very small, non-representative sample of researcher-participants, to some extent we represented the rainbow spectrum of consciousness of the population of south africa. we all held doctoral degrees. in terms of professional work categories, we were 2 clinical psychologists, 1 educational psychologist and 1 counselling psychologist. ethical matters as participants we informed ourselves as to the nature of the research and provided individual and mutual consent with regard to the use of the information for publication purposes. procedure after appropriate establishment of rapport and discussion with regard to procedure, all contemplation sessions took place in a relaxed, comfortable and quiet setting. after individual contemplation session, participants typed descriptions of their experiences. these descriptions provided the basis for shared, inter-subjective, descriptions, discussions and interpretations of experiences. research notes were kept throughout the process. data analysis: the qualitative research methodology involved heuristic phenomenological analysis of natural meaning units of experience, followed by synthesis into individual and collective summaries. the integrated qualitative, subjective and objective analysis and synthesis of the individual and collective data, as informed by wilber’s (2000), aqal model, integral methodological pluralism (wilber, 2007) and practical research knowledge (terre blanche, durrheim & painter 2006) consisted of the following steps. firstly, heuristic pheinvestigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 111 nomenological analysis included understanding, interpretation and consensual validation of our topic, approach, method of contemplation, data analysis, synthesis and integrative discussion. an essential aspect of all phenomenological analysis involved continuous, vigilant research attempts to remain open-minded so as to allow our individual and shared reality research participants to be accurately revealed. secondly, there was holistic, repeated reading of all individual written protocols. thirdly, individual profiles were analyzed into smallest naturally occurring units of experience (nmu’s). fourthly, each individual description was summarized. fifthly, individual descriptions were integrated into a collective summary, based on the collation of the above mentioned phenomenological analysis. sixth, individual and group data were integrated, analyzed, synthesized and discussed. seventh, the completed research paper was circulated amongst us for critical reading and feedback, ethics, validity and integrity audit. results qualitative findings follow in the form of phenomenological analysis of each participant’s individual, descriptive, smallest, naturally occurring units of experience (nmu’s). each participant’s description is preceded by a brief summary in bold type. individual descriptions are followed by a more detailed, collective summary, with an audit trail of natural meaning units. the four participants are coded from a to d with regard to contemplation descriptions. participant a as the reflected centre, which permeates all, the self is a presence that can be felt but not seen. this self presence is mediated through our ancestors, who are always with us wherever we go. the self becomes the source of energy theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 112 that guides everything we do and say in everyday life. such presence enables a spontaneous, harmonious and continuous dialogue to flow in therapeutic relationships facilitating genuine and complete healing of clients. through meditation i was able to listen quietly to my body and feel myself (1). i could feel blood-energy flowing through my veins (2). my thoughts wondered about, through valleys and hills and eventually i felt i was connected with the self (3), the reality and source of all energy (4). for me the self is the centre of all being (5). it is the feeling of being in total full control of everything (i.e. internal locus of control) (6). it is a reflection of being (7) which is made possible by our ancestral spirits who are always with us wherever we go (8). the self gives meaning and real sense for my existence and therefore of being in the world (9). our ancestors play a significant role though in protecting and guiding us in all we do as human beings (10). personally, when i survive accidents and recover from illnesses it is because of them (11). they show me their presence through dreams (12) and it is in this way that they make me feel and know their existence (13). they guide me through life so that when i do not behave i get punished (14). i am punished because the ultimate being (umvelinqgangi) does not subscribe to what i am doing at the time (15). therefore ancestral spirits serve as mediators between the living and the ultimate reality (umvelinqgangi) (16). the self (ongabonwayo), the one whose presence can be felt but not seen, permeates all being (17). personally i feel in the centre of myself (ngizizwangiwumqemane), i can think and speak well (ngicabangefuthingikhulumekahle), listen attentively (ngilalelisise), and respond appropriately (ngiphendulengokufanelekile) because of the self (18). the presence (ubukhona) of the self in therapy (ukwelapha) investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 113 makes the intervention process effective (konkekuhambekahle) (19). as therapist (umelaphi) i feel his strong emotional presence (ukuxhumanangokomoya) which goes beyond the physical presence of both myself and the client (isiguli) in a therapeutic relationship (20). in life (empilweni) the self is at a farther distance (uqhelile) from us (21), and hence our ancestors (amadlozi) play a mediatory role (bayasinxusela) between the living and the unseen (22). for instance i have to behave myself well (kumelengiziphathekahle) if i want the support of the self through my ancestors in everything good which i desire to happen to me and my family (23). i have to show respect (inhlonipho) to the young and old (kwabancanenabadala) and treat them with human dignity (isithunzi) (24). when my clients are happy because of me, i also become happy and so the self (25). in this way a strong sense of interconnectedness (ukuxhumana) and fulfillment (ukuneliseka) between the self and my sense of being is achieved (26). the presence of the self is important in therapy and healing (27). it creates a sense of calmness and tranquillity which leads to an atmosphere conducive to inter-connectedness between the therapist and client (28). once such an atmosphere is created it enables the dialogue to flow spontaneously in a therapeutic relationship (29). the self makes me feel in the centre of myself (30), in full control of everything (31), and being able to think and talk properly and clearly for the benefit of the client (32). thus the self becomes the source of energy that guides everything i do and say in everyday of my living (33). it is the source of direction which enables my practice to give meaning to those who are in the receiving end (clients) (34). there must be a harmonious and continuous relationship between myself and the self (35). this continuum gives a sense of direction and purpose theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 114 for existence (36). without the self the therapeutic relationship can be doomed due to lack of intentionality and interconnectedness between the major role players (37). hence the presence of the self in a therapeutic relationship makes the client come out of therapy feeling a complete whole (38). a genuine and complete wholeness has been achieved, with all the loose parts put together (39). participant b the self is clearly recognized as an intimate personal presence, with whose energetic gendered qualities a is in daily contact in a process that is helpful and healing. this self presence permeates the therapeutic relationship, facilitating mutual understanding, respect, self inquiry and expression. it provides an atmosphere of calm, peace serenity, tranquillity, support, strength and healing to clients and their extended support system it was a very quick twenty minutes (1). as always, for me, when contemplating on the self time passes very quickly (2). focus on the self was a rejuvenating experience (3). it allowed me to free the mind (4) and relax in an otherwise busy day (5). it allowed me to connect with a greater sense of being and feeling (6). a heightened sense of relief (7) but at the same time (and i do know that this may sound contradictory), some anxiety because i always carry a certain sense of fear (8). i do not allow myself the luxury of completely surrendering to the process (9). my desire to control self does not allow me to truly focus on the self (10). but i make time in my schedule no matter how busy i am and no matter where i am to focus on the self (11). it is an important part of my daily routine (12) because the process is helpful and healing (13). the freedom, the natural abandon or the spontaneous floating on a breeze is often stopped investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 115 short just as i approach the edge of the cliff (14), it’s a long drop (15) and i know the landing is soft (16) but the problem is i don’t know what’s at the bottom…(17). my interpretation of the self from an hindu (south indian, tamil speaking family) is as a south african living in south africa for 150 years (18) .we have for many years been taught about the triad: braham, vishnu and shiva – creator, preserver and destroyer but my viewpoint would be that of life energy as depicted by shiva (19). for me, shiva has been my vessel of meditation and contemplation (20). this could be from both a physical (biological) and spiritual (emotional, psychological) perspective (21) and shiva, the male manifestation, is viewed as the destroyer, he is seen as all powerful, can be the very core of our being (22) and his female counterpart or consort, shakthi can be just as strong and powerful (23). they represent the fragility of life (24) and the element of unpredictability (25) and while we are all born with this uncertainty (26), we are reminded to not lose sight of this important aspect in our lives (27). this energy can often get “channelled away” or be “blocked” and can have detrimental effects, either physical or psychological in nature (28). we forget to stay focused and our life giving force will have to be reengaged or energized (29). shiva/shakthi is a strong element, powerful in that they have the ability to “get rid of” all negative elements and refocus one (30). i believe contemplating on the self teaches us much about listening to self and others (31) and this is one of the core principles of psychology (32). if as a psychologist you are comfortable with your sense of the self then the client will very likely sense this, as it tends to permeate into all that you do (33). the self is important in my experiences of healing (34). the client becomes more comfortable in my presence with their sense of the self and feels freer to express theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 116 their sense of the self (35). there is a mutual understanding of and respect for the self, sometimes even without even having spoken a word about the self (36). it may then allow the client to feel free to delve into the ongoing process of the self inquiry, should they feel the need (37) and this could lend considerable support to the client and their extended support system (38). also contemplation of the self creates an atmosphere of calm, peace, serenity and tranquility (39) and clients can read this energy in the environment and the people within that surrounding (40). apart from the strength it provides one (41) it also allows one the gentleness to create an environment conducive to mental health healing (42). participant c the self exits in an undivided, warm and integrated relationship to god, ancestors, family and all other spiritual human, work and ecological relationships. life and health are inextricably interrelated as a person without a healthy self is like a person without a soul and a person without a soul ceases to live. the self is the key to human existence and the self as the beginning and end of life. i, me and myself, get strength from god the omnipotence and almighty (1). i am built in the image of god (2) and i have him in me and me in him (3). the trinity lives in me and i am a part of the-three-in-one (4). god is my source like no other; i am because he is (5). i am connected to the universe and everything because of him (6). i exist in me to serve him and he strengthens and guides me to serve (7). i am the servant of god and of his people (8). even though i sometimes i have no answers at the physical level, he is my spiritual answer (11). i am because he is, and he is everywhere as he is who he is (12). on earth i was introduced to investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 117 the world by my parents who taught me to be everything i am today (13). my family is my second source of strength (14). it is their love, concern, communication, understanding and support that makes the difference (15). initially i existed in my parents, whose spirit i still breathe (16). they lived for me to be a better person (17). their wishes are my drive, inspiration i carry over (18). though they have gone to the other world, they live in me (19). i now exist with and in my wife who is the pillar of my strength and so should be life (20). i live in my children who bring so much joy in me, and to most of us in, (and many others) outside of the family (21). i live in my surroundings (22). i am my home and i am my work (23). i live better and work better when i am at peace with myself, my environment, my family and my colleagues (24). peace reverberates peace, stability and more hard work (25). disruption in one area directly affects the soul and self, and could have a negative effect on other areas (26). the self has a core around which the self-esteem and self-concept are born, nurtured and sustained (27). i live in my home, i live at my work and i am able to live everywhere and adjust to my work and world (28). application consists of making use of the self to harmonize experiences. the self is uplifting and self-supporting (29). it has the capability of transcending all spheres of life and experience (30). with a well-integrated self, one is able to overcome obstacles at work and at home and in personal life (31). a healthy self is able to deal successfully with the challenges of life (32). a healthy self is able to support and help others (33). a healthy self is neither selfish, nor proud (34). it is self-generating to give support to others in need (35). the self is key to human life and existence (36). a person without a healthy self is like a person without a soul (37), and a person without a soul ceases to live (38). thank theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 118 you god for the self and soul, many people are thus able to live satisfying lives (39). the self is the beginning and the end of life (40). god is eternity of life, soul and the self (41). in god we trust (42). participant d the self is described from mystical, universal, spiritual and transpersonal psychological perspectives. conscious breathing is used for contemplating the self as well as healing, typically in workshops, which focus on public health, sport psychology, physical, mental and spiritual interventions. such breath based contemplation includes explorations and transformations of consciousness and facilitation of all forms of applied psychology and healing in general. as first author and principal investigator, for purposes of reflexivity, it needs stating that i am a south african with european and all other forms of ancestry(1), whose perspectives on the self are contained in every word of this article (2). having lived, studied and applied psychology with other south africans of african, asian, european and other ancestry, with special focus on indigenous knowledge systems, my personal perspectives on the self consist of an integration of all these perspectives (3). as it would be too extensive and repetitive to describe such experiences in depth (4), i choose rather to disclose a particular bias towards breath consciousness forms of contemplation, prayer and or meditation in order to arrive at that universal consciousness that i call god, godhead, spirit, absolute, self, emptiness, presence, silence, ultimate mystery, etc (5), which has different names in different spiritual and religious traditions such as umvelinqgangi nkulunkulu, tixo, mmopi, umoya, ruach, brahmin, tao, christian trinity of god the father, son and holy spirit, allah etc (6). so i quite consciously use investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 119 breath/spirit for this and many other reasons, such as healing of self and others (7). through such contemplation, the little self transcends into a greater self and beyond, singular and plural, one and many, immanent, transcendent, relational, communal, trinity, love, peace, unity consciousness, all of which terms describe a presence that is mystical and ineffable, but at the same time right here and now (8). in concrete phenomenological terms, breath is experienced as energy arising out of consciousness (9). while i do use breath in personal counselling sessions (10), for healing of self and others (11), my main focus has been on offering workshops for various groups such as student counsellors, academic staff, mental health professionals, sportspeople as and members of the general public (12). in addition to academic writings, i view breath psychology and psychotherapy as probably the most valuable public health intervention i can offer (13). some articles appear in the reference section (14). in addition to christian, african, asian and other spiritual healing traditions (15), authors such as harriet ngubane, credo mutwa, ken wilber, daniel reid, trish sherwood and roberto assagioli have also provided inspirational sources (16). this is the essential way the healing (whole making) works – the process involved (17). through universal and ancestral consciousness, the self drives the breath through spirit to soul to mind to body to matter (18). intent, will, belief, practice (19) as well as all other universal characteristics of healing, such as therapeutic relationship, love, care, dialogue and the rest are also all essential (20). research shows that particular types of conscious breathing exercises are associated with psycho-neuro-immunological benefits (21) as well as generally alkalizing and oxygenating the body (22). for example, in a very practical way, slow, heartbeat syntheologia viatorum 40-2-2016 120 chronized breathing at about 6 breaths per minute facilitates harmonious self contemplation (23). every in-breath may be experienced as bringing in pure unity consciousness/spirit/umoya/emptiness/brahmin/godhead (at causal level) (24) through to belongingness and love healing (at subtle level) (25) to improved blood circulation as it synchronizes with heart and other structural/functional units through to increased ventilation of lungs, muscles around lungs/ribs, through to skin (at gross physical level) (26) and into environment again with every out-breath (27). such contemplative revelations continually calm body, mind and spirit, (28), facilitate re-connection with our greater self (29), and effect healing in all senses, bio-psycho-social as well as moral, spiritual, ecological etc (30). collective summary universal, differential and unique aspects of the self are described. universal spiritual, transpersonal aspects especially emphasize the immanent (a17, b36, c41, d8) and transcendent (a33, b6, c30, d8) qualities of the self. although all participants emphasize both universal (a17, b31, c41, d8) and differential (a8, b8, c22, d3) aspects of the self, differential aspects become especially apparent with regard to indigenous and/or local perspectives. for example, although all participants describe the self in absolute terms, for example as ultimate being/reality (a15), creator, preserver and destroyer (b19), god (c41) and/or godhead (d5), a places relatively greater emphasis on ancestral consciousness (a16), b on the energetic nature of shiva/shakhti, c on harmonious spiritual, familial, and community relationships, and d on contemplation and healing. in addition to universal and differential emphases, all participants’ descriptions also contain unique perspectives on the self which deserve particular mention. for a, the self is ongabonwayo, one whose investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 121 presence can be felt but not seen (a17); for b, the self is awesome and rejuvenating (a3-17); for c, god is eternity of life, soul and the self (c41) and, for d, breath consciousness exercises are key to facilitate re-connection with our greater self (d29). as we had intended and discussed, all descriptions portray the self from spiritual, transpersonal (a5, b6, c41, d5), personal (a6, b2, c1, d1), indigenous (a17, b19, c19, d6) and applied psychological (a27-39, b31-42, c29-42, d 9-30) perspectives. the self is described as being present in matter (a2-3, b14, c22, d9), body (a1,b8, c16, d22), mind (a9, b4, c27, d18), soul (a24, b22, c19, d18) and spirit (d8, b21, c11, d6). relational qualities of the self become particularly apparent when participants describe the presence and function of the self in applied psychological, therapeutic and healing contexts. a great many qualities of the self are described. these include a source of energy that guides everything that is said and done, the enabling of spontaneous, harmonious dialogue a27-39), facilitating mutual understanding, respect, self inquiry and expression (b31-42), that is self-generating, supportive and helpful (c 29-33). through universal and ancestral consciousness, the self drives the breath through spirit to soul to mind to body to matter. intent, will, belief, practice as well as all other universal characteristics of healing, such as therapeutic relationship, love, care, dialogue and the rest are also all essential (d18-20). theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 122 discussion our individual and collective descriptions reveal immediate, direct, contact with the self. this presence is indicated through universal, differential, unique, transpersonal, personal, spiritual, communal, applied psychological and relational descriptions. we consciously focussed on local african and indian aspects. descriptions supported previous findings that wilber’s (2000) integral approach is complemented and extended through ancestral consciousness and its associated beliefs and practices, which precede and ground contemporary human existence, consciousness and all related spiritual and religious traditions and systems (edwards, thwala, mbele, siyaya, ndlazi & magwaza, 2011). the essence of this dimension is awareness of the authentic, living, immanent and transcendent, spiritual and physical presence of senior kinsmen, living and dead, extending in an unbroken line back to self, god and/or spirit. the descriptions support both wilber (2000, 2007) and assagioli’s (2012) models, which are based on the perennial philosophy that involution precedes evolution, or that spirit is already involved in matter, and that ontogeny replicates phylogeny, that is, individual human development replicates evolutionary unfolding. we describe psychological and spiritual development as essentially concerned with the evolution and transcendence of consciousness through body to mind to self to self, soul and/or spirit. according to visser (2003), transpersonal development truly begins when the centre of the self begins to inhabit the realms of the soul. our local african and indian descriptions indicate that ancestral consciousness forms a vital, mediating, communal spiritual bridge in this development. wilber (1982) initially distinguished two sub-realms of transpersonal consciousness, based on meditative traditions, where the investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 123 self, also referred to as the witness in vedanta, firstly observes experiences, feelings and thoughts with more detached clarity, before disappearing as a separate entity in identification with the absolute. in zen, this witnessing self is recognized as the subtlest of all illusions that dissolves in emptiness/sunyata. in wilber’s (1982:66) words: “in the lesser state, one’s deepest self intuits godhead; in the ultimate state one’s deepest self gives way to godhead, and that is the supreme identity (bhava samadhi, sahaja samadhi, and so on)”. assagioli (2012) refers to this mystical realm as the supreme synthesis. for most humans, this ultimate reality will probably forever remain a realizable state rather than stage of constant consciousness. however contemplation of any such reality typically accelerates further commitment to human development, health, welfare and creative evolution as is evident in the participants applied psychological descriptions. perennial psychological and spiritual traditions are in accord as to the fundamental interconnectedness of the universe with every thing involved in everything else. steiner’s (1999) tripartite model, informed by esoteric philosophy, mystical christianity and hinduism, provides an interesting contrast to wilber’s (2000, 2007) and assagioli’s (2012) models. similar to wilber’s (2000, 2007) distinction between first and second tier thinking, steiner (1999) introduces the notion of thresholds distinguishing levels of body, soul and spirit, with a first threshold distinguishing body and soul and a second threshold distinguishing soul and spirit. sherwood (2012) has adapted steiner’s (1999) scheme to distinguish personal and spiritual levels, which she refers to as “i am” and “i am” respectively. thus body, soul and spirit are further differentiated into three levels each, making nine levels in all: respectively termed physical, etheric and sentient body; sentheologia viatorum 40-2-2016 124 tient soul (i am), intellectual soul (i am), and consciousness soul (i am); and spirit self (i am), life spirit (i am) and spirit human (i am). similar to assagioli and wilber’s schemes the first and second threshold may be viewed as distinguishing personal and spiritual psychosynthesis or personal and transpersonal consciousness development respectively. in referring to self-transcendent realms, meditative and/or contemplative traditions recognize that some sense of self must have first developed in order for it to be transcended (wilber, engler & brown, 1986). thus we have the soul-spirit (umphefumulo/umoya) distinction in zulu traditions, the atman-brahman distinction in hinduism, the self-not self distinction in buddhism. with varying degrees of direct experiential, definitional clarity, african, judaic, hindu, taoist, buddhist and islamic contemplative traditions also typically delineate states and stages of consciousness transformations. for example, eastern orthodox christian traditions refer to contemplative states and unfolding stages of image, metanoia, apathea, illumination and theosis (chirban, 1985; wilber, 2000). from an integral, psychological and spiritual perspective this implies continuous transformation beyond self-identification, self actualization and self realization. such transpersonal, spiritual dimensions are conveyed by the famous zen master, dogen: “to study the self is to forget the self, to forget the self is to be one with others (epstein, 1996:20). similarly christ affirmed “before abraham was i am.” in practice this infers the buddhist bodhisattva vow and/or christian commitment of loving god and neighbour. a special contribution of the present study is the applied psychological implications of self contemplation. the therapeutic context becomes characterized by authentic, caring, human, interpersonal and communal spiritually, in a word, investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 125 ubuntu (edwards et al. 2004). participants describe how the presence of the self in therapeutic relationships facilitates transformation, integration and healing. it is described as a source of energy that guides everything that is said and done, facilitating spontaneous, harmonious dialogue, mutual understanding, respect, self inquiry, self expression that is self-generating, supportive and helpful as well as other universal characteristics of healing. in this context, assagioli (2012:189) writes: ‘our spiritual being, the self, which is the essential and most real part of ourselves, is concealed, confined and “enveloped” first by the physical body with its sense impressions, then by the multiplicity of the emotions, and the different drives (fears, desires, attractions and repulsions) and finally by the restless activity of the mind. the liberation of the consciousness from the entanglements is an indispensable prelude to the revelation of the spiritual centre.” our descriptions thus strongly support research that indicates that regular contemplation facilitates helping others live within this self, it is in this spirit that we offer this writing. bibliography assagioli, r. 2012. psychosynthesis. a collection of basic writings. amherst, ma; the synthesis centre. chirban, j. 1986. development stages in eastern orthodox christianity. in wilber, k., engler,, j. & brown, d.p. (eds.) transformations of consciousness: conventional and contemplative perspectives on development (pages 285–314) boston, m.a: shambhala. edwards, s.d. 2012. effect of african breath psychotherapeutic workshops on spirituality perceptions and experiences. indilinga. african journal of indigenous knowledge systems, 11(2), 49-60. edwards, s.d., makunga, n.v., ngcobo, h.s.b. & dhlomo, r.m. 2004. ubuntu: a fundamental method of mental health promotion. international journal of mental health promotion, 6(4), 16-21. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 126 edwards, s.d., thwala, j.d., mbele p.b., siyaya, v, ndlazi, n. & magwaza, n. 2011. ancestral consciousness among the zulu a wilberian perspective. journal of psychology in africa, 21(1), 131-138. epstein, m. 1996. thoughts without a thinker. london, uk: duckworth. fonda, m. 1995. the polycentric self as suggested by the object relations theory of klein, fairburn and winnicott. accessed on 12-52013 from http://www.religiousworlds.com/fondarosa/polypap.html james, w. 1890. principles of psychology. new york, ny: henry holt. jobling, m.a., hurles, m.e. & tyler-smith, c. 2004. human evolutionary genetics. new york: garland publishing. jung, c. g. 1995. memories, dreams, reflections. london, england: fontana. leahey, t. h. 1987. a history of psychology: main currents in psychological thought. englewood cliffs, nj: prentice hall. loubser, 2004. unpacking the expression ‘indigenous knowledge systems”. indilinga. african journal of indigenous knowledge systems, 4(1), 74-88. merton, t. 2006. ‘new seeds of contemplation’ (pages 545-552) in mcginn, b. 2006. the essential writings of christian mysticism. new york, ny: random house, moustakas, c. e. 1994. phenomenological research methods. thousand oaks, ca: sage. myers, l. 1993. understanding an afrocentric world view: introduction to an optimal psychology. kendal hunt: dubuque. reid, d. 1998. chi-gung. harnessing the power of the universe. london, uk: simon and schuster. sherwood, p.m. 2012. holistic counselling: through the shadow to compassion. bunbary, western australia: sophia publications. steiner, r. 1999. a psychology of body, mind and spirit. new york, ny: rudolf steiner press. terre blanche, m., durrheim, k., & painter, d. 2006. research in practice; applied methods for the social sciences. cape town, wc: university of cape town press. investigation into contemplating the self in a spiritual and transpersonal psychological context. 127 versveldt, m. 2010. our selves. pretoria, rsa: pretoria book house. visser, f. 2003. ken wilber: thought as passion. albany ny: state university of new york. wilber, k. 1982. odyssey: a personal inquiry into humanistic and transpersonal psychology. journal of humanistic psychology, 22(1), 57–90. wilber, k, 1996. the atman project: a transpersonal view of human development. wheaten, il: quest. wilber, k. 1997. an integral theory of consciousness. journal of consciousness studies, 4(1), 71–92. wilber, k. 2000. integral psychology. boston, ma: shambhala. wilber, k. 2001. eye to eye. boston, ma: shambhala. wilber, k. 2007. integral spirituality. boston, ma: integral books. wilber, k., engler, j., & brown, d. p. 1986. transformations of consciousness: conventional and contemplative perspectives on development. boston, ma: shambhala. acknowledgment this work is based on research supported by the university of zululand and the south african national research foundation (nrf). any opinion, finding and conclusion or recommendation expressed in this material is that of the author(s) and the nrf does not accept any liability in regard thereto. abstract introduction paternal inheritance in the church of christ in zimbabwe towards critical entitlement theory in the church of christ in zimbabwe paternalism and the constitution in the church of christ in zimbabwe concluding remarks acknowledgements references footnote about the author(s) gift masengwe school of education studies, faculty of education, university of the free state, qwaqwa, south africa bekithemba dube school of education studies, faculty of education, university of the free state, qwaqwa, south africa citation masengwe, g. & dube, b., 2021, ‘critical entitlement theory on post-missionary paternalism in the church of christ in zimbabwe’, theologia viatorum 45(1), a109. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v45i1.109 original research critical entitlement theory on post-missionary paternalism in the church of christ in zimbabwe gift masengwe, bekithemba dube received: 11 feb. 2021; accepted: 26 apr. 2021; published: 14 june 2021 copyright: © 2021. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the dynamic of power troubles are the doing and thinking and that knowledge is always contingent, standing above the abyss, as stated by prof. j. jansen in 2009. the issue of entitlement affected the church of christ in zimbabwe (cocz) at the onset of the third millennium. leadership vacuum at the departure of missionaries led individuals to assume identities and hierarchies believed to have been interwoven into the polity and governing ideology of the cocz. this connoted towards power, privilege and position for someone to benefit on church investments. the article suggests use of the critical entitlement theory (cet) to assess how contemporary situations at mission stations affect local churches and communities. black elites who took over have created tensions and contradictions in churches by hiring persons who do not question their actions and words and persons who do not have an appreciation of the production and implementation of the church’s governing laws. critical entitlement theory assumes that ‘the privileged ownership and administration theses’ that date back to white privilege in the colonial church created this problem. this ethnographic study discloses how a new interdisciplinary thinking on equity and justice to local christians can rise to own and manage mission stations in their local congregations. keywords: church of christ in zimbabwe; mission stations; critical entitlement theory; critical denominational studies; missionary paternalism; african philosophy. introduction this study is reflective and ethnographic and attempts to establish a theory called critical entitlement theory (cet). this theory is an ethical-theological-hermeneutical analysis of how power, privilege and position are used in church scholarship and because of persistence of institutionalised missionary dogma, ideology and legality in the church of christ in zimbabwe (cocz). missionaries especially those who came from america under central africa mission (cam), such as john c. pemberton, did a lot for zimbabwe. unfortunately, some american as opposed to new zealander missionaries, such as garfield todd, did not believe that africans were better owners and managers of school and hospital investments at mission stations. home mission boards recruited, supported and placed missionaries in the two mission fields that eventually became divided between american and new zealand missionaries. their legacies continue to be experienced along lines of foreign and local funding and support. dadaya mission stations as opposed to mashoko became open to local leadership and accountability at independence, whereas mashoko remained personalised (savage 1980). in the church, institutions were designed to reproduce and maintain missionary supremacy that systematically excluded african christians through institutional marginalisation (masengwe, chimhanda & hove 2019:278–289). at the departure of missionaries, the feature of religious order became ingrained in mission stations in covert ways. the running of children’s homes and villages, for instance, in chiredzi by the hippo valley christian mission, has implications for religious, spiritual, theological, financial, cultural, ethical and ecclesiological success. the institutions are directly funded by departed missionaries who continue to control how activities are carried out in the country. this has influenced how locals fight over church buildings in chiredzi and went to court or active disfellowshipping of congregations by leaders aligned to national factions such as mashoko and sombabhula conference groups1 (masengwe & chimhanda 2019). decisions seem to be delivered by courier from former missionaries and read to local christians in perpetuation to deep inequalities between them and black elites, who are usually professionals or specialists (masengwe & chimhanda 2020:1–10). this article problematises ethical-legal, doctrinal-ideological, religious-cultural and spiritual-political discourses that refuse to account for the inhuman treatment of local people by missionaries (masengwe & magwidi 2021). proxies who took over from missionaries were groomed to perpetuate the missionary attitude to local people. plan of the argument the cet in cocz is discussed through threefold critiques of ‘power, privilege and position’. entitlement on mission stations here cannot be succinctly stated, except their denial to create an indigenous church. this article attempts to capture this for contemporary christian audiences not initiated in colonial-missionary history. progress in the church is intermittently connected to statuses of mission stations. this article unapologetically presents a theoretical description, comparative illustration and applicability of cet in the cocz. in section ‘paternal inheritance in the church of christ in zimbabwe’, the article engages elimination, conservation and reconstruction as contemporary discourses of mission station entitlements. reconstruction takes into account how ‘power, privilege and position’ are historically constituted using capitalism, liberalism and individualism as constitutive categories that conserve, reconstruct or eliminate the cocz governing ideology (masengwe & chimhanda 2020). total elimination of autonomy can be replaced by its total opposite, heteronomy, which cleaves towards african philosophy (masengwe 2020; masengwe & magwidi 2020). the section entitled ‘towards critical entitlement theory in the church of christ in zimbabwe’ explores broader and diverse issues of ownership and administration to appreciate lack of material on cet in colonial history of missions in the cocz. it generates themes that are elaborated and briefly commented on in the section ‘paternalism and the constitution in the church of christ in zimbabwe’. they relate to the purpose of the church in society, criticising personalised and unaccountable family ministries (masengwe & magwidi 2021). use of cet here does not prescribe or proscribe how to assess the canonical doctrines of property ownership in the cocz, but to disprove foundations of austere doctrines of colonial missions. this requires us to discuss the cet. theoretical background critical entitlement theory is being developed to assess the legacy and history of mission churches in zimbabwe. a church is ‘ekklesia’, which means ‘called out ones’ or ‘assembly’ (banana 1991:75) of the ‘saved ones’ (ac 19:39). christians act in keeping with the purpose of interpreting ‘god’s will in order to align their lives and the lives of those around them to god’s will’ (gundani 2008:124). in athens, greece, ‘assembly’ represented a meeting of free citizens convening to decide on state laws, elections, appointing judges, declaring wars, making treaties, electing generals, assigning troops for military operations and allocating funds. william barclay (1955) said: two things are interesting to note. first, all its meetings began with prayer and sacrifice. second, it was a true democracy. it was an assembly where everyone had an equal right and an equal duty to take part. (p. 34) greek ‘ekklesia’ was christianised to mean the assembled congregation of god’s people through faith in jesus christ. interchangeably, it refers to congregation or denomination (williams 2003:171). thus, a church is (m’clintock & strong 1969): [a] visible body of christ on earth … a house of worship, a denomination, a congregation of a denomination or the establishment of a church in a nation or the sum-total of denominations. (p. 322) it is a living organism and a functioning organisation (van reken 1999). god resides there, but it is run by humans. mission stations are instruments used by principled heralds to convey this grace to the world (dulles 1987:76). mission stations are places where missionaries resided and carried out their activities in given areas. they facilitated colonisation. for the cocz, they had three groups: american conservatives at nhowe mission (mashonaland east), american liberals at mashoko mission (masvingo) and new zealanders at dadaya mission, zvishavane (midlands) (colenbrander avenue church of christ [cbacc] 1948–1965). religious communities affected the real lives of indigenous populations through charities, education and health (bowen 1996:70). their funding come from donations and state funds and members understand future accountability as the basis of how they handle their christian call (dulles 1987:96). authentic churches use relevant and impactful modes of ministry (ed. villa-vicencio 1986:viii) not hindered by governing ideologies (halencreutz 1998:101–102) or existential issues to liberate people. this article criticises missionary unilateralism and black professionals’ entitlement to mission stations. firstly, entitlement uses ‘power, privilege and position’ by elites because mission entities are family enterprises (masengwe & magwidi 2021). this negates the assertion that the cocz is not a denomination, requiring us to use critical denominational studies (cds) to expose narrative instruments used on their entitlements. missionary paternalism is perpetuated by contemporary references to their former glories. critical denominational study criticises the use of appointees in ecclesial structures to perpetuate missionary paternalism that interferes with the context and particularity of black worship. revolutionising this begins with radical dissatisfaction with the status quo, embracing its antithesis: freedom and liberation (calmore 1992:62). both cet and cds combine to debunk dominant conceptions of perpetual white missionary ownership and administration of mission stations through ethical-legal calls to accept subjective experiences and living conditions of africans. secondly, unilateralism continuously discriminates or excludes locals from mission stations (masengwe & magwidi 2021). they are dominated by chosen families, which replays domination, inequality and injustice from larger capitalist machineries interested in profit, accumulation, property and labour exploitation in globalised–liberal–capitalist models called ‘symbols of a new humanity’ (cornell & panfilio 2010:125–149). mission stations thus become capitalist investments connected to paternal founders. church ideals are sold out for foreign support in the world order of global democracy, information and technology and capital accumulation (mills 2003). these ideals lay an oppressive foundation that alienates newer christians from full adoption. entitlements become reified through formalist modes of connection to missionaries, with utter disregard for ordinary believers (masengwe, machingura & magwidi 2012). reification here is idolisation of missionaries that disenfranchises new members. this article thus calls for eradication of foreign churches in africa that promote yesteryear glories to disenfranchise contemporary believers. lastly, cet examines transformation of the church into an indigenous institution. it deals with persistent idiosyncrasies of black christians as objects rather than subjects. past narratives hinder such christians to go beyond pervasive and brutal structures of oppression in socially engineered ecclesial ideologies. rectification of the racialised ‘past’ was not in replacing white faces with black faces but radical transformation capturing the hermeneutic of existentialism in these pervasively colonised african spaces. the cocz through the 2015 ‘historic bridge’ tried to break away from the past by crafting a new constitution (cocz 2015). this new foundation transitions the ‘foreign-owned missionary cocz to an indigenous owned cocz’. it reduces past contrasts by engaging with local christians. this accepts difference to increase dignity, freedom and equality in a multicultural, self-determined african church (masengwe & chimhanda 2019, 2020). as a result of the haphazard transfer of mission stations at the departure of white missionaries, not conterminous with majority of members, the cocz is currently in the middle of the metaphorical bridge, failing ‘to transform from a movement into church’ (magwidi 2019). paternal inheritance in the church of christ in zimbabwe entitlement labels are used in conserving or eliminating others from cocz mission stations. discourses are narrowed or expanded in contemplation of theoretical reconstruction of institutions that benefit individuals. mission stations are legal entities that can be reconstructed in performing church missions. unfortunately, paternal inheritance pushes us to choose between eliminativism, conservativism and reconstructivism using normative, ontological, conceptual and methodological questions below, namely: what is the value of power, privilege and position in contemporary ownership and administration of mission stations in the cocz? is there certitude on entitlement to mission stations in the cocz? what is the ‘critical’ view of ‘entitlement’ as opposed to ‘responsibility’? how does cet identify use of power, privilege and position on mission stations in the cocz? eliminativism thoughts and feelings of elimination interestingly are pampered by both mission administrators and ordinary christians (masengwe & magwidi 2021). the contemporary status of mission stations using missionary paternalism help us to understand how entitlement contributed to historical divisions of mission societies such as the american and the new zealander missionary groups (dadaya) and the sub-groups within the american group of instrumental (mashoko) and non-instrumental (nhowe) churches. they used paternal privilege to advance racism, ethnocentrism and tribalism, rather than martin luther king junior’s hope that his children would be judged … by the ‘content of their character’ (marle 1968:15). with cet, institutional boards cannot be appointed through familial adoption but by modern elite standards as stated by chikwanda, a male paster at the tshovani church of christ. standards are usually not ambiguous; they reward hard-working individuals. paternalists created dubious instruments that need to be eliminated. eliminativism thus critically disaffirms the status quo but cannot claim to totally abandon paternalism, which must be collectively applied to reduce retrogressive effects of privatised practices in cocz entities today. however, there are no unified perceptions to these critiques. conservativism conservativism advances the idea that names and certain labels need to be retained, including legal protection, whilst reviewing paternal attitudes, practices and systems. wanton practice of eliminativism thus can be a serious error as missions originated with individuals and have shaped identities and dignities of families. abstractions in restoration churches unfortunately ‘evoked a false sense of continuity between past, present and future and had helped to preserve [paternal] injustice’ (williams, foster & blowers 2013:3). paternal identities have psychological and material relevance to mission life, providing its ethical and moral resources to predict the future cocz. this means paternalism remains a viable and valuable concept on contemporary statuses of mission stations in the cocz despite its attack and criticism for oppressing women, girls and children. conservativism ensures the status quo is maintained. in the church of christ, liberals and conservatives contested, with liberals winning (garrison 1961:35) and determining how the church engaged on public life issues of peace and justice, war, identity and difference, and human rights (williams et al. 2013:380). creativity is encouraged to those who did not get a hill start in life. paternalism is unfortunately nuanced because one rides on parental historical opportunity rather than personal aptitude. paternalism reconstructs history, militating against repairing serious past disparities and inequalities in families that support paternal greed in church. using paternal privilege fails the religious fiction of paternal equality in jesus christ as it intractably aligns itself with racial history of exploitation, subordination and discrimination. accepting paternalism runs the risk of reinforcing harmful stereotypes that are insensitive to particular identities in different church groups. henceforth, conservativism is critical for addressing paternal injustices; hence, it must be upheld for its positive contributions towards engagement in the cocz. reconstructivism reconstructivism is not a new thing in the cocz as ‘the movement had never been uniform, but had included differing, even conflicting ideas and views from its very beginning’ (williams et al. 2013:3). this assumes that religious concepts need to be continuously reconstructed to address the legacies and ramifications of missionary history, mindful of errors of greed that subordinated local converts to demeaning and dehumanising treatment by church leaders. it helps to confront and embrace concrete differences between people. it counterbalances conformity, reductionism and sameness emphasised by dogmatic christian thinking. equality in structural power demands plurality towards paternally constructed issues faced by religious institutions in contemporary africa. confrontation must be done mindful of paternalism, classicism, elitism and ageism traps tied to conceptualisations of postmodernist human relations (masengwe & chimhanda 2020; masengwe & magwidi 2021). paternalism brings stability in human relations henceforth it needs to be approached conscious of its effects on boys and girls in the construction of their worlds as argued in the next section of this article. towards critical entitlement theory in the church of christ in zimbabwe social constructions of paternalism and entitlement are insidiously imbedded in ecclesial systems of the cocz and are also culturally produced and reproduced amongst the shona and ndebele. critical entitlement theory has an explicitly activist dimension in its aspirations that leverages on knowledge production to transform paternal relationships by reforming ways in which entitlement is historically entrenched in the racial marginalisation of the african christians in the cocz. this leads us to six tentative theoretical elements of cet referenced in challenging mainstream religious knowledge from america that must be transformed. these themes are organising principles that lead towards new debates on paternal thinking in the cocz. critiquing conservative transformation in the church of christ in zimbabwe insistence on restoration faith accepts exclusive capitalistic, liberalist and individualist tendencies (masengwe & chimhanda 2019, 2020). critical entitlement theory attempts to create a new and radical account of paternalism that departs from, and is incomparable with, western liberal paternalism. radical paternalism sides with the marginalised whereas scholarship of conservative liberal paternalism sides with the status quo. causation (power), procedure (privilege) and locus standi (position) are normal approaches. using influence, status and affluence to undermine identities and dignities is deviation from fair and impartial ways of treating other humans by whom we share jobs, services, spaces and resources. paternalism of that kind is systematically ingrained in mission cultures, reinforced by appointment methods and reproduced through entitlements. this subordinates and traps african christians into corollary disorientation from the historically and legally connected members (masengwe et al. 2012). religion, which is in the sacred, may not be defined as qualitatively different from paternalism in liberal scholarship because of these ideological differences (masengwe et al. 2019:278–289). paternalism however is imbedded in religious power and normative assumptions with which religion organises human relations in church. this leads us to the indeterminacy of entitlement on hippo valley christian mission and associated mission stations such as mashoko, devure, chidamoyo and makonde (masengwe 2020). the theoretical and intellectual disjuncture between religion and paternalism may be indeterminable, however, frustration with religious pedagogy of western liberalism that produces false concepts of autonomy as depoliticised and technocratic animates the cet. autonomy in the cocz is individualistic, liberalistic and capitalistic and therefore colonial, which veers the church away from its sacredness because instruments being applied are foreign and secular. the concept was borrowed from western business practices (casey 2004:490) to complete the reformation of the 16th century (williams et al. 2013:1) by adhering to sola scriptura (dowling 2011:118). autonomy disorientates untitled families and hence ‘minimised how locals shared leadership functions with missionaries’ (masengwe & magwidi 2021:4) at mission stations. systematic discrimination is unnoticeable when things work well, but cet proposes to reinforce moral engagement on these structures to incorporate african contributions as africans received raw deals in all of their past. ‘dependent african church leaders became disoriented emotionally and economically’ (masengwe & magwidi 2021:4). autonomy is ingrained in the banal nature of systematic subjugation that objectifies the black person. religion thus falls into the apologetic ambivalence of missionary politics that continue to produce contradictions on african communities (crenshaw 2000:21–24). uniformity versus diversity in the church of christ in zimbabwe the restoration movement was formed with an emphasis on five domineering marks of identity, namely, christian unity, evangelism, restoration, peace and justice (degroot 1956:2; dowling 2011:118; williams et al. 2013:380). unity did not affix people into single human experiences based on uniformity but accepted categories of human identity such as gender, age, class, ethnicity and race. elites clamour for uniformity and not diversity in attempting to define belonging and not belonging using the essence of sameness and difference that creates convergence on monolithic accounts of african identity and destroys divergence as apostasy (masengwe et al. 2019:278–289). critical entitlement theory is a critical attempt to redefine experiences of african communities and especially unitary experiences of black people. this counters monolithic perspectives that ignore different concerns of african christians (masengwe et al. 2012). african identities need to be strategically articulated without arrogating itself to universalising african voices. the cet criticises paternalism in cocz mission stations that attempt to create a univocal black experience as a static, reified and fetishized experience. in this way, the cocz cannot use an essentialist approach to policies that fail to recognise the tentativeness of identity and relations (masengwe 2020). it is not akin to issues of identity amongst its people (mills 1983:16), including multiplicity of names churches are called (dowling 2011:120–121). magwidi (2019) sarcastically says cocz congregations are in a deeper identity crisis because ‘church names are like surnames’. the crisis arises from persistent reliance on nuanced past categories in their legislative processes. critical entitlement theory criticises this inherent rigidity with fondness for uniformity, collectivisation and abstraction that oppresses continually (masengwe et al. 2012), without encouraging team spirit and kinship realities in shaping history and identity of black christians. an intersectional approach in the church of christ in zimbabwe critical entitlement theory understands that people are defined by more than one category because we ‘are simultaneously raced, classed and gendered’ (modiri 2011:418). it is the intersection of these categories that induce discrimination and oppression. this study examined how intersections of race, sexuality, class, gender, religion, nationality, culture, (dis)ability and sexual orientation induce domination and prejudice (masengwe et al. 2019:278–289). the cet identifies and analyses how african christians are disadvantaged by use of entitlement on mission stations if there is no critical engagement with stated differences. critical engagement with minority groups helps to redress church laws that justify religious oppression (crenshaw 1989:139, 1991:43; hooks 1981; wing 2008). critical entitlement theory criticises oversimplification of human experience that produces fixed categories of identity found in various church settings (masengwe et al. 2019:278–289). it engages in multiple attempts to address social ills in human life (crenshaw 2011:43; delgado & stefanie 1993:79; hutchinson 2004:53). it criticises emphasis on sameness rather than difference because there are no two people who are the same including monozygotic twins. the national laws continue to change to empower marginalised groups whose categories also continue to change. these categories demonstrate relevance of intersectional analyses that need interrogation in the cocz. structural determinism in the church of christ in zimbabwe the encumbered values in the cocz determining religiosity and spirituality need to be re-examined in relationship to entitlements. structure categorises values that protect interests. critical entitlement theory interrogates these structural dimensions to assess how religious conservatism is instructive on the entitlement outcome. conservatism is in the contemporary cocz as the church is characterised by a strong religious-traditional culture, biblical textual literalism and certitude on use of mission stations for evangelism and church growth. biblical interpretation in the cocz tends to be highly structured, literal, culture-bound and misogynist (machingura & nyakuhwa 2015:92ff). this opposes the founding principles of the restoration faith based on the baconian principles of interpretation (casey 2001:151–66). baconian philosophy is no longer a single interpretive-hermeneutical principle because african philosophy is unavoidable (casey 2001:151–166). patriarch in african philosophy accepts difference as opposed to western paternalism (masengwe & magwidi 2021). western paternalism has rationalised cocz religiosity along formalist structures in instruction and practice, which undermines universal values of salvation, mission and ministry by all believers. with african philosophy, these values entrench accountability and responsibility (mills 1983:15). missionaries divided followers by undermining accountability and emphasising faithfulness to human paternity (dowling 2011:73). substantive changes in the transformation of the cocz were suggested concerning church laws or policies and governing structures, leadership, membership and services (sibanda 2016). changes are important for thought and action on faith dialogues, power differences and systematic inequalities (machingura & nyakuhwa 2015). the past has not been good for the marginalised (masengwe et al. 2012). it ignored restoration history where trappings of denominationalism denied ‘modern church sessions, presbyteries, synods, general assemblies, etc.’ (degroot 1956:2). biblical interpretation became localised and contextualised. this did not however imply uncooperativeness, isolation, separation and division found in contemporary churches (degroot 1956:3; dowling 2011:119). contemporary challenges in mission stations thus need to be analysed using cet. a multidisciplinary approach in the church of christ in zimbabwe critical entitlement theory in this study is used to probe into the convolutions of religious thinking and the recesses of difference that hypothesise, narrate, identify and illustrate new religious scholarship in the cocz. gift masengwe’s phd thesis, entitled ‘the church of christ in zimbabwe: mission and identity continuity [in diversity]’ (2020), serves as a first serious review of the cocz transformation on the church’s teaching and ministry on different perspectives of the church’s application of religious reasoning and decision-making. critical entitlement theory standardises reflection on narratives by missionary conduits who always promise foreign generous funding to bail out the ever-bankrupt cocz. it reviews how narratives, stories and allegories are used to undermine transformation (masengwe & chimhanda 2019, 2020). the cet further reviews sets of church laws such as the constitution. written and unwritten constitutions advance inequality and segregation and serve interests elites in the cocz. covenanting to assist people who are not in decision-making destroys their agency in all things, making them consumers of charity, the way they were treated by missionaries (cbacc 1948–1965). africans were regarded as having depreciated racial-cognitive incompetence from the darwinian theories hence had to accept mature decisions made for them. the 1972 undisclosed cocz constitution is said to have had this inscription. minutes kept at colen brander church of christ (cbscc 1948–1965) indicate that missionaries ordered black people to perform special services and live ethically as expected by the government. on the contrary, some missionaries such as garfield todd, john white, shirley cripps, bishop dodge and grace todd, lobbied for black agency and suffered for it (casey 2007; chigwedere 2017; white 2015; woodhouse 2018). todd supported the zimbabwean armed liberation struggle (mungazi 1999) because africans constituted the critical workforce for zimbabwe’s thriving enterprises (woodhouse 2018:330). africans lived in reserves, as reserved white labour (woodhouse 2018:86). liberating them would diminish white privilege and distract white supremacy on jobs, opportunities and resources (mlambo 1972). thus, after the 1965 unilateral declaration of independence (udi), brute force was used against protesters. critical entitlement theory examines why africans gained political independence, but retained religious colonisation in the cocz (wood 2005). contextualisation in the church of christ in zimbabwe contextualisation is a common feature in the cocz as adapting to new changes by being open to new truth whilst upholding the restoration principles that always supported christian unity and ecumenism (garrison 1906:127–207). contextualisation, incarnation and evangelisation are mutually inclusive terms that are not identical with an implication on the full inculturation of the gospel in an african context. in this way, living life in the church is not worthy living until the church is fully inculturated (masengwe 2020). this connects a believer to the original church of christ through going back to the founding roots (latin, aggiornamento) as it lives in continuity and discontinuity with what christ established on pentecost (masengwe 2020). thus, alfred loisy (died 1940), a 20th-century roman catholic theologian, argued that ‘christ established the kingdom but what came out was the church, which is found nowhere’ (loisy 1929:153). going back to the roots assists because the cocz came in european garb, it needs to be inculturated to become african, rooted in the african cultural context (williams et al. 2013:3). mission stations were modelled along american and european institutions (turner 1920:2) and to carry the great commission they need to be transformed. racial superiority emerged with the economic boom and city life in the united states of america (garrison 1931:49–58). it was carried into the mission field without consideration of local values. in africa, unfortunately, communalism naturally and successfully drives the church towards ecumenism and christian unity (lipscomb 1916:19–29, 58–64); the only tests of a true christian church (blowers, foster & williams 2004:xxx–xxxi; williams et al. 2013:6). paternalism and the constitution in the church of christ in zimbabwe the 2015 inclusive and democratic national constitution of the cocz promised to uphold freedom, dignity and identity of all believers in that church. unfortunately, it has done very little to change the uneasy religious, biblical, theological and spiritual plight of its members. uneasiness led to national break-ups citing irregularities with leadership practices, constitutional incongruence or church doctrine. resistance to organisational order was inherited from the founders (of the victorian culture), who were unaware of future advances and explosions of knowledge on human behaviour and biblical hermeneutics (johnson 1975:72–73). what founders denied, if they lived up to today such as church governments and laws, they would have recommended them to improve on accountability, leadership, direction and identity (mills 1983:29) because the lack of administration stagnates numerical, spiritual and material growth at all levels. break-ups cite the acceptance of women in leadership as a key doctrinal issue (fambisai 2019; jack 2017; jazire 2020; mashura 2019; tembo 2017). intentions on these contentions may be unclear, but money has been used to carry the day, marginalising ‘african church converts’ with no external links (masengwe et al. 2012). this makes missionary paternalism ubiquitous on inequalities at mission stations in the cocz. religious inequalities too are not pointed out in the 2015 cocz national constitution. differences in terms of gender, age, race and class are not central questions to merit any thorough analysis (masengwe et al. 2019:278–289). critical entitlement theory wishes to bracket out all issues of religious inequalities as non-formalist pretensions meriting presence in church processes. use of undisclosed laws of the failed 1972 constitution undermined the legal acceptance and use of the 2015 constitution of the cocz by elites. this may have been prompted by the uncertainty associated with change or general fear of it (mills 1983:17). local initiatives have not been prioritised, probably because the cocz apex council fails to draw out essential legislative elements that connect people with their constitution. this has advanced systematic exclusions, neglect and restrictions based on difference. this has often advanced arbitrariness in how the bible is applied, hence it negates analytical reasoning to modes of consciousness in the church. african philosophy was mentioned in this study and it is of significant value to use in reviewing structural determinism because it introduces alternative epistemology to sources of legislation in church. the 2015 constitution fails to underscore african ideals for local christians. failure to be all-inclusive probably testifies to the origin and source of the document (masengwe & chimhanda 2020). the call to return to african humanism vis-à-vis western liberalism can disclose critical challenges of paternalism of the victorian age. the cet advances awareness that ecclesial value structures built on indigenous norms and intellectual sensibilities naturally produce religious outcomes that protect black interests in mission stations. this mainstream blackness is a standard for biblical interpretation and practice. missionary paternalism in the cocz failed to develop an autonomous church that could survive the postmodernist context (masengwe & chimhanda 2019, 2020). inclusion of african humanism can be connected to the cocz narrative central to church contextualisation, which is ‘a method of telling the stories of those people whose experiences are not often told’ (solórzano & yosso 2002:26). in contextualisation, new narratives take centre stage in naming social locations usually occupied by dominant narratives. this addresses the absence of consciousness of difference in the cocz constitution as potentially disruptive to african philosophy but useful for problematising discourses of difference that privilege dominant sectors of the populace, as well as deepening their consciousness towards religious justice (masengwe et al. 2019:278–289). in many instances, individuals were vilified and harshly judged to protect dynasties of ruling elites (masengwe et al. 2012). equality before the law did not exist until the 2015 constitution’s clarity on disciplinary issues (article 18: mediation; article 19: disciplinary action). the constitution addresses unreasonable infringements on members’ rights, thus giving people a new place to interrogate their faith confessions (jazire 2020). members can now use the constitution to analyse church services, especially those at the marginal outsider status unable to participate in mainstream ecclesial politics (masengwe et al. 2012). patriarchy unlike paternalism accepts women’s participation in church leadership and services. a historical and social analysis of patriarchy using cet would significantly show the relevance of gender inclusion of black people on the cocz intellectual heritages. the constitution thus failed to consciously discuss difference and diversity in recognition to value preferences that correlate with sensibilities inextricably linked to contemporary christian standards (masengwe & magwidi 2021). it fails to take into account the lived experiences, histories, cultural and epistemological traditions of the shona and nguni christians. insistence on past ideologies in the constitution without qualification perpetuates missionary paternalism that did not believe africans can be fully christianised. intersectional analysis advocated by cet illustrates how religion intersects with existing exclusions in african patriarchy experienced at mission stations using unquestioned formalist approaches of entitlement. two cases of inequality in the cocz constitution need redress: firstly, inclusion of nguni-shona elements and, secondly, contextualising the restoration faith. astonishingly, missionary proxies claimed the constitution was used to create a denomination and to discriminate elites running mission stations (masengwe & chimhanda 2019). blaming the constitution is unfair because the behaviours and practices of elites during their tenure of leadership of the church turned it into a denomination by denying christian unity and ecumenism. when their interests could not converge with those of others, they mobilised their constituency to decline church laws unless it privileges them (masengwe & chimhanda 2019). the constitution rather attempted to restore the restoration faith, turn a movement into a church, without guaranteeing elites’ place on mission stations (masengwe & chimhanda 2019). mission stations subsidise services and activities of elites, hence cet criticises formalised approach to equality that only protects interests of elites. this is unfair towards formerly marginalised people. if constitutional writers of the 2015 cocz constitution posed that they were discriminated, when they ‘personally contributed 80% of the material’ (masengwe & chimhanda 2019:3), it testifies that the constitution did not achieve the purpose for which it was intended. it, however, benefitted those who were actively engaged in the struggle; hence, there is a need to re-engage the constitution for interest of marginalised christians. restoring lost dignity and identity has no disadvantageous effect on unjustly privileged groups, thus denying constitutional legitimacy for entitlements is unjustifiable and is not a constitutional cogency to protect ill-gotten ‘power, privilege and position’. all cocz churches are attended by black people who have no control over mission stations. critical entitlement theory reconceptualises religious equality in this regard; hence, it suggests that church policies and practices developed from the constitution need scrutiny. this critique probes into other areas of substantive equality that cannot be changed, such as educational qualifications. the constitution confirms the history of mission stations, which validates the flipside of african christian disadvantage against the practice of missionary privilege. this directly challenges entitlements in missionary paternalism embraced by elites owning and running mission stations. elites contested for privileges rather than ethical laws (masengwe & chimhanda 2019). this article is the first to challenge the use of entitlements in cocz institutions as no dialogue, review or debate over the issue ever ensued in the vision and history of that church (johnson 1975:78; mills 1983:19). this article is concerned about how the marginalised are treated in mission churches. in terms of the minoritarian rule, the former missionary entitled groups can be rhetorically exposed as disadvantaged even though they continue to control the cocz’s material and intellectual resources. they dominate mission stations by making both policy and administrative decisions without accountability to local bodies and both own and run the same. the cet thus contends that inequalities are often obscured by formalisms of law and reason based on injustices of difference and diversity. the cocz constitution failed to appreciate how ordinary members benefit from church schools, hospitals and clinics. therefore, how could a fully qualified medical specialist refuse younger medical professionals to assist in mission hospitals and takeover as he or she retires? entitlement in the cocz says that it is the medical superintendent of ‘as who is’ in zimbabwe who approves new intakes to work with him or her at church hospitals. the same person claims to have been prejudiced by church laws, rather than use the platform to empower ordinary christians and redress the past imbalances in church’s policies, polities and practices. unfortunately, studies have shown that there are no tangible results from previously over-privileged black elites (masengwe et al. 2012). critical entitlement theory honestly identifies, acknowledges and redresses these past injustices posed by race, ethnicity, gender and class (masengwe & chimhanda 2020). it does not only limit the discourse to the past but how they are reproduced. this emphasises on how exclusions were virtually left unchanged by the entitlement discourse since independence. the cocz constitution was developed to fill an empty and transitory gap. it was produced according to an individual’s preference using the foundations of missionary paternalism. this makes the cocz constitution incongruent with the interests of its beneficiaries. however, on deficiencies created by the politicisation of the process, the chairperson of the constitutional committee admitted at its acceptance that ‘it is not a perfect document, but work in progress’ (mafusire 2015). the constitution helped to end the practice of dividing members along individual missionaries and missionary boards, a practice that had continued to subjugate africans of the post-missionary era. autonomy is invasive, but has been kept in the constitution to increase african self-determination rather than disenfranchisement (masengwe et al. 2012). the cocz constitutional provisions are perfunctorily radical towards substantive equality. critical entitlement theory here opens deeper thoughts on this radicalism, asking critical question of mission station ownership and administration in the cocz. it addresses outcomes of religious injustice as the constitution does not more clearly state its commitment towards that which appropriately serves to say that this law is our archival treasure. the cocz constitution, however, is pliable and inert with transformative value. critical entitlement theory, however, rejects its cautious and incremental redress of remedying inequality. that is why an interviewee once commented that: ‘when we are talking about an insidious practice like gender inequality, we need radical measures to address the misuse of difference and diversity in the church of christ in zimbabwe … everything needs to change at once, and at the same time.’ (chikwanda, tshovani church of christ, male, pastor, 49 years). otherwise the religious system swallows up the small improvements of the church council over a period of time. this article has suffered from the lack of literature on mission stations in the cocz with regard to church laws and religious equality. the constitution is both a ‘method’ of religious reasoning and a ‘cure’ for redressing unjust past exclusions, with possibility for tangible outcomes. this article questions and identifies normative, ontological, conceptual and methodological parameters of entitlement on ownership and administration of cocz mission stations that can be addressed through a central church board like the national council. unaddressed problems have silenced, abused and degraded african christians in the contemporary church (magwidi 2021). the establishment of the national council to address stated challenges has remained ineffective since 2016 when the constitution was established and not all members have access to the council. critical entitlement theory attempts to end the use of ‘power, privilege and position’ as religious injustice that entitles and privileges entitled individuals on mission stations in the cocz (masengwe & chimhanda 2019:1–10). concluding remarks this study has attempted to establish cet for use in emancipating christians dominated by missionary paternalism in the cocz. critical entitlement theory analyses new constructive frameworks, ideological tenets and critical paradigms that inform radical religious critique of the church’s vocation on human dignity and identity that incorporates and accommodates experiences of black christians on mission stations. this tool conforms to interpretive techniques of mainstream religious scholarship. critical entitlement theory deeply reminds us of critique religious ideology of the cocz, but it threatens us by becoming itself another ideology. as an adaptive methodology, cet embraces dissent and internal discontent to avoid prescriptive forms of consciousness. paternalism and patriarchy were discussed as being potentially oppressive and liberating. paternalism is a western ideology that was perpetuated by the colonial moment of capitalism, liberalism and individualism in the cocz. patriarchy is an insidious and adoptable ideology in african religion and culture. these ideologies are important in the history of the cocz and have to be captured in the governing statutes of the church to address the contemporary needs of africans. entitlement has to be reviewed because of the complications it has caused on how mission stations are handled. critical entitlement theory urges us to engage radically and critically on thoughts and ethos of the cocz; hence, the adoption of cet in cocz mainstream religious scholarship becomes a potentially transformative genre that continually reproduces, certifies, justifies and problematises entitlements on mission stations in the cocz. this promises to liberate ordinary christians to eventually takeover and run mission stations to benefit the local church through ownership and management by indigenous leaders. critical entitlement theory is a concept that has to be examined and accepted for use in the cocz to address systematic exclusions and deep inequalities at mission stations in that church. in all, cet liberates cocz christians to explore their resources for evangelism, leadership and discipleship towards building comprehensive church institutions. acknowledgements competing interests the authors have declared that no competing interests exist. authors’ contributions g.m. and b.d. contributed equally to this work. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this work was supported by the national research fund: ttk200318509938. data availability the authors confirm that the data supporting the findings of this study are available within the article. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references banana, c.s., 1991, come and share: an introduction to christian theology, mambo press, gweru. barclay, w., 1955, a new testament wordbook, s.c.m. press, london. blowers, p.m., foster, d.a. & williams, d.n., 2004, ‘stone-campbell history over three centuries: a survey and analysis’, in d.a. 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church’s role in social justice’, calvin theological journal 34, 198–202. villa-vicencio, c. (ed.), 1986, between christ and caesar: classic and contemporary texts on church and state, new africa books, cape town. white, l., 2015, unpopular sovereignty: rhodesian independence and african decolonization, university of chicago press, chicago, il. williams, d.n., foster, d.a. & blowers, p. (eds.), 2013, the stone-campbell movement: a global history, chalice press, st louis, mi. williams, h., 2003, ‘that’s the way we’ve always done it’: the myth of progress and the identity of women in baptist life, florida state university press, gainesville, fl. wing, a., 2008, ‘the south african constitution as a role model for the united states’, harvard blackletter law journal 24, 73. wood, j.r.t., 2005, so far and no further! rhodesia’s bid for independence during the retreat from empire 1959–1965, tafford publishing, victoria, bc. woodhouse, s., 2018, garfield todd: the end of the liberal dream in rhodesia, weaver press, harare. footnote 1. conflicts were registered in zaka (jerera and svuure churches) and mashoko, bikita area (mashoko churches) and 27 schools running under hippo valley christian mission (mukanga) and clinics and hospitals registered under ‘as he is’ in the same area (mashoko hospital). abstract introduction violence and ethnic tension in zimbabwe the eucharist in retrospect: where is the potential? healing and reconciliatory potential of the eucharist preparation for the eucharistic celebration the penitential rite eucharistic prayers the lord’s prayer the sign of peace reception of the eucharist the dismissal rite the role of the church conclusion acknowledgements references footnote about the author(s) sekgothe n. mokgoatšana department of cultural and political studies, faculty of humanities, university of limpopo, sovenga, south africa mischeck mudyiwa department of cultural and political studies, faculty of humanities, university of limpopo, sovenga, south africa citation mokgoatšana, s.n. & mudyiwa, m., 2022, ‘the role of the eucharist in national healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding: a case study of zimbabwe’s fractured society’, theologia viatorum 46(1), a142. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v46i1.142 original research the role of the eucharist in national healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding: a case study of zimbabwe’s fractured society sekgothe n. mokgoatšana, mischeck mudyiwa received: 22 nov. 2021; accepted: 07 feb. 2022; published: 15 dec. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this study examines the role of the eucharist in national healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding with particular focus on zimbabwe’s fractured society. the article is divided into two main parts. the first segment examines the zimbabwean situation on the socio-political level and the need for unity, reconciliation and healing therein. the second section underlines the potential of the eucharist as a game changer on zimbabwe’s chequered religious, social and political landscapes. thus, the role of the church in national healing shall be examined and evaluated. in view of the fact that christianity controls over 85% of zimbabwe’s total population, the article proposes to seriously consider the adoption of the eucharist not just as a model for deepening ecumenical growth but also for national healing, integration and peacebuilding. for this reason, the article strongly argues that the eucharist is an underutilised strategy in religious reconciliation, national healing and peacebuilding. as a nation with religious, social and political landscapes that have traditionally been dominated by eucharistic exclusivity, denominational divisions, tribal tensions, animosity and political violence, among other challenges, the adoption of the eucharist as a ‘peacemaker’ would signify not just a common christian source of being in the one god and a fulfilment of the deepest african liturgical and enculturation aspirations but also the introduction of a new model and paradigm in zimbabwe’s healing and peacebuilding thrust and trajectory. contribution: the study used the association between the eucharist and the uniting powers of food in secular contexts to underline the prospects and centrality of the eucharist as an antidote for national healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding on zimbabwe’s fractured society. keywords: eucharist; national healing; reconciliation; peacebuilding; fractured society; zimbabwe. introduction most christian denominations consider the eucharist1 as one of the central and fundamental pivots of the christian religion and a ritual of unprecedented symbolic value (mudyiwa 2021:1). the word eucharist is derived from the greek word eucharistia, meaning ‘thanksgiving’. while the term eucharist (holy mass) is most common among roman catholics, eastern orthodox, oriental orthodox, anglicans, presbyterians and lutherans (among others), within the protestant and evangelical settings, names such as communion, the lord’s supper, memorial, remembrance, thanksgiving and breaking of bread are regularly used (richert 2019). among african independent churches, sects and crypto sects, the same ritual is popularly referred to as ‘easter’, ‘pentecost’, chirairo or chidyo (daneel 1987). within the mainstream traditional christian circles, the eucharist is the most solemn christian rite that is dedicated to the remembrance and commemoration of christ’s last supper with his disciples (mt 26:25–29, mk 14:22–25, lk 22:19–23, 1 cor 11:23–25). for over 2000 years, this ritual meal that symbolises and embodies an ancient ‘humanitarian’ and altruistic favour has often been celebrated with deepest and cordial thanksgiving within the christian religion. whereas traditional christian theology regards the eucharist as a memorial of the mystery of salvation, mudyiwa (2021:132) demystifies the ritual and adds that christ’s last supper symbolises god’s love and forgiveness to humanity, the lost sheep (lk 15:4–7). the ritual meal signifies christ’s preparedness and willingness to accomplish his divine mission on earth. for mudyiwa, christ’s main mission was to take away the sin of the world (is 53:5) or the original sin and to bridge the gulf that existed between god and the fallen angels who had followed lucifer (satan). contrary to traditionally accepted christian theology of the adamic guilt, mudyiwa argues that humanity on earth is a representation of the biblical ‘fallen angels’ (rv 12:7–17) who are now participating in god’s plan of salvation to effect their gradual ascent and repatriation to heaven, their original home of bliss and splendour. for centuries, the lord’s supper has been regarded as the source and summit of the christian life, and a ritual that enables the unity of the people of god (catechism of the catholic church 1994:336). while sarpong (1985:4) refers to the eucharist as the greatest symbol of christian unity, love, reconciliation and re-engagement, shorter (1985:49) talks of the eucharist as a fundamental symbol of christian healing. for shorter, during eucharistic celebrations, ‘it is not sicknesses [per se] that are healed but people; and in people, there are many levels of being which interact with one another, be it on the religious, cultural, social or political level’. zimbabwe (formerly rhodesia), as a nation, has so far experienced division, bloodshed, animosity and severe tribal tensions in its historical past. apparently, on many occasions, the church has been motivated and invited by the ruling party to take a leading and primary role in national healing and reconciliation. ironically, the same church has not been able to register tangible and enduring feats on zimbabwe’s socio-political landscape. the government initiated and sponsored programmes for national healing and reconciliation have also not been lacking in this regard. however, a combination of both church and government-related programmes seems to have registered minimum breakthroughs in this area of national healing and peacebuilding. as observed and documented by manyonganise (2015:2), academic scholarship on national healing and reconciliation in zimbabwe, while acknowledging the shortcomings of previous policies on national healing, has not taken deliberate steps to come up with more effective paradigms that are political and expedient to various institutions taking part in national healing and reconciliation. thus, while other scholars have acknowledged and appreciated a handful of strides that have since been achieved so far in national healing programmes, it is, however, critical to underline that, to date, no model or paradigm has placed the eucharist at the centre of national healing and reconciliation processes in zimbabwe. the absence of such a paradigm agitated the minds of the authors and prompted this study. this article, therefore, seeks to propose that the eucharist is not just an integral element of ecumenism but national healing and peacebuilding as well. however, many sceptics have asked: can the eucharist be a game changer in national healing and peacebuilding when the significance of the same has been so contentious during the period of reformation? if so, where is the potential when most denominations, to date, use the same eucharist as a boundary maintaining mechanism? the article pivots on the argument that the greatest potential of the church in national healing and peacebuilding rests on religious innovative practices such as the deployment of the eucharist as a more profitable model for promoting social cohesion. before examining the unifying and healing potential of the eucharist on zimbabwe’s fractured society, it is important that the article briefly surveys the socio-political situation in zimbabwe to appreciate the importance and need for unity, reconciliation and healing therein. violence and ethnic tension in zimbabwe a discussion on the role of the eucharist in national healing and peacebuilding may not be complete without a survey of the history of violence and ethnic tension in zimbabwe. zimbabwe has a protracted and long drawn-out history of violent conflicts spreading over decades. key among such violent and ferocious historical episodes include the struggle for independence from 1965 to 1979, the gukurahundi massacres and butcheries from 1980 to 1987 and the post-2000 electoral violence, which caused divisions in various communities around the country (du plessis & ford 2009; sachikonye 2011). firstly, it should be pointed out that zimbabwe’s socio-political past can largely be described as complex and dynamic, largely characterised by tensions, animosity and bloodshed. thondhlana (2014) viewed zimbabwe’s multi-ethnic society as a melting pot of many cultures and peoples of different ethnic and folkloric backgrounds. linguistically, the zimbabwean society has a multifaceted ethnolinguistic makeup of at least 20 language varieties (hachipola 1998). the constitution of zimbabwe (the constitution parliamentary committee [copac] 2013), however, recognises 16 official languages with various ethnicities. barker (2012:255) posits that ethnicity is a cultural concept that is centred on the sharing of norms, values, beliefs, cultural symbols and practices. it is a process of boundary formation that is constructed and maintained under specific socio-historical conditions. fought (2006:8) views ethnicity as a group of people of common descent or ancestry, people who share similar customs and unique cultural values and morals, and people who are brought together by historical commonalities. these are usually tied together by the collective memory of previous colonisation or migration or other related movements. membership to particular ethnic groupings, however, does not always imply strong blood connexions and ties. zimbabwe reflects such a society brought together by historical camaraderie and commonalities. in his book, authentic inculturation and reconciliation, zvarevashe (2005) briefly traced the history of the ethnic groups and violence in zimbabwe. he concurs that zimbabwe, a multi-religious country, is also a multi-ethnic society, comprising more than 10 ethnic groups of diverse backgrounds, which historians and anthropologists have classified into two main ethnic groups, namely, the shona and ndebele. there are also other minority groups, such as the kalanga, tonga, shangani, sotho, venda, among many others. zvarevashe (2005) further revealed that of the many ethnic groups fairly distributed across the country, the shona constitutes the majority and the ndebele have always been the minority, occupying mostly the southwest part of the country. historically, the political, social and economic relations of the two umbrella groups (shona and ndebele), as well as the various political parties in zimbabwe (particularly the zimbabwe african national union–patriotic front [zanu–pf] and the movement for democratic change [mdc]), have been regarded by historians as complex, dynamic and fluid as well, largely characterised by tensions, animosity and bloodshed. while the coming into the country of the white settlers and the subsequent preaching of the gospel by the early missionaries eased the tension and animosity between the two rival ethnic groups (shona and ndebele) to some extent, the volatile political situation of the country has continued to widen the rift between zimbabwe’s main ethnic groups, in general and the two main political parties, in particular. such a situation has consequently compelled the zimbabwean government and the society at large to call for urgent national healing and reconciliation programmes across the political divide. among many other scholars, sachikonye (2011) and nyere (2016) make a comprehensive and robust survey of political violence in preand post-independence zimbabwe. going as far back as the colonial era, sachikonye discussed how violence was institutionalised and used to silence and subdue the black indigenous population. he discussed how the liberation movements used violence against the colonial regime, the public and within its structures. in addition, sachikonye also discussed how after independence the same violence reared its ugly and obnoxious head when it was then perpetrated by the ruling zanu–pf party. like most political analysts and historiographers, he also chronicled post-independence violence such as the gukurahundi (midlands and matabeleland massacres), which claimed over 20 000 ndebeles (maseko 2011:93). in addition, sachikonye referred to the 2000–2008 preand post-election violence as well as failed government attempts to facilitate reconciliation at the local level. togarasei and chitando (2011) also referred to the same violence that claimed the lives of 200 opposition supporters with several others maimed, tortured and raped. murambadoro and wielenga (2015) discussed at length the nature of violence in zimbabwe and the need for reconciliation as an integral part of the post-conflict peacebuilding process. nyere (2016) observed and concluded that violence in zimbabwe is both systematic and political. in most cases, zimbabwean violence has been described as going beyond ordinary episodic eruptions as commonly experienced by societies, in general. this violence is often entrenched in political systems that existed and continue to exist in various cultural forms. zvarevashe (2005) thus singled out tribalism as one of the key obstacles (among others) to unity in africa today, in particular zimbabwe. in the same vein, in his book, ending violence in zimbabwe, kaulem (2011) also discussed at length political violence in zimbabwe with particular attention to pre and post-election violence and the urgent need for reconciliation as an integral part of sustaining peace and security, particularly at the local level. among many other issues, kaulem underscored that the continued use of violence is inseparably linked to the fact that zimbabwe as a nation has not dealt with past violations that date back to the colonial era. with a seemingly endless brutal and barbaric culture of violence, kaulem thus suggests that the culture of death and destruction should be removed and replaced by a superior and noble culture of love, peace and harmony. while the zimbabwean socio-political climate is polarised and largely opposed, of particular interest are the nation’s healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding programmes that are a critical element of this ensuing discussion of the potential of the eucharist as an underutilised strategic player and paradigm for national healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding. as has already been underlined and also echoed by munemo and nciizah (2014:63), the search for peace and reconciliation in zimbabwe has a long history that has been influenced by events dating back to the pre-colonial period through the colonial era to the post-colonial period. while scholars have highlighted preand post-colonial injustices and oppressions, the majority do concur that since the year 2000, political violence in zimbabwe, torture and abuse of human rights pervaded the zimbabwean state, thereby generating what has come to be acknowledged and portrayed as the zimbabwean crisis. as underlined by shoko (2016), the phenomenon of national healing and reconciliation in zimbabwe was largely necessitated and intensified by the disputed plebiscite by three political parties in zimbabwe, namely zanu–pf, mdc-t, and mdc-m. this arrangement resulted in the establishment of the government of national unity (gnu) whose mandate was to draft a new constitution, and prepare for a fresh electoral process and set up of new government. an organ on national healing, reconciliation and integration was appointed to spearhead the national healing programmes, and the church was also tasked to take a leading role in the process of national healing, integration and peacebuilding. ever since the gnu was established and the involvement and active participation of the church were keenly felt, academic scholarship on national healing, integration and peacebuilding has not been lacking as well. because the gnu was expected to deliver on national healing and peacebuilding, machingura (2010) vehemently argues that the recent call for healing by the ruling party in zimbabwe is no longer a new phenomenon as it does not produce any positive change in people’s behaviour. for him, surprisingly or not surprisingly, previous calls for unity, peace, reconciliation, integration and forgiveness have left the zimbabwean society more wounded, divided and polarised than healed. the same calls have left the local people more disintegrated than integrated. machingura concludes that any form of reconciliation or healing that is devoid of truth and justice is like a wild goose chase. it bears no lasting fruits. in fact, any reconciliation process that is devoid of such still leaves zimbabwe a ‘violent infested’ country. for that reason, we do believe that ever since peace was initiated in zimbabwe, the eucharist has acted as an underutilised strategic player in national healing and peacebuilding. yet, the ancient ritual has been historically regarded as one of the fundamental pivots of the christian religion and a sacrament. the catechism of the catholic church (1994:286) stipulates that sacraments are perceptible signs (words and actions) accessible to human nature. by the action of christ and the power of the holy spirit, they efficaciously make present the grace that they signify. to appreciate the potential of the eucharist as a strategic player and game-changer in national healing, integration and peacebuilding, it is now paramount and pragmatic to highlight its healing and reconciliatory components, taking cognisance of the fact that christianity controls over 85% of zimbabwe’s total population as already underlined. the adoption of the eucharist as a peacebuilding strategy on zimbabwe’s socio-political landscape would signify not just a common christian source of being in the one god and fulfilment of the deepest african liturgical or inculturation aspirations but also the introduction of a new model and paradigm in zimbabwe’s healing and peacebuilding thrust and trajectory. and the church, which is expected to act as the moral conscience of the government, should thus lay the groundwork for a richer ecumenical practice and a compact future contextual theology by amplifying the role of the lord’s supper in zimbabwe’s socio-political platforms. this can only be achieved when heads of christian denominations in zimbabwe acquaint and apprise themselves with a correct and spot-on understanding of the historical significance and essence of the lord’s supper, what it is, what it signifies and what it affects. the eucharist in retrospect: where is the potential? a comprehensive survey of christian history and thought reveals that ever since the institution of the eucharist by jesus christ (mt 26:25–29, mk 14:22–25, lk 22:19–23, 1 cor 11:23–25), the ritual has largely played a determining role in the development of the christian church at the religious, socio-political levels (barr 1999:21). thus, the book of acts uses four words to describe the activities of the infant church: teaching, fellowship, breaking of bread and prayer. following the jewish custom, the christian communities prayed three times daily, namely, at sunrise, midday and sunset. early christians devoted themselves to the teaching of the apostles, the breaking of bread (eucharist), prayer, communal life, and even the sharing of possessions (ac 2:42–45). for them, nothing of importance happened outside prayer and the eucharist. as the theology of the eucharist developed through the centuries, with luminary theologians such as saint paul (c. 4 bce – c. 64 ad), cyril of jerusalem (313–386), ambrose of milan (c. 340–397), augustine of hippo (c. 354–430), john chrysostom (c. 347–407) and thomas aquinas (1225–1274) taking the centre stage, the healing and unifying potential of the eucharist in all spheres of human life was amplified and augmented. the same unifying, reconciliatory and healing components of the eucharist were implicitly and obliquely confirmed through ecumenical councils such as nicaea (325), ephesus (431) and the fourth lateran council (1215). thus, the eucharist was viewed as the commemoration of the passion of christ, a symbol of christian unity and anticipation of heavenly glory (catechism of the catholic church 1994:711). apparently, for over 15 centuries, to a greater extent, the theology of the eucharist had not been regarded as an area of potential contestation, save for the 16th-century protestant reformation when the same ritual (eucharist) became one of the many bones of contention (encyclopaedia britannica 2010). the reformation also called the protestant reformation was a religious revolution that took place in the western church in the 16th century, pioneered by key leaders and protagonists, such as martin luther and john calvin (among others). the reformation triggered many other developments on the religious, economic, social and political landscapes of europe that had far-reaching and monumental effects at the global level. apart from catalysing the secularisation of music and art, it became the basis for the founding of protestantism, one of the three major branches of christianity (encyclopaedia britannica 2010). during the reformation, denominational boundaries were created and eucharistic tables were fenced. the reformation inspired several other reformers, leading to the birth of countless religious movements, with each reformer paying close attention to the danger of encroaching into another reformer, particularly on the doctrine of the eucharist. however, because the eucharist has been such an area of intense contestation during this period and the subsequent periods, the dark side of the church may not deter the eucharistic potential to overcome historical, ethnic and other divisions within the christian family in zimbabwe. healing and reconciliatory potential of the eucharist with proper understanding and catechesis, it is believed that the eucharist has great healing and reconciliatory potential and prospects. according to the catechism of the catholic church (1994:341), the liturgy of the eucharistic celebration has for centuries unfolded according to a fundamental structure that has been preserved throughout the centuries and down to the present day. without minimising the need for justice, truth and impunity, key components that may be critical in the country’s search for unity, peace and reconciliation include preparation for the eucharistic celebration, the penitential rite, the lord’s prayer, the sign of peace, reception of the eucharist and the dismissal rite. of necessity, these different parts or stages of the eucharistic celebration form a fundamental unity with the unprecedented symbolic value. most mainline churches (including the catholic and anglican) have striking similarities on these components of the eucharistic celebration, which may be critical building blocks to zimbabwe’s thrust on national healing and reconciliation. preparation for the eucharistic celebration the healing and reconciliatory elements in the preparation for the eucharistic celebration may not be overemphasised. preparation for the eucharistic celebration is inseparably linked and connected to a proper inner disposition. as underscored by barr (1999:127), the eucharistic celebration is always preceded by moments of self-introspection. such moments are critical. barr posits that among the inner dispositions required for the celebration of the eucharist is the forgiveness of offences. a passage in the gospels (mt 5) requires forgiveness even before participation in the eucharist: when you are about to offer your gift at the altar, if you remember that your brother or sister has something against you, leave your gift before the altar and go; first, be reconciled to your brother or sister, and then come and offer your girft. (vv. 23–24) this scriptural passage from matthew underlines that a sacrifice offered by an individual (particularly the eucharist) is of no value if one has not put right an offence or offences committed against a fellow human being. thus, to present one’s offering, which happens to be the eucharist or lord’s supper, it is necessary to make an effort of reconciliation and to enter into heartfelt relations with one’s erstwhile adversary (barr 1999). one’s adversaries could be his close relatives, members of his church, members from other denominations, religions, cultures or political parties. the key meaning and message of jesus in this passage are also in tandem with paul’s message, which emphasises that before partaking of the eucharist, one has to examine them first. (1 cor 11:28). for paul, receiving holy communion depicts one’s union not just with jesus but also with one’s neighbour, regardless of religious, denominational or political affiliation. thus, taking cognisance of the fact that zimbabwe is presently home to people of diverse ethnic backgrounds who require healing, it is believed that with proper catechesis on the meaning and message of this first component of the eucharistic celebration (particularly when ecumenically shared), the healing and reconciliation process is likely to bear fruit, particularly among christians who occupy over 85% of zimbabwe’s total population. the penitential rite in addition to the inner disposition that is required during the preparation for the eucharist, the penitential rite that comes before the liturgy of the word contains healing and reconciliatory elements that may be essential in national healing, integration and peacebuilding in zimbabwe. within some christian circles (particularly mainline denominations), during the celebration of the eucharist, the opening prayer is followed by bible reading and a moment of silence. during the special moment of silence, individuals are expected to acknowledge their offences before god and their neighbours before committing themselves to the actual celebration and reception of the holy eucharist. the penitential rite is the introductory rite of the eucharistic celebration that comes before the liturgy of the word. as per procedure, for example, catholics and anglicans (among others) often begin with an introduction by the officiating minister/priest, followed by an act of confession and penance by the congregants (dewis 1986). according to the catechism of the catholic church (1994), with various formulae, the priest or minister of religion invites congregants to call their offences and sins to mind and to genuinely and honestly repent of them. this critical component of the eucharistic intercommunion offers congregants time to forgive and reconcile with each other before the reception of holy communion. conscious of their past or current offences against brothers and sisters of other religions, denominations, political parties and those of other ethnic backgrounds, congregants acknowledge their shortcomings as members of one big family of god, the body of christ. general confession is followed by the words of general absolution by the officiating minister (dewis 1986). in a country like zimbabwe that is dominated by christianity, the penitential rite may be a key building block and starting point in the country’s search for healing, peace and reconciliation. thus, as christians ecumenically celebrate the eucharist with clean hands and hearts, the centrality of the eucharistic celebration will be appreciated, not just as a model for deepening ecumenical growth but also a means for national healing and peacebuilding. eucharistic prayers alongside the penitential rite and many other components of the eucharistic celebration, the four eucharistic prayers for mainline christianity (particularly catholic and anglicans) underline critical healing and unifying elements that are necessary for national healing and re-engagement in zimbabwe. the aspect of social healing and reconciliation is very much emphasised in the new roman missal and many other church documents. as documented by the catechism of the catholic church (1994), shorter (1985) and flannery (1975), the first eucharistic prayer makes an emphasis on coming to god the holy father as one undivided body of christ. ‘remember all of us gathered here before you … we pray to you, our living and true god and father for our well-being and redemption.’ the second eucharistic prayer thus makes the following request, ‘may all of us who share in the one body and blood of christ, be brought together in unity by the holy spirit’. the third eucharistic prayer petitions god to grant that those gathered for the eucharistic celebration may be filled with his holy spirit and become one body in christ. the fourth implores god to gather all who share the bread and wine into the one body of christ, a living sacrifice of praise. as underlined by shorter (1985:56), it is critical to underline that african liturgical texts envision the community as including both those who are dead and those who are unborn. for that reason, nyamiti (1985:28) viewed the eucharistic celebration as a divine and ancestral encounter between the living and the dead. taking cognisance of the fact that paul made reference to the one lord, one faith, one baptism and one god who is father of all (eph 4:5–6), it is equally critical to underline that those who ecumenically gather for the eucharistic celebrations (visible and invisible) are expected to form one single and undivided body, regardless of their ethnic, religious or political backgrounds. to that effect, when properly understood, this component has a great unifying and healing potential. the lord’s prayer among the many critical segments or parts that emphasise the unifying, healing and reconciliatory aspects of the eucharist is the lord’s prayer (lk 11:1–4, mt 6:9–13). the lord’s prayer or the our father is the prayer jesus taught his disciples and would-be disciples for their regular use. most christian denominations accord a special significance to this prayer. whenever the lord’s prayer is recited within some christian denominations, it is often advised that the prayer is performed slowly and meditatively such that each of the prayer’s key petition or component sinks into the hearts of the congregants. wood (ed. 1997:695–697) and the catechism of the catholic church (1994:633–651) highlight the various components of the lord’s prayer. they both underline that simple and faithful trust, humble and joyous assurance are the proper dispositions for one who prays the our father. during the eucharistic celebration, with filial boldness, congregants in their cultural, ethnic, denominational and political diversity address and glorify god with bold confidence as their one and only universal father, thereby underlining their common origin, mission and destiny. during the same prayer, among many other petitions, congregants pray for the coming of god’s kingdom. the petition ‘thy kingdom come’ may for general purposes be used as a supplication that the divine domination of god will be extended here and now in this present age, particularly in the hearts of individuals as well as in the world as a whole (ed. wood 1997). values such as love, unity, peace and forgiveness (among many others), are often associated with the manifestation of god’s kingdom. the opposite (tensions, animosity, tribalism and bloodshed inter alia) are often associated with the kingdom of satan. among many other petitions, congregants also beg for god’s forgiveness and mercy during the lord’s prayer. thus, the petition ‘[a]nd forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us’ (luke 11:3) may be critical in national healing, re-engagement and restoration. congregants are repeatedly taught that the outpouring of god’s mercy cannot permeate people’s hearts as long as they have not forgiven those who have trespassed against them in whatever way. as underlined by rakoczy (2000:6), the continual failure to respect each human being as an irreplaceable person created by god has given rise to a culture of violence that permeates all facets of life in many countries, including zimbabwe. while the dimension of the culture of public violence may be well known and has been repeatedly condemned, its ‘private behind doors’ dimension has been viewed as even more insidious and threatening. thus, during the lord’s prayer, congregants will be made to understand that their prayers will not be heard unless they meet the first strict requirement of forgiving those who have trespassed against them. tribalism, divisions, bloodshed, abductions, injuries, abuse of human rights and freedoms, among many other injustices, are part of daily life in zimbabwe (manyonganise 2015). for the nation to achieve its national healing, integration and peacebuilding objectives, these social ills may need to be seriously addressed. the sign of peace in addition to the lord’s supper, there is a great healing and unifying potential in the sign of peace that is exchanged during the eucharistic celebration. for many denominations (including catholics and anglicans), before the entire community receives the eucharist, they offer each other the sign of peace. whereas some new religious movements such as the light of life christian group (llcg) in zimbabwe put the rite at the beginning of the celebration, catholics and anglicans put it right towards the end, just before the reception of holy communion. the llcg strongly believes that when jesus met with his disciples, they always shared the sign of peace before anything else. the exchange of peace has been part of the christian liturgy and practice since earliest times (franzen 1969). after the reformation, a handful of reformers (including the anglican church) also adopted the same rite, locating it immediately after the lord’s prayer, just as catholics had done during the late 4th century. originally, the rite of peace was located before the presentation of gifts, perhaps in response to jesus’ exhortation that the devotee has to reconcile with their neighbour before gift presentation (mt 5:23–24). as already underlined, in the late fourth century, the sign of peace moved to its present location. taking cognisance of the fact that by nature, the eucharist is a sacrament of peace (catechism of the catholic church 1994), the rite of peace offers congregations of diverse ethnic, denominational, cultural and political backgrounds an opportunity to genuinely and honestly share the peace of christ, their universal redeemer. it offers those who have sinned against each other in whatever way, an opportunity to embrace each other, forgive and re-engage. for zimbabwe in particular, where most people are fraught with fear, violence and conflicts, the gesture of peace may become particularly eloquent, as the church has become increasingly conscious of her responsibility to pray without ceasing for the gift of peace, national healing and unity. thus, wood (ed. 1997:891) emphasises that for erring humanity, firstly there must be peace with god and the removal of sin’s enmity through the sacrifice of christ (rm 5:1, col 1:20), thus inward peace can follow (phlp 4:7), unhindered by the word of strife (jn 14:27). peace between fellow humans is part of the purpose for which christ died (eph 2) and of the spirit’s work (gl 5:22), but humans must actively promote it (eph 4:3), not merely as elimination of discord but at the harmony and true functioning of the body of christ, the church (rm 14:19, 1 cor 14:33). thus, sharing the peace of christ through a handshake or in whatever other ways presents a wonderful opportunity for congregants to genuinely express their love, forgiveness and sense of community as zimbabweans who belong to different religious, cultural and political backgrounds. reception of the eucharist one of the other key components of the eucharistic celebration that has the potential to unify and reconcile people is the reception of the eucharist. ecumenically receiving the eucharist is symbolic. among many other related values, it symbolises fellowship, a friendship of a deeper nature, reconciliation and re-engagement. for that reason, sarpong (1985) underlines that the sacrament of unity above all else is the eucharist. for him, it is a travesty and a caricature of christ for christians to partake of his body and blood and then live as if they have different lords and masters. it is a common proverb in zimbabwe that, ‘ukama (kinship) igasvahunozadziswanekudya’. when translated, the proverb emphasises that a relationship is completed and fulfilled by sharing food. from a typical african and zimbabwean point of view, nothing of importance happens outside the framework of sharing of food. food is at the centre of almost all human relationships, as it connects people and often builds trust among people, thereby boosting morale and promoting productivity. eating implies compliance, communion and commitment, and it heals. the eucharist (as spiritual food), thus has the potential to make christians one body of christ, and the notion of this body includes all the dimensions of human existence: religious, cultural, social and even political dimensions (shorter 1985). thus, in many cultural traditions and settings, ordinary food is often used as a unifying and healing symbol (gelfand 1976). because the eucharist is regarded as a spiritual food by most christians, it is, therefore, expected to transcend and eclipse ordinary food in terms of its value and significance within zimbabwe’s religious, cultural and socio-political circles. for that reason, it is thus proposed here for serious consideration that a good understanding of the eucharist could enable it to play the vital role within zimbabwe’s fractured society, the role of unifying the faithful ones in such a way that would unreservedly seek the promotion of the kingdom of peace, love, unity, reconciliation and national healing. in the article, why is the holy eucharist a sacrament of unity? moushey (2018) underscored that the holy eucharist is regarded as a sacrament of unity because it has the potential to unite the lay faithful with jesus and with one another. by ecumenically receiving the body and blood or power of christ, christians are taken into close union with christ and with one another. for zimbabwe in particular, in this symbolism, the unity of the over 85% of all those who believe in jesus is not only shown but also accomplished. this is what paul meant when he wrote: ‘[b]ecause there is one bread, we who are many are one body, for we are all partakers of the one bread’ (1 cor 10:17). as jesus draws christians of various ethnic, cultural, denominational and political backgrounds to himself, he also brings them closer to one another through the eucharist. just as israel’s sacrificial meals such as holocausts, meal offerings and peace offerings (among other sacrifices) united them as a nation, so the eucharist has the potential to unite zimbabwean christians as one god’s family, making them one church. thus, when received with faith, the eucharist can bring about gradual changes within the hearts of christ’s faithful followers. when its unifying and communitarian elements are well understood, the eucharist can transform christians, making them more like christ who dwells in them (moushey 2018). barr (1999:119) emphasises that one key effect of the eucharistic meal is a more intimate union with jesus. jesus enters as food into the persons of the faithful, to establish the deepest bonds with them, and transform their whole inner lives as they are also expected to establish deepest bonds among themselves. thus, having been nourished by christ, christians may, in turn, with active, genuine and unconditional love strive to eliminate all prejudices and obstacles and form brotherly cooperation, family reunion and reengagement. consequently, this may as well lead to social transformation, particularly in the area of national healing, integration and peacebuilding. the dismissal rite from the authors’ point of view, the dismissal rite is perhaps the most important of all components of the eucharistic celebration. this part is so critical that the name mass or holy mass is derived from this very notion within the liturgy. thus, bozant (2016) argues that if christians come for the eucharistic celebrations and take nothing away that would nourish their faith and the way they live their daily lives, then they would have missed an essential component of the greatest symbolism of the christian religion. within mainline christianity, the eucharist is often called holy mass (missa) because the liturgy in which the mystery of salvation is accomplished concludes with the sending forth (missio) of the faithful, so that they may fulfil god’s will in their daily lives (catechism of the catholic church 1994). having gone through all the components of the eucharistic celebration, now armed with the unifying and reconciliatory messages, christians are sent back into the society to be other christs, to radiate all christological qualities, and to eliminate obstacles to national healing, integration and peacebuilding. within some new religious movements (nrms) like the llcg that has already been cited, after the celebration of the eucharist, members are advised to leave the venue quickly and quietly, only carrying the message of the day. this shows the importance of the ‘takes home’ message after any eucharistic celebration. the dismissal rite, thus, becomes an essential test of the christian faith. as christians go back to their respective areas, to love, forgive and serve the lord, they are expected to transform the society in which they live. among many other enemies of unity and peacebuilding, christians are expected to put an end to discrimination, all forms of violence, injustices and tribalism. discussing tribalism as one form of disunity, sarpong (1985) underscored that: tribal realities of africa sometimes leave much to be desired. tribalism gnaws at us at every angle. it rears its ugly head everywhere on the continent. tribalism has been responsible for atrocities of untold proportions. tribalism has caused wars. it makes one ethnic group look down upon another. it has caused bribery and corruption, favouritism and nepotism to the irreparable detriment of emerging african nations…it is undoubtedly the main reason for disunity and for the inability for people to consider themselves as one with others that are so glaringly in evidence n many african countries. (p. 6) it is, thus, critical to underline that the church, particularly through the eucharist, can be a transformation and change agent (pillay 2017). the assumption is that through the use of the various components of the eucharistic celebration, namely preparation for the eucharist, the penitential rite, eucharistic prayers, the lord’s prayer, the sign of peace, reception of the eucharist and the dismissal rite, the eucharist may be regarded as a strategic player and a game changer in zimbabwe’s national healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding programmes. perhaps, what is required is for the various christian denominations to take initiative and realise that the eucharist is not just an extension element of the ecumenical movement but also an integral element of the same. well understood, the healing and reconciliatory potential of the eucharist may influence both the policy and practice on the religious, socio-political spheres depending on the disposition of drivers of key ecumenical bodies and policymakers. while, on the one hand, the christian religion (through the eucharist) has the potential to influence both policy and practice as underlined; on the other hand, it has a handful of some negative implications that can mar the much-desired unity. the role of the church in the context of organised violence and torture that has characterised zimbabwean politics for decades as already mentioned, the role of the church in the process of national healing, reconciliation and integration is essential and indispensable. however, ironically, because the role of the church in national healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding is seemingly undebatable, the same role has since been met with some mixed feelings on zimbabwe’s polarised religious, socio-political landscapes. munemo and nciizah (2014) have examined the zimbabwean crisis since the year 2000. they observed that the church has been largely pushed to the shores and periphery of the peace and reconciliation process. for that reason, they strongly argue that the church should take its rightful position and spearhead the healing and integration process. for a long time, the process has been dominated by state-controlled institutions, and the desired results have not been forthcoming. they strongly believe that the church has great potential in acting as a peacemaker and go-between. while the work by munemo and nciizah amplifies the church’s potential in the healing and reconciliation process, they do not, however, suggest christian models or paradigms, which can be used by the church as guiding principles in the national healing. as this article amplifies the significance of the church in national politics, the role and place of the eucharist as an underutilised game changer in the national healing process are thus proposed and augmented for serious consideration by policymakers in zimbabwe. with special reference to countries like mozambique, rwanda and south africa, butselaar (2001) also examined the role of the church in the peace process. he concludes that the church in africa (zimbabwe in particular) often fails to heal the scars and wounds of division, hatred and bloodshed for the simple reason that, in some cases, the same church often takes sides. by doing this, the church aggravates the situation and further compromises its potential as an arbitrator and peacemaker. the same view is also shared by mangena (2015) who feels that because the church is also divided and in need of healing, it cannot be entrusted with the special mandate and role of leading the national healing and reconciliation process. ever since christianity was established in zimbabwe, numerous divisions and secessions have happened within the christian family itself, catholics and protestants alike. for that reason, mangena has observed that no reconciliation policy after 1980 has been able to bring zimbabweans together by effectively burying the past on the religious, socio-political landscapes. instead of tasking the church with such a unique responsibility, mangena, however, opted for unhu/ubuntu to be the guiding principle in national healing and integration processes. while the works of butselaar (2001) and mangena (2015) may be too critical of the church’s potential as a peacemaker in national healing and peacebuilding, the two works, however, shed some light on the fact that the church participates in the national healing process, not as an untainted institution. a quick survey of the inception and growth of the christian church reveals that the same church has so far experienced visible division, bloodshed, animosity and severe tribal tensions in its historical past as well. because the protestant reformation harmed the unity of christians that had far-reaching consequences, it is, however, believed that all is not lost. the article continues to argue that with rigorous catechetical instructions that take into account historical healing and unifying elements of the eucharist, the feebleness and obscure side of the church may not deter and discourage the same church from suggesting and deploying new models (like the eucharist) to try and overcome historical, ethnic and other divisions within the christian family in zimbabwe. for that reason, it logically follows that the article pivots in an area of great importance in ecumenical and contextual theology as well as the future of ecumenism in zimbabwe. the eucharist is considered by many denominations as the pinnacle of their christian spirituality because it epitomises the heavenly bliss that unites all christians with one another and ultimately with god (mudyiwa 2021:9). despite denominational divisions and eucharistic exclusivity, the same eucharist or lord’s supper continues to occupy a significant place in zimbabwe’s ecumenical and political relations. through the eucharist, the christian church, in general, and zimbabwe, in particular, can, indeed, be the salt of the earth and light of the world (mt 5:14). conclusion this study has examined the role of the eucharist in national healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding with a particular focus on zimbabwe’s fractured society. the article has underlined that zimbabwe as a nation has so far experienced division, bloodshed, animosity and severe tribal tensions in its historical past. as the church has been motivated and invited on several occasions to take a primary and prominent part in national healing, the role and significance of the eucharist as a unifying sacrament or ritual on zimbabwe’s religious, cultural and socio-political landscapes have not been adequately explored and taken advantage of as a mechanism and model for deepening ecumenical growth, national healing and reconciliation. drawing an analogy between the eucharist and the uniting power of ordinary food among mostly african family members, the study used the association and the uniting powers of food in secular contexts to underline the prospects and centrality of the eucharist as an antidote for national healing, reconciliation and peacebuilding on zimbabwe’s fractured society. acknowledgements competing interests the authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. authors’ contributions both authors have contributed equally to this work. ethical considerations this study followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research work received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references 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(ed.), 1997, new bible dictionary, university press, leicester. zvarevashe, i.m., 2005, authentic inculturation and reconciliation, mission press, lusaka. footnote 1. taking full cognisance of the fact that the eucharist is known by various other names in different christian settings, two names shall feature more prominently in this article, namely lord’s supper and eucharist. abstract introduction personal reflection: coming to terms with the pandemic and lockdown using different boats to enter the covid-19 storm shaping our responses to the covid-19 storms conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) vusi m. vilakati methodist church of southern africa, johannesburg, south africa wessel bentley research institute for theology and religion, college of human sciences, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation vilakati, v.m. & bentley, w., 2021, ‘“same storm – different boats”: a southern african methodist response to socio-economic inequalities exposed by the covid-19 storm’, theologia viatorum 45(1), a136. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v45i1.136 original research ‘same storm – different boats’: a southern african methodist response to socio-economic inequalities exposed by the covid-19 storm vusi m. vilakati, wessel bentley received: 03 sept. 2021; accepted: 10 nov. 2021; published: 10 dec. 2021 copyright: © 2021. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this article critiques the theological basis for the methodist church of southern africa’s response to the socio-economic impact of the coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) pandemic. in light of the fact that there are few (if any) clergy historical accounts on how to respond to a deadly pandemic like covid-19, this article is an analytic description that weaves together narrative renditions of the authors’ experiences with formal correspondence of the institution’s documentation on the inequalities exposed by the imposition of the lockdown in south africa and countries that form part of the methodist connexion. theological questions of human dignity, solidarity, and economic justice that have been surfaced by the pandemic are also raised. the article makes practical observations and offers insights that contribute to the ongoing dialogue and institutional strategies for responding to covid-19. it further offers a resource for future researchers and communities who may respond to a similar pandemic in the future. keywords: methodism; covid-19; southern africa; socio-economic inequalities; social justice. introduction with the emergence of coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19), the methodist church of southern africa (mcsa), like many other denominations across the world, realised that there is little historical precedence on how to navigate the effects of the pandemic. even with the spanish flu, very little was documented by the church on its journey through the pastoral, social and economic effects of the pandemic. without the historical evidence and documented academic resources, ministers, leaders and lay methodist people soon realised the need to creatively respond to the social and economic impact of covid-19. it is the lack of these resources and precedence that this article seeks to respond to. the guiding question for the article is: how can the mcsa effectively respond to the socio-economic inequalities exposed by covid-19 within the church and in the countries of its connexion? to respond to this question, the authors weave personal narrative reflections with official correspondence from the methodist connexional office (mco). special attention is given to correspondence that highlights how the mcsa sought to respond to the social and economic effects of covid-19. the article opens with a minister’s (author 1) personal account of entering into the first south african national lockdown in march 2020. in the form of life story, this account gives context to the multidimensional inequalities exposed by covid-19 as well as illustrates how congregations began to galvanise their resources to adapt to the unfolding circumstances. secondly, the article discusses the inequalities exposed by the pandemic across the different levels of the mcsa. the discussion interweaves the churches’ responses with the systemic challenges that the very interventions were unravelling. once the responses and challenges are foregrounded, the article then moves on to explore how the church can theologically and practically respond to inequality within its context. personal reflection: coming to terms with the pandemic and lockdown i clearly remember the 23rd of march 2020, the day on which the south african president, cyril ramaphosa announced the first nationwide lockdown as part of the efforts to curb the rapid spread of covid-19 in the country. many people assumed that covid-19 would be contained within months, and life would soon get back to ‘normal’. a year and a half later, we are still experiencing long drawn-out stages of the lockdown, with the possibility of a series of covid-19 variants and more waves of infection. to date, millions have been infected, and thousands of lives and livelihoods have been lost. notwithstanding the cumulative trauma of trying to avoid contracting the vicious virus and receiving daily infection and mortality statistics, the impact of the pandemic is far beyond a health crisis. the presiding bishop of the mcsa, the rev. purity malinga (2020b:1) has described this impact as ‘multiple, parallel pandemics’. in its wake, the former deputy finance minister of south africa, jonas (2020) observes that the pandemic has graphically exposed ‘global and societal inequalities that have been hiding in plain sight all the time’. it is one thing to come to terms with the news about the contraction of the economy and infection, recovery, and mortality rates on the news, but another to witness countless breadwinners lose their jobs and to pastorally deal with a family that has lost five of its members because of the covid-19 disease. as we began to grapple with the material and psychological losses, the complicated waves of grief and mourning, and the socio-economic ramifications of the pandemic, we soon came to realise that covid-19 is far beyond a health crisis – it is a human tragedy. as pillay (2020:1) observes, the pandemic ‘disrupted economies, social life, mass transportation, work and employment, supply chains, leisure, sport, international relations, academic programmes; literally everything’. along with every other institution, churches and religious communities have also been severely affected and permanently transformed by the pandemic (pillay 2020:1). confronted by the effects of this deadly pandemic, every institution has to regroup and restructure itself to save lives and livelihoods, and to navigate the stormy waters of an uncertain future. in writing this article, one of the authors also recalls being in a special leaders’ meeting of a local society1 on the 25th of march 2020. the country was about to begin the first 21-day lockdown. as a minister in a church where the rich and poor, young and old, powerful and disempowered sit in the same pew and receive the ministry of word and sacrament, it was fascinating to listen to the scenarios of how every person was planning to face the full national lockdown. discussions of possible scenarios for pastoral care, worship services, the imminent closure of church offices and sanctuaries, outreach ministries, and virtual and online communication became an area of contest. when it came to the possibility of closing feeding scheme and outreach programmes, the meeting realised that the vulnerable and homeless in our community and neighbourhood would be immediately thrown into a state of despair. at the heart of our deliberations were demographic questions about an inequality of access to basic resources and mediums of communications within the congregation. for instance, we realised that in order to reach every member of the congregation, we needed every form of communication at our disposal; short message services (sms), whatsapp messages and groups, emails, virtual platforms for video conferencing, like zoom and microsoft team, and facebook and youtube for streaming prayer and worship services. central to the evening’s debates was a search for adequate and inclusive responses and choices that would give dignity to the poor and vulnerable within and beyond the church community. by the end of the day, the leaders’ meeting decided to set up a covid mission response and a covid relief task team that would assist with mapping out well-targeted responses to the unfolding reality of living with covid-19 and taking care of the vulnerable. upon returning from the meeting, the author (along with ministers and leaders of the mcsa), received a letter from the office of the presiding bishop, rev. purity malinga, in which she wrote: the coronavirus will have a significant impact on the most vulnerable among us like the elderly, the orphaned, the sick, the unemployed, and the children of the poor. lockdown will have a cascading effect on various social classes in one of the most unequal countries in the world, but we are encouraged not to forget the most vulnerable in our country and to find creative and practical ways of supporting them. my thoughts are with those who live from hand to mouth for whom lockdown means even more difficult access to food. to the landless, waterless and those squashed in shacks, social distancing and hand washing are luxuries they cannot afford … as a church in solidarity with the poor, we dare not forget the vulnerable. leaders of groups i.e., classes, cells, organisations, etc. are encouraged to identify such people among us and put plans in place to care for them. in the midst of this crisis, we must hear jesus say, ‘i was hungry, and you gave me something to eat … i was sick, you visited me …’ (matthew 25: 35ff.). (malinga 2020b, p. 1) the following months revealed the intensifying nature of the inequalities and the impact of the lockdown and pandemic especially on the poor and vulnerable. while the presiding bishop’s message postured the mcsa as a ‘church in solidarity with the poor’ and called for creative and practical ways of support, we estimate that most local methodist societies and circuits struggled to put this into action. also, while the presiding bishop’s letter carries a very strong pastoral and emotional appeal, it neither addresses the root causes nor provides possible economic solutions to the impact of such a pandemic. at the least, the letter assumes that regardless of location, every methodist society would have enough pastoral and practical resources ‘to stay afloat’ and to support the poor in their respective communities. key to the presiding bishop’s approach to covid-19 was an invitation to all methodist members, organisations and ministers to creatively respond to the challenges the pandemic was unfolding. it would seem that the mcsa as a denomination is yet to purify its mind and strategies to effectively navigate and respond to the socio-economic inequalities the pandemic is revealing across the countries of the connexion.2 using different boats to enter the covid-19 storm on april 2020, a tweet by damian barr made global headlines: we are not all in the same boat. we are all in the same storm. some are on superyachts. some have just the one oar. – damian barr (@damian_barr) april 21, 2020. as the covid-19 pandemic spread across the world in early 2020 forcing many countries to go into partial or full lockdown, we all experienced a substantial amount of anxiety, fear, and uncertainty. in part, this anxiety was about the common shock and struggle to adapt to the new reality with limited knowledge about this novel virus. at another level, the lockdown began to unveil truths we often choose to ignore or have become complacent about. in particular, the truths about the deep inequalities that run through our society are damaging to our social fabric (perfect 2020). it is against the background of these anxieties and realities that people began punctuating their reflections by saying, ‘we are all in this together…we are all in the same boat’. while some claimed that the covid-19 outbreak was a great equaliser, its impact has fallen unevenly and unequally on society. there are ways in which the covid-19 is a universal storm that affects all of us. it is also true that some have better chances of surviving and others will need greater support to make it beyond the storm. damian’s tweet, an excerpt of a poem published during the peak of the pandemic, highlights the extent to which covid-19 unveils the systemic and endemic levels of inequality in our society – ‘the yachts and rowing boats, the haves and have-nots’ (barr 2020). understanding that the pandemic affects individuals, communities, organisations, and countries differently is fundamental to the shape of the church’s response to the storm. at a theological and moral level, it is important to hold onto the concept of a ‘same storm’ because it points to human solidarity, common good, common humanity, and the possibility of shared socio-economic futures. on the other hand, the church needs squarely come to terms with the ‘different sizes and types of boats’ people are using to brave the storm. also, there is a need to craft a compelling vision of how we can partner with every stakeholder and work towards making sure that we all survive and land on a safe harbour. let us now consider the practical effects of the storm on society and the church. social and economic effects of the storm writing for the international federation of accountants, bleetman (2021) observes, ‘the covid-19 pandemic has affected every corner of the world and all aspects of society, and the impacts of it will be felt for decades to come’. expressing a similar sentiment at the 2020 annual nelson mandela lecture, the un secretary-general, antonio guterres (2020) asserted that covid-19 is ‘shining a spotlight’ and exacerbates pre-existing inequalities and risks we have ignored for decades, including inadequate health systems, gaps in social protection, structural inequalities, environmental degradation, and the climate crisis. using metaphors of an x-ray and a boat, guterres (2020) went on to say: covid-19 has been likened to an x-ray, revealing fractures in the fragile skeleton of the societies we have built. it is exposing fallacies and falsehoods everywhere: the lie that free markets can deliver healthcare for all; the fiction that unpaid care work is not work; the delusion that we live in a post-racist world; the myth that we are all in the same boat. while we are all floating on the same sea, it’s clear that some are in super yachts, while others are clinging to the drifting debris. while these imbalances were already defining the global economy before the covid-19 pandemic, the emergence of the virus has exposed, fed off, and increased existing inequalities of wealth, gender, and race (perfect 2020). consequentialists would argue that high levels of inequality often lead to economic instability, corruption, financial crises, violence against women and children, increased crime, and poor physical and mental health (guterres 2020). as at the time of writing this article, globally covid-19 has claimed more than 3.1 million lives and rising, 120 million people pushed into extreme poverty, and the world wrestling another massive global economic recession (ferreira 2021). certainly, the covid-19 storms will be easier to weather for people with secure assets, stable employment, and jobs that can be continued remotely (perfect 2020). to return to guterres’s phrase, we should also be mindful of those, who because of the pre-existing factors and the current storm, is ‘clinging to the drifting debris’ of the economy. these include men and women in unstable accommodation, vulnerable or short-term employment, disposable and low-paid informal workers, the vulnerable, and the homeless (perfect 2020). the magnitude of the poverty and inequality exposed is sub-saharan african countries who have been hit by 2 or 3 outbreaks (with the possibility of more waves) of covid-19 and in the process depleted fiscal and monetary buffers and increased their fiscal and public debt (international monetary fund 2021:v). the imf also estimates that in 2020, sub-saharan africa’s revenue will decrease on average by 2.6% of gdp, with an average 1.9% contraction of the economy because of slow activity (international monetary fund 2021). the disruption of economic activity in the region has resulted in slower supply chains, the rise of commodity prices, stock market volatility, and closures of many firms, thus leading to 8.1% decline in employment – more than 32 million people were thrown into extreme poverty (international monetary fund 2021). the reality of these stats across a region with high levels of poverty, leads to further disruption of ‘millions of people’s livelihoods, with a disproportionate impact on poor households and small and informal businesses’ (craven, mysore & wilson 2020:1). drawing closer to the southern african context, a southern african development community (sadc) (2020:4) report points out that the slowing down of activity across a variety of sectors including, tourism and leisure, aviation and maritime, automotive, construction and real estate, manufacturing, financial services, education, and the oil industry was inevitable. as a region with deeply interwoven markets and supply chains, the shrinking of the economy might begin to unveil the depth and cumulative cost of the crisis. as we speak, the sub-region is already battling with the incapacity of its health infrastructure and the vulnerability of the small and medium sectors of business. beyond the storm, we suspect the region might need to be resuscitated in a giant intensive care unit. sadly, that will push southern africa into deeper debt and continue to be at the mercy of international rescue operations. to use south africa as a case in point, francis, valodia and webster (2020) claim that: on average, these poorest households have about five members and a total monthly household income of r2600 (or about r567 per person in the household). only 45 percent of households have an employed member. much of this income would have been lost as the shutdown began … in contrast, seven million people live in the richest 20 percent of households, with approximately two people per home (the average size is 1.93 people per household). the average monthly income for these households is almost r38 000 per month (or r21 000 per person). many of the people in the richest households can continue to earn an income by working from home, and many will actually save money due to reduced expenditure on things like eating out, holidays, and entertainment. (p. 347) following francis et al.’s (2020) estimation, in june 2021 statistics south africa reported total employment decreased by 5.4% year-on-year between march 2020 and march 2021. if one factor in which 34% of workers in south africa are informally employed, with little or no protection, the level of vulnerability across the duration of lockdowns multiplies (francis et al. 2020). given the pre-existing racial and gender occupational differences, the economic impact of these unemployment rates are likely to fall disproportionately according to race, gender, and social class widening the gap between the rich and poor (ferreira 2021; francis et al. 2020). to illustrate the point, francis et al. (2020) estimate that at midnight on thursday, 26 march 2020 possibly more than a million people who are domestic workers (mostly women), many without employment contracts or unemployment benefits lost their capacity to earn an income as the full lockdown began. considering the historical economic injustices and vulnerabilities, the high-income inequalities, and unemployment levels in southern africa, the covid-19 storm also exposes the fragility of our social security structures. people living in poverty, unemployment, and under-employment, and those with inadequate access to healthcare, education, and basic resources will certainly come in a worse position than before the pandemic (oxfam international 2021). a south african study revealed that when someone from a vulnerable section are infected with covid-19, they are likely to lose their job and income which in turn results in reduced access to healthcare and a nutritious diet. a compounding of these factors is a recipe for an economic time bomb. as history suggests, the higher the levels of desperation and inequality, the deeper the social problems of crime, lawlessness, corruption, poverty, and unemployment (sacbc 1999). there are ways that during the lockdown the novel coronavirus is seen to threaten everyone equally. from ceos to workers, all sorts of people are being hurt by the economic crisis. it has its beneficiaries among the already super-rich, jeff bezos of amazon and founder of zoom, for whom the new reality and lockdown exponentially grew their wealth (rudin 2020). observing the practical manifestation of the economic impact on individuals and families, the following observation can be made: during the lockdown, some were excited about binge-watching their favourite shows on netflix, while others had to work two jobs and trying to home school their kids. some were angry; some are bored; some are terrified at the possibility of losing their jobs, and some are trapped inside a house with someone abusive. others had enough savings and others could barely make it past the first week of the lockdown. some people in cities could afford to remain indoors, in the townships and rural areas a different etiquette of life exists. (vilakati 2020, p. 2) while referring to the economic impact of the lockdown strategies, president cyril ramaphosa (2020) wrote: many countries around the world have imposed coronavirus lockdowns to save the lives of their citizens. we have done the same in our country, but our lockdown has revealed a very sad fault line in our society that reveals how grinding poverty, inequality, and unemployment is tearing the fabric of our communities apart. a combination of the household financial stress with the underlying social fissures that shape family life often leads to increased substance abuse and gender-based violence. in a september article in the times live, farber (2020, para. 2) claimed that in south africa ‘the government gbv and femicide command centre alone recorded more than 120 000 victims in the first 3 weeks of lockdown’. the complex socio-economic factors cited above are further moderated by individual countries’ economic policy frameworks, levels of poverty, political stability, and health and public infrastructure capacity (international monetary fund 2021). comprehending these factors and the impact of covid-19 as well as setting the pace of recovery will require an inclusive approach involving multiple stakeholders including governments, businesses, and civic society. having highlighted the broad socio-economic factors facing the sub-region, let us now consider the impact of covid-19 on the church. a church in the perfect storm in her address to the 2020 connexional executive, the presiding bishop wrote, ‘covid-19 has been a light bearer, shining an illuminating beam onto the multiple, parallel pandemics destroying the world, in particular, the continent of africa’ (malinga 2020a:2). the bishop went on to highlight social and economic issues she termed the ‘pandemics’ including racism, gender-based violence, and femicide, climate change, the violence of unequal education and exclusion of young people, the dehumanization of lgbtiq3 members of church and society, and the ‘unequal access to health care facilities and medicine and the unequal access to basic human needs like shelter, water, and food’ (malinga 2020a:2). to these, the presiding bishop further extrapolated into some of the contributing factors of these social inequalities. she said the following: the glaring realities that we see are that of self-serving and corrupt governments and politicians; rising levels of poverty, hunger, and unemployment as the socio-economic divide widens even further! (malinga 2020a:2–3) consistent in the presiding bishop’s messages, is her call for contextual relevance and locating the people called methodist the church in the heart of the covid-19 storm as active change agents. while the mcsa leadership seems to understand the impact of the covid-19 pandemic, it is not clear that whether it can translate its responses into well-targeted strategies that could effectively address the socio-economic impacts of covid-19 on the church and its communities. before considering how this could be possible, let us first look at how the mcsa seems to address the crisis at a connexion, synod, circuit, and local society levels. connexional responses the mcsa connexion is governed centrally through the4 mco. this means that under normal circumstances, a directive from the connexional office would apply across every level and country within the connexion. when covid-19 came, the different countries of the connexion went into lockdown at different times and with varying covid-19 safety regulations. realising the difference, the connexional office needed to allow flexibility in the manner in which synods, circuits and societies across the countries of the connexion responding to the government lockdown gazettes and covid-19 regulations. for instance, there was an instance in 2020 where south africa was still in full lockdown and botswana had loosened its regulations and allowed churches to resume activity. similarly, governmental regulations of covid-19 protocols on safety, travel and public gatherings had constitutional and polity implications for the annual governance and regulatory procedures of the mcsa. every level of the church struggled to maintain their regular planning, governance, accountability meetings and annual conventions for organisations. failure to have some of these meetings meant that the church had not complied with its own constitution. realising the challenge, connexional leadership needed to creatively suspend some governance procedures and regulations, and optimise others, in order to assist societies, circuits, synods, organisations and conference5 to optimally achieve their functions. each of the units, formations and organisations were advised to be creative and refocus their mission, reduce representation for its key governance meetings, postpone aspects of their work, such as annual conventions, inductions, and elections. in some of these features, there was no precedence, so there was a need for extensive consultation and adaptive leadership (malinga & hansrod 2020). across the mcsa, from its head office to the smallest congregation is that bishops, unit leaders, ministers, and lay leaders are nervously watching their budgets and payments of their staff, mission, and essential services. while the impact will be felt differently between affluent and poor circuits, the anxiety is real. after the general treasurers’ first letter, which expressed anxiety and seemed to miscalculate the financial anxiety across the whole denomination, the church began a process of consultation. coming out of the consultation with the mcsa’s investment administrators, economists, finance unit staff, and connexional officers, malinga, hansrod, and ngonyama (2020) wrote: the finance executive noted that covid-19 restrictions on gatherings are placing a tremendous strain on the economy and finances of many of our circuits who may not be able to meet monthly assessments. this in the midst of a huge global economic meltdown is exacerbated by the pandemic. it is clear that this pandemic has further highlighted the huge disparities in our society in general and illuminated the inequality, levels of poverty and unemployment in ways unimaginable. the finance unit reported that the mco april assessments showed a slight decline, for this huge effort on the part of everyone, we commend and applaud the connexion for pulling together at this time and are deeply aware that this would be short-lived as the lockdown continues. further noting that the mcsa’s sole income stream is the assessments from circuits of which 87% is in the form of ministry costs such as stipends, pension, medical aid, etc. we recognized that this income stream remains at a great threat as we face a grim future, which is made worse by the socio-economic factors that have, and will continue to affect the vast majority of our members connexionally. (pp. 1–2) at this meeting, four key decisions on the financial resourcing for ministry and mission were taken and these are as follows: 1) r15 million was taken from a millennium mission resource fund to set up a missional response to the socio-economic effects of covid-19, 2) reduction of circuit assessment by 15% for 8 months, 3) covering the annual insurance premiums for the whole church from the connexional property fund, and 4) to use the stipend augmentation fund in the short-term to pay a basic stipend and traveling allowances of ministers in circuits who are unable to pay their assessments for 2 months (malinga et al. 2020). while these decisions are noble, it is important to highlight some of the underlying anxieties and realities. firstly, the mcsa does only receive its revenue from open plate offerings, monthly pledges, and dedicated giving and donations. if the current reserves and local societies are unable to collect money because of the closure of church buildings for worship and the economic impact of covid on its members, the local and regional institutions do not have any other investment to turn to. perhaps covid-19 is a wake-up call for the mcsa to consider broadening its income streams and recapitalisation. secondly, both reliefs on assessments and the mission resource anticipated do not seem like sustainable initiatives. also, spreading r15 million across six countries and the number of circuits across the connexion is a positive gesture that does not even scratch the magnitude of the socio-economic challenges facing the church and society. thirdly, all the strategies anticipate that covid-19 will soon be contained, and the church will resume its business as usual. fourthly, even though it is a solution in the short, it is a positive thing for the mcsa to try and balance its missional needs with institutional survival in its response. synods, circuits, and societies the reality of covid-19 imposed challenges was also felt at the circuit and society levels of the church. as a church whose funding comes from donations, monthly pledges, and sunday offerings, the closure of church buildings for worship meant that every congregation had to close and quickly figure out what it means to be the church without the buildings. with no sunday collection and revenue circuits cannot pay the synod and connexional assessments, fund local mission projects, maintain the building and pay services. as a circuit superintendent of a circuit that is geographically located in the margin between the johannesburg affluent suburbs and poorly resourced informal settlements, the author notes that all six societies within the circuit did not meet their 2020 budget. the ministers in the circuit did not receive their traveling allowance for 4 months. most circuits across the mcsa were not in great financial shape before covid-19. the pandemic made the situation worse. attending the annual synod meetings, 4 out of 20 circuit superintends reported that their circuits were struggling to meet their monthly assessments, pay staff and pay for maintenance and services. at the same synod, circuits reported that they had to cut or eliminate every staff salary and lay off office and other staff. a few circuits proposed resolutions and applications to reduce ministerial agency within their circuits. the hardest thing for ministers in local circuits and societies is that they know the stories of people whose businesses collapsed, those who lost breadwinners to covid-19, and those who lost their jobs and income. how do you as a minister remind the congregation to keep giving, when you know the domestic worker, the informal employee, the leader whose business has been liquidated, the barber, the electrician, the handyman, and all others whose finances have been rocked by the pandemic storm? it is then difficult to balance the need to care and be pastoral while asking the same people for financial support to run the institution. colleagues who have shared their stories attest to the fact that it sometimes seems difficult to hold onto the task of ministry when you haven’t received your stipend and allowances for the month. is that the cost of the call and serving jesus and the kingdom? ministry and worship in the new reality the immediate reality of the lockdown is that churches and other places of worship had to find new ways of worship (bentley 2021). with mask-wearing, sanitising, and physical distancing churches need to learn new ways of worship, fellowship, and connecting. church traditions and rituals for ministry and worship had to be adapted and move to virtual and online social platforms like youtube and facebook. as soon as this migration to social platforms happened many congregations especially those in rural areas did not have access to online services (bentley 2021:1). a further complication for the urban-rural divide within the mcsa is that rural congregations do not have the luxury of a minister dedicated to local society. rural and township societies sometimes have to share one circuit minister who can have oversight of more sometimes more than 10 societies. add lack of resources and extreme distances between these societies and you will soon realise that it is a difficult task for ministers to offer effective ministry under the new covid-19 protocols. in the cases where financial resources dried up and no stipend and traveling allowances were available to ministers, things became harder. while urban-rural, resourced – poorly resourced (historically in some cases, the black white) inequality has a long history in the church, its impact deepened over the covid-19 period. hence, governments imposed full national lockdown and the subsequent restriction on economic activity and public gatherings, it became apparent that the covid-19 pandemic would also have a long-term impact on the financial life of congregations, regardless of their denomination, size, or makeup. the methodist church of southern africa, like other churches, is seemingly overwhelmed by the magnitude of the crisis. as non-profit organisations, churches largely depend on offerings and pledges to fund their mission, maintain properties, and remunerate their personnel. with reduced numbers or no public gatherings, and some church members confronting anxious economic futures, the church’s financial future is vulnerable. the mcsa’s response to the covid-19 crisis seems to oscillate between thinly veiled anxiety and tentative hopefulness. while the denomination is cognisant of the socio-economic impacts of covid-19, the issues of institutional survival seem to overpower the desire to be in mission and radically address the new reality. in the current crisis, it seems like the church does not have a choice between institutional survival (form) and the task of fulfilling its mission (function). is the pandemic a purification of means and purpose? what is the relevance of church polity and theology in shaping our responses to a crisis? these are certainly difficult questions. reflecting on the economic realities facing churches, bill wilson (cited in garfield 2020) remarked, ‘is this the death of the church or the rebirth?’. beyond the debates about institutional survival and mission, for the church to adequately respond to these questions, there is a need for a theological reflection on the public role of the church in the context of a crisis. perhaps death is a natural consequence of a system that becomes consumed by self-centred panic, and the need to survive, as opposed to living into the dynamic tension between resilience and courageously assuming its role in the public space. let us now consider some theological and practical insights that can assist the church in responding to the socio-economic impact of the covid-19 storms. shaping our responses to the covid-19 storms applying the storm metaphor to contextual culture shifts, leonard sweet (2008) observes that storms: … summon leaders who will leave the comfortable and conventional … go out into the storm and risk…navigate this sea change, cross this raging ‘red sea’ and will find a promised land of new beginnings and a new church on the other side. when everyone and everything is spinning and whirling in the wind, christians go out to meet the storm. christians embrace the wind and pass out kites. (pp. 4–5) faced with the covid-19 storm and its socio-economic impact, it will be prudent for methodists to lean into their wesleyan heritage and allow their theological roots to invoke insights that may assist them to navigate this ‘raging sea’ and inform their responses. ‘for the other side’ of the covid-19 storm, the mcsa will require what the presiding bishop has called a process of re-imagination and a wholesale transformation of the mcsa as an institution and its understanding of its mission in the current context (malinga 2020a). describing the call and focus on this process of re-imagination, bishop malinga (2020a) writes. re-imagining implies change, evaluating and shifting parameters of concepts and perceptions, and even completely renaming outcomes. to re-imagine healing and transformation, therefore, calls upon us to look again at what it means for us to proclaim the gospel for healing and transformation. re-imagining therefore, calls us to be humble enough to admit that now and then our processes, structures, methods, traditions, and practices need re-thinking and review as it is easy for any church to slip into the entrapments and addictions of the ‘empire’… all our groupings in the mcsa need to ask the question, which of our practices is life-giving and which ones should be discarded … we need to reimagine another financing model … re-imagine models of ministry that are mission-focused and relevant to our context. (p. 4) clearly, from its covid-19 response, the mcsa comprehends the magnitude of the problem for both the church and society. it is also clear that the denomination wants to consider itself to take seriously the conditions of the poor, vulnerable and disposed. what is not clear is the mcsa’s ability to hold in dynamic tension its need for the survival and sustainability of the denomination and developing informed and well-targeted responses to the economic threats of covid-19. the challenge of being a force for social and economic healing and transformation requires the adaptive challenge of articulating the relationship between theological concepts and practical socio-economic inequalities and injustices (ed. schwarzkopf 2020). let us consider some principles of engagement. considering the shape of our response we believe the first task is a call for contextual theological imagination. one of the first tasks for the mcsa is to do what the presiding bishop, rev. malinga (2020a:4) calls ‘evaluating and shifting parameters of concepts and perceptions’. if covid-19 has revealed the inequalities both within the church and society, it is important to articulate a dynamic christian and methodist theology that will dissect the moral quality and implicit drivers of the economic frameworks that have curated the crisis (sacbc 1999) that covid-19 has unveiled. this implies a need for a fresh look at the biblical concepts of justice, fairness, equity, inequality, and equity (wells 2017). schwarzkopf (ed. 2020:4) further argues that the church in every context, and we argue, especially in the context of the pandemic storm, should also re-imagine theological concepts like providence, humanity in the image of god, salvation, eschatology or the eschaton, confession, faith and trust, and the kingdom of god in relation to modern forms of economic theorising and economic organising. to take the argument further, this re-imagination should also invoke foundational christian and african values. speaking of the risks of economic inequality in the united kingdom, perfect (2020) argues that the christian values of equality, holiness, human solidarity, respect, and love of self and the neighbour, should be central to the economic inequality discourse as well as practical interventions. to these values, african philosophers and theologians would add the african concepts of unity, self-determination, creativity, cooperation, caring, solidarity, connectedness, and respect (asamoah & yeboah-assiamah 2019; mangaliso & mangaliso 2013). these values and practices underpin the wisdom that is embedded in african humanism concepts such as ubuntu, ujamaa, umoja, weku, and botho (vilakati 2020). when we dissect the forms of interaction between economic thought and christian concepts and values, we unravel the explicit and implicit mechanisms that shape world economics, markets, and government policies (ed. schwarzkopf 2020). we hope that interrogating the current context crisis through lensed of concepts and values offers a solid christian basis for an inclusive economic approach for the sub-continent’s recovery and economic transformation. second is the call for effective leadership to review the institutional arrangements for contextual relevance and future vitality. if covid-19 revealed the positive and negative aspects of our centralised and hierarchical leadership, the structural weaknesses in society and the economy, we need responsive, contextually attuned leadership (khoza 2012) to enact large-scale change and help us make sense of what covid-19 has revealed (gittoes 2020). according to sneader and singhal (2020:1), leaders across all sectors should expand all existing efforts to safeguard economies and livelihoods across africa. they suggest that leaders need to act with resolve, nurture resilience and the capacity to see things through, curate strategies for the organisations return, foster re-imagination galvanise of every resource to rebuild and reform the organisation (sneader & singhal 2020). in addition, klann (2003:10) points out that while ‘crisis tends to bring a high degree of chaos and confusion into an organization…effective crisis leadership can rescue an organization from chaos and deliver opportunities where before there were only disadvantages’. in the context of depleting institution resources at all levels of the mcsa, the collective task of every leader is to dive deep into the crisis and search for opportunities for change and transformation. in seeking to be creative and innovative for the mcsa to arrive at a better and new reality beyond the covid-19 storm, rev. mzwandile molo (2020) offers an insightful caution: every major crisis which fundamentally disrupts life as we know it and dislocates us from our traditional ways of making sense of life in the midst of its destruction creates an opportunity for a deeper reflection … it will be a tragedy if it is wasted on a search for adjustments and preservation rather than a search for depth and transformative knowledge. preservation and adjustment are dominated by the mechanics. polity rather than renewal becomes the focus). (p. 1) noting this caution, and the great realisations during the covid-19 storm, the mcsa needs to adapt and evaluate its traditions, processes, and structures (malinga 2020a). for any denomination to thrive and remain true to its calling, it needs to decide what do we return to, what do we discard, and what new things do we initiate (gittoes 2020). third and last, the process of transformation should involve collaborative conversations at every level of our ecclesial life. to craft an effective church response to the socio-economic impact of the pandemic, we must recognise that such a task is multilayered and multilevelled. the basis of such a response will be a firm conviction, at all levels of the mcsa, that responding to the impact of the covid-19 storm is an intricate part of the call to reimagine healing and transformation in context (malinga 2020a). according to conradie (2008), the church has six levels of analysis or manifestations in the world: the ‘church’ as the individual people that forms the local congregation. the church as a worshipping community with an organised liturgical of life and ability to think theologically and engage society. the church is a denomination that has particular structures and resources to speak to society and governments. the church is an ecumenical structure that involves partnerships with different churches and international organisations. the church and its expression through para-church organisations; and the church as god’s people living as the church that speaks for climate justice in their daily lives. at each of the above levels, there are adaptive conversations, practices, and choices that can be made to sharpen the church’s response to the current context. as such these responses should also be shaped by the distinctive elements of methodist theology and practice. toward a southern african methodist response to the covid-19 storm as a point of departure, it is worth noting that the mcsa’s response to the impact of the covid-19 storm, is deep solidarity with the vulnerable, disposed, and the poor. khuzwayo (2012) states that there are vast interlocking narratives of the christian churches’ involvement in the liberation and shaping of public discourse. it can be argued that the mcsa’s history, identity, and dispassion towards the liberation of the vulnerable was shaped by its intertwining journey with the political and economic currents of its constituency. these historical currents have shaped mcsa’s public theology and mission imperatives. notable among these key movements are the obedience’ 81 statement (the methodist church of southern africa 1981), the journey to the new land (the methodist church of southern africa 1995), and the two mission congresses (the methodist church of southern africa 2005, 2016). these moments, the vision and mission statement, and mission imperatives of the mcsa (the methodist church of southern africa 2006) display her authentic historical grounding and capacity to engage with public issues in every historical, political or economic context. it is also important to recognise that the theological discourse of the church in southern africa (perhaps africa as a whole) has been largely shaped by liberation theology and black theology (forster 2016). mainly, this is because of the continent’s colonial history. liberation theology is rooted in a commitment to the poor (boesak 2017). the liberation and emancipation emphasis are a critical posture for the church during a crisis such as the covid-19 pandemic. it is our opinion that liberation sensibility is part of the mcsa’s history, identity, and witness. maddox (2001:37–38) isolates three basic premises of liberation theology:1) that there is something wrong with the way that society is structured, and 2) that unjust institutions cause much suffering among people, 3) that concentrated land ownership lies at the heart of social injustice. one of the greatest gifts of liberation theology and hermeneutics is its emphasis on reformulating a theology in the interest of the poor and marginalised (boff & boff 2001). such a theology shows more respect and concern for people than for the neatness of the system and scientific theory (maddox 2007). rather, it identifies the christian faith as the implicit worldview that motivates christians towards faithful commitments of solidarity with the oppressed, not as a set of abstract theological claims. drawing from liberation theology and wesleyan emphasises, maddox (2007:57ff.) identifies the following as key ingredients for critical theological reflection for a new society: a theology that interweaves biblical and historical studies integrally with theological reflection – unified. a holistic theology – integrating orthodoxy and orthopraxy – doctrinal and ethical reflection fused. such a theology rejects the dichotomy between spirituality and justice creating a constant dialectical connection between what we believe and what we do. a theology that affirms the primacy of praxis and refuses to be consumed with abstract issues and theoretical precision, neglecting the praxis-related tasks that authentic theory is meant to serve. a theology that is embedded in a community of faith and is truly practical theological and inherently transformative. a theology that is deeply contextual embracing all the social and political dimensions of the christian life. along the mcsa’s historical timeline, there are moments when varying degrees of this ethos are evident. it would be prudent for the mcsa (and other denominations) to invoke and translate the above theological concepts and values into practices of listening, leading and re-imagining the post-covid-19 church. in addition to the contextual and liberation sensibilities, the methodist theological perspective is intrinsically holistic, pragmatic, orthodox, generously ecumenical, and a vital and deeply embodied spirituality (thompson 2011). put differently, the roots of methodist theology and spirituality are committed to dynamic personal and public practices of embodying a contextual spirituality of loving god and your neighbour (watson 2010). it is also widely argued that methodists draw their emphasis on social awareness and holiness from john wesley, one of the movements’ founding fathers (jennings 1990). reviewing john wesley’s journals, sermons, and writings, and theology, it is evident that his ministry and work was underpinned by a deep concern for the poor and marginalised as well as a several social and economic justice themes (ed. marsh 2004; walton 2020). in walton’s (2020) words, the wesleyan conviction and commitment to social holiness and social justice can be described as a holy dance: one way of describing this is as a kind of holy dance in which our feet follow patterns to one place and then another and then repeat the same sequence all over again in another part of the dancefloor. we attend to our needs for prayer, communion and the scriptures, and the needs of individuals and wider society in a recurring rhythm of grace. acts of mercy are themselves expressions of and encounters with holiness, so that holiness will lead us to justice and justice to holiness. social holiness and social justice are, thus, part of a divine ecology where one follows the other in the rhythm of discipleship. (p. 34) being part of the solution in the current covid-19 context means that we should invoke the methodist perspectives social holiness. such a perspective has a broad horizon that encompasses a vision of the whole world, being healed, restored, transformed, created and recreated (runyon 1998). in the current crisis, it will be prudent for methodists to uphold the vision of social holiness along with an attuned sense of justice that is radically aligned and in solidarity with the poor and economically dispossessed (runyon 1998). lastly, central to the methodist spirituality is the ethic of love and grace (porter 2004). the task of theological imagination and the resulting christian action in the current context should be underpinned by a deep commitment to loving god and loving our neighbour (oord 2012). in a sense, the african values of ubuntu, connectedness, community, solidarity, and belonging are an expression of the grace of god. the alternative to the current covid-19 crisis is a weaving of an economic recovery journey that will be based on the critical values of solidarity, common good and ethics of love. conclusion the article discussed the social and economic effects of covid-19 pandemic within the mcsa connexion. it observes how the church struggled to respond to the socio-economic impacts of the pandemic. using personal narratives and formal denominational correspondence, the article highlights the strategies employed by the mcsa in addressing the social and economic impact of covid-19 at every level of the church. in light of the unfolding nature of the challenges, the article proposes that there is a need for theological reimagination and well-targeted responses to the covid-19 storm. notwithstanding the possible limitations of the scope of the discussion, the article makes some practical suggestions that could assist the church to become a dynamic agent in conquering the waves of inequality, assist everyone to find space in the boat of progress, and ensure that all of god’s children land on a safe economic harbour. acknowledgements competing interests the authors have declared that no competing interest exists. authors’ contributions both the authors contributed towards the writing of this article. ethical considerations ethical clearance was obtained from the research institute for theology and religion, research ethics committee, ritr2021001. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references asamoah, k. & yeboah-assiamah, e., 2019, ‘“ubuntu philosophy” for public leadership and governance praxis: revisiting the ethos of africa’s collectivism’, journal of global responsibility 10(4), 307–321. https://doi.org/10.1108/jgr-01-2019-0008 barr, d., 2020, we are not all in the same boat. we are all in the same storm, viewed 25 july 2021, from https://www.damianbarr.com/latest/tag/we+are+not+all+in+the+same+boat.+we+are+all+in+the+same+storm. bentley, w., 2021, ‘celebrating the sacrament of holy communion during covid-19: a methodist perspective’, hts teologiese studies/theological studies 77(4), 1–8. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v77i3.6741 bleetman, r., 2021, the social and economic impacts of covid-19 have not been gender-blind – neither should our response, viewed 22 may 2021, from https://www.ifac.org/knowledge-gateway/contributing-global-economy/discussion/social-and-economic-impacts-covid-19-have-not-been-gender-blind-neither-should-our-response. boesak, a.a., 2017, ‘the riverbank, the seashore and the wilderness: miriam, liberation and prophetic witness against empire’, hts theological studies 73(4), 1–15. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v73i4.4547 boff, l. & boff, c., 2001, introducing liberation theology, orbis books, new york, ny. conradie, e.m., 2008, the church and climate change, cluster publications, pietermaritzburg. craven, m., mysore, m. & wilson, m., 2020, coronavirus’ business impact: evolving perspective, viewed 07 june 2021, from https://www.mckinsey.com/business-functions/risk/our-insights/covid-19-implications-for-business. farber, t., 2020, shocking stats on gender-based violence during lockdown revealed, viewed 22 july 2021, from https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2020-09-01-shocking-stats-on-gender-based-violence-during-lockdown-revealed/. ferreira, f.h.g., 2021, inequality in the time of covid-19: all metrics are not equal when it comes to assessing the pandemic’s unequal effect, viewed 22 july 2021, from https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/2021/06/inequality-and-covid-19-ferreira.htm. forster, d.a., 2016, ‘a state church? 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accepted: 23 june 2021; published: 13 jan. 2022 copyright: © 2022. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract i define african pentecostalism as the pentecostal thread that embraces some elements of african culture, without necessarily admitting it. it embraces some elements of the african heritage consciously or unconsciously. this research article sets on the premise that african pentecostalism is the ideal phrase when referring to pentecostalism in africa. this drives us to consider the uniqueness of pentecostalism in africa rather than generalising its presence. this article seeks to demonstrate that african pentecostalism in the 21st-century kenya has undergone paradigm shifts in various dimensions, which includes leadership structuring, political orientations, modes of disciplining, eschatological concern, structural make-up, economic domain, health concern, ecumenical relations, gender relations, identity politics, theological education, poverty concern, use of science and technology, and general practices. has the religious outfits that referred the earthly concerns as temporal tents and largely focused on the ‘eternal house in heaven, not built by human hands’ (2 cor 5:1) appreciated the necessity of god’s kingdom and will-being ‘done on earth, as it is in heaven’ (mt 6:10)? in light of the coronavirus disease-2019 (covid-19), has the ecclesiastical model that was too conservative become liberal in nature? the methodology includes interviews with selected people who are connected to this topic, participant observation and through an extensive review of the relevant literature. keywords: african pentecostalism; from ministries to church; shifting landscapes; african heritage; covid-19; full gospel churches of kenya. introduction african pentecostalism describes a variety of christian communities who attribute their daily religio-social experiences with the workings of the holy spirit, and this is in keeping with the socio-cultural and the historical contexts of africa. african-pentecostal churches in kenya will include but not limited to ‘mombasa pentecostal churches (mpc), deliverance church of kenya (dck), jesus is alive ministries (jiam-nairobi), jesus celebration centre (jcc-mombasa), neno evangelism ministries, the happy churches, faith evangelistic ministries, jubilee christian centre (jcc-nairobi), christ is the answer ministries (citam-nairobi), and the winners chapel international ministries, among others’ (gathogo 2011a:134; gathogo 2014:1499–1515). as implied in kalu (2008:186), african pentecostalism produces a continuity by mining the ancient worldview and ‘reproducing an identifiable character, and regaining a pneumatic and charismatic religiosity that existed in traditional society’. kalu’s (2008) position echoed samuel kibicho’s (2006) concept of radical continuity, a phenomenon where he demonstrates that there is a radical continuity in the african indigenous systems even when it interacts with the christian faith. as noted in gathogo (2017), this radical continuity is manifested in the lives of africans who convert to christianity. such african converts to christianity find themselves necessarily practising some of the rituals that are also practised in the african indigenous heritage. kaunda and john (2020:1) have expressed the view that whatever african pentecostalism is, in essence, substance, function and even in its pneumatological expressions, it ‘is largely informed by african religio-cultural innovations’. their views are in continuum with those of wariboko (2017) who avers that african pentecostalism: is an assemblage of practices, ideas, and theologies – and interpretations of reality – whose tangled roots burrow deep into the three segments of african temporality… the ‘spirit’ of african pentecostalism does not signify a distilled essence, changeless core, irreducible substrate, or perfection of being but is deployed for the sake of highlighting specific observations, contemplations, and questions that point to something of broader significance for understanding the multidirectional openness of african pentecostal social life without presuming a constrictive universalizing framework. (p. 1) wariboko’s (2017:1) classical description of african pentecostalism shows its multidimensional and multidirectional nature, and indeed, its broad dimension that captures diverse expressions. as a term, african pentecostalism best describes the uniquely african dimension of pentecostalism that captures the african ethos of wholeness without necessarily appearing to duplicate euro-american pentecostalism in the african continent. pentecostalism in kenya as we shall see, pentecostalism, or a semblance of it has been in kenya since 1895 and 1912, and indeed, an african-pentecostal movement (a phenomenon where indigenous input is visible) has been in kenya since the 1960s. in other words, it is in 1960 when: … the renowned international american evangelist billy graham visited kenya and in effect began pentecostalism in kenya [despite being a member of the baptist church]. he was closely followed by another renowned evangelist; t.l. osborn whose series of crusades gave impetus for open air preaching. david barrett has noted that an earlier crusade by osborn in 1957 at mombasa led to a widespread pentecostal movement. a visit, in 1968, by another pentecostal preacher, oral roberts, and his subsequent healing rallies in nairobi marked a major turning point in the history and establishment of pentecostal churches. (gathogo 2020a:394) in particular, william franklin graham jr. (1918–2018), popularly called billy graham, an american evangelist, a prominent evangelical christian figure and an ordained southern baptist minister who became well known internationally in the late 1940s, played a critical role in boosting pentecostal wave in kenya despite being a baptist. his mass crusades, healing sessions and open confessions of the converts in kenya of 1960s were major turning points in the history of african pentecostalism, as his impact saw massive conversion of kenyans in this pietistic strand of christianity. graham is widely viewed as one of the most influential christian leaders of the 20th century (gathogo 2001:82). apart from billy graham, other great homileticians include martin luther, john stott, john calvin, ch spurgeon, billy graham, karl barth, augustine, wakefield, wesley and so on. like martin luther, the reformer, who said that ‘the pulpit was higher than the altar’ (quoted in gathogo 2001:82), graham equally viewed the pulpit as the most important asset in our endeavour to transform humanity for the better. some of billy graham’s memorable quotes include [m]y home is in heaven. i’m just traveling through this world … being a christian is more than just an instantaneous conversion – it is a daily process whereby you grow to be more and more like christ … i’ve read the last page of the bible. it’s all going to turn out all right … i have preached too much and studied too little. (quoted in gathogo 2001:84) although he was not a pentecostal leader, graham inspired african pentecostalism in kenya since the 1960s. besides the 1960s and 1970s’ pentecostal explosion in kenya, which reached its climax in 1980s, the nine protestant missionary societies that were operating in the colonial (1887–1963) and post-colonial kenya (1963–2021), like modern african pentecostalism, attempted to display some elements of evangelical christianity. although billy graham (an american baptist) and tl osborn were not necessarily the founders of pentecostalism in kenya, their elaborate activities, especially the healing rallies, had huge impacts that largely overshadowed the previous ones, and eventually fuelled african pentecostalism as we know it today. additionally, the fact that the duo received elaborate press coverage, hitherto unknown in kenya’s pentecostal historiography was an added advantage in this endeavour. as early as 1895, the american-leaning african inland mission (aim), which began under the leadership of peter cameron scott, had demonstrated evangelical traits from the outset. it was renamed african inland church (aic) on 16 october 1971, after the african adherents insisted on the change of name for the religious outfit. in other words, the aim formally transferred its authority and property to the africa inland church (aic) in kenya on 16 october 1971, after which the editor of inland africa journal, in new york, wrote a sensational feature article: ‘the day our mission died’ (gathogo 2001:18). considering that aim was renamed aic in 1971 after what i would refer to as the ‘racial conflict’ between european missionaries and the leading african converts, we may need to appreciate that it was simply gospel versus culture conflict and/or western versus african cultural conflict. nevertheless, the seed of african pentecostalism in kenya had been planted in as early as 1895. critically important is the fact that amongst the nine missionary societies that attended the infamous kikuyu ecumenical conference of 1913, it was the aim who displayed a unique and passionate agenda of ‘converting’ others into a more vibrant version of christianity that practised baptism via immersion. they took conversion, testimonial admissions of one’s sinful nature and the forgiveness of sins through christ, and open confession of christian faith as critical aspects of christian mission amongst other pietistic strands. at one stage, their delegates were insisting on the need for re-baptising the anglo-catholics who would get into their churches, within their spheres of influence (gathogo 2020b). they would view anglicans (church missionary society [cms]) as not christian enough and/or not evangelical enough. african inland mission’s zeal in evangelism is in continuum with the modern african-pentecostal wave, save for their ethnocentric posture, a phenomenon where they had no room for dialogue with africa’s indigenous and ritualistic realities. certainly, this was the overall posture and/or characteristic for all the nine european protestant missionary societies of the 19thand 20th-century kenya. curiously, they viewed the african god as a deus otiosus (idol god) or deus remotus (a withdrawn god), and the general religiosity as animistic (parrinder 1962:21). besides the aim’s african-pentecostalism traits, kenya witnessed the arrival of a pentecostal missionary team from finland in 1912. to this end, joshua (2019) explained that: the earliest pentecostal missionary to arrive in kenya was a finnish seaman, emil danielsson, in 1912. he stayed in africa for 7 years and returned after the first world war. in 1918, north americans established work at nyang’ori, western kenya, which was later associated with pentecostal assemblies of canada (paoc) and registered locally in 1965 as pag [pentecostal assembly of god]. (p. 2) in turn, the 1912 finnish missionaries were part of the missions and developmental aid organisation of the pentecostal churches of finland, whose roots can be traced to 1911 when the movement was founded in helsinki, finland. it was on 6 july 1912 when the new pentecostals who emerged after the preaching of t.b. barratt, the pioneer pentecostal leader in the neighbouring norway, held a farewell meeting in helsinki, finland, where emil danielsson (1878–1965) was subsequently sent out as a missionary to kenya. it is precise to note that, no local pentecostal church ever existed in finland at that time, and danielsson’s support, during the first world war (1914–1918), was sporadic. he wanted to establish his own mission work, but was unable to obtain the necessary permission because of financial constraints (ahonen 1984:46). previously, emil danielson (1878–1965), a seaman, had converted into pentecostal faith after meeting some norwegian evangelicals in cape town, south africa, in 1903. it is during this encounter that he accepted christ as his personal saviour in a meeting that was held by the norwegian missionary, c. schong (ahonen 2004:42). upon his return to finland, emil stopped in norway where he became a co-worker with t.b. barratt; he also served as his interpreter when he (barratt) came to minister in finland. characteristically, finland’s new believers (pentecostals) were enthusiastic about mission work. coming to kenya in 1912, danielsson pioneered finnish pentecostalism under the auspices of finland free foreign mission (fffm). as the fffm sought to build a national church, independent of foreign influence, it was logical and expedient that the foreign name be done away with, and the local national name be adopted. it was lauri pesu’s suggestion that the name be changed to the full gospel churches of kenya (fgck) (njogu 2021:106). the suggestion was met with unanimity; and john richard langston rumsey, the assistant registrar of societies, certified that the fgck were exempted from registration under section 5(2) of the societies ordinance of 1952. he then signed the certificate of exemption from the registration (no. 1151 in the kenya gazette). in a nutshell, the fgck church, started by the fffm as a pentecostal missionary society, graduated into a registered church in 1949 and went on to earn exemptions as a religious institution in 1950s and beyond, and has continued as an african-pentecostal outfit, to date. to this end, the newly appointed trustees’ names were sent to the principal registrar of documents in the capital city of nairobi, on 21 march 1964. this was however done with the help of the fffm office in helsinki, finland. these pioneer trustees were as follows: lauri pesu, anna lisa antturi, hezekiah kiptoo koech and francis atemo (njogu 2021:108). whilst the latter two were kenyan africans, the other pair remained finnish missionaries in the post-independent kenya (1963 onwards). by may 2021, fgck (2021) had: [e]xpanded to include all [the 47] counties [of kenya] other than mandera and wajir [counties] where we have a fellowship only. the church membership [was] estimated at slightly over a million members’ country wide. (p. 1) the change of name was a momentous occasion for the missionaries, especially mauri viksten (1920–1995), who had been eager to africanise and nationalise the missionary work. viksten had been a finnish pentecostal missionary in africa for 30 years. hence, his wish to see an africanised pentecostalism via fgck was based on his long years stay in africa (njogu 2021:107). despite the 1912 finish attempts at introducing pentecostalism in kenya, it is worthwhile to reason out with barrett (ed. 1973:248), who notes, in the kenya churches handbook, that a group of pentecostal adherents had existed in western kenya since 1910, and were located seven miles from where emil danielson (1878–1965) was ministering. was barrett referring to the discourses of the american founded mission society, the aim, which had some elements of evangelical-pentecostal characteristics since 1895 when it first entered kenya? barrett’s (ed. 1973) ‘caution’ to our understanding of the birth of african pentecostalism points out to the broad nature of the subject under consideration and encourages further research studies on this area. as a progression of pentecostal ministry, the fffm was fully established, in kenya, by 1927 despite their arrival in 1912. in other words, their impact was felt more from 1927 onwards. in the 21st century, fida (2021) international, like fffm, was equally working hard for global missions, and as its website says: fida international is a finnish faith-based organisation working in global missions, community development and humanitarian aid in 50 countries. we aim to bring hope and a better future to all nations – especially to children living in poverty. we work in close cooperation with pentecostal churches and other non-governmental organisations and partners. in church partnerships our mission is to share the love of christ and mobilise churches for holistic ministry in their communities. our community development programmes in 15 countries are funded by the ministry for foreign affairs of finland. (p. 1) in the fgck (2021) website, fida international is described as a development partner that supports the ‘development work of the church as detailed in the projects’. it is also explained that there are other ‘organizations from usa and australia that are working with fgck too’. indeed, this is a pointer to the euro-american links to the african pentecostalism in kenya today. like other pentecostal outfits, the goal of fffm was to promote the great commission (mt 28:18–20), thereby reaching out to the whole world through evangelisation, church planting and conversion of the diverse peoples of the world with great urgency. apart from the coming of the finnish pentecostal team in kenya in 1912, the year saw the arrival of the charismatic movement called roho (meaning spirit), which emerged in the anglican church. as noted earlier, this was followed, in 1918, by the establishment of the pentecostal assemblies of canada, which affiliated itself with north americans. it later graduated into pentecostal assemblies of god (pag) in 1965 for affiliate churches (anderson 2004:111–112). as noted by gathogo (2010), the evangelical protestant missionary societies in the colonial kenya, who met at the church of the torch, thogoto, kiambu county, during the infamous kikuyu conference of 1913 were as follows: [t]he gospel missionary society (gms), the german lutheran mission (glm), the friends africa mission (fam), seventh day adventists (sda), the church missionary society (cms), the church of scotland mission (csm), the united methodist mission (umm), and the african inland mission (aim). (p. 78) these protestant groups displayed evangelical christian faith that is close to the modern african pentecostalism, despite their western bias. like other evangelical outfits, african pentecostals stresses on the importance of being ‘born again’, the centrality of elaborate confession, conversion and/or salvation, the authority of the bible as god’s revelation to humanity, the crossing of frontiers so as to reach out to the ‘lost world’, highlighting on inerrancy of the bible and proselytising practices. in 1930s, pentecostal spirit was evident during the female circumcision crisis in central kenya, as this saw the creation of african indigenous churches, such as the african independent pentecostal church of africa (aipca). equally, the east african revival movement (earm) reached kenya in 1937 via uganda and moved the mainline protestants into evangelical-charismatic christianity akin to african pentecostalism (karanja 1999:58). the 1940s and 1950s saw an increased pentecostal activism in kenya. in 1942, the african israel church nineveh was founded as a breakaway from the pentecostal assemblies of canada. in 1944, the missionaries from the united states of america started the pentecostal evangelical fellowship of africa (pefa), as the fgck was officially registered by the finnish missionaries in 1949. the general history of the fgck can be retraced from an account that was written by anneli jerkku, ‘a history of the finnish free foreign mission in kenya (1949–1998’. in this publication, she addresses the fgck in four sections: (1) its preparation period (1912–1948), (2) pioneer period (1949–1962), (3) development period (1963–1979) and (4) its consolidation period (1980–1998) (gikungu 2007:2). furthermore, the coming of an american evangelist, t.l. osborn, in kenya, in 1957, saw an explosional healing ministry in mombasa in the coastal region of kenya. osborn was uniquely able to confront witchcraft and other cutting-edge issues in concrete ways, and was able to draw huge enthusiastic crowds (anderson 2004:112–113). following the declaration of kenya’s independence in 1963, more foreign pentecostal missionaries arrived in kenya, and this went simultaneously with the birth of more pentecostal-leaning african indigenous churches. to this end, joshua (2019) noted that: in 1967, an american pentecostal preacher, dale brown, founded the kenya assemblies of god (kag), which a survey in the early 1990s [was] credited as nairobi’s fastest growing denomination with an annual growth rate of 38%. in 1970, joe kayo founded the deliverance church of kenya, which attracted urban youth and by ‘1976 was an important member of the evangelical fellowship of kenya (efk)’. between 1972 and 1986, the number of pentecostal churches in the country doubled as its urban presence became increasingly characterised by televangelism, prosperity theology and crusades by western preachers. in 2003, kenya’s population was approximately 63% protestants and 26% catholics (cbs, moh & orc macro 2003). the 2006 pentecostal forums’ survey indicated that renewalists – including charismatics and pentecostals – accounted for more than half of kenya’s population. (p. 3) thus, after 1963, when kenya attained her political independence, more foreign pentecostal missionaries found their way into kenya. in particular, ‘[t]he norwegians came earlier in 1955, whereas their scandinavian counterparts arrived in 1960’ (joshua 2019:1). it is no wonder that the erstwhile kenyan attorney general, amos wako, confirmed in 2007 that his office had already gotten overwhelmed by the increasing demands for registration by african-pentecostal churches. by 2007, the kenya government was processing 6740 applications. by 2010, there were over 10 000 registered african-pentecostal churches in kenya (gathogo 2011a:134). it is no wonder that by 2021, an estimate of 30% – 35% of kenya’s population (54 857 497 by 04 june 2021 based on worldometer elaboration of the latest united nations data) were african pentecostals. this means that kenya is one of the most pentecostal countries in africa and globally. furthermore, whilst the mainline churches in kenya were traditionally seen as synonymous to the former european missionary societies that evolved into churches (refer to the roman catholic church, the anglican church, the methodist church, the presbyterian church, the aic and the presbyterian church of eastern africa), new demographics in the 21st century have demonstrated that the fgck, whose membership has shot up to over one million adherents, has also been classed in the same category. similarly, the baptist church, with a membership of about 800 000 members, has also joined this league of mainstream churches in the 21st century (gathogo 2011b:99–107; mckinnon 2020:42). the baptist church and the full gospel church of kenya have eclipsed some of the so-called missionary churches, at least when we consider the size of their membership. this is evidently clear when we sample the seventh day adventist church, which attended the kikuyu conference of 1913 that brought the european missionary societies together, as her membership stood at 530 341 by may 2021 (gathogo 2011b:99–107; mckinnon 2020:43). equally, the british ecclesiastical outfit, the methodist church, which entered ribe, in the kenyan coast in 1862, stood at 450 000 adherents by may 2021; yet fgck and the baptists had about a million adherents each. although the anglican church of kenya, which entered kenya in 1844, and the presbyterian church of kenya, which entered kenya in 1891, had 5 million and 4 million adherents, respectively (gathogo 2011b:99–107; mckinnon 2020:44), being seen as in close figures with some african-pentecostal churches such as the fgck is a clear indication that the latter are the fastest growing churches in kenya and the tropical africa. such shifting and soaring figures show the growing influence of african pentecostalism in the kenyan and the african context. the shifting landscape wariboko (2017:7) pontificated that the shifting landscape of african pentecostalism, a phenomenon where their theologies and practices have changed in the 21st century, will reshape the future direction of normative christianity in the tropical africa. in other words, the mainline churches are already feeling the weight of african pentecostalism as their exuberant and ‘energetic’ theologies, spiced with african diets of communality, are reverberating across the african landmass, and the rapid tempo cannot be slowed down. wariboko (2017) view the future as wide open and pregnant with possibilities of a new movement that will go beyond african pentecostalism itself. he says: … prayer for african pentecostals is not your grandfather’s fare. it is highly engaged and involves a stupendous amount of energy. the pentecostal aesthetic of prayer is an irruption of sensibilities, sensory-motor skills, practical wisdom, and deep emotions for conveying everyday needs to the heavens and bridging the gap between the visible and invisible realms. prayer is oral theology, biblical texts, ritual practices, and spontaneous and heady spirituality carried by and articulated through the body. prayer – the embodiment, display, and articulation of ideas, hopes, fears, habits, and traditions – is a key feature of african pentecostalism. (p. 8) in the nigerian context, wariboko (2017:8) views the african-pentecostal movement as a ‘very evangelical in orientation, seeking to convert both muslims and adherents of traditional religions to christianity’. this proselytising and evangelical aspects have been noted as similar to the one in the kenyan context. igboin (2020:7) asserted that although the so-called classical pentecostalism revolved around holy ghost baptism, personal salvation, exorcism, healing services and dispensationalism, african-pentecostalism and neo-pentecostalism have surpassed these theological streams. as he further argues, this does not rule out the fact that the origins of pentecostalism, in general, was largely associated with politically, economically, exploited lot, socially deprived people who were ironically in the world, even though they were in reality cut off from it. in other words, pentecostalism, like in the rest of christendom, initially attracted the lowly in the society. with time, it widened its perspective and in the 21st century, it focuses on socio-economic matters worldwide (ishaya 2011:149). comaroff (2015) explained this shift thus: there has also been a widespread popular impetus, in the early 21st century world, toward redefining the role of religion in the civic order; a widespread effort to recover a sense of authenticity and sovereign authority in the world. all this implies thoroughgoing structural transformation. indeed, there is much to suggest that the character of contemporary faith is integral to a reorganization of core components of capitalist modernity as a social formation, a world-wide process that has specific implications for postcolonial africa. this shift has involved an intensification of some signature features of modern society, and an eclipse of others, a process made manifest in the changing ethos and institutional form of liberal democracies across the world. these changes vary in local manifestation, and so, too, does the nature and impact of religious revitalization. (p. 232) similarly, kalu (2018) pointed out that the ‘big men’ syndrome emerged after independence and conceived independence as an end in itself as opposed to being a means to an end. this graduated into the emergency of some cultic personalities amongst some african pentecostals. coupled with this, the prosperity dimension has also become part of the new package. this also goes hand-in-hand with teachings that emphasise on security against spiritual and physical forces (walton 2012). according to gathogo (2020a:391–409), the shifting landscapes are not without pains and some limited inconveniences; for pockets of infidelity are also experienced amongst african pentecostals in the 21st century. in building on many samples in post-colonial kenya, according to gathogo (2020a): [t]he moral question among african-pentecostals has always manifested itself through marital infidelity, spouse-swapping, poor leadership structures, con artistry, financial exploitation of the poor, faking miracles, and skewed populist sermons, among others. (p. 391) the shifting landscape, in the 21st century africa, thus, is not without serious setbacks, and sometimes takes on risky trajectories. furthermore, despite pockets of moral decadence, associated with some of its leadership, which would ordinarily hurt african pentecostalism, more and more people flock in them. could this be out of the desire to quench the metaphysical powers that are believed to influence the existential and physical space, as in african religion? has religion in africa turned to be the quencher of existential spaces? with mbiti (1969) attempting to underline the african worldview as a religious drama, and indeed, the indispensability of religion in social-spiritual discourses, the power of african pentecostalism will continue to reverberate across the continent. in kenya, the shifting landscape in african pentecostalism became clear in the 1990s during the economic depression that hit the country. during this depressive moment, the likes of the then pastor (later bishop) pius muiru and pastor margaret wanjiru (later honourable bishop, former member of parliament, 2007–2012) and others preached their televised messages of hope, amidst hopelessness that obtained. as they propounded their televised messages of hope, little did we know that through their contextual sermons, they were winning the nation in their new trajectories. not long, the coming of the 21st century found them ripe enough for socio-political influences in the country. during the 2005 national referendum for constitutional changes in kenya, some leading african-pentecostal leaders were overt in opposing the new proposed law, where the government lost, 43 versus 57 (gathogo 2011b:99–107). from a participant observer, it was crystal clear that some african-pentecostal leaders could be seen in political rallies, as they teamed up with opposition leaders to oppose the proposed constitutional changes. they strongly sought to justify their opposition to the legal changes by appealing to socio-cultural and theological reasons. their new trend shows the shift from the rigid evangelicalism to a broad-based and/or liberal theological positions, akin to the emphasis on realised eschatology (present concerns) in the african heritage. it is no wonder that some went on to contest political seats from the civic level to the presidency, although with minimal victories (gathogo 2011b:99–107, 2020c). seeing african pentecostals addressing thematic issues, such as sickness and the way of god, poverty eradication as the agenda for all, god and a healed society, exorcisms and societal healing, and god and prosperity for everyone, was, indeed, a turning point as the 21st century came closer. furthermore, their thematic concerns, such as a hopeful nation as a godly nation, gender issues as human issues and the rejuvenated national economy as the kingdom nation, at the turn of the 21st century, was refreshing moments that clearly showed the changing landscapes in kenya’s african-pentecostalism. in both the open-air spaces and in the media, the gospel of hope and healing became apparent since the late 1990s (gathogo 2013). furthermore, after president daniel arap moi left the political scene as the president of kenya on 30 december 2002, the political role of african pentecostals increased. the mwai kibaki era (2003–2013) saw the introduction of constituency development fund (cdf) that begun the devolution of funds to the rural areas. in these cdf kitties, each of the 210 parliamentary constituencies were allocated funds, and hardly one could see a constituency, especially in central kenya, without an african-pentecostal nominee in these cdf committees (gathogo 2013:203–230). in one of the 47 devolved governments established in kenya after the promulgation of the 2010 constitution, one of the african-pentecostal leaders became the governor (rev. moses akaranga, 2013–2017, vihiga county), whilst another leading african-pentecostal pastor became a cabinet minister (rev. moses dzoro, kaloleni constituency – 2002–2007) during mwai kibaki’s first term, 2003–2013 (gathogo 2015a:97). having eschewed politics, which the openly dismissed as secular and ungodly, prior to the 21st century, the socio-political landscape had clearly showed a more vibrant holistic movement in their new socio-religious discourses. the socio-political influence of african pentecostalism in kenya has remained in the 21st century, and it appears that this rapid tempo will not slow down. certainly, this shift from conservative evangelicals to an all-rounded religious movement is ‘cooking well from the nethermost depths of the ocean floor, rather than from the top stratums’ (gathogo 2020b:1) – as the lowest level of society seems to have embraced it. this view was further boosted on 07 january 2021 when the united democratic alliance (uda) party unveiled the ecclesiastical leader of a leading african-pentecostal outfit, the jiam, bishop margaret wanjiru kariuki, as their gubernatorial candidate of the capital city of nairobi. the vacancy for a governor of the city of nairobi was created after the senators voted in a 27–16 to impeach the flamboyant governor mike sonko on 17 december 2021 (cheruiyot 2021:1). although the elections did not take place because of some legal–technical reasons, the nomination of the former deputy minister for housing and member of parliament for starehe constituency (2007–2012) by the influential uda further confirmed the shifting landscape of kenya’s african-pentecostalism, a phenomenon where their social influence is now explicit (cheruiyot 2021:1). the shift from less influential to a very influential religious african-pentecostal outfit can be seen from two prongs. firstly, the public is no longer complaining that some african-pentecostal leaders are abandoning the sheep and indulging in elective politics, as in the above gubernatorial case. hence, a level of acceptance is visible amongst the general public. secondly, both the mainline churches and african pentecostals are not overtly condemning this indulgence of ‘secular’ politics amongst african-pentecostal leaders, or any other church leader for that matter. clearly, the shifting landscape is visible in the 21st century. in the researcher’s interviews with several well-informed scholars and african-pentecostal leaders, it became clear that the shifting landscape is evident right from the village churches. first, the religious outfits which used to call themselves ministries in the 20th century renamed themselves churches. a case in point is the priesthood fellowship church (pfc) under the former pastor j.j. gitahi (now bishop dr. j.j. gitahi) is no longer called priesthood fellowship ministries (g. kariuki [ku-mombasa office] pers. comm., 14 april 2021). furthermore, the outfit where her leaders or clerics did not wear clerical gowns, clerical shirts and clerical collar are now doing so, as in the pfc case. furthermore, the pfc as with other african-pentecostal outfits have embraced mainline titles for their leaderships. such leadership titles include bishops, archbishops, reverends and archdeacons for some. of course this depends on the individual church (g. kariuki [ku-mombasa office] pers. comm., 14 april 2021). equally, the refined gospel christian church (rgcc), which constituted its first congregation on sunday 07 december 1997 at kikuyu township, kiambu county, following its registration as an african-pentecostal church in kenya, had pastor john wambu waweru as its general overseer (head). between 2000 and 2021, the title of the church leader had shifted from senior pastor, overseer, general overseer, bishop to the current position where archbishop dr. john wambu waweru is the current head by 2021. the old titles, such as overseer, elder, senior elder, deacon and apostle, are already giving way to the new ones, largely taken from the mainline churches. amongst the vestments that both the african pentecostals and the mainline churches are wearing today include cassock, amice, alb, cincture, stole and the chasuble (g. kariuki [ku-mombasa office] pers. comm., 14 april 2021). whilst chasuble is the outermost liturgical vestment worn by clergy for the celebration of the eucharist amongst anglicans, roman catholic, and lutheran churches and other mainline churches, cassock, the floor length garment, is also the long priestly garment, and is usually black, with long sleeves and fits the body closely. the latter is worn by the clergy both as ordinary dress and as a liturgical garment. according to benson ngiri (b.w. ngiri [fgck elder benson wachira ngiri benson] pers. comm., 14 april 2021), a section of african-pentecostal outfits has embraced these vestments, whilst others are still sceptical. generally, cleric robe is the outer cassock, worn over as the inner garment by bishops, priests, deacons and monastics. it is sometimes accompanied by skufia, which is a soft-sided cap worn by monastics or awarded to certain clergy, as a mark of honour and/or designated recognition. equally, the outer cassock is a large flowing garment worn over the inner cassock by the clerics. embracing these elements, for some of the african pentecostals, points to a shifting theo-ecclesial landscape amongst the african pentecostals. in an interview, ngiri (b.w. ngiri [fgck elder benson wachira ngiri benson] pers. comm., 14 april 2021), a leading elder, revealed that although his specific african-pentecostal church, the fgck kagumo, had not embraced the full shifts that others were experiencing by april 2021, there were clear changes that were evident, especially within his home county of kirinyaga. he noted that even though they still have titles for an overseer, as a church leader who stewards districts, regions and the national levels, they are no longer used widely. at the district level, which is basically a sub-county in kenya’s administrative structures, an overseer is the bishop. ngiri (b.w. ngiri [fgck elder benson wachira ngiri benson] pers. comm., 14 april 2021) went on to explain that kirinyaga county has three administrative areas that serve their african-pentecostal church (fgck): kirinyaga west (ndia and kirinyaga central) under bishop joshua kiongo, deputised by bishop joseph muriithi karugendo by april 2021, kirinyaga south (mwea) under bishop dominic njenga deputised by bishop symon munene nyange, and kirinyaga east (gichugu) under bishop njue, deputised by bishop eric mwangi. prior to this, the entire kirinyaga county of kenya was one of the districts of fgck in 2019 and had a senior pastor as the head, and stayed in their headquarters at kerugoya town. in 2019, thus, the then senior pastor who had become the only bishop in the entire county, joshua kiongo kimani, had two more bishops who came in and joined him to lead the three districts that were created. other administrative centres, akin to the structures in the mainline churches, for the fgck include the mt. kenya south region that was by april 2021 headed by a regional overseer (ro), and covered kirinyaga, nyeri, embu and laikipia administrative counties of kenya. the mount kenya south region has a ro as the head. in the 21st century, the ro carries the title of a bishop. although the fgck had not embraced the leadership title of an archbishop, by april 2021, bishop silvanus nyaga, from manyatta of embu county, was heading the entire mount kenya south region. as observed by ngiri (2021), ‘nobody ever imagined that these titles will be used in fgck and other african-pentecostal churches’. these shifts are largely informed by interactions and cultural diffusion (gachoki 2021). in regard to the clerical robes, both ngiri (2021) and njogu (2021) noted that it is not fully adopted in the fgck, but gradually becoming the norm. in kirinyaga south (mwea), bishop dominic njenga wears these vestments. equally, the immediate former general overseer, kathitta from mwingi-kitui county prefers to wear clerical robes whenever he is carrying out religious duties. he retired on medical grounds in early 2020. in kirinyaga west, rev. ismail mwai mabiu, the pioneer and founder of fgck in the region, and bishops kimani and karugendo are not keen on using the vestments. whilst bishops karugendo and kimani are silent about these shifting sands in fgck, rev. mwai, who retired in 1988, insists that fgck should retain the status quo, as wearing clerical garments is tantamount to copying others. billed as a pioneer and liberationist icon, rev. mabiu appears to contradict his mass african-pentecostal liberation theology that he uniquely propounds as a measure of empowering the people (njogu 2020:1). nevertheless, this was just his post-retirement projects that equally points to the shifting landscape amongst african-pentecostal leaderships. beyond vestments, fgck, like other african pentecostals, is encouraging theological education as a prerequisite for their leaderships. that is, it is no longer ‘let the holy spirit’ teach pastors and the congregation; rather, the place of the holy spirit is well taken care of. the place of theological education is equally getting taken care of. as a matter of fact, ‘there are doctors in theological education in fgck these days …’ (ngiri 2021). the big men syndrome to an extent, the failure of the traditional african systems (ubuntu), where the joy of one was seen as the joy to all and vice versa, is the reason for the emergency of african pentecostals’ involvement in elective politics and the big man or big woman syndrome that is prevalent in some of these ecclesiastical outfits (gathogo 2008:39–53). the identity crisis that is evident after the failure of african cultural systems and its unholy alliance with the western trajectories has created a huge vacuum in the african worldview that is not yet addressed. in view of this, kalu (2018:21) asserted that the african big men or big persons began after the political independence in 1960s, as they viewed freedom from colonialism as an end in itself rather than a means to an end. they then failed to build institutions for posterity and further failed to appreciate that africa does not need the strong men or strong women; rather, africa needs strong institutions (gathogo 2020e:1–8, 2020f:1–7). as a result, the strong men (no women initially) built personality cults and were eventually idolised as god’s sent, god’s chosen and/or unique people of their own kind. they would amass instant wealth at the detriment of the increasingly poor citizenry (gathogo 2020e:1–8, 2020f:1–7). hence, africa’s post-independence big men amounts to a systematic looting through primitive accumulation of wealth, which is hard to account for, a development that ironically pushes the ordinary folk to revere them as heroes and heroines and/or messengers of god almighty. under such circumstances, bandit economies in the post-colonial africa have emerged (gathogo 2020d). without any moral underpinnings, ‘survival for the fittest’ economies only make the ‘stronger’ ones wealthier and the ‘weaker ones’ become poorer; hence, african history is replete with cases of failed states, a failure that is squarely blamed on africa’s big men syndrome. it is a tragedy when such unfortunate scenarios are replicated in ecclesiastical outfits. in such situations, the poor are eventually blocked from legitimate means of survival, and are fatalistically forced to continue walking through the precarious valleys of the shadows of death and destruction (psalms 23), as god remains their comforter. the increase of substance abuse, suicide cases, domestic violence, family break-ups, alcohol abuse, violence flare-ups along the ethnic lines, constant xenophobic attacks and other forms of unyama or ubulwane (beastly conduct) are symptoms of a volcano that is ready to erupt (gathogo 2008:39–53, 2015b:1–9). in this understanding, the african-pentecostal big men and big women, in the 21st-century kenya, is a progression of an alternative to the breakdown of the african cultural systems whose spirituality was strictly adhered to. in a community where a muthamaki (revered elders or leaders) were ontologically seen as holding brief for ngai (god), a vacuum cannot be entertained (gathogo 2021:1–9). curiously, the big persons’ syndrome, in the 21st century, is visible in both the political and the ecclesiastical circles, and is clearly a concern in modern scholarship. aniche (2018:236–255) has attempted to unveil the cause of the shift of african-pentecostal landscape and the emergency of the big men and big women in the african-pentecostal leaderships by relating it to the national politics. as the african governments fail to address cutting-edge issues facing their respective societies, the african-pentecostal’s big persons emerge with a promise for a better day. in other words, the failure of the political establishments in the socio-existential realm triggers this shifting of landscapes to an extent. this means that the church now becomes an alternative government by default, a government that compliments the failures of the central government. does that make african pentecostalism the light and salt of the world (mat 5:13–17), in an environment where darkness is more than light or does it compound an already bad situation by adding insult to an existing injury? burgess (2015:291–232) has, however, pointed out that even when african pentecostals participate in elective politics, they do not lose their ‘pentecostal state’ and/or theological direction. this is, however, debatable as different samplings would provide divergent results. as the african societies look for alternative security and/or source of hope, it will be foolhardy to ignore these african-pentecostal shifts in all pillars of culture (refer to economics, politics, ethics, aesthetics, kinship and religion), as even the african indigenous systems are holistic and never isolates any department of life (mbiti 1969:1–2). the challenge of unquestionable obedience, amongst adherents, to some pockets of african-pentecostal leaderships whose moral underpinnings raise concerns, is another question altogether. in trying to understand the shifting landscape of african pentecostalism in the 21st-century kenya, it is necessary to ask the following questions: have the religious outfits that operated as mere ‘temporal’ ministries under overseers, apostles, pastors and general overseers amongst other titles shifted to churches with reverends, bishops and archbishops as the new titles for their ecclesiastical leaderships? has the wearing of clerical shirts and collars become the new norm? certainly, the 180° turn has not taken place, as there are pockets who have retained their conservative stances right into the 21st century; at least in some limited areas. and are the words of an anonymous person accurate in regard to african pentecostalism, thus: [c]hristianity began as a personal relationship with jesus christ. when it went to athens, it became a philosophy. when it went to rome, it became an organisation. when it went to europe, it became a culture. when it went to america, it became a business [and created a big man/woman syndrome in post-colonial africa]? (anonymous person quoted in gathogo 2011a:133) as noted above, an interview with the leading elder in the fgck, kagumo, in kirinyaga county of kenya, benson wachira ngiri (2021), revealed that pockets of african-pentecostal churches have viewed the shifting landscapes with scepticism. covid-19 after kenya’s minister for health, hon mutahi kagwe, announced the first confirmed case of coronavirus on 13 march 2020, prophets and their prophetic extravaganza began (muchui 2020) to shape up as they expressed their personal and ecclesiastical idiosyncrasies. this went hand-in-hand with biblical insights, mainly from the african-pentecostal wing of the church, some of which tried to prove that covid-19 was a biblical fulfilment. others saw it as prophecies that had been fulfilled, as pockets of commentators-cum-pastors viewed it as a punishment for unrepentant kenyans. the latter failed to appreciate that it was a global challenge where india, brazil, china, italy, france, spain, argentina, turkey, germany, russia, italy, united kingdom, south africa, egypt, morocco, tunisia, ethiopia and the united states of america were some of the most affected countries (milani 2021:223–252). some of the biblical messages (via whatsapp) that have been circulated through the social media include: [a]s the world wide quarantine proceeds of covid-19, even from the church, the holy mountain where we meet our god of mercy, it is now the moment to quarantine from every kind of sin for god to embrace us back. let us make church a place of worship, love one another and fear god. let us make the world a garden of joy. let us take a moment with our ears and ask ourselves individually, what is god feeling about us? (jr 7:3, 8–15) another critical dimension is the various ‘prophecies’ made by various well-known african-pentecostal leaderships in kenya. as parsitau (2020) says: self-proclaimed prophet owuor has trafficked in fear-mongering threats, and has even claimed that he had prophesied the pandemic. he also said it would kill people in asia because the continent rejected his prophecy. in kenya, a section of the public has cajoled him to unleash his ‘mighty prophetic powers’ to fend off the virus. they have also called on him to pray it away. (p. 1) parsitau (2020) wondered why there were no spiritual powers to perform miracles and heal coronavirus patients when it is so desperately needed. she went on to cite some african-pentecostal clerics who, in her view, appeared to be too ignorant of covid-19, and hence, they were in a confused state when the government closed down the churches. she cites the case of: [a]postles james maina ng’ang’a’s video on coronavirus – where he is unable to pronounce the word coronavirus – showed not just his sheer ignorance, but also how ill-equipped he and his ilk are when it comes to offering solutions to such complex 21st-century problems. (p. 1) the ignorance amongst the african-pentecostal leaders was further displayed by rev. nathan kirimi, a meru-tigania-based pastor (eastern kenya), of jesus winner ministry, who angered many kenyans when he dismissed covid-19 as a global hoax (muchui 2020:1). he went on to say that god had instructed him not to close his church or terminate services as coronavirus is inexistence and non-issue. by 18 march 2020 when pastor kirimi was dismissing covid-19 as a hoax, it had already claimed 9800 lives globally. in providing the government directive on banning social gatherings, the minister for health, hon mutahi kagwe, invoked the public health act (pha), which gives him a broad legal authority to impose various forms of restrictions whenever a public health crisis occurs (muchui 2020:1). as a demonstration of the shifting landscape in african pentecostalism, a phenomenon where the use of science and technology has become the vogue, rev. kirimi was subsequently opposed by the higher church hierarchy publicly. in this unprecedented move, bishop mwai, his senior, noted that the: [m]anagement, board and the secretary of jesus winner ministry wish to inform kenyans that the statements made by rev nathan kirimi of meru are his personal opinions and do not reflect the official position of the church. the board has already instituted remedies and summoned the pastor to ensure that such an occurrence won’t be repeated now or in the future. (muchui 2020:1) certainly, such denunciation of some of their wayward members, who over spiritualise critical matters, was a major turning point in kenya’s historiography. conclusion the biggest challenge for african pentecostalism in the 21st-century kenya and the tropical africa is the covid-19, which entered the country on 13 march 2020. the existence of pandemic was publicly announced by the health minister hon mutahi kagwe and confirmed after three consecutive tests. during that time, some kenyan prophets, mainly from the african-pentecostal wing of the church, reacted in diverse ways. some accepted the government’s position of closing down churches, which were seen as breeding grounds and/or seedbed, whilst others downplayed its existence, as ‘it was simply for punishing a few sinners before it evaporated into the thin air’. some prophesied a huge punishment to the government for disrespecting churches via closures and/or lockdowns. the most intriguing bit in these discourses is the sizeable percentage that was ready to walk with the government’s stand, and their appreciation of science as equally god’s way in guiding human survival. the latter demonstrates the changing landscape in african-pentecostal theologies, as one would have expected a total uniform statement of opposition to lockdowns, at least when judging it from the 20th-century experiences. were the african pentecostals and the church, in general, silenced by the pandemic, and did the state play its role appropriately in addressing the pandemic? certainly, the general support offered by a large majority of the african pentecostals in kenya was a huge demonstration of the shifting landscape amongst the erstwhile conservative and rigid religious outfits. this research study, which set out to demonstrate the shifting landscape in african-pentecostalism, has ably surveyed the history of african pentecostalism in kenya whose spirit, it has established, was planted in as early as 1895 when the aim, later aic, began in kenya. with their strong evangelical leaning, which, unlike other protestant missionary groups, emphasised on baptism by immersion, deep meditation, and had strong evangelistic zeal, akin to african pentecostals, aim turned to be the de-facto pentecostals in kenya before pentecostalism. this is compared with justin martyr’s (100–165) remark that ‘socrates was a christian before christ’ (gathogo 2020b:8). in other words, the study has demonstrated the possibility of pentecostalism amongst the aim even before the 20th-century pentecostal explosion globally. the study has also demonstrated the shifting landscapes by addressing their new emphasis on theological training, their use of cassock, collar and the clerical shirts; the use of titles that are common in the mainline or mainstream churches, such as reverend, bishops, archbishops and deacons, that are replacing apostle, overseer, elder, general overseer and so on. isn’t this the new conscious or unconscious strategy of eclipsing the mainline or mainstream churches completely? with the membership of fgck going well above one million in the 21st century, and surpassing some mainstream churches, the rapid growth of african pentecostalism in kenya now shows that the latter’s influence in the social domain is equally growing faster. critical concerns, however, remain, and this includes the inability to dismantle the big man or the big person’s syndrome in a society that claims to be democratising. for an evangelical–ecclesiastical society that unquestionably obeys the ‘big person’ even when some wayward members lead them a stray, the need to revisit the moral question remains critical. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that he has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this research article. author’s contributions j.m.g. is the sole author of this article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with any human or animal subjects. funding information the research output from the research institute of religion and theology (unisa) made it possible for the author to research and complete this article for publication. data availability the author confirms that the data supporting the findings of this study are available within the article. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references ahonen, l., 1984, mission growth: a case study on finish free foreign mission, william carey library, pasadena, ca. ahonen, t., 2004, ‘antedating missional church: david bosch’s views on the missionary nature of the church and on the missionary structure of the congregation’, swedish missiological themes 92(4), 39–46. anderson, a., 2004, an introduction to pentecostalism: global charismatic christianity, cambridge university press, cambridge. aniche, e.t., 2018, ‘africa’s big men in the continent’s democratic experiments’, in k. kalu, o. yakob-haliso & t. falola (eds.), africa’s big men: predatory state-society relations in africa, pp. 236–255, routledge, london. barrett, d. 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age of coronavirus’, the elephant – speaking the truth, viewed 25 april 2020, from https://www.theelephant.info/features/2020/03/23/religion-in-the-age-of-coronavirus/. walton, j.l., 2012, ‘stop worrying and start sowing: a phenomenological account of the ethics of divine investment’, in k. attanasi & a. yong (eds.), pentecostalism and prosperity: the socio-economics of the global charismatic movement, pp. 107–130, palgrave macmillan, new york, ny. wariboko, n., 2017, ‘pentecostalism in africa’, in oxford research encyclopedia of african history, viewed 02 may 2021, from https://oxfordre.com/africanhistory/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.001.0001/acrefore-9780190277734-e-120. tv 43-1_2019_contents.indd https://theologiaviatorum.org open access table of contents i original research perceptions of church leaders on accessibility and affordability of alcohol abuse amongst youth in musina town, limpopo province frans k. matlakala, jabulani makhubele theologia viatorum | vol 43, no 1 | a5 | 25 november 2019 original research spiritual diagnostic criteria in an african setting: the case of baruti in limpopo province, south africa nare j. masola, salome t. sigida, elizabeth m. khorommbi theologia viatorum | vol 43, no 1 | a24 | 13 december 2019 original research faith-based healing and african traditional medicine in zimbabwe: a postcolonial perspective temba rugwiji theologia viatorum | vol 43, no 1 | a25 | 13 december 2019 36 41 46 page i of i table of contents i original research sexual exploitation or legitimate surrogacy: reading the hagar narrative (gn 16:1–4a) in african context solomon o. ademiluka theologia viatorum | vol 43, no 1 | a2 | 30 july 2019 original research mutual conditioning of gender and love: towards a non-gendered idea of humanity jennifer slater theologia viatorum | vol 43, no 1 | a1 | 24 october 2019 original research voluntary medical male circumcision versus religio-cultural circumcision and initiation rites: the case of varemba of mwenezi district in response to the prevention of human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome in zimbabwe onias matumbu, vengesai chimininge theologia viatorum | vol 43, no 1 | a3 | 31 october 2019 original research climate change in sub-saharan africa: nature restoration as an ethical issue didier n. buwani, r. tseka h. dolamo theologia viatorum | vol 43, no 1 | a4 | 22 november 2019 1 11 19 29 vol 43, no 1 (2019) issn: 0378-4142 (print) | issn: 2664-2980 (online)theologia viatorum about the author(s) didier n. buwani department of philosophy, practical and systematic theology, college of human sciences, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa r. tseka h. dolamo department of philosophy, practical and systematic theology, college of human sciences, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation buwani, d.n. & dolamo, r.t.h., 2020, ‘corrigendum: climate change in sub-saharan africa: nature restoration as an ethical issue’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a46. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.46 note: doi of original article: https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v43i1.4 correction corrigendum: climate change in sub-saharan africa: nature restoration as an ethical issue didier n. buwani, r. tseka h. dolamo published: 21 oct. 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. in the version of the article initially published, buwani, d.n. & dolamo, r.t.h., 2019, ‘climate change in sub-saharan africa: nature restoration as an ethical issue’, theologia viatorum 43(1), a4. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v43i1.4, on page 4, the acronym ‘redd’ was incorrectly defined. the correct definition for the acronym ‘redd’ should be ‘reducing emission from deforestation and forest degradation’ instead of ‘deforestation and forest degradation’. the correct definition of the term is updated in the sentence as follows: therefore, mechanisms to conserve the forest, such as reducing emission from deforestation and forest degradation (redd), could assist in the mitigation of climate change, reduce vulnerability and enable people to adapt (peach brown et al. 2014:759). this correction does not alter the study’s findings of significance or overall interpretation of the study’s results. the authors apologise for any inconvenience caused. abstract introduction contextual definition of missio del gender-based violence in south africa a brief statistics of gender-based violence in south africa siphefumula ngenxiba in the comfort of our own homes hermeneutical challenges in the context of women abuse mission dei: the church’s mission in response to gender-based violence recommendation conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) hundzukani p khosa-nkatini department of safety and security management, faculty of humanities, tshwane university of technology and national institute for the humanities and social sciences (nihss), south africa jacob t. mofokeng department of safety and security management, faculty of humanities, tshwane university of technology, pretoria, south africa citation khosa-nkatini, h.p. & mofokeng, j,t., 2023, ‘siphefumula ngenxeba in our own homes: gender-based violence during covid-19 pandemic’, theologia viatorum 47(1), a178. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v47i1.178 original research siphefumula ngenxeba in our own homes: gender-based violence during covid-19 pandemic hundzukani p khosa-nkatini, jacob t. mofokeng received: 07 nov. 2022; accepted: 08 mar. 2023; published: 05 may 2023 copyright: © 2023. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract gender-based violence (gbv) has become a major problem in south africa, making headlines on a regular basis. when the president of the republic of south africa, mr. cyril ramaphosa, declared the lockdown in reaction to the worldwide pandemic: covid-19 one of the expectations was that families would spend more time together in harmony. however, the number of recorded domestic violence instances increased as a result of the lockdown. women have historically been subjected to gbv in their communities, businesses, streets, marketplaces and even churches; recently, their homes have proven to be unsafe as well. there have been a number of marches of women around the country to call for justice for women who are victims of gbv. the lives of women were endangered, what was supposed to be a place of solace became a dungeon to them. they were essentially breathing through the wound in their own homes: baphefumula ngenxiba. this article, through a literature review, will highlight how the lives of women were endangered during the lockdown in response to the global pandemic in south africa. this article aims to call missionary churches to practice the theology of missio dei within this context. contribution: in the light of the above challenges of gbv, the missionary churches are called to practice the theology of missio del within the context of gender-based violence that took place in private homes during covid-19. ‘siphefumula ngenxeba’ is a zulu phrase that means [we are breathing through the wound]. the church is therefore called to play a significant role in response to gbv in south africa. keywords: women; gender; violence; covid-19; mission; church; theology; lockdown. introduction this article focuses on stories reported about the women who lost their lives to gender-based violence (gbv) during lockdown. it also analyses the domestic violence (dv) in south africa as well as highlighting the five cases of women who lost their lives. this article is a call to missionary churches to practice the theology of missio dei within the context of gbv during covid-19. some women were breathing through the wounds during the lockdown. the term wound or wounds is associated with pain. in essence, being locked with your abuser is a painful experience for anyone regardless of their gender. the fight against gbv also encompasses the fact that there are men who are victims of gbv. this article will, however, focus on the experiences of women during the 2020 lockdown. among the human rights abuses, gbv remains the most pervasive human rights violation globally (world health organization [who] 2013). there have been proven reports that there was an increase in dv cases in south africa when president cyril ramaphosa announced lockdown at level 5 in march 2020. this increase was a concern for the government as well as the society. the south african police service (saps) implemented domestic measures in order to decrease the spread of covid-19 in south africa, and these measures included restriction of movement. tisane (2020) posits that for many women this meant being stuck in a house with an abusive partner. the impact of covid-19 was drastic to women and girls who could not escape the harsh reality of violence, albeit other socioeconomic issues that were at play. the authors of this manuscript also witnessed a lot of webinars advertised by different churches as a response to gbv. this article provides insight regarding the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on gbv victims particularly women as there is inadequate established literature on this topic. the authors of this article are of the view that this article is also useful to inform policy and practice towards the development of prevention and response guidelines for missionary churches, particularly in the context of high level of violence against women (vaw) and violence against children (vac) in south africa. thus, the findings of this article will go a long way towards propelling the activities of missionary churches to practice the theology of missio dei within this context. contextual definition of missio del missio del is a latin christian theological term that can be translated as the [mission of god] or the [sending of god]. the mission of god is for us to live in peace and without fear. this is only a dream for many women in south africa; each day women are reminded that they might get killed in their own homes. this is contributed by the daily news of victimisation of women being assaulted in their own homes by their own partners. mahlangu et al. (2022:2) posit that there remains limited research about the impact of hard lockdown restrictions, such as south africa’s alert level 5 – on families, specifically how these restrictions impact on dv, which is violence that occurs in the home, including intimate partner violence (ipv) and child abuse, or maltreatment. mofokeng and tlou (2022:264) posit that the lack of categorisation of gbv phenomenon by the saps leads to the misunderstanding of it, as it is perceived differently by many. vetten (2021) concurs with the above that an attempt by researchers to collect secondary data in order to indicate the impact of lockdown on victims of gbv, as well as the extent of the problem through the use of statistics, are: [t]hus limited in their ability to illuminate the problem of violence during the lockdown … any errors that may have been made in the categorisation and analysis of the original data … these confirmed the addends to be correct but the sums wrong. (p. 2) it is important to note that although gbv, dv and ipv are often used interchangeably, there are subtle differences between them (uzobo & ayinmoro 2021). the united nations (un 2022) defines gbv as: any act of gender-based violence that results in or is likely to result in physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivations of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life. domestic violence is termed as: any incident of threatening behaviour, violence (psychological, physical, sexual, financial, emotional), or abuse between adults who are or have been an intimate partner or family member, regardless of gender or sexuality. (karystianis et al. 2019:2) against their will, impacting their daily functioning, psychological health and identity (mazars et al. 2013). moreover, ipv is termed as ‘abuse or aggression that occurs in a romantic relationship’ (centers for disease control and prevention 2021). domestic violence remains one of the global public health concerns (sabri et al. 2020) and priority, given the prevalence and incidence of violence in several countries (who 2013). emerging evidence globally and in south africa suggests that vulnerability to dv was exacerbated during the covid-19 lockdown (john et al. 2020; ndlovu et al. 2022; nobanda, nkosi & sibanyoni 2021; usher et al. 2020; uzobo & ayinmoro 2021), and that pandemics more generally exacerbate vaw and vac (john et al. 2020; peterman et al. 2020). mahlangu et al. (2022:2) posit that in south africa, there is limited evidence about the impact of covid-19 lockdown on women and children’s experiences of violence in the home although there is evidence emerging about impact on livelihoods. the study by nobanda et al. (2021) provided with a glimpse of the statistics reported during south africa’s alert 5. these authors made reference to african news agency (2020), that during the first 7 days of the lockdown, the saps received more than 2333 calls regarding cases of gbv (african news agency 2020 cited in nobanda et al. 2021:18). more than 120 000 cases of gbv were recorded by the government-run gbv command centre in the first 3 weeks of the national lockdown (sa government news agency 2021). in gauteng alone, 1426 gbv cases were reported to the saps during alert level 5 of the south african covid-19 lockdown (seleka 2020 cited in nobanda et al. 2021:18). murray et al. (2022) are of the view that to make a causal association between the increase in gbv with the covid-19 crisis is not only simplistic but dangerous. the landscape of gbv in covid is complex, and the success of policy and practice responses to gbv in a post-covid world depends on acknowledging this. however, this data though not reliable based on accuracy because of under reporting would still be useful to inform the development of prevention and response guidelines to implement in future pandemics, particularly in the context of high level of vaw and vac in south africa (republic of south africa 2020). prior research conducted prior to south africa’s alert level 5 highlighted that half of women (51.3%) who participated in a population-based study on dv in gauteng province in south africa have experienced dv in their lifetime. most women (43.7%) had experienced emotional violence, and 37.7% have experienced physical and/or sexual ipv (machisa et al. 2011). it is argued that in south africa, a national prevalence study estimated that one in three children has been a victim of sexual violence and physical abuse before she/he reaches the age of 18 years, 12% experienced neglect and 16% reported emotional abuse (artz et al. 2016 cited in mahalngu et al. 2022:2). machisa et al. (2011) and brodie (2020) (cited in mahlangu et al. 2022:2) are of the view that one in four adult women in the general population in south africa has experienced gbv. according to flett (2014:69), missio dei has a particular force, the fight against gbv should also have a particular force. the assertion that god is missionary has often permitted an unqualified drawing of missionary ideas into ecclesiology. flett (2014:69) argues that mission should include speaking the gospel in a way that it can be heard in different contexts, and insofar as the church itself speaks the gospel, missionary freedom is basic to the structuring of the church. while mission is what god does, mission consists of activities that the church does in the community where it is found in obedience to god, the founder of mission (bosch 1991:390; dulles 2005:28–391). bosch (1991:405) argues that the missio dei is more than evangelistic work; it is for believers to become involved in social responsibilities in the society. therefore, missio dei should also be involved with regard to gbv not only in theory but also in practice. wright (2006:62) argues that in mission dei the emphasis is not so much on the fact that god tasks the church for his mission, but that he owns the church for his mission to reach the world. according to daugherty (2007:165), the church’s mission is to extend the missio dei, then it can be nothing short of continuing that embodiment of god in christ among the people of the world. some of these gbv acts are a result of misinterpretation of biblical texts that led to the oppression of women at home and at church. gender-based violence in south africa domestic violence is a global problem (who 2013); victims of dv, regardless of geographical and cultural differences, are mostly children and women rather than men (simister & kowalewska 2016:1624). according to berman (2015:123), whereas the home is supposed to be a safe place for women, their homes have become a place of insecurity and uncertainty. covid-19 has changed the way of doing things for many if not for all, before the lockdown many spent less time at home and more time at work. during the lockdown, many south africans had to spend most of their time at home, whether it was working from home, self-isolation or as a result of loss of employment. the covid-19 pandemic has reconfigured mobile space, and this is critical in making sense of the surge in domestic abuse during lockdowns in every nation of the uk and throughout the world (un women 2020). gender-based violence and femicide are widespread problems in south africa, and this has resulted in many women living in fear in their own homes. many women in this country are affected directly by gbv and femicide. the majority of women in south africa have also been part of the ‘#aminext’ movement as an attempt to be heard that they live in fear in this country, regardless of where they are. domestic violence is, however, a global problem as 35% of women worldwide have experienced either physical or sexual intimate violence. simister and kowalewska (2016:1625) posit that gbv occurs most often at home and may be because of the uneven relations between family members: a man uses gbv to make his partner afraid by using physical and/or emotional harm. research indicates that gbv can happen anywhere (murray et al. 2022), and there are also manifests in various patterns, as most rape takes place in the home (csew 2018), stalking takes place online (suzor et al. 2018) and harassment takes place within institutional settings, namely workplaces, universities and prisons. there is evidence that covid-19 itself is being used itself as a tactic for perpetrators to coercively control their victims (murray et al. 2022). within institutional settings such as workplaces, it has also been observed that more women are taking up executive positions in their workplaces. there have also been so many attempts to create gender equality in this country, especially within the workplace. according to anderson (1997:657), some researchers found that gbv occurs more often if a woman’s occupation status is higher than her husband’s status. there have been many men’s conferences in the church, which could have been used to educate men about changes in the families in the 21st century. culturally, men are often placed in a powerful position in relation to women because of cultural beliefs and practices. the covid-19 lockdown was therefore essentially a trigger for unemployed south african men. it is important to note that despite the lockdown, families still had to ensure that they had enough resources to survive. this was not possible for some families as they had lost their jobs. this created a sense of frustration that affected the dynamics of relationships in the home. they then became more violent as an outlet from their frustrations. south african women were therefore victims of what was beyond their control. a brief statistics of gender-based violence in south africa according to minister nkoana-mashabane, during her parliament briefing that took place during the national assembly women’s day, she said that over 30 women were killed by their partners in august 2020. this was just for the month of august, there have been related cases also reported to gbv since the beginning of lockdown. according to the 2019–2020 crime statistics released on friday 31 july 2020, a person is more likely to get raped in a private residence, be it your own home, a friend’s, a relative’s, the perpetrator’s home or that of a neighbour. this also implies that a woman can be raped by her own husband; some have used biblical scriptures to argue that a woman cannot be raped by her own husband because the two are considered to be one biblically. scriptures such as 1 corinthians 7:4: the wife does not have authority over her body but yields it to her husband. in the same way, the husband does not have authority over his own body but yields it to his wife. according to the 2019–2020 crime statistics released on friday 31 july 2020, 18 231 cases were reported from private residences, with the highest number in limpopo, while western cape reported slightly more rape cases in public areas. the statistics for ipv are not clear, the report showed that 22 864 cases of common assault by boyfriend and/or girlfriend, ex-partner or a spouse were reported, 14 420 cases of assault with intent to inflict grievous bodily harm were recorded, while 817 cases of murder by the aforementioned perpetrators were documented. it is also reported that the use of guns remains a significant cause of violence in south africa. it is estimated that about 18 gun-related deaths are recorded in south africa daily. according to mathews (2013), women are more likely to be victims of gun violence in intimate relationships. it is also estimated that two out of three women are at risk of being killed by their intimate male partners who own a gun. this creates a greater risk for women who are married or in an intimate relationship with men in the south african police service (saps), south african national defence force (sandf) and industrial security. evangelical churches as part of society are not exempt from the social problem of gbv. there are two areas that the authors of this article consider fundamental regarding this issue in communities of faith. on the one hand, victims are not exempt because congregants could suffer this type of violence at home, in their jobs, and through different situations of daily life (murray et al. 2022). but, on the other hand, this problem is also present in the discourse of those who lead the faith communities. thus, women in this country have also been victimised by their own pastors, fathers and children; there is no place for women to hide. this is an urgent call to the mission church to respond. it is important to note that the functionality of christianity is heavily dependent supporting the patriarchy. women are essentially not expected to have a say in their own lives and are supposed to be led by the men. this creates a platform that allows men to be abusive towards the women in their lives. the feedback that the church gives in such matters is often not constructive as divorce is considered as taboo. this creates situations where women are abused with no one to help them out of their problems. in most instances, the women are also unemployed and dependent on their male counterparts. this creates a power relation that forces women to put up with abusive behaviour. the 2020 lockdown merely heightened the problems that were already present in the society at the time. siphefumula ngenxiba in the comfort of our own homes ever since the covid-19 pandemic broke out, women are dying in even higher numbers than before; it is not the virus that left children motherless, but it is the father of their children that did. women were breathing through the wounds until they stopped breathing, at the hands of abusive partners with whom they were locked down at home in south africa. simister and kowalewska (2016:1625) argue that it is likely that dv occurred for thousands of years, but we had limited data for research. in many african communities, abuse is still considered to be western, that when a man beats his wife it is not considered to be abuse but rather a man putting his wife in her place. anyone who would consider that as abuse might be labelled and accused of being badly raised. this creates a problem in the statistics given on gbv in this country, as those statistics do not reflect a true reflection of the number of women affected by gbv. millions of women have lost their lives to gbv-related cases; the authors will only highlight the death of five women in this article, as a flection of gbv, a cry to the missionary church and to individuals to join the fight against gbv. the following stories have been reported in a number of newspapers, social media and news on the radio and television. the stories the authors have used for this article are as follows: may 2020: a 39-year-old woman, tebogo mabunda, was brutally murdered, the family of tebogo mabunda was reported by newspapers to have been a great shock to her family, especially her children, after she was allegedly murdered by her husband in their marital home. he allegedly shot her a few times before turning the gun on himself but he did not die. (013 news mpumalanga 27 may 2020). 12 june 2020: a 27-year-old woman named altecia kortjie and her 7-year-old daughter raynecia were found dead at a house in cape town. a 28-year-old man known to the victim was arrested in relation to the murder. altecia kortjie left behind two children. kortjie and her daughter were found with multiple stab wounds at a home in commerce way in belhar after missing since the 09 june 2020. (news24, 15 june 2020). june 2020: 27-year-old ntwanano shisana during june 2020 was allegedly shot and murdered by her boyfriend in bungeni, limpopo, who is reported to also have shot and killed himself. it was reported that she was last seen alive when she and her boyfriend left his home in his car on a saturday evening. a few minutes later, their bullet-ridden bodies were found inside the car on the side of the main road at bungeni village in limpopo. (sabc news, 15 june 2020). 03 august 2020: a 29-year-old mother of two, hlengiwe msimango, was brutally shot by her husband on the 03 august 2020 in birchleigh, ekurhuleni. she was allegedly shot by her partner who thought she was an intruder. she left behind her two children, a 3-year-old daughter and an 8-month-old son at the time of her death. (news24, 18 august 2020). an eastern cape woman was shot dead inside the madeira police station allegedly by her husband while she was reporting a case of domestic violence, the police confirmed on monday. police spokesperson brigadier thembinkosi kinana said the gunman had allegedly attempted to escape after committing the crime, but was chased and arrested by the police. (news24, 07 september 2020). these women are few of the many women who were allegedly murdered by their partners during lockdown. the church is not called to just bury women when they are killed by their spouse but to be the voice against the killing of women and children. to educate both men and women about gbv and family relations. hermeneutical challenges in the context of women abuse when bible texts are used to promote dv, then the church should explore exegesis, hermeneutical questions and theological implications. biblical scriptures are often used out of context to justice abuse and oppression of women. magezi and manzanga (2019:5) affirmed this when they highlighted four factors that might have contributed to gbv: inappropriate interpretation of certain biblical passages. zimbabwean men are brought up in a patriarchal society and the patriarchy practices find their way into the church. this is also common among in other african countries such as south africa. cultural practices that perceive and treat women as weak and unable to stand on their own, fuel gbv in the church. the inability of some clergy and laity to identify and address gbv within the church results in the church being vicariously complicit in perpetuating gbv. churches and theological institutions need to address the importance of liberating cultures, beliefs, theologies and interpretations of scripture. the central concepts must also be examined, including the need to view violence as a public, not a private issue; to explore the root causes, not symptoms of violence only and to develop action strategies with all stakeholders to avoid duplication of efforts and resources. many women in abusive relationships did not speak out because they hold the belief that marital problems should not be put out in the public. christian women are taught to pray about their marital problems and tell god about them (chisela 2018:5). christian married women often silence themselves in an effort to protect their husband’s dignity as well as their own (haddad 2003). african theologians call on the church to engage perpetrators to change. in some parts of africa, the reputation of a man is more important than a woman’s life. scripture readings such as eph 5:22–23: [w]ives submit yourselves to your own husbands, as you do to the lord. for the husband is the head of the wife as christ is the head of the church, his body, of which he is the saviour. often, this scripture reading is used to remind women who is in power between men and women. kapuma in chisela (2018:1) state that in cases where women spoke out about their experience of dv, the only advice they got from the church was to return home and sort out their family problems. kapuma (2015:264) further argues that women are told by the church that they themselves were the cause of the abuse and that they needed to respect their husbands and what was expected of them as women. the dv act makes the following provisions to protect victims of dv: right to apply and receive protection order. the police officer has a duty to assist the victim of dv. the police officer has a duty to arrest the perpetrator of the dv. the victim has a right to receive psychological and medical help. these rights are meant to protect all victims of dv regardless of their religious affiliation. the ideologies of the church contribute significantly to how society functions. it is believed that the woman must be submissive to the father and the man must provide for his family. in this regard, if the position of the man is challenged in the home, it results in a violent response from the man in an attempt to defend their honour. women in the church are expected to respect their husbands regardless of their financial standpoint. the lockdown therefore resulted in most women experiencing violent behaviour from their partners. the church does not offer tangible solutions to problems; rather, they just encourage people to pray as a way to pacify them. mission dei: the church’s mission in response to gender-based violence mati (2013) is of the view that churches as social institution have not been scientifically studied to be meaningful. however, magezi (2007) argues that over the years, churches have played a significant role in the social development and transformation of people’s lives. according to bosch (1991:391), the church has to be engaged in god’s fight over the reign of evil. patriarchy is evil, gbv is evil and the mission church should go out there and do more research on what practical role it can play the fact against gbv. one of the approaches the church can take is the approach described by osmer (2008:4) to help develop theories and practices as a response to gbv: the descriptive-empirical task that seeks to gather information that helps discern patterns and dynamics in particular episodes, situations or contexts. the interpretive task that draws on theories of the arts and sciences to better understand and explain why these patterns and dynamics are occurring. the normative task that uses theological concerns to interpret particular episodes, situations, or contexts, constructing ethical norms to guide our responses and learning from ‘the good practice’. the pragmatic task that determines strategies of action that will influence situations in ways that are desirable and entering into a reflective conversation with the ‘talk back’ emerging when they are enacted. the church has a responsibility not only to its members but to the community. the church should have a prophetic voice against gbv, not only through webinars but even beyond lockdown. the church’s preaching should also be clear that it is against gbv regardless of who the victims are. according to soares, lotter and van der merwe (2017:6), the church has the responsibility to participate in what god is doing in the world, such participation includes social responsibility. gender-based violence is considered by many researchers as a patriarchy issue; however, for fox (2002) patriarchy maybe have begun even before christianity, perhaps thousands of years ago. gender-based violence is also a church issue; anything that deprives anyone from their freedom and happiness contradicts jesus’ promise of abundant life for all. berman (2015:122) assumes that it is safe to assume that the strong presence of a religion such as christianity can have a bearing on a society’s psychological make-up and way of life. berman (2015:122–123) argues that a christian mindset can be expected to permeate domestic, political, education, economic and other institutions of the country. according to naidoo (2014:3), in the christian tradition, spirituality is not just seen as human wellbeing or meaning. it is a deeply lived experience of the person and nature of god in every aspect of life as a primary orientation. the church does not essentially offer viable solutions to solve the issue of gbv. the general rule is to pray as god will heal you and you will find a way. they leave the heavy burden of solving gbv on the victims instead of offering constructive advice. this results in some women in the congregations still suffering from the ills of gbv without saying anything as they know the church will not assist in any manner. religion alone is not enough to solve gbv; they must offer solid advice. the perceptions that are presented in the bible are patriarchal in nature. this is why problems that affect women directly such as gbv do not have any known solution. it is also important to note the changing of times as the bible does not relate to women who are also providers in the family. the women in the bible are all docile and dependant on the men. this leaves most church leaders having to offer practical advice on such matter without essentially making use of the bible. recommendation klein in baloyi (2013:14) invites every local church to become a centre of healing and transformation through holistic counselling services. kelcourse (2002:146) says that pastoral counselling can be understood as a form of prayer: talking to god through faith and feeling god’s hearing another attend to the presence presence through prayingof god in them. therefore, the church needs to have a strategic role to play to address gbv because this does not only happen outside the church but also inside the church. according to magezi and manzanga (2019:6). the church’s teachings and practices on gender issues must constantly be in dialogue with communities with the aim of seeking better gender relations between men and women. chisela (2018:3) notes that the increase in femicide in south africa challenges everybody to participate in finding solid solutions to ending this scourge. authors agree with chisela (2018:3) that in order to do justice to women and children who have directly or indirectly experienced dv, theologians should be at the forefront of interventions and research because in certain communities religion is used to promote and defend violence as a perpetuated by religion. moreover, churches and societies must do away with unjust structures that perpetuate inequality and oppression of women at all levels. they need to lobby for policy and legislation changes as imperative components for concrete actions. thus, a collaborative effort between social institutions is imperative to effect change in attitudes that violate the integrity and dignity of women. more importantly, we need to reclaim the paradise lost through violence. the church has an imperative and prophetic role in breaking the silence on the issue of violence. breaking the silence means to speak openly about violence, naming it for what it is and naming it as a sin before god (fortune 1980:204). conclusion religious communities must make it known that violence of any form is violating the body of christ. it is also violating the image of christ in each one of us. in addition to responding to individual crises, congregations have the responsibility to shape community norms for family life that would preclude control, coercion and violence (faith trust institute, domestic violence study guide 2002). the role of the church in the light of the biblical stories in which violence is in mid-march, the south african government (2021) declared gbv as a state of disaster amid the global coronavirus pandemic and shortly after imposed strict lockdown rules. south africans were only allowed to go outside to buy food, collect social grants or seek medical care. the sale of alcohol and cigarettes was prohibited. banning the sale of alcohol in particular was intended to limit dv in the country while families were forced to stay at home. all these restrictions did not stop the killing of men and women; maybe the solution is within the church. its mission should include grooming young boys to become better men and to encourage women to speak out about gbv. the church must be the extension of god’s presence to those who are experiencing abuse. acknowledgements competing interests the authors have declared that no competing interest exists. authors’ contributions all authors contributed equally to the article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability all data available upon request. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references anderson, k.l., 1997, ‘gender, status and domestic violence: an integration of feminist violence approaches’, journal of marriage and family 59(3), 655–669. https://doi.org/10.2307/353952 anon, 2007, ‘where am i wrong when i beat my wife’, city press, 18 february, p. 10. artz, l., 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were the neanderthals? conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) agai m. jock faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa citation jock, a,m., 2023, ‘an african-study of the contribution of neanderthals to funeral rituals’, theologia viatorum 47(1), a173. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v47i1.173 original research an african-study of the contribution of neanderthals to funeral rituals agai m. jock received: 27 july 2022; accepted: 20 oct. 2022; published: 07 june 2023 copyright: © 2023. the author licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract neanderthals are at the moment regarded as the originators of funeral rituals. the connection of the neanderthals to africa is understudied and in most cases not conclusive yet africans practice funeral rituals as if it is the primary reason for their existence. considering the importance of funerals to the african man and woman, there is a need to understand why there is lesser interest or lesser research on the connection between neanderthals and the early humans who lived in africa. using references from researches carried out about funeral items found in neanderthal graves and citing yoruba burial rites as an example of a funeral ritual, i investigated the role of africa in initiating the afterlife beliefs in addition to funeral rituals. the primary purpose of this research is to clearly show the gap created in the study about how funeral rituals started in africa. the researcher observed that the contribution of early humans to the study of human development in africa is understudied. contribution: there is a general view that the neanderthals contributed so much to the civilization of modern humans. the theories pertaining to the origins of funeral rituals are at present attributed to them. the archaeological or paleontological remains of neanderthals have not been found in africa. many questions are raised regarding the role of africa in initiating and spreading beliefs that pertained to funerals. scholars in the fields of anthropology, archaeology and comparative religion will benefit from this research because it raises questions on the need to debate the contribution of africa to the study of funeral rituals. keywords: africa; ancient egypt; funeral; neanderthals; rituals; yorubas. introduction funerals are important practices or activities performed by people of various cultures around the world. funeral activities might include mourning, dancing, burial services, incantations, recitations, memorisation, prayers and many more (nielsen et al. 2020:1; cf. jindra & noret 2011:1–2). in simple terms, funerals refer to all forms of activities performed by the bereaved to bury the dead. in most cases, funerals are performed in honour of the dead. funeral rituals might be completed within a short period of time and sometimes over some months or years. it is a global practice by various ethnic groups, and while there are similarities in funerals from one culture unto another, yet in many other cultures, the practices differ. major factors that determined to the kind of funeral given to a deceased are sex, age, the cause of death and the social role of the deceased before he or she died. these factors determined whether the deceased could be qualified as an ancestor or not (nwokoha 2020:68). burial rites are some of the significant examples of funeral rites. africans do all that they could to make sure that they give their loved ones befitting burial rites (cf. cavendish 1977:21). the ancient egyptians, for example, mummified. they built larger graves, mourned and performed many other rituals as part of the funeral practices of sending the dead to the world of the dead (agai 2013a:3–7). the bereaved performed funeral rites as a sign of respect for the dead and also in order to aid the journey of the dead to the otherworld. befitting funerals rites helped the dead to have little or no difficulty in his or her journey to the otherworld (agai 2015a:2–5).1 the journey starts at birth and dead is not regarded as the end of the journey but a transition or a continuation of the journey from one level of existence into another (nwokoha 2020:73; cf. bond 1992:3–4; lawuyi 1998:372; mbiti 1977:110–111). african people such as the yorubas and the ancient egyptians had high regard for the dead. in fact, they lived their lives as though their main purpose of existence was to please the dead. the view according to which ancestors exist and that they are supreme over humans and nature and that they communed with the gods made it so easy for africans to respect the dead (adedeji 1983:117). funerals are some of the practices that determine the level of respect the bereaved have for the dead, especially the dead who are regarded as ancestors.2 despite the high regard that africans have for funerals and for the dead, the modern study of human origins and the origins of rituals seemed to exclude the early humans in africa as a major contributor to the study of the funerals or major player in the study of the origins of funerals. the study of the origins of funeral as a ritual has been attributed to the neanderthals, and this is so because a number of evidence has emerged according to which there is little or no evidence that other early humans such as homo ergaster or homo erectus and others practiced funeral rituals. these early humans mentioned with the exception of the neanderthals used acheulean items as a sign of development in their time, yet there seemed to be no evidence that they carefully buried their dead. as some of them lived around 1.2 to 1.8 million years ago, it would be difficult at this stage of study to ascertain whether they carefully buried their dead or not (ladan 2016:4; shaw 2004:26). this is unlike the neanderthals only ceased to exist about 40 000 to 100 000 years ago (condemi et al. 2021:1). in addition, the neanderthals whose roles in africa are understudied are regarded as the originators of many rituals among modern humans including funeral rituals (constable 1973:97). nielsen et al. (2020:1–2) observed that ‘[t]here is a large, if disparate, body of archaeological literature discussion specific instantiations of symbolic material culture and the possibility of ritual practices in neanderthal population’. the study about the contribution of neanderthals and their roles in connection with the african people is ongoing yet; in most cases, it seemed understudied. more so, as the study of the neanderthals are mostly connected to eurasia and the middle east (akst 2019:1–2), it becomes pertinent to inquire about why africans value extravagant and complicated funeral rituals either equally or differently from the people of eurasia or the middle east? could it be possible that other early humans in africa initiated their own funeral rituals or that they learnt the rituals from neanderthals? should the neanderthals be designated as the originators of all forms of rituals including funeral rituals or other early humans need to be considered in this study of the origins of funeral rituals? the purpose of this research is to: elucidate on the practices and the importance of funeral rituals, especially among the african people such as the yorubas of nigeria. highlight the contribution of the neanderthals to the study of the origins of funeral rituals (cf. bautista, escobar & miranda 2017:995–1007). encourage the archaeological study of human origins in africa likewise the contribution of early humans in africa to the development of funeral rituals. funeral rituals among the yorubas of nigeria funeral rituals are carried out differently by different cultures in africa. there is no doubt that modernity has an influence on the practices of some of the traditions. in modern society, reason, rationale and individuals’ quest for the expression of both group and individual freedoms are paramount (hopkins 2002). in other words, people in some cases questioned the reality of the afterlife similar to the egyptian period of decline when mummification was abandoned because of skepticism in the reality of the afterlife (cf. murnane 1992:35). notwithstanding the foregoing, in most african societies, the people uphold their beliefs in a life after death. for example, the yorubas like many other africans believe that death is a journey and that during the journey, food, water, the remembrance of the dead together with regular maintenance of the grave site are vital in aiding the dead towards his or her journey in the afterlife (awolalu 1979:57; strong 2011).3 holes are left in graves so that the dead might continue to be fed, and this is also a practice that helped the dead to journey peacefully to the otherworld (lucas 1948:253). generally, after the death of a loved one, especially when the deceased died a ‘good death’ (dying at old age, not by accident or any form of a natural disaster), the yorubas normally wrap the corpse of the deceased in a mat to be buried, while others design expensive caskets or coffins (awolalu 1979:172). in addition, the family members of the deceased would normally contribute money and other goods such as food and water to support all the burial arrangements of a deceased loved one. the community participates in all burial processions. the immediate family members of the deceased are expected to wash the corpse with soap and a sponge, after which the corpse would be clothed with beautiful apparel bought by the children of the deceased. if the corpse is not properly washed with a medicated soap, then the ancestors would not accept the corpse into their ancestral family and the deceased becomes a wandering ghost (awolalu 1979:5). the yorubas use medicated soap for different reasons, which include curative (to cure the deceased from any form of ailment) and magical (to enable the deceased to find his or her way through to other ancestors) (idowu 1962:172). the emphasis is on the honour, respect and cleanliness for the dead. the first-born son of the deceased is expected to participate in the washing of the corpse and is the first person to pour water on the corpse for washing. the idea is that the first son would be the deceased’s successor so there is a need for him to be fully involved in every part of the burial ritual. for a female corpse, the hair is sometimes plaited and for a male corpse, the hair and moustache are shaved before burial. after the corpse has been washed, it lies-in-state in the sitting room and music, dancing and feasting commence. the music could be played for many days and for longer hours per day (awolalu 1979:55). during the lying-in-state, the deceased’s clothing is changed at different stages and with each change, the clothes become more beautiful as prepared by the bereaved in the honour the deceased. in this way, the yorubas preserved their corpse for up to 2 days before burial. one major reason for not burying the deceased immediately after death is to allow the deceased to stretch his back and have the last rest on earth (awolalu 1979:55–56). another reason for preserving the corpse, according to the yorubas, is to keep the ghost of the deceased safe otherwise the ghost could be seized by roaming evil spirits. the relatives of the deceased immediately offer a sacrifice to propitiate the evil spirits, and when the corpse is buried, a fowl, called adireiranna, ‘the fowl that buys the road’, would be offered as a sacrifice that would open up the road of the afterlife for the deceased. the sacrificed fowl4 guides the deceased to arrive at the world of the dead successfully (ellis 1966:128). in the past, the yorubas would dug their graves inside a deceased’s room particularly if the deceased died at an old age but now graves are dug in family compounds (johnson 1921:137). they still prefer to bury closer to home where they can easily have access to the dead. if a deceased is buried too far from his or her house, they think that the deceased will be denied food, water and the veneration that would please the deceased. sacrifices, libations, the breaking of kola nuts and praying to the deceased cannot be properly performed if the corpse is buried far away from the family house, thus corpses are generally buried not far away from the family houses (awolalu 1979:55–56). for the yorubas who live outside of yorubaland, it is preferred that they be buried in yorubaland except where the bereaved cannot afford to pay for the transportation of the deceased body to yorubaland. furthermore, on the day the corpse is to be buried, people from the deceased’s community gather together at the graveside to show their last respects for the deceased. according to some aspects of the yoruba tradition, the deceased would preferably be buried in the evening. the corpse is placed on a couch where dancing and music continue, and just before sunset, the celebrations are stopped and the corpse is wrapped in a beautiful heavy cloth, covered with a special mat and taken in a solemn procession to the grave where the corpse is carefully laid into the grave (adamolekun 2001:612–613). just before the grave is covered, the children of the deceased and close relatives each pour sand into the grave and pray loudly asking the deceased and other previous ancestors not to leave them (the bereaved) alone but to guide them (awolalu 1979:55–56). the deceased is then buried together with his or her beautiful clothing, money, pieces of silver and anything the deceased required during his or her journey of death. in the past, slaves, wives and loyalists of kings were buried together with the king (similar to the egyptian burial rituals) so that the king’s loyalists would continue to serve the deceased king in the world of the dead (awolalu 1979:56–57).5 this has prompted the need to make larger graves and bigger coffins to accommodate other objects that the deceased required during his or her journeys. the yorubas do not believe in leaving space for air penetration on coffins; they use clothes donated by family members and friends to cover any space in the coffin. in the absence of clothes, seeded cotton was used to fill up the coffin. the yorubas have a superstition that in the course of filling the coffin, one might catch a glimpse of the world of the dead (johnson 1921:137). in the case of burial pertaining to a deceased woman, she would be buried with necklaces, earrings, clothing materials, food and utensils, and a hunter is buried with his hunting weapons. however, when the practice of burying kings together with their subjects stopped, animals were immolated and their blood sprinkled into the grave of the deceased (awolalu 1979:56–57). the yorubas believe that burial goods are needed to aid the journey of the deceased, and they think that an individual’s social position on earth would continue to be maintained in the afterlife (lucas 1948:256–257). adamolekun presented the yorubas as a people who have very elaborate burial ceremonies. the aim of the various ceremonies is to curry favour from the deceased who may become an ancestor if qualified. adamolekun (2001) wrote: funeral ceremonies are very important to the yoruba and are traditionally elaborate for good deaths. a good death is one that comes after a person has attained a ripe old age…. apart from the age of the deceased and social and religious affiliations, the circumstances and perceived cause of death dictate the funeral. in addition, the ceremonies reflect the society’s belief about rebirth and the life envisaged for the dead in the afterlife. the yorubas believe that individuals live, depart and are reborn and that every individual comes from either the gods or one’s ancestors on the mother’s or the father’s side. (p. 610) with these type of laborious funeral rituals, the yorubas attached to their deceased loved ones, it is pertinent to inquire how they came about these rituals. most importantly, who initiated the ideas of funerals among africans and especially the yorubas?6 morality, an individual’s social role, gender, weather pattern and age are factors that determined the level of ceremony linked to a deceased funeral after death. good moral behaviour exhibited by an individual suggests that the individual adhered to the wishes of the gods by obeying societal norms and laws. these are vital to avoid ‘bad death’ or death by witchcraft or immorality or accident. in other words, the religious beliefs of a person are vital in determining the type of funeral he or she could be accorded (nwokoha 2020:74–76). the problem it is important to note that africa is a unique continent with contradictory histories depending on the author’s perspective. the views about africa often depend on the author and his or her perception about the continent. while some uphold the continent in high esteem because of its contribution to global history, others do not (reynolds 2011:ix). in addition, it will be unfair to the wholeness of research to conclude or to ignore the fact that the previous stereotypic perceptions about the african people by some non-africans did not have a serious effect on the mental thinking of some africans and non-african alike (connah 1987:6). in the 19th century and after the 19th century, africans were perceived as less-humans or as inferior people in comparison to their european or asian or their arab counterparts. the renowned biologist carl linnaeus, in his classification of species, identified africans as inferior people while the arabs with dark or black skin were regarded as less human (skinner 2001:42). the separation of the egyptians or some north africans from other africans by many eurocentric scholars and archaeologists is because of the perception according to which other africans are not civilised (adamo 2010:475; folorunso 2003:84; o’connor & reid 2003:1–5). these types of derogatory classification of africans have affected the interpretation of some aspects of the history of the african people. even the contentious search for the origin of the name ‘africa’ itself could be linked to the inferiority connotation of africans. the latin aprica in connection with the origin of the name africa means sunny (reynolds 2011:xi). the arabs, the ancient greeks and the people who lived in the mediterranean shared a perception according to which the hotter or sunny the climatic condition of a place, the less civilised its inhabitants are. they regarded africa as a region with a hot climatic condition (hunwick n.d.:7–8; sanders 1969:521). the phoenician term for africa is afar, which means dust is still linked to inferiority (cf. reynolds 2011:xi). this background is necessary for this research because the ideas pertaining to the origins of funerals or the afterlife beliefs and practices are surrounded by the controversy according to which africa played no role or played only a little role in the search for the origins of rituals among early humans. the idea is that neanderthals lived in eurasia, and the view according to which they interbreed with other early humans in africa is debated. while it is believed that neanderthal dna genomes are found in modern humans including or excluding the african people, there is so much uncertainty in scholarship about the connection of the neanderthals with africans (cf. curnoe 2015:1). in most cases, neanderthals’ ancestors are said to have left africa to become neanderthals in eurasia or the middle east, so africa might be called a home for neanderthals but likely not where they developed their instincts and other survival techniques. their connection is associated with eurasia than with africa ‘… that 1.5% – 2% of the genome of living non-africans was inherited from neanderthals’ (curnoe 2015:2). also, knowledge about the contemporaries of the neanderthals that existed in africa is understudied or not popular: most neanderthal variants exist in only around 2 percent of modern people of eurasian descent. but some archaic dna is much more common, an indication that it was beneficial to ancient humans as they moved from africa … which neanderthals had called home for more than 300 000 years. (akst 2019:3) dr. sarah akka, a renowned neuroscientist who studied at the london school of medicine, has great interest in the study of dna, which is of the view that researches about the role of the neanderthals are ongoing and any conclusion made now should rather be kept open for further study. she said that the most recent studies about african dna sequences indicate that africans do have neanderthal dna sequences (s. akka pers. comm., 15 july 2022). her view is shared by curnoe (2015) who observed that: [i]n africa, interbreeding with archaic species has left genetic signatures in the genomes of some living sub-saharan populations. roughly two percent of the dna of these people derives from archaic species as a result of mating that occurred around 35 000 years ago. (p. 2) the main message conveyed in this research is that there is a need to do further study on the contemporaries of the neanderthals that existed in africa and also on the connection between the neanderthals in eurasia and their relationships with africa. this will help immensely to add knowledge on how africans initiated or learned their afterlife beliefs and funeral rituals. the origins of funeral rituals neanderthals are early humans that are regarded as the originators of funerals or afterlife beliefs among both early and modern humans. this designation of the neanderthals as the initiators of funerals or the afterlife beliefs is generally accepted because neanderthals are currently the only form of the most ancient humans in whose graves burial items were found. macgregor noticed that the neanderthals are among the early humans found to have buried their loved ones with food and flint implements, which suggest their beliefs according to which death is not the end of life (macgregor 1992:55–56). in his article that pertained to the origins of the afterlife in ancient egypt, agai stated that researchers generally accept the view according to which the neanderthals originated the afterlife beliefs among modern humans (agai 2013c:40–66). more so, caldwell and gyles said that different archaeologists around the world have found various evidences of burial rituals in various graves of many neanderthals around the world (caldwell & gyles 1966:9). in a similar vein, hultkrantz attributed the origins of funerals to neanderthals because of the fact that burial items have been found in various neanderthal graves (hultkrantz 1982:24). constable (1973) made it clear that the neanderthals were the first humans to have conceived the ideas of the afterlife because of the funeral rituals they conducted in their graves: by now, discovery after discovery has shown that these ancient people [neanderthals] are due the honour accorded human pioneers, for they inaugurated some of the activities and beliefs that are considered most characteristic of mankind. the neanderthal conceived life after death. (p. 97) neanderthals buried their loved ones in well-excavated graves. they buried with food items near fireplaces and with other burials items such as meat and stone items (caldwell & gyles 1966:9). for example, at the shanidar grave in iraq, a 60 000-year-old remains of a neanderthal man has been found. the man was buried alongside carefully arranged white, blue and yellow medicinal flowers. in addition, at moustier in france, the remains of a neanderthal child have been found to be surrounded by flint items, stone axe and bones of wild cattle. his head was resting on his arms as if he was arranged for a sleep (caldwell & gyles 1966:9; leakey 1982:57). it is important to observe that rituals meant a series of actions that are performed in the same way for religious ceremonies (nwokoha 2020:71). the various activities performed and items found in the graves of neanderthals suggest that they had certain ways of performing funerals for the sake of the dead. the neanderthals are generally accepted as the earliest humans to have initiated funeral rituals. this is so because although fossils of other early humans have been found, there is no evidence that they venerated the dead with funeral items as the neanderthals did. it is possible that future research might suggest a different view. who were the neanderthals? the name ‘neanderthal’ actually came from the word neander. geographically, neander is a small river in germany that runs into the larger river known as river dussel few kilometres away from the city of dusseldor, west germany (leakey 1982:54). neanderthals have been living in eurasia for over 40 000–100 000 years ago (condemi et al. 2021:1). but how did the neanderthals come about? it is generally believed that sometime around 350 000 years ago, a group of hominins left africa for eurasia, and in eurasia, they became neanderthals. more so, about 60 000–70 000 years ago, another group of humans known to be the ancestors of modern non-africans left africa for eurasia and the middle east where they interbreed with the initial hominins that left africa for eurasia. in simple words, the hominins that left africa for eurasia and for the middle east became the neanderthals (akst 2019:3). raven and johnson said that the popularly known cro-magnon people also interbreed with neanderthals until they replaced the neanderthals (raven & johnson 1999:458–460). cro-magnon people were like modern humans who were tall and had long head or dolichocephalic skulls (caldwell & gyles 1966:14). it is important to observe that the neanderthals were unique form of humans that practiced many human activities including religious rituals and hunting (hultkrantz 1982:22; nielsen et al. 2020:1). there is evidence that neanderthals cooked (wadud 1971:206–207); they developed good communication systems among themselves (clark 1970:145–146) and they lived a social and communal lifestyle (clark 1970:90; nielsen et al. 2020:2). evidence has been found in france in the foothill of pyrenees. where it shows that some migratory bisons were butchered in their numbers and gathered for consumption by neanderthals (nielsen et al. 2020:2). about 30 000 and 40 000 years ago, neanderthals were replaced by homo sapiens (nielsen et al. 2020:2). leakey also said that neanderthals disappeared from the european fossil record about 35 000 years ago (leakey 1982:59). the only surviving homo and hominid is homo sapiens. the neanderthals had modern skulls in appearance, with a vertical forehead and with a brain that is both high and short. brain capacity is almost the same as that of modern humans; it is about 1550 cubic centimetres (raven & johnson 1999:458). neanderthals were generally human-like creatures, and the major physical difference between neanderthals and modern humans is in the shape of their faces. for example, neanderthals’ jaws and nose branched forward instead of being flat like those of modern man and their teeth are set much further forward with no obvious chin than they are in modern humans (leakey 1982:55–56). however, their average brain size was larger than that of modern humans and with skulls having characteristic bulges at the sides and back. they were generally of an average height of about 1.67 m (5 feet 8 inches) (curnoe 2015; cf. leakey 1982:55–56). nielsen et al. (2020) added: the principal morphological differences were that h. sapiens had relatively larger parietal lobes and particularly large cerebellum in comparison with neanderthals…. this brain restructuring meant neanderthals were very experienced in cognitively managing pragmatic situations through a strong focus on objects and actions while h. sapiens are less attentive to details but more able [sic] to develop creative solutions and plastically modify their behavior according to needs. (p. 4) the important subject of debate is the view according to which neanderthals played a little or no role in influencing africa’s view of the afterlife. their connection with the african people is not popular. another point of relevance is that not much has been studied regarding the ways in which modern african humans learnt funerals ‘… no single synthesis exist that draws upon cognitive, psychological and cultural evolutionary theories of rituals’ (nielsen et al. 2020:1). while it is generally accepted that one of the ways modern humans or homo sapiens learnt about funeral rituals was through imitation7 (bautista et al. 2017:997; nielsen et al. 2020:4), there is at present no categorical conclusions about the role of africans or early humans in africa in initiating or originating the funeral practices, yet there are bountiful of evidence that indicates that funerals are the most important rituals in human existence and especially in africa. this calls for the need to embark on further study on the subject. conclusion it is not certain whether the stereotype created about the inferiorities of africans can be connected to the view according to which only early humans in eurasia or the middle east initiated the afterlife and funeral rituals. what is certain is that the connection of the neanderthals as seemingly superior humans is associated with eurasia and the seeming exclusion of africa in the debate indicates the need to study further whether the early humans or contemporaries of the neanderthals in africa had their own perspectives of death and the afterlife, which might have influenced their views about funerals. one of the objectives of this research is to highlight the role of neanderthals in the study of funerals and its origins. neanderthals are given the honour of originating funerals because of the evidence found in various neanderthal graves. it can be speculated at the moment that the early humans in africa might have also had their views about funerals or they might have initiated their funeral type or they might have learnt their funerals from the neanderthals. inadequate archaeological research about the contribution of early humans in africa to human development, and the previous writers’ views that ascertained that neanderthals originated funerals, affect the level of academic openness to new developments on the subject. acknowledgements the author would like to thank the department of religious studies, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, south africa, for sponsoring the publication of this research article. competing interests the author has declared that no competing interests exist. author’s contributions a.m.j. is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references adamo, t.d., 2010, ‘teaching the history of ancient israel from an african perspective: the invasion of sennacherib of 701 b.c.e. as an example’, old testament essays 23(3), 473–501. adamolekun, k., 2001, ‘survivors’ motives for extravagant funerals among the yorubas of western nigeria’, death studies 27(7), 609–619. https://doi.org/10.1080/07481180126579 adedeji, j.a., 1983, ‘the egungun in the religious concept of the yoruba’, in e.a.a. adeghola (ed.), traditional religion in west africa, pp. 117–127, daystar, ibadan. agai, j.m., 2013a, ‘an investigation into the ancient egyptian cultural influences on the yorubas of nigeria’, hts 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deceased was expected to travel to paradise after bodily death through the routes in the netherworld. the book described how the ba was expected to travel up on a boat to the sea to meet with osiris but on passing through the milky way, the soul would have to encounter turbulent and difficult events. for example, the ba would meet monsters and deadly creatures that would torment him or her, but the book of the dead had secrets on how the deceased soul could escape from these monstrous beings. on calling the names of each of the monsters as written in the book of the dead, the deceased would be set free. finally, the ba would have to come across 42 celestial deities who would lead it through seven gates with a gate keeper, watcher and a herald at each gate. the ba would have to call the names of these keepers, watchers and heralds from the book of the dead. when the ba successfully called the names of these guardian deities, the ba would then be directed into the presence of osiris indicating that salvation had been gained by the deceased (turner 1993:13). in this research, the ancient egyptians are regarded as africans because of the location of egypt in africa and for other reasons that connected the ancient egyptians with africans (agai 2013b:90–101). 2. to be welcomed as an ancestor, one has to live a good life, have children, should not die a premature death or a ‘bad death’ and must be given a befitting burial rite. continual food and water offerings to the dead also contributed to determining whether the deceased could continue to be an ancestor (awolalu 1979:54–55). 3. the yorubas are also found in benin republic, nigeria, togo and some other parts of west africa. they value their culture in high esteem. in many yoruba societies, the traditional religious beliefs are synchronised with either islam or christianity, thus they never despise their traditional funeral practice because for them funeral is a religious and godly practice (agai 2015b:430–441). 4. the fowl seemed to serve the same function as the egyptian book of the dead in terms of directing the deceased into an expected afterlife. 5. evidence for the burial of a deceased with his or her loved ones in particular are today scanty in yorubaland. 6. it is not known precisely when the yorubas began to believe in the afterlife. the similarities of their burial rituals with those of the ancient egyptians made some scholars to think that the yoruba afterlife beliefs might have originated from egypt (agai 2013a:1–7). 7. in ancient egypt, the first forms of mummification were performed naturally by the warm weather of ancient egypt. but over time, the ancient egyptians began to develop wider ideas about the afterlife, and this influenced their views and made them to complicate and improve their mummification rituals (murnane 1992:37). in a similar vein, modern humans in africa might have continued to improve and complicate funeral rituals because of their progressive thoughts regarding death and the afterlife. abstract introduction suffering in christian theology suffering in evolutionary biology mediating the path of suffering between theology and evolutionary biology conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) wessel bentley the research institute for theology and religion, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation bentley, w., 2023, ‘suffering in evolutionary biology and christian theology: mutually exclusive notions?’, theologia viatorum 47(1), a182. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v47i1.182 original research suffering in evolutionary biology and christian theology: mutually exclusive notions? wessel bentley received: 12 dec. 2022; accepted: 28 apr. 2023; published: 31 may 2023 copyright: © 2023. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the question of suffering, specifically that experienced by human beings, has been contentious in the discourses of biology and religion. the dilemma, especially in the christian faith tradition has been to reconcile suffering with the idea of a benevolent deity in whose image humans are believed to have been created. evolutionary biology, and specifically the field of cognitive psychology, contends that the experience of suffering may have more pragmatic origins, while not necessarily being to the benefit of the individual, may be a mechanism that favours the longevity of a species. this article explores the understanding of ‘natural suffering’ from the perspective of evolutionary biology and christian faith convictions and proposes principles that can facilitate a mutually beneficial religion and science discourse. contribution: this article investigates suffering in evolutionary biology and christian theology respectively. its interdisciplinary nature contributes towards the science and religion discourse. keywords: suffering; christian theology; evolutionary biology; theodicy; science and religion. introduction in 2005, the south african science and religion forum (sasrf) hosted an international seminar on the topic: ‘can nature be evil or evil natural? a science-and-religion view on suffering and evil’. this resulted in a publication by the same title in 2006 with the lead-researcher, prof. cornel du toit acting as editor (ed. du toit 2006). at this seminar, theologians, philosophers, and natural scientists wrestled with the question of suffering, trying to navigate the different ontological and epistemological approaches to this problem. of course, it was found that we speak too loosely of suffering, as it encompasses a wide range of experiential realities. what exactly is suffering? one suffers when one experiences pain, but then pain has a wide range of definitions as well. an antelope, for example, brought down by a lioness, experiences pain, and hence suffers, but it is a different pain and form of suffering as that experienced by a mother giving birth. pain and suffering are at times part of the process of healing, like in the resetting a broken bone or going through the arduous process of chemotherapy. suffering, like some emotions, is something that we can identify with and ‘know’, but it is difficult to give an expressed definition thereof. it is like asking: ‘what does it mean to be happy?’. we know what it feels like, but it is very difficult to describe. to narrow down our understanding of suffering for the purposes of this article, the author will draw on some existing definitions that may prove to be helpful in this discourse. the first definition is found in young’s understanding of suffering. two types of suffering are explored. young describes suffering as a ‘devalued state to which certain organisms are susceptible because of their biological makeup’ (young 1996:245). this means that certain organisms are naturally capable of experiencing a sensation or awareness of a state of suffering, either of the self or of another. the biological composition of an organism, such as a nervous system, and the cognitive mechanisms in the brain to receive and interpret impulses relating to pain and suffering, must be present for suffering to be experienced. this makes suffering a physical possibility. young then expands the definition of suffering to include ‘psychological, existential, or spiritual’ suffering (young 1996:245). this form of suffering is not necessarily experienced and felt in the same way as the first but relates to emotional states of discomfort. these two forms of suffering can then be narrowed down further. long adds a moral component to suffering by differentiating between justified and unjustified suffering (long 2006:140). justified suffering, like the suffering experienced in medical treatment to avoid further and more extensive suffering is an anecdotal example. gratuitous or unjustified suffering, on the other hand, points to suffering that serves no benefit to the individual or group in the long term and hence should be avoided at all costs for moral reasons. this form of suffering has both physical and systemic examples. physical unjustified suffering can be seen in, for instance, physical abuse. structural unjustified suffering is found in, for example, extreme poverty stemming from systemic injustice. one is not even touching on the suffering experienced because of natural disasters. these can be contested as some natural disasters are linked to prolonged human activity (like the disasters resulting from human induced climate change), while other forms of natural disasters are purely part of natural processes, like the eruption of a volcano. these will not be explored in this article. the last stratum of suffering is that which is experienced or inflicted as acts of cruelty. here, regan differentiates between active and passive acts of cruelty (regan 1980:536). active acts of cruelty involve the physical inflicting of pain and suffering on an organism, like torture. passive acts of cruelty involve, for instance, the physical absence of inflicting suffering, but induces suffering by means of apathy. withholding food from an animal and making it starve is an example of such cruelty. suffering, in all its forms and experiences is a reality, which accompanies the experience of life and consciousness. it comes as no surprise that humanity has struggled with the meaning of suffering and how it should be interpreted and processed as part of life. through the ages, thoughts and ideas about suffering have been prominent in both philosophy and religion. when the author speaks of religion, for the sake of further delineation, the author needs to show his hand and state that he speaks from the christian faith conviction as a theologian and ethicist. it is important to make this delineation as different religions have different understandings of suffering, ranging from the view that suffering is to be embraced as a guide towards self-actualisation (e.g., buddhism), while other religions such as islam (and some expressions in the christian faith) may interpret some forms of suffering as divine punishment or the result of spiritual assault. the question is whether what is believed about suffering in, for instance the christian faith conviction can be in dialogue with the understanding of suffering as described by the natural sciences and evolutionary biology in particular. let us first explore some notions of suffering in christian theology. suffering in christian theology christian theology’s struggle with suffering is already articulated in the first chapters of the book of genesis. the first creation narrative as found in genesis 1 describes an understanding of the natural order’s state as being one of order and equilibrium. after each day’s creative activity, god observes the created order and pronounces it to be ‘good’. with this pronouncement, a cosmological understanding is created that sees nature as divided between two moral poles, namely that which is good and that which is not. this becomes the lens through which the biblical story unfolds. the fall as described in genesis 3 results in the curse of pain and suffering for the woman during childbirth (gn 1:16), man is punished by having to endure the suffering of hard labour (gn 1:17) and ultimately humanity is to suffer death (gn 1:19). the lines seem to be clearly drawn between natural equilibrium and natural suffering, one being good and the other, not good. but there is more. genesis 4 describes the first act of cruelty, namely the murder of abel by his brother, cain. genesis 6 leads us to the story of suffering experienced through the flood, whereby god is claimed to have destroyed life on earth and saved only noah and his family, along with some animals (gn 6–9). the dividing of the nations (gn 10), the tower of babel (gn 11), famine (gn 12), the suffering of family breakup (gn 13), and so on draw a wider and wider distinction between the good and perceived evil, making suffering increasingly a symbol of that which is not in accordance with god’s will. later in the old testament, a theology developed that claimed that prosperity and human flourishing were indicative of a good life, a life blessed by god, while a life filled with suffering and torment was a sign of god’s judgement (see sanders 2017). this does not mean that this theology was uncontested. perhaps the best example in the old testament is the book of job, where job, a righteous person who experienced tremendous suffering, questions the reason for his torment, as he claims to not deserve such bad fortune (see gutiérrez 1987). linked to the idea of suffering as state of being, devoid of divine good, comes the flipside of the coin. through animal sacrifice, and eventually in the idea of christ serving as ultimate sacrifice on the cross,1 can humankind be reconciled to god and the process of the restoration of nature’s goodness ensue? even in the new testament we find the idea that suffering is unnatural and at times part of divine punishment. jesus heals and repetitively tells people that ‘your faith has made you well’ (matt. 9:22). it is only when jesus is questioned about the meaning behind a man’s blindness, whether it was because of his or his parents’ sin (jn 9), that jesus, like job points away from suffering as a form of divine punishment. he proceeds to heal the man, and by doing so sets him as an example of divine providence. just in this summary of biblical interpretations of suffering one can see that the underlying understanding of suffering is that it is not the ideal in life. furthermore, the belief that hell and eternal damnation is a place and situation of perpetual suffering builds on the idea that suffering is not god’s idea of that which is good. who wants to suffer for all of eternity anyway? the problem of suffering raises several other theological conundrums. moritz asks the question whether the natural occurrence of suffering reflects on the character of god who created this nature (moritz 2014:349). if god created nature with the natural occurrence of suffering built into it, then the problem of theodicy comes into play. if god created everything as ‘good’, along with the possibility and experiential reality of suffering as part of it, then how do we reconcile suffering with the idea of a benevolent god (moritz 2014:350)? is god a narcissist, who uses suffering as a tool to enforce submission and adherence to god’s will? is god a sadist, who does not shy away from inflicting suffering and humiliation on those who stand in god’s way? these questions are only relevant when one adopts the biblical cosmology of a three-tier universe, with a created earth at the centre, a heaven above and a hell below. for centuries, this cosmology was the primary understanding of the universe, until modern science ‘broadened the horizons’, so to speak, with new insights into cosmology, biological life, and our understanding of it. this includes also our understanding of notions such as meaning, consciousness and suffering. to this end, theology has had to adapt its understandings, including that of suffering. taking the process of evolutionary biology into account, theologians such as moritz (2014:361) and southgate (2011) are quick to point out that the phenomenon of suffering, such as the natural occurrence of suffering through predation, disease, and so forth, long predate the advent of human presence on earth. sin is, therefore, not to blame for the primal cause of suffering, yet suffering can be the result of what is now deemed to be sinful activity. another theological adjustment in the understanding of suffering is offered by, among others, gloria schaab, who proposes a model of panentheism (schaab 2007). in this view, god is not seen as an external being who objectively creates suffering, but whose being is part of all natural processes, including that of suffering. god is taken out of the frame of deus ex machina and is placed as god who is a subjective participant in the evolutionary processes of nature (i.e., the cosmos). this model is appeals to the author in particular, as the divine is not located as an anthropomorphised metaphysical projection, but emerges as the mysterious, wonderful, strand of the experience of all that is, whether animate, or inanimate, biological or inorganic. this is a discussion for another article. seeing god as part of, and present in the natural processes, is an unconventional but growing perceptive in christian theology. as we find that in nature, concepts such as emergence and evolution entail the limitation, progress, or cessation of previous manifestations to present something new, so our growing understanding of the cosmos and of ourselves through the gift of science, leads to the emergence or evolution of theological tenets. in a theological position that still hangs on to a literal interpretation of genesis and the accompanying three-tier universe, nature is defined in a closed system, with a clear creation-eschaton paradigm, and where human life is caught in the tension between sin and salvation. in such a system, suffering is interpreted in metaphysical terms and the problem of theodicy remains. in such a system, where humans are measured according to the sin-salvation continuum, justice needs to be done, equilibrium needs to be achieved and suffering needs to be eradicated. when considering the notion of suffering in an evolutionary, emergent paradigm within an open universe, suffering is grounded and part of the natural processes that we experience, and the understanding of god is not incongruent with our understanding of nature and its processes. of course, how we speak of suffering, as pointed out in the introduction will lead to different conclusions, depending on context. suffering because of unjustified cruelty is not part of natural processes and will hence lead to a different moral-religious assessment as compared with, for instance, the justified suffering as experienced in medical interventions. the bottom-line, from a christian theological perspective that takes seriously the development of scientific knowledge, is that suffering cannot be simply attributed to the notion of sin and the resultant divine (salvific) retribution. suffering is much more complex than this, and as part of natural processes, needs to be interpreted using a paradigm that allows for suffering to take place without imposing metaphysical projections. but how natural is suffering? suffering in evolutionary biology scientific enquiry suggests that suffering is, on many levels, fundamentally part of the experience of life. of course, science has different interpretations of such an association, interpretations that are in flux and are developed within the scope of scientific methodological discourses. taken from a reductionist perspective, goodenough argues that the experience of suffering and pain is part and parcel of an organism’s biological evolutionary development (goodenough 2012). she argues that the cognition of the experience of suffering is itself a distinct feature of complex biological evolutionary processes. for an organism to experience suffering, it must have attained the ability to be aware of its surroundings and the accompanying stimuli. it is this awareness that harnesses the experience of pain and suffering for it to become an instrument that warns the organism of impending danger and/or death (goodenough 2012:243). from this perspective, pain and suffering serve as processes, which through the experience thereof is a small price to pay for the organism’s continued experience of conscious life. what is meant by this? a person will burn their fingers on a hot coal and instinctively retreat so as not to suffer greater damage to the self. this withdrawal does not stop the sensation of pain or the experience of suffering but creates an awareness of the dangers that hot coals pose. the person, when confronted with hot coals again, will think twice before touching it. goodenough goes to great lengths to describe the biological mechanics of the experience of pain and suffering but doing so, focusses solely on physical pain and the reductionist processes that are present in the organism to be aware of such sensations. this leaves out a whole host of other forms of suffering, which are not accounted for. to be fair, goodenough does refer to other, more abstract forms of suffering. here she points to suffering and social pain, which relates to social needs not being met, leading to feelings such as marginalisation and loneliness (goodenough 2012:245). then there is suffering and psychological pain, which refers to pain that is experienced in the self, as psychological scars are created by physical or social trauma (goodenough 2012:245–246). of course, these latter forms of suffering and pain do not have the same form of external stimuli that generate the internal sensations of pain and suffering as compared with the tangible, biological experiences of, for instance, touching a hot coal. nonetheless, it has been well documented how trauma and the accompanying psychological pain impact the physiology of the brain and its associated hormonal mechanisms.2 let us now build on goodenough’s argument. from an evolutionary biological perspective, some forms of suffering can be seen as an evolutionary gift, ‘enabling the organism to anticipate threats and to avoid its destruction’ (young 1996:258). suffering also serves as a warning signal for the danger of disease (schaab 2007:292), where, for instance, an organism will quickly learn that to eat contaminated food will lead to severe personal discomfort or witness the resultant death of another. for suffering and pain to be processed requires the organism to possess a level of consciousness that enables cognition and interpretation of such experiences. to moritz, for instance, this is a vitally important point, as the lack or absence of consciousness may render a different moral assessment of the experience of suffering. moritz uses quite a graphic illustration to draw this distinction, stating that if consciousness were not a defining factor, the act of harvesting plants would become morally problematic to the same degree as causing the death of conscious, sentient organisms (moritz 2014:352). similarly, long argues that suffering is a given in consciousness (long 2006:141), a byproduct of an organism’s awareness of self, its surroundings and its interaction with it. that said, it must be observed that some forms of pain, for example, types of phylogenetic memory, do not enter consciousness, especially in cases where neural pathways associated with the memory or experience of a traumatic event have become engrained to the extent that perception to response cycles does not require any cognitive effort (young 1996:254). the conscious awareness of such an event, nevertheless, precedes the building of memory, which then leads to such examples of subconscious suffering. the pain and suffering of psychogenic trauma must not be underestimated (young 1996:246). this said, three main conclusions can be drawn. firstly, according to evolutionary biology, suffering is not seen as an existential dilemma. it is part of the processes in nature that enable organisms to pursue their own longevity and well-being. secondly, suffering serves as a ‘worldview modifier’, creating an awareness of its cause and allowing the organism to envision a new direction and to systematically work towards the realisation thereof – suffering is not necessarily a bad thing, but serves as a prompting towards the experience of flourishing (hall, langer & mcmartin 2010:118–119). thirdly, although suffering is part of natural processes, even science sees it as something to be avoided or remedied. on this count, rawlinson argues that if this were not the case, then why pursue the alleviation of suffering through, for instance, medicine (rawlinson 1986)? with these conclusions in mind, can we find a path that will accommodate both theological as well as evolutionary biological interpretations of suffering? mediating the path of suffering between theology and evolutionary biology let me offer a proposal. to mediate between the understandings of suffering as offered by theology and evolutionary biology, let us consider the one common response to suffering that is found in both. allow me to suggest that this is found in the virtue of compassion (williams 2008:6). in both theology and evolutionary biology, suffering is deemed to be both inevitable and undesirable, but whatever form it takes, compassion seeks to remedy existing suffering wherever possible (williams 2008:8). another term for compassion that is prominent in recent discourses, is the word empathy. up to this point in the description of suffering, from both a theological and evolutionary biological perspective, one key factor was absent – the nature of our interconnectedness and the impact suffering has on our social relations. in theology, the focus on suffering relates to the individual, their experience thereof and the meaning attached to it. in evolutionary biology, although it may benefit of the species, the focus once again is on the organism’s experience of suffering and the underlying functions thereof. but as human beings, our social interconnectedness must not be overlooked, even in the context of suffering. as far as suffering may be seen as part of natural processes of life, either from theological or biological perspectives, it is the compassion and empathy that is shown as part of our interconnectedness that tells us something more about suffering than what either the metaphysical or mechanical explanations can offer. writing from a south african perspective, the notion of social interconnectedness is important to our understanding of being human. the philosophy of ubuntu is well documented; a philosophy which states that ‘i am, because we are’ – we form part of each other’s life experiences and hence to experience life entails that our common identity is shaped by our interconnectedness, even in the context of pain and suffering. this interconnectedness is the lifeforce (seriti) that promotes wholesome living. in contrast, it is believed that suffering is indicative of the lack of seriti (metz 2012:53). metz (2012) further describes the role of seriti in the following way: consider, along this line, that when african theologians, cultural analysts and moral theorists describe a person as exhibiting a substantial degree of lifeforce, they often use what appear to be non-spiritual concepts, or at least physicalist words, such as: health, strength, growth, reproduction, generation, vibrancy, activity, self-motion, courage and confidence; and, correspondingly, they typically characterize a lack of life-force in terms of: disease, weakness, decay, barrenness, destruction, lethargy, passivity, submission, fear, insecurity and depression. (p. 53) suffering, from this african perspective, has both relational and spiritual connotations. the goal of life is to find one’s own personhood, which is promoted by one’s sense of belonging to the greater community. inasmuch as people should ideally participate in the process of ensuring each person’s quality of life (metz 2012:56), so the experience of suffering draws on the community to attend to the suffering individual for the sake of the whole. this is a noble expression of what it means to be human, but it is sadly contested as injustices such as corruption, nepotism and power mongering are pervasive problems in the south african social context. does ubuntu really exist, or is it just a nice idea? the author would contend that these negative social occurrences and the resulting social suffering prove ubuntu’s point – a lack of lifeforce, a lack of interconnectedness leads us down the path of suffering. it would be up to south african society to (re-)gain its sense of social cohesion and work towards a common, just and wholesome future for all. this, once again, is a discussion for another article. the point is that notions such as interconnectedness, compassion, kindness and empathy refer to the offering of virtue ethics (regan 1980:537). the question at hand is therefore not confined to ‘what is suffering?’, but ‘what would a good person do in the face of suffering?’. theology, and theodicy, in particular, get stuck in the problem of suffering as its thinking begins and ends with an ideal (rawlinson 1986:54) – a good creation needing to return to its goodness, but it does so purely from a metaphysical frame of reference. evolutionary biology’s interpretation of suffering may be accused of trivialising the experience of suffering by means of its reductionist epistemology. yet, it is in the theological expression, ‘love your neighbour as yourself’ (matt. 22:39) and the biological impact of the experience of suffering for the benefit of the greater whole that the response to suffering through interconnectedness, compassion, empathy, and kindness, become the superseding factors in our interpretation of suffering. evolutionary biology explains this social response through empathy as a result of the activation of mirror neurons (gallese, eagle & migone 2007; iacoboni 2009); this is a fascinating development in the understanding of the social cognition of suffering. this is a trait that has developed through evolutionary processes to mitigate the suffering of especially the young and vulnerable in social communities (decety et al. 2012). forasmuch as what we can contend that suffering is a natural and unavoidable occurrence in life, whether from a theological or scientific perspective, so we can state with confidence that the response to suffering is what is of greater interest. we seem to be wired, biologically and theologically to respond to instances of suffering by means of compassion, empathy and kindness, because we are interconnected. so, what are the principles that can facilitate a healthy discourse on suffering between theology and evolutionary biology? conclusion drawing from the insight gained from both theology and evolutionary biology, some common points are evident. firstly, both theology and evolutionary biology concur that suffering is unavoidable and part of the experience of life. the reasons for the existence of suffering may differ between these two fields, but even so, it would be prudent for theology and evolutionary biology to acknowledge the insights given by the other as it will impact the understanding of their own. theology, for instance, can note that suffering and sin do not have a fundamental causal relationship. not all suffering stems from sin (or the fall), and hence space must be created for the recognition that suffering has played a vitally important role in our survival as a species. similarly, evolutionary biology should not ignore the moral component attached to the experience of suffering. not all suffering is for the purpose of perpetuating or promoting the standing of a species. some forms of suffering fall outside the scope of natural processes and speak to unnatural acts perpetuated that lead to the general or personal experience of suffering. secondly, both theology and evolutionary biology can agree that suffering in general is something to be avoided. suffering is to be avoided from an evolutionary biological perspective, as it serves as a warning of impending danger. from a theological perspective, suffering is not the ideal of life and hence the striving towards a wholesome and healthy life entails the wisdom and insight to avoid suffering-causing obstacles. the theological expression, ‘the wages of sin is death’ (rm 6:23) is more than an expression of the sin-salvation continuum; it speaks of the same cause and effect relationship of stimuli and suffering as that expressed by evolutionary biology. suffering leads to the impairment of life and hence should be avoided. thirdly, theology and evolutionary biology can agree that suffering can have a positive consequence; it can be a life-altering instrument. theology can glean from the evolutionary biological hypothesis that suffering steers behaviour away from demise and towards alternative, wholesome experiences of life. the theological expression during ash wednesday, ‘turn from sin and turn to god’ is very similar in intent as that of evolutionary biology’s mantra: ‘adapt or die’, change for the better. lastly, theology and evolutionary biology’s understanding of the response to suffering is actually of primary importance. the question of suffering pales in comparison to the question of the response to suffering. without a drive to respond to suffering, there would be no mirror-neurons, empathy, kindness, compassion, or interconnectedness. without such a drive, suffering would be an occurrence in life that is passively received and experienced without it being questioned or contested. life, from a theological and an evolutionary biological perspective, has a propensity for self-preservation. let us rephrase it in a communal manner: life has a propensity for preserving itself, whether in the self or in the other. the notion of suffering will remain contested in the conversations between science and religion, but our response to it is what builds bridges in our shared humanity. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that no financial or personal relationships inappropriately influenced the writing of this article. author’s contributions the author declares that he is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the research institute for theology and religion ethics committee (no. ritr2022004). funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references decety, j., norman, g.j., berntson, g.g. & cacioppo, j.t., 2012, ‘a neurobehavioral evolutionary perspective on the mechanisms underlying empathy’, progress in neurobiology 98(1), 38–48. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pneurobio.2012.05.001 du toit, c.w. 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shows full solidarity and identifies with the created order. the cross therefore becomes the pivotal symbol of hope that god and humanity cannot be separated even by the experience of suffering and pain. 2. for more on the research on trauma and brain physiology see (hölzel et al. 2011; keysers 2011; kirsch et al. 2005; phelps & ledoux 2005) abstract introduction contextualising spirituality and health diagnosticians procedures from an african perspective the concept of moruti (pastor) in the south african context the craft of consulting the baruti methodology findings implications of the findings discussion implications of the theory limitations and recommendations acknowledgements references about the author(s) nare j. masola department of psychology, faculty of humanities, university of limpopo, polokwane, south africa salome t. sigida department of psychology, faculty of humanities, university of limpopo, polokwane, south africa elizabeth m. khorommbi department of psychology, faculty of humanities, university of limpopo, polokwane, south africa citation masola, n.j., sigida, s.t. & khorommbi, e.m., 2019, ‘spiritual diagnostic criteria in an african setting: the case of baruti in limpopo province, south africa’, theologia viatorum 43(1), a24. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v43i1.24 research project registration: project number: trec/29/2014:pg original research spiritual diagnostic criteria in an african setting: the case of baruti in limpopo province, south africa nare j. masola, salome t. sigida, elizabeth m. khorommbi received: 27 may 2019; accepted: 20 nov. 2019; published: 13 dec. 2019 copyright: © 2019. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract in many provinces of south africa, especially in the indigenous societies, baruti (pastors) are consulted for different purposes, paramount among them being the execution of good health. the research was carried out to explore the diagnostic measures used to diagnose chronic diseases by pastors in limpopo, south africa. ten pastors who specialised in chronic diseases were interviewed through individual semi-structured interviews in the ga-dikgale rural community, and the data were analysed using a thematic content analysis. the findings of the study indicate that diagnosis of chronic diseases by the participants relied primarily on power confession, and discernment of spirits. the researcher concludes by recommending policymakers and western-trained health care practitioners to acknowledge the pastors as experts in their own right, as an additional resource in health promotion in the rural communities. keywords: pastor; south africa; discernment; health promotion; diagnosis. introduction the consultation of prophets and pastors for the diagnosis of various diseases is not a new practice in africa. biomedical diagnostic tools, such as diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders iv (dsm iv), mammography, psychological assessment tests and physiological tests, are available in both western and african societies. however, the biomedical system operates alongside a multitude of other healing practices in many societies, such as faith practice, traditional practice, spiritual practice, et cetera. undeniably, in many lowand middle-income countries, there are various categories of alternative healers who form a large part of the health care system (mkhwanazi 2016:193). given the accessibility of alternative healers, the local people utilise the complementary medicine practitioners to understand what informed the causes of illnesses (tlou 2013:272). in parts of africa, especially in south african rural communities, some diseases are believed to be the result of the influence of supernatural forces, which may include sorcery, witchcraft, spirit disturbance and breaching of taboos or breaking kinship rules or religious obligation (edwards 2011:335). as indicated by azongo and abdulai (2014:999), these beliefs are usually embedded in religions, which tend to influence individual world views. subsequently, in some societies, especially in south africa, the consultation of prophets and pastors for diagnosis of chronic diseases is arguably because of the cultural beliefs, values, norms and folklore shared by the healers and the patients. to a large extent, these shared beliefs about chronic diseases determine the help-seeking behaviours of chronically ill people in the rural communities in africa. in addition to these belief systems, these beliefs also contain questions about the effectiveness of biomedical diagnostic tools in the diagnosis of these chronic diseases that are believed to have emanated from cultural elements (sodi & bojuwoye 2011:349). it is however important to note that every human society has its own cultural and knowledge systems for explaining and diagnosing chronic diseases (bojuwoye & sodi 2010:283; sodi & bojuwoye 2011:349). this indicates that the different ways in which people conceptualise the social and natural environments reflect their basic assumption about, and view of, the universe that gives orientation and value to their lives. from another perspective, world view represents the source of explanation for the ways things are in the world, including theories of illness, death and misfortune, and how human afflictions and difficulties are approached and managed (moshabela, zuma & gaede 2016:83). this paper assesses the spiritual diagnostic criteria in an african setting. the focus on this aspect is of paramount importance because it has not been fully explored by scholars in the field of religion or other related fields. furthermore, of particular importance is the location of the study, ga-dikgale – a typical african community. as such, it is important to note that in view of the diversities in human orientation across societies and cultures, thoughts, reasoning and ways of knowing of people within these societies also differ in many ways, especially from the dominant western thought and reasoning (yidana 2014). therefore, it is imperative to note that conclusions about health, well-being and the possible interventions during illness episodes are often managed in accordance with the people’s belief structures (mkhwanazi 2016:201). hence, this article aims to contribute towards the knowledge system of the diagnostic tools used by the pastors in the rural communities in the limpopo province. conversely, the researcher was guided by an afrocentric perspective to chronic diseases (asante 2003). theology and religion beyers (2017) is of the opinion that the position and status that religion enjoys in society in recent times has changed. the argument is that values and religious viewpoints that were previously accepted without question, are now being questioned. in some cases, they are attacked or ridiculed. in many instances, religious communities need to resort to a confrontational path in order to retain formerly unquestioned positions or rights. religious leaders who had the ear of the authorities a couple of decades ago have since then found that their influence has been reduced to the size of the community they represent (beyers 2017). it has also been noted that christians increasingly experience challenges from people of other faiths such as judaism and islam. in such situations, it is imperative that they are aware of their own position as well as that of the other parties. contextualising spirituality and health one vital reflection around africans is the fact that they are infamously spiritual. depending on which religion one is aligned with, the individual religious philosophies invade into all aspects of their lives so fully that, it is not easy to separate religion from their daily activities (nwoye 2011:304). this conviction presumes that religion plays a key role in people’s understanding of any phenomenon, including disease and ill-health (azongo & abdulai, 2014: 999). it is further worth noting that a usual indigenous south african view of the cause of any given disease stems mostly from the individual cosmology or world view. as a consequence, ailments where causes are not known are often attributed to supernatural forces. this attribution, however, can only be understood through supernatural means (laher 2014:191). this way of life is sustained because many people are socialised into these cosmologies and as such, any enlightenment provided for disease causation has to reflect these cosmologies to make it meaningful. it should not only reflect the cosmology but must be conventional to all parties, that is patient, affected people and practitioners (mokgobi 2014:24). diagnosticians procedures from an african perspective in african societies, some traditional healers act in their capacity as a diviner-diagnostician, or diviner-medium, whereas some traditional healers act as herbalists (neba 2011:139). diviners are experts at smearing diagnostic criteria (mpofu 2006:375, 2011). as such, diviners not only define the disease but also identify its origin and context, from the perspective of the african belief systems (semenya, potgieter & erasmus 2012:440). moreover, diviners identify the origin and context, which enable them to prescribe an appropriate plantor animal-based treatment through spiritual means (mpofu 2006:375, 2011). diagnostic procedures common among most indigenous healers across the world involve repetitive rituals that comprise complex social negotiations and interactions (moagi 2009:116). within the religious systems, diagnosis is believed to be undertaken under the guidance of spiritual forces, and diseases are often attributed to the influence of satan or the jinn, or are considered as punishment from god (ross 2010:44). furthermore, the expressions used to describe a religious/cultural diagnosis will depend largely on the culture or religion that the diagnosis applies to. for example, in islam, it is common to hear of a jinn possession, whereas in the christian faith, the term evil spirit possession is mostly used (laher 2014:191). the concept of moruti (pastor) in the south african context despite the study findings that attempt to explain the categories of indigenous healers, the differences between a faith healer, traditional healer and indigenous healer are not clearly articulated. however, a pastor in this article is contextualised in accordance with the pastor’s description of the role of moruti/pastor in the limpopo province. a pastor in ga-dikgale, the limpopo province, is believed to be a person who heals mostly through prayer, laying hands on patients or providing holy water and ash. they believe that their healing power comes from god through ecstatic states and trance contact with a spirit (moya), or sometimes a combination of both, the christian holy spirit and the ancestral spirit. in addition, some pastors use a combination of herbs, remedies and holy water in their treatment depending on the church affiliation. their healing system is moulded on the sangoma group pattern, whereby the afflicted live for months and sometimes years at the pastor’s residence. it has been noted that the general tradition of healing by pastors includes laying hands on the sick individual (laher 2014:191). holistic expression of healing defines healing as a multi-dimensional component that has different facets to it (sodi 2011:214). therefore, pastors heal only physical illness, which means healing is multi-faceted. in addition, the vigorous display of emotions in rhythmic movements and dances, which are common practice in pastors’ churches, follows the same patterns as the ceremonial dances of the sangomas (masola 2016:20). the craft of consulting the baruti an imperative observation about the baruti with regard to their consultation and what helps them in the detection of the unknown is that all the pastors who were interviewed generally used very similar items for their craft (azongo & abdulai 2014:999). thus, the common aspects that were used by these pastors are the holy spirit, prayer and musical instruments. yet, still others relied on holy water, anointed cloth and anointing oil to uncover the unknown (nwoye 2011:306). during a church service, it is believed that the holy spirit speaks to the pastor or points to the objects or makes certain signs that are interpreted by the pastor (nwoye 2011:304). methodology research design the study used a qualitative research methodology and, in particular, an exploratory research design (babbie & mouton 2011). according to francis (2011), exploratory studies are small-sample designer used primary for gaining insights and ideas about the illnesses. hence, the exploratory design was deemed suitable for the present study, as it sought to gain insights on the diagnostic method of healing chronic diseases by a faith healer. study sample and setting ten male sepedi-speaking pastors, aged between 20 and 65 years, were selected from various villages around the ga-dikgale community in limpopo province through snowball sampling (babbie 2015). participant educational qualifications were as follows: diploma (n = 3), junior degrees (n = 3) and postgraduate degrees (n = 4). compared with most rural people living in the communities, the pastors were relatively well educated. the majority of the participants (50%) were head pastors with 30% being senior pastors, whilst the remaining 20% classified themselves as pastors. the research site for the study was the rural community of ga-dikgale that falls under the capricorn district in the limpopo province. ga-dikgale is situated about 40 km–45 km northeast of polokwane, which is the capital city of the limpopo province. the community is governed by a kgoši (traditional leader). all villages in ga-dikgale have the same communal grazing land some distance away from a residential area. settlements in ga-dikgale are a mixture of traditional mud huts, conventional brick houses and shacks, with an estimated total population of 7900–8000 people. a considerable number of community members in this area belong to christian churches (e.g. faith mission churches, zion christian churches and apostolic churches) that are headed by bishops, prophets, head pastors and pastors. data collection informed consent was obtained from the participants before the study was conducted. anonymity and confidentiality were ensured throughout the study. data on diagnostic methods used to diagnose chronic diseases were collected by means of in-depth, semi-structured, face-to-face interviews that were conducted using a pre-prepared interview guide. the participants were interviewed in their homes and churches. the data were audio-taped and later transcribed by the researchers. the transcripts were double-checked by an independent researcher who is sepedi-speaking and has experience in qualitative research. after the transcripts were double-checked, they were translated into english by an independent english expert before the data could be analysed. to ensure the trustworthiness of the research findings, the researchers involved peer researchers to assist with interpretation and analysis of the data. furthermore, the findings, interpretations and implications of the study were interrogated by the researchers a few times to ensure that they were supported by data. data analysis the transcribed and translated data were analysed using the thematic content analysis method following the guidelines suggested by kvale (1983:171). the process consists of reading through textual data, identifying themes in the data, coding those themes and then interpreting the structure and content of the themes. the nvivo computer software version 10 was used to classify, sort and arrange the information so that analysis and interpretation could take place. ethical consideration the study received ethical clearance from the university of limpopo’s research ethics committee (trec number: trec/29/2014:pg). permission to access the research site and to conduct the study was granted by the dikgale traditional authority in limpopo province where the study was conducted. informed consent was obtained from the participants before the study was conducted. anonymity and confidentiality were ensured throughout the study. findings from the findings of the study, the following themes emerged: discernment of spirits and power of confession. discernment of spirits discernment was perceived by most of the participants (n = 8) to be the most common method to identify chronic diseases, as many of them believed that they do not have the competence to diagnose these morbid conditions. most participants believed that they are guided by the holy spirit to discern chronic diseases. the following extracts depict the perceived method given by participants: ‘… it comes as a prophecy ….’ (participant # 5, male, 42 years old) ‘… one of the gifts of the spirit we have discernment, word of knowledge and word of wisdom ….’ (participant # 3, male, 49 years old) power of confession the findings suggest that some participants (n = 4) strongly believe in the power of confession, as evidenced in the following extracts: ‘… we cannot say we having techniques to diagnose, diagnose is for people who are from school, who are trained doctors ….’ (participant # 4, male, 62 years old) ‘… you just look at the symptoms, certain symptoms … we don’t have any detection that we can diagnose.’ (participant # 6, male, 42 years old) ‘… we get explanation from the person.’ (participant # 7, male, 38 years old) implications of the findings based on the findings from the study, it appears that the participants believe that they have the ability to discern chronic diseases through contacts with the spiritual world. however, they refer matters that are clinical to the allopathic practitioners, because the participants perceive themselves as operating at the spiritual level. this implies that the participants are fully aware of the limitations of their work when it comes to medical conditions like chronic diseases. in this regard, they suggest a room for themselves and the health professionals when diagnosing the chronic diseases of their congregants. discussion findings from the current study revealed that pastors’ diagnostic mechanisms are contrasted with the mechanisms followed by the western approaches. the western perspective views chronic diseases to be fundamentally biological in origin, and which can best be diagnosed with the use of biomedical diagnostic tools. this corresponds with the findings by world health organization (2013), indicating that medical practitioners are able to more accurately diagnose chronic diseases and develop superior solutions to these chronic diseases. in addition, in studies conducted by chan (2008:4–9) and mkhwanazi (2016:193), it was argued that biomedical approaches tend to focus more readily on the symptoms of diseases and the location of the body. findings of the present study revealed that the participants are fully aware of their limitations when it comes to the diagnosis of chronic conditions. however, they believe that they have the ability to discern chronic diseases through their dealings with the spiritual world. in other words, the participants appear to refer matters that are clinical to the medical experts, whilst they perceive themselves to be operating primarily at the spiritual level. the findings lend support to the views of truter (2007:56) and mokgobi (2014:24) who state that faith healers (including pastors) are usually professed christians of african faith-based churches or mission independent churches and operate in the spiritual realm. the findings further correspond with those of sodi and bojuwoye (2011:349) who postulated that faith healers are called by the holy spirit or ancestral spirits, and diagnosis and treatment is done using the bible and prayers usually using the laying on of hands. it is revealed from the findings of this study that the participants do seem to suggest a room for themselves and the health professionals to collaborate in managing the conditions of their congregants. this is consistent with the traditional health practitioners bill in south africa, no. 25 of 2007, which made attempts at the ‘formalisation, regulation, and professionalisation’ of traditional health care system in south africa (zuma et al. 2016:12906). however, in view of the developments, which include legislation to officially recognise the role of thps, it becomes imperative to understand the role that this alternative health care system can play in health promotion in south africa. this will be with a view towards collaboration between traditional health practitioners and western-oriented health practitioners (street 2016:22). implications of the theory in the present study, the research was guided by an afrocentric perspective to chronic diseases. the afrocentric perspective examines topics from the perspective of the african people as subjects of historical experiences (asante 2003). therefore, in order to understand the african perspective on chronic and other forms of diseases, it is important to have an understanding of the african concepts of the causes of diseases as well as how different forms of diseases are diagnosed and treated (bojuwoye & sodi 2010:283). consistent with the afrocentric approach, it is evident that most of the participants in the present study emphasised the importance of culture in their causal explanations of chronic diseases, including the way they diagnose and treat these conditions. for example, the results indicate that participants seemed to explain chronic diseases to be incurable, but to be healed through divine interventions, as they are believed to be mostly caused by cultural and spiritual factors. furthermore, the participants used their own understanding and knowledge that was influenced by their spiritual context and their sociocultural perceptions of the chronic diseases. limitations and recommendations one of the limitations of the present study relates to the small sample that was obtained through snowball sampling. consequently, the results of the present study cannot be generalised to the larger south african population. future studies based on larger samples should be conducted to understand the role of the different types of healers (e.g. pastors, prophets, bishops, traditional faith healers, and so forth) in the management of chronic diseases. the study further recommends that policymakers and western-trained health care practitioners need to treat faith healers as experts in their own right and as an additional resource for health promotion in communities. acknowledgements the authors would like to thank god because without him they would not have had the strength and courage throughout the years; they know they would not have made it this far. they would also like to thank prof. tholene sodi, for his guidance and support in this research project, and vlaamse interuniversitaire raad – institutional university cooperation (vlir-iuc) partnership programme – for the inclusion of this study in their bigger research project and for the financial support provided during the study. they also thank dr j.r. rammala for editing the manuscript and the faith healers from ga-dikgale for their willingness to participate in the study. competing interests the authors have declared that no competing interests exist. authors’ contributions all authors contributed equally to this work. funding information appreciation is extended to the authors’ colleagues from within the department of psychology, university of limpopo, for their support in ensuring that the analysis represents a fair account of the narrative data collected. this reflection represents learning from research activities supported by the flemish university council-university development cooperation (vlir-uos). any opinion, finding and conclusion or recommendation expressed in this article are that of the authors and vlir-uos does not accept any liability in this regard. data availability statement data are available and analysed using thematic content analysis. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors or the funders. references asante, m.k., 2003, afrocentricity: the theory of social change, african american images, chicago, il. azongo, b.t. & abdulai, a., 2014, ‘complementary or contradictory? role of diviners in health care delivery in ghana: implications and consequences’, international journal of research in health sciences 2(4), 999–1008. babbie, e.r., 2015, the practice of social 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https://doi.org/10.1186/s12906-016-1293-8 reconceptualising the interface of religion and school violence towards construction of sustainable learning ecologies in south africa b dube (corresponding author) post-doctoral research fellow university of the free state d hlalele university of the free state abstract in this paper, we respond to the call by ndlovu-gatsheni (2013:10) to unmask, resist and destroy violence in the school context. unmasking is indispensable, since violence produces a world order that can be unremitting and characterised by deceit, hypocrisy and lies. to achieve this release from a violent order, we advocate for the reconceptualisation of religion, so that school violence can be contested from a hybridised or multi-religious perspective to complement existing narratives to curtail school violence. the paper is grounded in critical emancipation research, of which the prime purpose is to challenge exclusion and social injustice, which often result in school violence. we conclude by arguing that school violence frustrates efforts to construct sustainable learning ecologies, and school violence must be challenged through religion-based discourses oriented to social justice. key words: religion, school violence, sustainable learning environments. theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 2 1. background: violence in south african schools most schools in south africa have become highly volatile and unpredictable places (zulu, urbani, van der merwe and van der walt, 2004:173) due to violence that is a portent of the social order. the situation is worsening by the day, and obliges stakeholders to collaborate in an attempt to eliminate the social pathology of violence, which risks making schools sites of trepidation, instead of acquisition of knowledge. consequently, fishbaugh, berkeley and schroth (2003:19) point out that both teachers and learners see school as dangerous sites that disturb learning process. these circumstances erode young people’s sense of hope and optimism, and their ability to cope with adversity and the difficulties they face growing up in a particular social and economic environment (burton and leoschut, 2013:4). furthermore, musango (2004:993) argues that violence in schools creates a culture of insults, threats, harassment, frustration, resentment and anger. school violence cannot be romanticised, as it endangers learners instead of protecting them. there are numerous recorded and unrecorded incidents of school violence in south africa. in this paper, we note a few examples to illustrate the challenges caused by violence in south african schools, which evoke the need for educational stakeholders to propose sustainable solutions. school violence that erupted at masibambane in kraaifontein in july 2015 left learners traumatised (fredericks, 2015). in this case, gangsters armed with pangas (machetes)and home-made weapons had entered the school premises and caused havoc. it is not surprising that this incident lead to learners, educators and parents considering the school as an unsafe environment for the learners and the educators. referring to incidents of 3 school violence in south africa, with particular reference to the western cape, van der merwe (2015) notes that shooting is one of the common forms of school violence in the western cape. incidents of shooting cause learners to miss classes and avoid sporting activities due to fear. the consequence of students missing classes is that communities remain with high illiteracy levels, which compounds the problems of rurality (hlalele, 2013:564). the effects of school violence is not limited to learners and educators, but has extended to affect the school infrastructure, such as the classrooms. in 2016, a number of schools were burnt down in vuwani in the limpopo province of south africa (sello, 2016). destruction of school facilities affected the teaching and learning process negatively. vuwani is a rural area, and the disadvantages learners in rural communities face compared to their urban counterparts were compounded by this destruction. according to the whittles (2016), 25 schools have been torched so far, with at least 19 of these razed. mccauley (2016) reports that rebuilding schools will cost the government more than r400 million, which will have to be channelled from other developmental projects. while funding of schools by the government is appreciated, solomon (2012:15) is of the view that too many high schools still lack the funding, personnel, and technological infrastructure to provide learners with rigorous high-level coursework, which is a prerequisite for career success. therefore, there is need for stakeholders oriented to achieving peace and justice to propose solutions that can mitigate the challenge of school violence. it is against this background that we propose the theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 4 reconceptualisation of the study of religion to complement existing efforts to address the school violence that creates an atmosphere of fear and apprehension, and interferes with learners’ ability to learn (burton & leoschut 2013:xii-xiii). in light of school violence, ndlovu-gatsheni (2013) is right to call for a struggle against school violence. 2. theoretical framework: critical emancipatory research the arguments presented by this paper are embedded in critical emancipatory research, a theoretical framework that is vigilant and sensitive to the menaces of inequity, social injustice, lack of freedom, lack of peace and of hope (mahlomaholo & netshandama, 2010:10), which may impel learners to engage in violence. in addition, the framework was chosen for this study largely because it responds to “historical and social conditions of crisis and work[s] towards transformation of the existing social structures [of school violence] and replace[s] them with emancipatory ones” (sinnerbrink, 2012:370). it is a framework that “aims at deciphering practical problems by critical thinking and the use of knowledge which is free from superstition and prejudice” (steinvorth, 2008:400) and generating school relations that address the differences between people (learners, teachers and other stakeholders) through non-violent approaches. the framework has roots in the critical theory of the frankfurt school of 1923 and emerged as a quest to move “toward the possibilities of democratic politics and emancipation” (anderson, 2011:35), and seeks to eliminate injustice, exclusion and discrimination (tiniolatti, 2009:372) that may encourage school violence. the framework is suitable for this paper due to its emphasis on a response nurtured by progressive human and faith groups, which supports inherent human dignity through the hybridity of actors who are on a quest to establish a just 5 society (brady, 2010:8). we chose this framework, concurring with nkoane (2015:34), that it shares a counter-hegemonic stance that disrupts the mainstream understanding that religion has no place in the education of a child; instead it argues that religion, like other social theories, brings social justice, hope, democracy, emancipation, inclusion and equity, which are necessary to ensure safe schools. 3. sustainable learning ecologies violence in schools disrupts an attempt to create sustainable learning ecologies, which are requirements for schools to become centres of lifelong learning (kuuskorpi and gonzález, 2011:1). sustainable learning ecologies recognise the need to engage different stakeholders with many different interests in society in order to address problematic learning issues (cloud, 2005:2), such as school violence. sustainable learning ecologies are not essentially about the environment, but rather about the capacity of human society to enact permanent reform in order to safeguard the delicate balance between humans and their natural life-support system (hamm and muttagi, 1998:2). furthermore, it affords all learners, all teachers, all members of the parent community and the whole of civil society equal opportunities to live, to work, to learn and to be innovative among others, away from oppression and marginalisation, but in freedom, peace and harmony with one another (mahlomaholo, 2012:77). this understanding will, according to nkoane (2015:35), not only transform social status, and schools, but revive, rebirth and renew learners’ identity as people. school violence in south africa frustrates the quest for sustainable learning ecologies, because schools are war zones, street-fighting centres and, in some cases, murder scenes. it is in light of this that we argue that religion, with its theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 6 moral impetus, has the potential to mitigate these challenges, consequently creating safe learning zones for all learners. 4. removing religion from schools some people believe that the south african government acted in accordance with what is expected of governments when it intervened, as an ostensibly impartial facilitator, in the debate about religion in public education. the question remains, however, whether justice was served by the stipulations of the policy to remove religion from public schools (van der walt, 2011:388). excluding religion from school can be interpreted as hegemonic dominance in circles of knowledge construction, which is a political battle in which the discursive weapons of knowledge and power are used, and which determines what is worthwhile knowledge for inclusion and exclusion (nkoane, 2015:39). this is mooted by bernstein (1970:47), who states that the way “a society selects, clarifies, distributes, transmits and evaluates the educational knowledge it considers to be public, reflects both the distribution of power and the principle of social control”. hence, young (2014:823) argues that it is those with more power in society who have access to and who force certain kinds of knowledge on others. sustainable learning ecologies informed by social justice challenges hegemony in educational policies and practices, and advocates educational reform and societal structures that move towards equity rather than marginalisation (mahlomaholo, nkoane and ambrosio, 2013:viii). therefore, we argue that the amputation of religion from schools echoes hegemonic force, which should be challenged, since the displacement of religion (arguably also expatriated morality in schools) opens the door to school violence. in short, the removal of religion from schools is best summarised by nkoane (2015:37), who notes that dominant 7 ideologies portray other ways of knowing and knowledge construction as deficient and non-rigorous. for unknown political reasons of dominance in knowledge construction, some forms of knowing have been devalued, delegitimised and marginalised. we therefore agree with ndlovu-gatsheni (2013), who states that forms of dominance that lead to violence must be unmasked and challenged. through advocating for the teaching of religion, we become part of the struggle to mitigate school violence. with this in mind, it is clear that religion inevitably finds itself in tension with various manifestations of power and authority (raiser, 2013:18). while the study of religion in schools had its fair share of problems, its removal did not address social inequality, social injustice and racial discrimination, which are generally cited as the reasons for school violence. the increase in school violence reflects the inadequacy of the school curriculum to cultivate in learners the values of love, caring, tolerance and working together in harmony, which could be embedded through the teaching and learning of religion. burton (2008:17) asserts that schools are generally seen as mechanisms to develop and reinforce positive citizens with pro-social attitudes and as sites where individuals are prepared for the role they are to play in society at large. this could be the case, though the reality at schools indicates that most learners are not prepared well to become active citizens who shun violence and value human life. our proposal to advocate for the reconceptualisation of religion into mainstream curriculum practice, with the aim of reigniting morality among learners in order to achieve safe schools, is based on the observation by keast (200714) that, the erosion of the religion in the educational landscape does not mean the end of the personal and social function of religious beliefs, while religion may no longer determine theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 8 the way education is run, nevertheless it continues to play a key role which is not necessarily limited to the private sphere. the observation by keast (2007) requires educationists to rethink the displacement of religion, and the effects of this displacement on the moral development of learners, since religion continues to play a significant role in people’s lives. reconceptualising religion as part of the solution to the problem of violence should be seen as an attempt to motivate all members of the community who are subject to social justice, to collaborate to create safe environments for learners. eliminating religion from the school system, especially considering its role in the moral development of learners, is against the spirit of social inclusion and justice, and elimination may, in turn, increase school violence. 5. reconceptualisation of religion to address violence religion as referenced in this paper does not imply a particular faith or confession. the term is used in its generic sense to imply various groups that have beliefs in god, are legal, have representatives in south africa and have the desire to address school violence through various harmonious narratives. reconceptualising religion implies that educationists and religious leaders need to come together and assemble various pedagogical issues that can be taught to learners with the intention of directly and pointedly addressing school violence, good citizenship, and tolerance, and embracing difference and peaceful resolution of difference, which seems to be inadequately addressed by the current school curriculum. collaboration to improve school conditions affirms critical emancipation research that is geared to achieve social transformation for social cohesion and homogeneity. 9 by reconceptualising religion, educationists and religious leaders hybridise to eliminate the conflicts and challenges that could have led to the removal of the subject from the mainstream curriculum in 2008. this could be possible if religious leaders and educationists honestly value education, the lives of the learners, and educators. this rethinking also implies that religious leaders and educators understand that the teaching and learning of religion should not be for dogmatic, conversion and confessional purposes, but should have the aim of instilling religious values that help learners to relate to one another in non-violent ways. this aim requires religious personnel to moderate their personal religious views with the intention of promoting peaceful coexistence. according to kreimer (2015:18) moderation does not mean that one must repress or conceal one’s religious identity, but rather that it should be expressed in a way that does not impede mutual respect and sharing with others and does not place a particular religious group at an advantage or disadvantage. this approach will enable the education system to benefit from religion and to mitigate school violence. 6. how can religion address school violence? it is becoming inevitable for educators who support social justice and peace to begin to find different solutions to end the problem of school violence. our proposal to integrate religion as part of the solution to mitigate school violence is an attempt to complement efforts by the department of basic education to create safe schools, e.g., national school safety framework. religion has the potential to change the school environment because of its inherent potential to transform circumstances that could lead to violence. over the centuries, religion has been one of the social institutions that has influenced theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 10 human behaviour for good and for bad. reconceptualising religion would enable educators to focus on the positive aspects of religion that can influence behaviour in a positive sense. in 2008 it may have been desirable to remove religion from public schools to achieve democracy and social inclusion. however, religion has continued to influence educators and learners, hence, totally disregarding the role it plays in the formation of morality among learners does it a disservice in the quest to nurture learners to acquire social responsibility. 6.1 religion promotes social justice and equity social justice is based on the idea of a society that ensures fair treatment and a just share of the benefits of society for individuals and groups (monychenda, 2008:19). the focus on social justice is necessitated by the fact that violence often occurs as a result of violations of justice. learners are sensitive to issues of social injustice that may happen at schools, which may cause them to engage in violent approaches to addressing social differences. all major religions share a foundation based on tenets of social justice – religions teach their followers to show compassion, wisdom and love. consequently, social justice should be seen as countering dominant power relations by encouraging the individual telling of stories, thereby allowing people in different geo-socio-political and (religious) spaces, who are usually assumed to be without “legitimate” scientific stories, to be at the centre rather than on the periphery of addressing problems, in this case, school violence (nkoane, 2015:35). in support of this observation, mahlomaholo et al. (2013:xiii) confirm that social justice challenges hegemony in educational policies and practices, and advocates for educational reform and societal structures that move towards equity rather than marginalisation, as is the case with religion in mainstream education. so 11 cial justice demands that people have equal rights and opportunities; everyone, from the poorest person on the margins of society to the wealthiest, deserves an even playing field (hlalele, 2013:567). it is under these conditions that we join the struggle suggested by ndlovu-gatsheni (2013), of resisting and unmasking school violence that produces a world order that is sustainable through lies and deceit. by embracing social justice as promoted by religious narratives, we can achieve a just and a non-violent society (monychenda, 2008:7). the pursuit of social justice implies a need for peace and a curriculum that addresses the lived realities of the learners. this curriculum must be oriented to cultivating values that promote social justice and peaceful coexistence, and religion has the potential to contribute to achieving justice and peace. we advocate for religion by concretising an observation by monychenda (2008:7), that establishing social justice and peace means respecting human and civil rights and eliminating social violence that threatens the lives of learners. in addition, social justice contributes to the creation of sustainable learning ecologies that are often disrupted by violence and many other factors. 6.2 religion promotes morality the fact that learners are not taught about morality, especially from a religious point of view, is one of the causes of school violence, which must be addressed if we are concerned about the welfare and education of learners, especially in schools. we argue that crime and violence pose severe threats to the fragile democracy, peace, and economic stability of south africa; it corrupts the social fabric of communities and endangers the health of both learners and educators; it disrupts the provision of basic services and destroys respect for human rights (mncube and madikizela-madiya, 2014:49). theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 12 the effects of violence are likely to persist in society as long as the morality of learners, community members and educators is not addressed. religious teachings give moral impetus that is capable of uniting disparate segments of society, in the process bridging barriers of ethnicity, race, class, gender, family and nationality (mwaura, 2008:5). acquiring morality enables “learners to see through the spectacles of other cultures and develop an empathetic understanding of another culture, consequently, learners become ready to empathise with other cultures” (almirzanah, 2014:239), which, in the process, will reduce school-related violence. morality shapes the attitudes and values of individuals and societies in terms of social behaviour, economic activity and political involvement (mtata, 2012:12). the implication is that the education system that ignores the morality of the learners, deprives the society of values such as democracy, peace and tolerance. a curriculum that negates education for morality is geared to have immoral citizens who disregard and endanger people who are different and militate against sustainable development of learners. 6.3 religion promotes peaceful coexistence through religion, peace has been achieved and wars have been fought. this observation is echoed by bercovitch and kadayifci-orellana (2009:175) who state that “religion has been thought of as playing a crucial role in generating conflicts, particularly internal ones. while it may be a source of conflict, its role in the overall peace process has all too often been overlooked”. in this paper, we focus on the ability of religion to promote peace – a role that the education system in south africa has relegated to the periphery, thereby making it impossible for learners to limit aggression. religion enables learners and educators to listen to the voice of their consciences and to invent the instruments of law that overcome 13 or limit the tendency to hurt one another (huber, 2010:53). this could be because, as claimed by preis and russell (2006:5), within various “religious traditions exist an underlying thread of unity connecting the great religious traditions. they each propound basic spiritual tenets and standards of behaviour that constitute the essence of social cohesion for peaceful co-existence”. peace is cultured in religion, and kadayifici-orellana (2003:33) observes that “religious authorities and educators are peace oriented, able to open channels of communication that are geared towards peace-building initiatives across the educational, social, political, and economic spectrum”. through a reconceptualised religion, learners and educators come together, and discuss matters that affect their lives and develop processes to address issues and concerns” (rasul, 2009:3) through non-violent means. it is our belief that this can be effectively achieved at the school level (herstad, 2006:9). following religious texts attest to the claim that religions are oriented to peace, hence justifying the inclusion of religion in the curriculum with the aim of promoting responsible citizenship and peace efforts, and ending school violence. “o mankind, we have created you male and female, and have made you races and tribes, that you may know each other.” (the qur’an, surah al-hujurat 49:13) “seek peace and pursue it… seek it where you are and pursue it in other places as well.” (the bible, ps. kjv 34:15) “love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you.” (the bible, kjv matt. 5:44). https://www.google.co.za/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=4&ved=0ahukewjzpdvvgf_tahvjb8akhs05bnoqfggzmam&url=http%3a%2f%2fwww.answering-islam.org%2fquran%2fversions%2f049.013.html&usg=afqjcng9aebmwlfwrlcaonxhsmou30mona&sig2=_feo6jlgna931u-k-shpuw theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 14 “now i beseech you, brethren, by the name of our lord jesus christ, that ye all speak the same thing, and that there be no divisions among you; but that ye be perfectly joined together in the same mind and in the same judgment.” (the bible, kjv 1 corinthians 1:10) help and not fight, assimilation and not destruction, harmony and peace and not dissension are the substance of my faith.” swami vivekananda (hinduism) given the references from religious texts, it is clear that discounting the religious dimension or resisting engagement with religious actors disregards opportunities to tap into religion as a force for compassion and one that can promote peace (usaid, 2009:7). in short, “by overlooking religious differences and uniting under belief in the existence of a divine being, learners can strive for humanitarian equality and peace … [as] not just rhetoric but a reality” (khaled, 2007:9). if we fail to do this, ndlovu-gatsheni (2013) reminds us, we are geared to live in a social order that is maintained through lies and deceit. 6.4 religion promotes social transformation in this paper social transformation is defined from the perspective of mwaura (2008:4), who explains that it refers to a change in the social arrangements of a group or society, replacing existing social arrangements with peace-oriented strategies. sharing these sentiments, khondker and schuerkens (2014:1) argue that social transformation implies a fundamental change in society, which can be contrasted with social change viewed as gradual or incremental changes over a period of time. religion acts as an interventionistic approach to addressing social issues that disrupt traditional teaching and learning practices, such as school violence, and current social conditions, inherited from the past, and their 15 limits (smit, 2004:7). to assist with this transformation process and to incorporate people fully, hlalele (2013:570) arguest hat participatory tendencies provide a useful approach to appreciating the views and skills of religious people and for formulating locally appropriate development strategies. when all people, including religious leaders, are enabled to participate meaningfully, also in schools, to eradicate violence, then sustainability of people’s livelihoods is ensured (mahlomohalo et al., 2012:vii), and schools become safe places where children can learn. 6.5 the positive influence of religious leaders to address the challenge of violence, religion, and especially its leaders, have the capacity to offer communities strategies that can make schools safe sites that promote sustainable learning ecologies. religious leaders, as community spokespersons, are often successful in mobilising for positive social change (herstad, 2007:7) that can mitigate violent tendencies of learners at schools. religious leaders are well positioned to educate others on how to overcome the devastating effects of violence (religion for peace, 2007:16), with the aim of “solving practical problems by critical thinking and the use of knowledge which is free from superstition and prejudice” (steinvorth, 2008:400). under normal circumstances religious leaders bear a great responsibility to educate worshippers on central tenets of faith and ways they can live in harmony with their beliefs (herstad, 2007:14). engaging religion and key religious actors in conflict-prone settings can provide unique opportunities for intervention in ongoing conflicts, or to reduce the risk that may propel violence (usaid, 2009:5). engagement of religious leaders to assist learners to achieve peaceful resolution of differences is in line with the theoretical theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 16 framework that seeks hybridisation of stakeholders to collaborate to address issues such as school violence. gone are the days that we could assume that teachers and parents have the responsibility of infusing values of peaceful existence among learners, and that people who are not directly involved in education, such religious leaders, cannot contribute to the development of learners. in fact, the war against school violence can be won through partnership with peaceoriented people, including religious leaders. engagement with and encouragement of religious leaders can provide expert support to youths and facilitate disengagement and de-radicalisation (schmid, 2013:9). the education system can also take advantage of faith networks and work across faiths to remind communities that school violence violates dignity and human rights (herstad, 2007:7). this claim is echoed by usaid (2009:6), that argues that religious organisations and their leaders are uniquely positioned to facilitate post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation efforts, due to the trust and moral authority they hold from broad-based constituencies. because they are trusted and respected in their communities, their involvement lends credibility to the process and, more importantly, provides a positive example for members of their communities (rasul, 2009:7) to deal with violence. furthermore, people in general still embrace religion as source of survival, which makes involving religious leaders in school engagement for peace a laudable effort for addressing school violence. we support the reflection by wani, abdullah and chang (2015:650), that religious leaders, educators, political leaders, think tanks, and academic institutions play an important role in transforming and reconciling conflicts if they work with integrity by genuinely believing that human blood is costly and 17 the education of children is important. it is against this understanding that religious leaders and the study of religion should be infused in mainstream curriculum practice – to assist existing efforts to achieve behaviour change, respect, tolerance, and a non-armed approach to conflict resolution. generally, most religions, as observed by preis and russell (2006:1516), “convey a message of peace, justice and human solidarity”. the observation by ndlovu (2013) that school violence must be resisted because it produces a world of deceit, lies and hypocrisy correlates with the message of peace and social justice championed by religions, and supported by teaching values, such as honesty. 7. re-engaging religion: violence-responsive pedagogy in light of the need to mitigate violence in schools and, in the process, creating safe schools for learners and educators, it important that religion is reconceptualised and re-engaged with at school level to allow “learners to embrace the politics of personal difference, that often causes school violence, which enforces a certain level of social cohesion for the maintenance of public order” (bangura, 1994:1). we agree with the observation of kadayifici-orellana (2003:32), that “religious commitment can become a strong impetus for engaging in peacebuilding activities and bringing about social change”. re-engaging religion in the mainstream curriculum will enable learners to embrace the politics of difference through peaceful resolution of differences, which can cascade to institutions of higher learning, which have, in response to various social pathologies, become the breeding ground for violence. theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 18 the re-engagement and rethinking of the role of religion is a response we propose in light of ndlovu-gatsheni’s (2013) observation (that school violence must be unmasked and challenged), which is geared to promote tolerance in schools and acceptance of others, and reciprocity that depends on the kind of educational approaches used (kreimer, 2015:34). a schooling system that addresses the lived realities of learners must start seriously considering integrating religion to promote values, such as openness to the other, respect for differences, mutual understanding, active tolerance, validating existing cultures, providing equal opportunities and fighting discrimination (kreimer, 2015:36). this type of curriculum will enable learners to engage positively regarding race, gender, and diversity in general. we want classrooms that enable learners to become thoughtful and caring citizens of tomorrow (nkosi, 2015). it is through this understanding that learners will come to consider school as a safe place, where their dreams, often shattered by poverty and political marginalisation, can be realised. normalising school violence is a tragedy for learners and, consequently, affects their prospects for creating sustainable learning ecologies. 8. conclusion the paper argued that religion has the impetus to transform the south african schooling system, which is one that is generally marred by violence. religion, through 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accepted: 09 jan. 2020; published: 08 june 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this article examines the activities of christian religious communities and the birth of a commercialised christian religion. it begins by creating an atmosphere that the nigerians find themselves in, and explaining as to why they rely more on religious vendors for solutions to their physical and spiritual problems. thus, the real causalities are the people with no contentment. the commercialisation of religion in nigeria has been characterised by increased poverty and social vices such as armed robbery, bad leadership and bad citizenship. findings reveal that adherents of the various churches that have commercialised their blessings comprise both the poor and the rich of the society. the poor are seeking god for instant blessing, while the rich are seeking god for the sustainability of their wealth and protection. true religion is now lost in nigeria. some pastors treat the church as an investment, expecting to get something in return personally when the institution prospers financially. this is evident in the rise in sugar-coated preaching in most nigerian churches. it was discovered that commercialisation of churches is mainly for financial gains, and it is an offshoot of the proliferation of churches in nigeria. keywords: commercialised religion; christianity; proliferation of churches in nigeria; true religion; prosperity preaching. introduction in 2010, while i was running a programme at the university of nigeria, nsukka, i discovered that almost every lecture theatre had been taken over by one church or the other. this then triggered my interest in carrying out research on religious mechanise and profiteering in nigeria. christianity is the religion of christ, no doubt. its doctrines are hinged on the conversion of votaries of other religions to christianity. in fact, christ instructed christians to preach the gospel. this is what is called evangelism. evangelism is the commitment to or act of publicly preaching the gospel with the intention to spread the message and teachings of jesus christ (bible study tools 2018). the preaching of the gospel goes with the planting of churches. the churches are there to take care of the teeming population of converted souls. in nigeria, the great commission has taken a new dimension. there is hardly any street in nigeria where a church would not be found. furthermore, there is hardly any compound where you will not find one denominational fellowship or the other. it is good to note that these various churches are noted for their teachings on miracles and prosperity. one would not blame the essence of these teachings. this is because of the current issue of many ailments in nigeria. rowan noted that life-threatening illness brings nigerians face to face with the supernatural (rowan 2013). other driving factors are poverty, spiritual oppression, witchcraft, witch-hunting and physical oppression in nigeria. a feature of the teachings of these churches is that financial prosperity is a sign of god’s favour (tomi 2011), and god’s favour delivers one from these life problems. these teachings not only address the concern of salvation from sin but also emphasise that god will make everyone materially rich. some pastors treat the religious institution as an investment, expecting to get something in return personally when the institution prospers financially (mdakane 2017). unfortunately, this situation has shaped the theologies of churches and their missiology in nigeria. most of the churches have now started using their churches for amassing wealth and duping unsuspecting members. they emphasise the spiritual value of earthly or material blessings (niemandt 2017:206). many graduates who have failed to gain employment have resorted to opening churches all over, performing customised miracles and engaging in spiritual diabolic activities. the bitter truth is that the poor are at the receiving end of this malaise. furthermore, native doctors have started opening churches in so many parts of nigeria, especially in the east and west of nigeria. thus, christianity is being used as a tool towards amassing money, fame and cheap popularity. in fact, it can be said that economic, spiritual and political prosperity are the motivating factors as to why churches strive in membership in nigeria (magbadelo 2014). the aim of this article was to assess the effects of this commercialisation of religion on the nigerian society, the nigerian people and the nigerian image. to arrive at the findings, the study utilised the phenomenological methodology. this is because previous studies have viewed this phenomenon from the historical lens. data were collected through oral interviews, journals, textbooks, newspapers and other periodicals, and were descriptively analysed. statement of the problem most studies have focussed on the proliferation of churches in nigeria (adamolekun 2012; adesanya 2011; diara & onah 2014). some of the articles projected that the proliferation of churches has increased laziness and unemployment in nigeria. for these researchers, in this material world, prosperity preachers are perceived to encourage laziness among christians who tend to believe that when they sow and are asked to receive in faith, a miracle of a sort would lay prosperity on their laps without having to work (chioma 2017). other scholars, who have engaged in the commercialisation of religion, fail to emphasise the place of christianity in the commercialisation of religion in nigeria. it is because of this lacuna that this research will focus on christianity as the object of religion commercialisation in nigeria. christian church in nigeria church growth is the enlargement, expansion, advancement and spread of the influence of our lord jesus christ through the spiritual and physical activities of the organic structure, hierarchical structure or sectarian structure of the church. towns (1986:63) saw the term ‘church growth’ to be associated with evangelism and/or missionary enterprises that imply outreach to the lost and their incorporation into a church, hence causing local church growth. according to wagner (1971:12), church growth is ‘all that is involved in bringing men and women who do not have a personal relationship with jesus christ into fellowship with him and into responsible church membership’. discussing the characteristics of church growth, worancha (2012) advanced a question: what are the qualities of a growing church? he avers that a growing church should possess at least the following qualities (worancha 2012): (1) there must be a climate of happiness and loving god and one another in the church; (2) the church must have a bible-centred atmosphere that demonstrates by its regular and continuous bible studies; (3) the members of the church must be enthusiastic and become the cause for maintaining enthusiasm; (4) the church must be evangelistic and zealous to win lost souls for christ; (5) a growing church should be able to claim backslidden members; (6) a growing church should have great faith to practice its vision; (7) a growing church should be a praying church that prays for its spiritual growth and for god’s work throughout the world; and (8) a growing church believes in the holy scripture – ‘scripture and scripture alone’ – and do and live what it says (mt 7:21; lk 6:46; 11:28; rm 2:13; 1 jn 3:7; ja 1:22). (p. 27) from the above, one can discover that real church growth is measured by the internal (spiritual) advancement of members than by the external (numerical) strength of members. church growth in nigeria has taken various patterns right from its inception. adamolekun (2012) in his work ‘main trends in the church growth in nigeria’ discussed the periods of church growth in nigeria. he traced church growth from the period of the introduction of latin christianity, the period of denominationalism and missionary activities, evolution of independent churches, indigenous african churches and then the period of charismatic, evangelical and pentecostal churches. among all these periods of church growth in nigeria, it was the charismatic and evangelical movements that ushered in the proliferation of churches and the establishment of churches for commercial purposes. commercialisation of religion from the testaments commercialisation of the christian religion seems to have gotten prominence during the time of jesus christ and also after his death. from the scriptures, one can carefully trace pieces of evidence of commercialisation of religion. nwanganga (2017) noted that prophets, such as amos, micah and ezekiel, decried the use of religion for business or economic gains. the major sins as were noted in these scriptural passages include perversion of worship practises, empty religious formalism (mi 6:6–7), oppression of the poor and the defenceless (am 2:2, 8–9), perversion of justice through bribery and dishonest business practises, idolatry and violence. religious leaders were also accused of commercialisation of religion by serving people for economic gain. prophet ezekiel was also against the false prophets who commercialised religion (ezk 13:1–23). john (as cited in nwanganga 2017:3) noted that ‘the prophets were concerned with their own welfare, rather than the nations’ welfare. materialism was their master’. in the new testament, there also appeared clear instances of commercialisation of religion in jesus’ time, which he seriously frowned at. this was illustrated in matthew 21:12–13, mark 11:15–18 and luke 19:45–46, where jesus clearly expressed his anger against those people who turned the house of god into a den of robbers by money changers and those involved in the sale of doves in the temple. he rebuked the religious leaders for desecration of the temple. a man like simeon, the sorcerer, also attempted to purchase the anointing with his money (ac 8:4–24) and apostle paul in the same vein talked about minsters of god whose god is their selfish interest (phlp 3:18–19). these scenarios depict commercialisation of the christian religion as a violation of religious ethics. the problem with nigeria nigeria, no doubt, is a country blessed with abundant human and natural resources. however, because of inefficient or lack of servant leadership, the nation has continued to wallow in poverty, abject poverty and extreme poverty situations. poverty can be define as a severe lack of physical and mental well-being, closely associated with inadequate economic resources and consumption (baratz & grigsby 1971:120). the poverty level has gone so high that in the year 2018, nigeria was pronounced as the poverty capital of the world. more than a few nigerians are homeless. many of them sleep under bridges and in front of people stores and shops. this is because they cannot afford housing and other essential amenities. most poor people in nigeria do not have access to housing (dauda 2016). furthermore, revelations were made by the federal mortgage bank of nigeria that more than 9 million nigerians lack access to affordable housing (egobiambu 2019). also, a high percentage of nigerians cannot feed themselves twice a day. this is why there is a high level of malnutrition and epidemics in most places in nigeria. most families have allowed their children to beg on the streets to take care of themselves. nigeria has continued to remain in this sad state because the country is unable to feed its citizens (vanguard 2016). in addition, there are high unemployment indices. skilled, unskilled and semi-skilled graduates, and non-graduates, are not able to find a job. even those with entrepreneurial skills and abilities cannot be assisted with start up capital or other assistance. aiyedogbon and ohwofasa (2012) reported that unemployment is a barrier to social progress, and to prevent its undesirable consequence on poverty, unemployment figures prominently in the development objectives of nigeria. it is ironical that the youths who muster the courage to engage in one business or the other are on a daily basis harassed by the government of nigeria with high lighting and rental charges. majority of the nigerians find it difficult to separate physical issues from spiritual issues, and hence they leave every issue in life to the control of spiritual forces, even when it is very obvious that such problems could be of a physical nature or even self-induced (rapmoney 2016). it is very important to note that most nigerians believe that only god can help them survive. this religious idea of the african people has always taken its orientation from their ancestors, in which the ancestors kindle and direct the affairs of the people; thus, it can be argued that the historical religion of the african people has helped shape their perception about god (gbote & kgatla 2014). most of them also believe that their poor or sad situation is caused by the witches and wizards in their villages. thus, they seek spiritual help to salvage themselves from this sorry state of affairs. most religious persons look at the psychological state of these nigerians. thus, the priest uses the name of god to extort from those seeking spiritual help to the problems. this is the reason for the shameful proliferation of churches in every nook and cranny of nigeria. the commercialisation of the christian religion as the opium of nigerians just to leverage on karl marx’s thesis, christianity is now the opium of nigerians. as most nigerians go to churches seeking spiritual help to escape from the clutches of poverty and sickness, god-called and self-called pastors are now maximising on the faith of these unsuspecting christian adherents and indirectly stealing from them. for a better understanding, commercialisation of religion ‘centres on a complex liaison of speech acts surrounding faith, wealth, health and victory, combined with ritual practices around secondary evidences of divine blessings’ (heuser 2016:1). the term commercialisation denotes the process of running something principally for financial gain. nwadialor and umeanolue (2013) described commercialisation as a process or cycle of introducing a new product or production matter into the market. ahmad and eijaz (2011:186) saw it as a relative term that can be defined in many ways, such as ‘an integral part of the capitalist society to increase the profit through cosmetic and gaudy advertisement/marketing in the process of introducing or launching any product’. they further explain commercialisation of religion as being of two types – for the awareness of the people for practising religion and for the exploitation and monopolisation of economic resources. while ahmad and eijaz saw one side of commercialisation of religion, namely, creating awareness to people to practise religion, nwanganga (2017) saw the two sides as simply schemes for economic gain. he explains church commercialisation in two lights: firstly, the application of commercial principles in the running of the church or applying business principles to church administration, running it as a business for economic gain; secondly, the manipulation of the church or christianity and its services (spiritual and emotional), with implied intentions to exploit members or prospects for economic or financial gain. he also describes it as conducting the core mandate of the church, namely, soul winning and attending to the spiritual and emotional needs of members with the sole aim of benefiting financially. for the purpose of this research, the researchers wish to define commercialisation of religion as any action carried out by religious clerics that is directed towards the exploitation of members with prospects for economic or financial gain. in the present-day nigeria, many churches have become instruments of exploitation and manipulation of people for economic gain. the root cause of the commercialisation of the gospel in nigeria can be seen as what kalu (2008) described as the market theory. he linked commercialisation of the gospel to the market theory built around the idea that sees the religious space as being similar to the marketplace. he examined the commercialisation of religion as a commodity because messages are packaged as products in a competitive marketplace. using marketing strategies, religious leaders find it very easy to dupe gullible consumers and adherents presenting their own ‘religious product’ as the best. commercialisation of the gospel in nigeria is played out in so many ways. these various ways include but are not limited to manipulation of the gospel message, divinations, selling of religious ‘products’, healings and miracles, subtle threat, etc. (essien 2010). prosperity preachers do this through false prophesying. this is seen among ministers who are not well paid by their employers. some of them are poorly paid, so they use various gimmicks to earn more money. nwadialor (2015) also advanced a list of various reasons why churches are commercialised. some of these reasons include influence of secular politics, influence of modernity, economic hardship, influence of african cosmology and the influence of mass media. they do this through tithing. another strategy used by prosperity preachers is mounting of big programmes, such as citywide crusades, where prophecies are released and special offerings are collected. to entice people to attend these programmes, bogus titles are used as themes for their supposed messages. big posters are used to advertise and publicise their programmes. those who do not have enough funds to organise big programmes resort to preaching on the streets and buses, and demanding offerings to support god’s work. people are deceived into buying wrist bands, stickers, holy water, miracle oil, miracle candle, magical handkerchiefs, blessed pen and pencils (olawole 2005). miracles or healings have become the ‘real thing’ today. these priests do this through seed sowing. the manipulation of the gospel is played out in several ways by these business-minded gospel preachers. people are made to believe that what brings them prosperity is not their hard work but the level of the seeds sown (olawole 2005). while some of these preachers assure the members that these seeds are for the expansion of god’s kingdom and for evangelism, they end up using them to enrich their pockets. the truth is also being twisted to suit the ears of the people so that they can be willing to bring out their money just as was found during the days of the prophets in the old testament. the congregation is also deceived by way of divination where the so-called prophets make predictions for the future and make attempts to uncover the past. it is very important to note that the increase in the commercialisation of religion, especially of christianity, is caused by the unemployment among the youth. unemployment is also a major contributing factor to the commercialisation of churches in nigeria. nwangana (2017) underscored the fact that after a long search for gainful employment, many frustrated people resorted to pastoral work without genuinely being called by god. some of them who possess oratory and communication skills open ministries, which later metamorphosed into full churches. this situation has led to the proliferation of churches, which apparently fan the embers of church commercialisation. on this, diara (2011:66) wrote that pentecostalism is now one of the most lucrative businesses in the country, and diviners and native doctors disguise themselves in cloaks and garments akin to those of the prophets and priests to deceive the poor and helpless masses who are desperate for one miracle or the other. these people are those who, on the basis of their faith, have resolved not to consult the diviners or native doctors for solutions to their problems. in this way, many people consult occultic and diabolic personnel today in the name of ‘men of god’ without knowing. the impacts of a commercialised christian religion on the nigerians the influence of the commercialisation of christianity in nigeria cannot be understated. its impacts revolve around the following points: political consequences: this is a reason for the bad political leadership in nigeria. during elections, unscrupulous leaders give millions of naira to the pastor or the priest. the pastor or the priest, in turn, prays and blesses the candidate. this has encouraged political office holders to misbehave, as according to them, god is only interested in their tithes and offerings. educational consequences: this has led so many promising graduates to opt for ministry instead of practising what they learnt. many of them make fake prophecies and extort their victims in the name of the christian god. furthermore, some students have donated their laptops, school fees and property to the churches in the name of sowing seeds. these so-called men of god also craftily employ occultic means to manipulate people into ignorantly donating their cars, landed properties and money to them. it is funny to observe that even some actors and actresses have suddenly become prophetesses and pastors because they have realised that the church business seems to be even more lucrative than the entertainment industry. ejiogu (2000:7) observed rightly, ‘the churches may surely be increasing by leaps and bounds, parading millions of “born again”, a disruptive moral crisis has regrettably over taken our modern nigerian society’. social consequences: this is the reason for the high level of prostitution, armed robbery, rape, kidnapping and rituals in the society. many of these prostitutes, who should have been corrected by their pastors, instead are prayed for and encouraged to go with god’s blessing in whatever they do. in the church today, as in the secular world, human needs and acceptance define the gospel message. as a result of commercialisation, some churches today build their teachings on emotions, reason and philosophies at the expense of the biblical truth. people are no longer taught kingdom principles as jesus taught his disciples. the modern-day preaching and teaching is based on the trend of events in the society. sadly, strange people with strange doctrines have invaded the church. ejizu (2008:19–21) underscored the phenomenon that the more the proliferation of churches in nigeria, the more the decline of the faith experience in spiritual commitment, morality and practical christian living. many of the churches today are significantly occupied with mundane affairs of this world, as shaped by the nigerian social system, which has facilitated rapid secularisation of christian spirituality. religious consequences: this is the reason for the lack of trust in anything related to god among some distraught nigerians. they see every church and preaching centre as a profit-making entity. furthermore, the higher the level of religious commitment among nigerians, the higher the level of social evils in the nigerian society. this is the reason why many nigerians have lost faith in the christianity. economic consequence: the youths are not prepared to work. they want free and quick money. christianity as presented by these commercialised preachers brings quick money. thus, the youths are prepared to give whatsoever they have to bribe god into giving them heaven on earth. in fact, it would not be a surprise if an unemployed nigerian believes that god would give a prado jeep the next day. recommendations to reduce the growing commercialisation ethics of minsters and owners of thousands of churches in nigeria, the following recommendations can be put into practice: the citizens are the tools that have been sustaining the commercialisation of the christian religion. people should know the difference between things that need a spiritual touch and those that need a physical touch. they should learn from the stories of others, rather than learn as victims. all churches in nigeria should be registered. this will ensure a level of control over these religious communities. all christian religious practitioners in nigeria should be registered. seminars and conferences should be held for ministers of god where they would be taught social ethics and moral ethics in mission work. the christian association of nigeria should partner with the federal government of nigeria to chalk out strategies on how to discourage the proliferation of churches and the commercialisation of their activities. conclusion church commercialisation is simply a deviation from the ethical code of the institution of the church. the church was instituted to propagate the gospel of jesus christ, but the discussed deviation results in deceitful practices or twisting of the scriptures for economic gains, and the church is faced with the problems of fraud, rivalry, perversion of the truth and syncretism. the implication here is that church commercialisation runs counter to the church’s tenets of sacredness, purity, holiness and jesus’ admonition of ‘freely you have received, freely you must give’. finally, church commercialisation is an aberration and is doing more harm than good to the growth of the church in nigeria and should be stopped by all means. war against corruption should be carried into religious groups and churches so as to restore the image of the church and the god it represents. acknowledgements we sincerely appreciate the efforts of the theologia viatorum journal team in getting this article published. god bless you all. competing interests the authors have declared that no competing interests exist. authors’ contributions all authors contributed equally to this work. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affliliated agency of the authors. references adamolekun, t., 2012, ‘main trends in the church growth in nigeria’, european scientific journal 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journal of mission & ministry 5(19), 20–40. abstract introduction the purpose and significance of miracles in the new testament the quest for miracles in nigeria the economic background of the quest for miracles conclusion and recommendations acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) solomon o. ademiluka department of biblical and ancient studies, faculty of human resources, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa department of religious studies, faculty of arts and humanities, kogi state university, anyigba, nigeria citation ademiluka, s,o., 2023, ‘assessing the quest for miracles in nigeria from the economic perspective’, theologia viatorum 47(1), a179. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v47i1.179 original research assessing the quest for miracles in nigeria from the economic perspective solomon o. ademiluka received: 24 nov. 2022; accepted: 06 jan. 2023; published: 22 mar. 2023 copyright: © 2023. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract in recent times, the quest for miracles among nigerian christians has become a social menace as many have fallen victim to fake miracle workers. the article studied the quest for miracles in nigeria against the purpose and significance of miracles in the new testament (nt), and sought to appraise this behaviour as a possible effect of the poor economic situation in the country. it applied the reader-oriented and descriptive methods. the work found that the manner of the quest for miracles by many nigerian christians indicates their lack of understanding of the essence of miracles in the nt. this wrong perception also explains the frantic efforts by some pentecostal preachers to work miracles, including commercialisation of miracles and certain occult practices. the essay concluded that nigerian christians wrong attitude towards miracles is an effect of the high rate of poverty in the country. the menace can, therefore, be ameliorated by addressing the economic situation. government should change its corrupt attitude towards the economy while the church has to educate their members about the teaching of the bible on miracles, and direct her preaching against corruption and its perpetrators. contribution: the article is a contribution to the discourse on the controversies on miracles. it argues that nigerian christians’ perception of miracles contradicts the essence of miracles in the nt, and that this perception and the practices involved are an effect of the poor economic situation in the country. keywords: quest for miracles; new testament; pentecostal preachers; poverty in nigeria; nigerian christians. introduction the term ‘miracle’ came from the latin word miraculum, which means [a marvel] (cotter 2009:99). this implies that etymologically a miracle is ‘something astonishing, amazing, wonderful and marvellous’ (iwuagwu 2018:66). however, from the biblical point of view, a miracle is an ‘extraordinary event that constitutes an inexplicable manifestation of god’s power’ (powell 1989:638). hence, iroegbu (2005:8) opines that a miracle is ‘an extra ordinary event … produced by god in a religious context as a sign of the supernatural’. in recent times, the quest for miracles among nigerian christian preachers and the general public has reached an alarming rate. as nigerians move about in search of miracles, acclaimed miracle performers ‘seek by hook or crook to work miracles’ (antwi 2016:1). the quest has, in fact, led to the multiplicity of competing ‘denominations, prayer houses, imposing billboards and posters, crusades, [and] miracle programmes’ (iwuagwu 2018:64). it is also demonstrated in the unceasing advertisements on radio and television for miraculous deliverance (iwuagwu 2018:64). as described by ademiluka (2007a): [t]he atmosphere … is charged with the clamour for miracles. everywhere is filled with the talk of miracle…. flyers abound advertising miracle crusades. miracle centres and gardens are also common. there are signposts everywhere advertising miracle churches. radio and television stations also have their miracle hours. nigerians besiege churches and mountains for vigils in search of miracles…. the media are replete with controversies concerning the validity and source of miracles…. [m]any christians have moved from their original churches to those ones that claim to perform miracles. (p. 97) the quest for miracles has indeed become a social menace in that many have fallen victim to prophets and pastors in their search for miraculous deliverance from one problem or the other. so much has been written on this subject from various perspectives, including the social, theological, ecumenical and literary perspectives. however, this article is predicated on the fact that in their search for miracles, many nigerian christians have missed the essence of miracles as understood in the new testament (nt), thereby having a wrong perception of miracles from the biblical perspective. therefore, the article attempts to study the quest for miracles in nigeria against the purpose and significance of miracles in the nt and seeks to appraise this attitude as a possible effect of the poor economic situation in the country. in nt scholarship, the question of the historicity of the miracles of jesus has been a controversy, and a variety of opinions have emerged in that regard. for instance, for the school of thought represented by rudolf bultmann, the ancient worldview in which events were explained in terms of demon possession or miracles are obsolete (blomberg 1984:425). this school is thus opposed to supernaturalism, ‘with demythologizing the only intellectually defensible alternative’ (blomberg 1984:425). in view of the focus of this article, however, it does not delve into this controversy but adopts a narrative reading for the study of the miracles of jesus. rather than questioning the historical truth of a text, narrative analysis treats it in its story form, inviting ‘the reader to explore the dimensions of the narrative in its final form’ (oosthuizen 1994:85). the corollary of narrative reading is the ‘reader response’ approach, which appraises the impact of the text on the reader (cranford 2002:159). thus, applying the reader-oriented method, in this work the question of the historicity of the miracles of jesus is considered irrelevant, especially as it is not a concern for nigerian miracle performers. for them, their ministries are authenticated by their miracles just as jesus’ miracles bore witness to his calling. for the quest for miracles in nigeria, the article employs the descriptive method. as used here, it simply means to ‘describe a phenomenon and its characteristics’ (nassaji 2015:130). sequentially, the article examines the purpose and significance of miracles in the nt, the quest for miracles in nigeria and the economic background of the quest for miracles. the purpose and significance of miracles in the new testament in the nt, three greek words are used regularly to refer to miracles, namely τερας, σημειον and δυναμις. τερας emphasises the wonderfulness of an event, while δυναμις connotes divine power (pax 1970:586). according to mundle, hofius and brown (1976:621), σημειον ‘stresses the functional aspect of an event as a sign’, thereby referring to the symbolic character of miracles. in the gospel of john, σημειον is consistently used for ‘miracle’, which is an attempt to indicate that the miracles of jesus ‘signify truths concerning christ’ and his ministry (monday 2021:2). the four gospels present jesus as a miracle worker. in his miracles, two major categories emerge, of which healing is the more numerous. there are three types of healing, namely cures of ailments, exorcisms, ‘where demons are cast away’, and raising the dead (monday 2021:2). the second group is nature miracles, such as cursing the fig tree (mk 11:12–14, 20–25 & pars.), changing water into wine (jn 2:1–11), feeding the 5000 (mk 6:42–44 & pars.) and stilling the storm (mk 4:35–41; pars.) (blomberg 1984:428–431). according to hardon (1954:251), miracles serve a purpose higher than merely astonishing the witnesses. rather, it is to indicate an extraordinary intervention of god through which he confirms ‘the teaching or sanctity of the person through whom the prodigy is worked’. for instance, in the old testament (ot), miracles were the instruments employed by yahweh to liberate the israelites from the egyptian bondage, thereby bearing witness to the calling of moses and aaron. miracles were the signs and wonders through which god ratified the ‘divine commission’ of elijah and elisha (hardon 1954:229). thus, besides their intrinsic function as spontaneous divine signs, miracles are also ‘extrinsic signs which god uses … to testify in favor of some person whose sanctity he wants recognized’ (hardon 1954:253). kolawole (2020:27) opines that miracles have the significance of ‘testifying to the authenticity of god’s messengers who bring his revelation to humanity’. as expressed by carson (1991:87), when miracles happen, they give ‘evidence that god is truly at work’ in the activities of his messenger. with the opening of the nt, miracles bore witness to the coming, the person and calling of jesus and his relationship with god (hardon 1954:229). subsequent to the miraculous birth of jesus, some of his miracles served to prove that he was indeed the expected messiah. for instance, being in prison and possibly in doubt about jesus’ mission, john the baptist sent his own disciples to ask jesus if he really was the messiah. apparently citing the promise in the prophecy of isaiah, jesus responded: go and tell john what you hear and see: the blind receive their sight and the lame walk, lepers are cleansed and the deaf hear, and the dead are raised up, and the poor have good news preached to them. (mt 11:4–5, rsv1; cf. is 26:19; 29:18–19; 35:5–6; 61:1) in other words, jesus’ miracles were an indication ‘that god’s promise to israel is being fulfilled’ in himself (antwi 2016:13). and while some doubted, jesus’ miracles ‘convinced many that he was the messiah’ (monday 2021:5). as hardon (1954:255) puts it, they testify ‘divine approval to the heavenly mission of the son of god among men’. jesus’ miracles did not only prove that he was god-sent but also indicate his union with god and that a close relationship existed ‘between the works of the father and the works of the son’ (monday 2021:5). this is demonstrated, for example, in the healing of the man who had been sick for 38 years. responding to the jews’ query for performing healing on the sabbath, jesus told them: the son can do nothing of his own accord, but only what he sees the father doing. … for the father loves the son, and shows him all that he himself is doing; and greater works than these will he show him, that you may marvel. (jn 5:19–20; cf. 14:10) furthermore, the miracles of jesus are consistently linked with his proclamation of god’s kingdom. this is seen in matthew’s portrayal of jesus as ‘preaching the gospel of the kingdom and healing every disease and infirmity’ (4:23). moreover, included in jesus’ ‘programmatic statement of his mission’ are healing the brokenhearted and giving recovery of sight to the blind (lk 4:18). in mark 1:15, the evangelist sees in the exorcisms of jesus an ‘announcement of the imminent arrival of the kingdom of god’ (blomberg 1984:427). in this way, like parables, ‘miracles are metaphors of the kingdom’ (blomberg 1984:427). jesus’ miracles are also an extraordinary manifestation of god’s attributes, notably his power and mercy (hardon 1954:253). for instance, when jesus healed the paralytic at caparnaum, the witnesses glorified god who had given such power to men among them (mt 9:8). seeing the widow of nain whose only child had just died, jesus ‘had compassion on her’ and raised her son from death. in the feeding of 5000 people, jesus had ‘compassion on the crowd, because they have been with me now three days, and have nothing to eat’ (mt 15:32). to this end, antwi (2016:13) opines that while some of jesus’ miracles point to god’s power, in some instances he was moved with pity ‘to demonstrate his compassion with humanity’. nonetheless, the ultimate purpose of jesus’ miracles seems to be precisely stated in mark 16:20. after jesus’ ascension his disciples ‘went forth and preached everywhere, while the lord worked with them and confirmed the message by the signs that attended it’. that is to say that the miracles were meant to prove the veracity of the gospel message. in other words, all the healings, exorcisms, among others were ‘incidental and a by-product to [this] true purpose’ (monday 2021:5). from the nt perspective, therefore, the emphasis of miracles is ‘on the proclamation of the word of god’ and not on the miracles themselves (antwi 2016:14). in summary, jesus’ miracles were to prove ‘that he was the messiah, to exhibit the glory and the sovereignty of god, to show the compassion of god for humanity and to authenticate his proclamation’ (antwi 2016:13). after jesus’ departure, miracles continued to happen in the early church (ac 3:1–10; 5:12). before he ascended into heaven, jesus gave to his disciples the power to perform miracles ‘as a pledge of his assistance and a proof’ of the authority of the church (hardon 1954:229; cf. mk 16:17). it is noteworthy, however, that even in the days of jesus, there were miracles that were not from god. for instance, miracle healers existed outside the circle of jesus’ disciples (mk 9:38–40). in the days of paul, in ephesus, some ‘jewish exorcists, presumably magicians, attempted’ to cast out demons using jesus’ name (antwi 2016:14; cf. ac 19:13–17). the case of simon the magician indicates that some thought that miracle power could be purchased apparently for pecuniary purposes (ac 8:3–25). all these go to testify that in nt times ‘not all wonders [were] miracles from god’ (antwi 2016:14). this is further seen in the fact that jesus himself was accused of performing miracles by the power of beelzebub (mt 12:22–37 & pars.), which suggests that certain persons ‘worked miracles in the name of beelzebub,2 other spirits or magic’ (antwi 2016:14). this accusation is best understood against the backdrop of the fact that jesus’ healing techniques ‘were common to magicians’ in the graeco-roman culture within which he operated (cunningham 1990:17; cf. smith 1993:128). so, for some of his witnesses, jesus was just another magician. therefore, in anticipation of the next section of this article, ‘the ability to perform a miracle does not alone indicate and guarantee that the thaumaturgist is a man of god’ (antwi 2016:14). also, in anticipation of the discussion of the quest for miracles in nigeria, ‘one characteristic shared among all the miracles of jesus is that he delivered benefits freely and never requested or accepted any form of payment for his healing miracles’ (monday 2021:2). the section below examines the quest for miracles in nigeria against the purpose and significance of miracles in the nt. the quest for miracles in nigeria the quest for miracles in nigeria is explicable within the context of the ‘emergence of the charismatic movements [with their] emphasis on the healings and exorcisms [of] jesus’ (antwi 2016:4). their earliest appearance was witnessed in the aladura3 pentecostal movement that arose amid ‘the global 1918 pandemic’ of influenza, responding to the disease virtually with prayer and consecrated water (fagunwa 2020:57; cf. alana 1994:2; omotoye 1996–1999:64). nonetheless, the current wave of the quest for miracles is best understood in the context of neo-pentecostalism with its emphasis on prosperity and miracles. the prosperity gospel had originated from the 20th century three-wave changes that ‘occurred in american christianity’ (kitause 2015:42), namely pentecostalism with the evidence of tongues speaking, pioneered by charles fox parham (1873–1929) and championed by william joseph seymour (1870–1922), the faith prosperity movement of essek william kenyon (1867–1948) and the signs and wonders movement organised by peter wagner and john wimber (kitause 2015:42; cf. hunt 2000:331). prosperity preaching arrived nigeria in the mid-1980s (kitause 2015:50), and its emphasis has been on financial abundance and miracles, but in this article, the focus is on the latter. as a matter of fact, miracle ‘became a specific feature of pentecostalism that differentiates it from other’ christian denominations (ukah 2011:48). iheanacho (2009:107) observes that in ‘pentecostal charismatics every minister … is a vision seer and a miracle worker, or pretends to be one’. the pentecostal stress on miracles, perhaps, derives from their conception of ill health to comprise not only the physical but also the spiritual, ‘psychological, socio-economic [and] political’ (kalu 2008:265). while medicine may cure physical illness, the other forms will usually require divine intervention. in fact, pastor enoch adeboye, general overseer of the redeemed christian church of god (rccg), teaches that illness is a product of the devil’s mischief, and a true christian should not accommodate sickness and the holy spirit in their body simultaneously. when sickness occurs, it requires a divine solution (adeboye 1994:10). with this manner of belief, basing christian living ‘on the performance of miracles is almost unavoidable’ (endong 2015:19). it is, therefore, no surprise that the belief in miracles takes a central place in the teaching of the neo-pentecostal pastors. they seem to believe that ‘signs and wonders legitimize’ them as god-sent (endong 2015:19). for instance, femi emmanuel, founder of livingspring chapel, states that ‘miracle is the crux of the gospel. gospel minus miracles becomes ridiculous. christianity is the religion of signs and wonders’ (ukah 2011:49). as expressed by pastor chris oyakhilome of christ embassy, miracles are the preacher’s credentials. ‘if you preach jesus christ and he sent you, he will back up your claims’ with miracles. if god does not support the preacher’s claims with miracles, they have to find out if they are truly called (ukah 2011:49). ukah (2011) asserts about the neo-pentecostal churches that: [being] in stiff competition among themselves for membership, [m]iracles [are their] unique selling proposition (usp). … miracles [are] … the most important product offered religious consumers, something special and convincing to attract attention and precipitate the possible switching of allegiance from one church to another. miracles as ups also provide legitimation for the activities of church owner-founders, the proof of their divine call to mission. (p. 48) thus, in neo-pentecostal christianity, miracle performance becomes a necessity for recognition. for any ministry to ‘appeal to the common folk and the cream of the society’ (manus 1989:665), ‘it must be linked with the manifestation of miracles’ (thompson & kolawole 2020:90). therefore, apparently to win people to their churches, neo-pentecostal pastors engage in the advertisement of miracles through various means. the incessant crusades are, perhaps, the most regular avenue for advertising miracles in nigeria. in most cities in the southern and central regions, everyday one comes across posters announcing crusades where ‘miracles, deliverance and breakthrough’ are bound to happen (ademiluka 2007a:106). iwuagwu (2018) states that: it is common place in nigeria of today to be overwhelmed in public places by the sight of billboards, banners, posters and fliers publishing crusades, programs and churches where miracles take place. the social, print and electronic media are not left out as potent medium in this advertisement for miracles. many television channels are devoted to the promise and display of … miracles. (p. 68) miracles are also advertised through the names of churches, such that the word ‘miracle’ or one connoting miracle appears in the name of the church. examples abound, including mountain of fire and miracles ministries, salvation and healing power int’l., rhema deliverance mission, freedom and deliverance ministries, jesus victorious miracles ministry, among others. (ademiluka 2007a:106). miracles are advertised for virtually all areas of human life, including deliverance from not only physical and spiritual illnesses and problems but also unemployment and particularly poverty (iwuagwu 2018:68). asamoah-gyadu (2005:80) proposes that pentecostal advertisement for miracles is consequent upon the search by the general public. in other words, as people move about looking for miracles sometimes even for things for which miracles are not needed, this puts pressure on the leaders to seek to work miracles by all means. but the situation seems to be the other way round: the advertisements for miracles cause people to go about looking miracles. it is in response to the advertisements that ‘thousands of people flock to [the designated] venues expecting miracles even for what they can accomplish without needing a miracle’ (iwuagwu 2018:69). claims of miracles abound in nigeria, particularly among pentecostal preachers. the claims involve making the barren to have children, healing from all kinds of diseases, including even deadly ones like human immunodeficiency virus (hiv) and/or acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (aids) and even raising the dead (ademiluka 2007a:99). while the validity of all the claims cannot be proved, certainly all cannot be false. on the contrary, testimonies abound of people who have received ‘miracles of healing … and deliverance from’ all kinds of problems (antwi 2016:4). to this end, ademiluka (2007a:100) asserts that ‘there are reports [of miracles] that sound real and convincing’. nonetheless, the scholar admits that in nigeria the question of the validity of miracles ‘has generated so much controversy in the church’ (ademiluka 2007a:106). however, as will be shown shortly, the controversy is not only on the validity of miracles but also about some untoward and bizarre practices. in nigeria, crusades are the usual venues for miracles. many churches hold regular crusades for evangelisation, but among the pentecostals miracles appear to be the centrepoint of these programmes. while the crusades of many churches go unannounced on air, the big ones relay theirs on television, of which ‘airing of miracles takes [the] large chunk’ (obayi & edogor 2016:17). in fact, many pentecostal pastors own satellite channels on which they broadcast religious programmes, particularly miracles. perhaps, the most prominent in respect of miracle broadcast are chris oyakhilome of christ embassy and the late t. b. joshua of synagogue. according to ukah (2011:53), oyakhilome started his television ministry in 1996 through which was aired the programme atmosphere for miracles (atm), running every day on some 20 television stations until the ban of miracle demonstration on television by the nigerian broadcasting corporation (nbc) in 2004. t. b. joshua’s channel, emmanuel television, is also popularly known for demonstration of healing miracles. while many nigerians converge at the miracle centres and others claim on television to have received all sorts of miracles, at the same time all manners of criticism have trailed the miracles. to start with, many have criticised the habit of emphasising miracles over and above evangelism. according to asaju (1987/88:30-31), this amounts to substituting signs and wonders for the salvation of souls, which is the primary objective of jesus’ mission. many nigerians doubt the veracity of most of the miracles displayed on television, and the doubt arises from various perspectives. in the first place, miracle claims are so common that people wonder if they can all be true. iwuagwu (2018:69) opines that ‘frivolous miracle claims have raised more questions than answers [hence] worshippers [are] reluctant to accept anything as a miracle’. some interpret the abundance of miracle claims as a fulfilment of the biblical prophecy that ‘in the last days many would deceive even the elect with miracles’ (ademiluka 2007a:108; cf. mt 24:24). apart from the issue of commonness, there is also the popular talk about fake or ‘stage-managed [miracles] by nigerian pastors’ (iwuagwu 2018:69). some miracle performers recruit gangs of people to assist them in stage-managing miracles. for instance, in 2016 the police in enugu state arrested an allegedly notorious syndicate that specialised in collaborating with ‘pastors to fake miracles’ (iwuagwu 2018:69). a miracle-working pastor hires them to engage some persons to feign having certain health problems. having obtained the details about the ‘patients’, during a miracle programme the pastor prophesies in accordance with the details, prays for them and ‘they will testify to their [instant] healing’ (iwuagwu 2018:69). the punch of 14 march 2020 reported a video clip of one of the miracle-working pastors ‘performing what appeared like a miracle’ on a woman. it happened that another video clip was in circulation showing the same woman ‘claiming she had the same problem as another unidentified pastor prayed for her’ (folarin 2020). also common are allegations that some pentecostal pastors use ‘magical powers and cultic mediums to manipulate and cajole their credulous adherents’ (magbadelo 2004:15; cf. iwuagwu 2018:69). one of the reasons for this allegation is the healing practice of some pastors whereby the healer touches the head of his patients and they fall down instantaneously. sometimes, objects like handkerchiefs, rings or olive oil are used ‘to achieve similar effects on their victims’ (ademiluka 2007a:110). such practices have become suspect so much that the pentecostal fellowship of nigeria (pfn) has had to warn the public on the dangers of ‘infiltrators who had modernised cultism’ by injecting the name of jesus into it (ademiluka 2007a:111). ukah (2011:53) asserts that ‘the arrowheads of the miracle group’ are chris oyakhilome and t. b. joshua, both of whom have been criticised on several occasions by other prominent pastors of ‘epitomising thinly veiled occult healing practices’. until his death in 2021, t. b. joshua was commonly alleged to be running an occult centre, where some other pastors visited for ‘power to boost their healing ministries’ (ademiluka 2007a:111). both of oyakhilome and joshua, however, responded that jesus was the source of their power (ademiluka 2007a:111), while to their admirers, their accusers are only being jealous and envious (ukah 2011:53). it got to a point that the types of miracles and the manner by which they were being shown on television became worrisome to the nigerian public, and many viewers actually complained that the programmes were an ‘insult on their intelligence’ (ademiluka 2007a:111). it was, therefore, a welcome development to many when in 2004 the nbc banned the broadcasting of miracles on the broadcast media. by this prohibition, it became unlawful for broadcasters to air ‘miracles on television in a way which is not provable and believable’ (obayi & edogor 2016:17). leaders of several denominations welcomed the ban because, to them, the miracle performers were not preaching the gospel but advertising miracles in order to woo more people to their churches and satisfy their desire for money (obayi & edogor 2016:17). some also said that the practice was bringing reproach to the church of god. the leadership of the pfn likened fake miracles to fake drugs, thereby lumping miracle advertisement with ‘money laundry, advance fee fraud … and sundry corrupt practices’ (ukah 2011:52). there was, then, the need for government intervention in order to protect the public from the effects of the greed of these preachers. it is important to note, though, that the ban has not been much effective in removing miracles from air. this is because in nigeria, advertisements from christian organisations are ‘the main source of revenue to many commercial radio and television stations’ (effiom 2005:99). ukah (2011:50) states that advertisement and sponsored programmes from religious bodies ‘provide more than 40% of the revenue of both government’ and private media houses. hence, the operators are naturally reluctant to abide by any control measures that might rob them of revenue from that sector. at the same time, religious bodies are ready to pay money to keep their programmes on air. more important, however, is private ownership of satellite channels by religious organisations that need not operate from nigeria. for instance, oyakhilome’s miracle programmes have remained on air, being broadcast from ghana and south africa (ukah 2011:53). t. b. joshua’s emmanuel television ‘is also hosted from south africa’ (ukah 2011:53). the foregoing analysis indicates that the perception of miracles in nigeria clearly contradicts the purpose and significance of miracles in the nt. as seen in the previous section, the essence of miracles in the nt was that they proved the veracity of the gospel message, and very importantly, they were initiated by god himself; that is, ‘god is the prime mover’ (resane 2017:6; cf. mk 16:20). the miracles in themselves were merely a by-product of this purpose. from the nt perspective, therefore, the main quality of a miracle is ‘its divine orchestration as opposed to human demonstration’ (resane 2017:6). the perception of miracles by many nigerian miracle workers differs significantly from this. most often, ‘miracles are human initiated’, with worshippers looking on to the preacher rather than god (resane 2017:6). the preachers’ intention is not to spread the gospel but to attract attention and ‘convince their audience that they have the ability to communicate with the spiritual realm’ (antwi 2016:5). in other words, the concentration is on the miracles and not the word of god (antwi 2016:6). this perception is also a departure from the nt purpose of miracles to exhibit god’s sovereignty and compassion for humanity. the focus on miracles instead of the gospel explains the frantic and inordinate efforts to work miracles, such as miracle stage-managing and the resort to occult practices. the miracle workers’ intention also justifies the accusation of commercialisation of miracles through advertising, which is another contradiction to the nt purpose. magbadelo (2004:16) asserts that these preachers ‘pursue their pre-occupation as a commercial venture, [utilising] any means to accumulate profits’. ‘with catchy and animating words, [they] advertise for harvest of miracles, which turn out to be harvest of money’ (iheanacho 2009:107). according to iheanacho (2009:107), oftentimes their miracles ‘attract financial charges’ in cash and/or kind, in addition to using magical means ‘to draw large crowds to their churches’. similarly, iroegbu (2005:19) states that some modern-time miracle workers perform miracles at ‘the financial cost of the beneficiaries’. this attitude was not found in jesus’ ministry, as he charged nobody any fees. instead, jesus was entirely altruistic. ‘when he had solved their problems he pastorally sent them away to do better for themselves and for others’ (iroegbu 2005:19). it is not only that jesus never received any reward for his miracles; he also did not advertise them. ‘his miraculous acts happened unpretentiously and spontaneously without any call towards himself’ (resane 2017:6). paul’s condemnation of simon the magician also indicates that biblically miracles are not meant for self-aggrandisement (ac 8:3–25). in the section below, the article examines how the quest for miracles in nigeria is precipitated by the economic situation. the economic background of the quest for miracles for some time now, the economic situation in nigeria is such that it is capable of inducing the quest for miracles as described above. van scheepers (2010:164) observes that in the sub-saharan africa, many households and individuals live below the poverty line in that their ‘incomes are insufficient to provide for basic needs’, the proposition that is highly applicable in nigeria. retrospectively, poverty in nigeria has often been traced to the mismanagement of the economy arising from the discovery of crude oil in the 1970s. before the discovery of petroleum ‘agriculture was the main stay of nigeria’s economy’ (oni 2014:206). with the discovery, however, the agricultural sector was neglected, which has since 1980 led to the recession from which the country has not recovered (ademiluka 2007b:29). the first major characteristic of the recession is the resort to external borrowing by successive governments, such that the country has been consistently indebted to the world bank, the international monetary fund (imf) and such ‘other monopoly capitalist clubs in paris and london’ (obafemi 1994:49). to offset the debts, government has embarked on policies that have rather impoverished the populace. an example is the structural adjustment programme (sap) introduced by the babangida administration (1985–1992). ‘sap led to the removal of petroleum subsidy, privatization/commercialization of public enterprises, and the liberalization of trade and exchange system’ (mohammed & ibrahim 2020:2). the devaluation of the naira by sap has rather rendered it worthless in that it has steadily depreciated so much that today $1 (us) exchanges for over n700. this astronomically high rate of inflation has shot up prices of goods and services beyond the reach of the common man. structural adjustment programme has also been accountable for the unprecedented rate of unemployment and retrenchment in nigeria, as many local industries have had to fold up because of the high prices of raw materials and related goods and services (ademiluka 2007b:30). more than harsh policies, however, the main factor that has ruined the nigerian economy is corruption among the ruling class. chinweuba (2019:41) notes that ‘members of the ruling class and their cronies [divert] the highest level of resources … to their own private uses’. the result of this behaviour is ‘abject poverty at the doorsteps of many’ (osinowo, sanusi & tolorunju 2019:3). poverty arises from corruption as it ‘diverts government spending away from socially valuable goods’ (ajisafe 2016:160), thereby creating the unprecedented unemployment in nigeria. hence, as reported by the united nations (un) in 2016, ‘over 80 million (or 64%) of the [nigerian] population [lived] below the poverty line’ (united nations 2016). this fact is supported by the world poverty clock when it reveals that nigeria has the highest rate of extreme poverty in the world, ‘with 86.9 million nigerians living in extreme poverty in 2018’ (iheonu & urama 2019:1). this is the economic situation that is being exploited by the miracle preachers and which induces the search for miracles by many nigerians. in other words, the failure of government to successfully address poverty ‘has motivated a good number of nigerians’ to put hope in prophecies of miracle rather than in political propaganda (endong 2015:21). mbe (2002:368) theorises that when a group of people are being deprived of essential needs of life, religion offers doctrinal alternatives, either by which these needs are considered to be of insignificant value or through which they are believed to be achievable. thus, in nigeria, pentecostal preachers ‘artfully adapt their messages to the deplorable socio-economic situation’ of the nigerian masses by advertising the alternative of miracles as the means by which they can address poverty (endong 2015:20). and they have had a high degree of success due to the economic situation. many attend church and christian programmes mainly ‘to seek a solution to their socio-economic problems’ (adeyanju & babalola 2017:27). in this way, miracle preachers ‘have remarkably been feasting on the psychology of the masses’ (endong 2015:20), as they dangle the choice of ‘miracle and prosperity to millions of unemployed nigerians’ (magbadelo 2004:16). poverty also makes nigerians to fall for miracle preaching in that many ‘find it difficult to [foot] hospital bills’ (owoeye 2012:104). hence, for nigerians who are too poor to afford drugs, miracle preaching churches have ‘replaced both doctor and pharmacy’ (ukah 2011:50). another way in which the economic situation precipitates the quest for miracles is that many have resorted to establishing churches ‘as a means of escaping poverty and joblessness’ (ojo & babajide 2020:82) and thereafter ‘claim the power of miracle healing’ (ukah 2011:50). it is therefore correct to say that the quest for miracles is ‘an effect of the rampant poverty’ in the land (ademiluka 2007a:109). conclusion and recommendations the quest for miracles in nigeria has indeed become a social menace in that many have fallen victim to fake miracle workers. the quest also indicates that many nigerian christians have a perception of miracles that is contrary to the purpose and significance of miracles in the nt. the miracles of jesus and those of the apostles were initiated by god himself and meant to prove the truth of the gospel message. in other words, the miracles in themselves were merely a by-product of this purpose. on the contrary, the miracles of many nigerian preachers are human initiated, with the recipients focusing on to the preacher rather than god. their intention is not to spread the gospel but to attract human attention. the focus on miracles instead of the gospel explains the frantic efforts to work miracles, such as miracle stage-managing and the resort to occult practices. another significant departure from the nt altruistic example is the commercialisation of miracles by nigerian miracle workers. this wrong attitude towards miracles is explicable against the background of the economic situation in nigeria in which mismanagement and corruption, particularly on the part of the ruling class, have precipitated an unprecedented rate of poverty among the citizenry. this economic situation is being exploited by the miracle preachers, who feast on the psychology of the masses by making them to believe in miracles as the only solution to their socio-economic problems. the quest for miracles in nigeria, then, is an effect of the rampant poverty in the land. therefore, the right approach towards changing nigerian christians’ attitude to miracles is to address the economic situation. this is mainly the responsibility of government but, as discussed above, in nigeria ‘poverty is not the result of chance, destiny or fate [but of] the bad will of men and women’ holding political power (adeyanju & babalola 2017:26). that is why government has not been able to honestly and successfully address poverty. the church cannot eradicate the wrong practices of its members about miracles, especially as many church leaders are involved in these practices. nonetheless, there are still a few steps that can be taken by individual denominations to address the problem of the quest for miracles. where to start is to educate their members about the teaching of the bible on miracles so that they are not easily deceived by miracle workers. perhaps more importantly, the church should care more about the economic condition of its members. it is true that the church in nigeria, as in other places, has been catering for the welfare of its members in several ways, especially in the occasional provision of materials like ‘food, clothes, and shelter for the homeless’ (mbofana 2017). in fact, some churches engage in other activities ‘focused on the economic empowerment of women and young people’ (jegede 2020:140). but the church now has to do more than all these. in view of the fact that in nigeria, poverty is a result of corruption on the part of the ruling elite, the church has to be more alive to the biblical injunction ‘to plead the cause of the needy [and] rescue the oppressed’ (ademiluka 2019:9; cf. ps 82:4). in other words, the church should take firm action against corruption by ‘speaking out and standing up against’ its perpetrators (mbofana 2017). as kruger (2009:424) puts it, preaching should not only focus on the needs of the poor but also challenge ‘their exploitation and oppression by those in position of power and wealth’. pieterse (2012:19) also opines that ‘preaching should show concern for justice to the poor’. showing concern for justice to the poor in the nigerian context would mean to ‘undo the ways that we … deny [economic] access and opportunities to the vulnerable’ (fuhlbruck 2016). when nigerian christians apply the correct teaching of the bible on miracles, and government discharges its economic responsibility towards them, such that they are gainfully engaged, they will be less dependent on miracles and more dependent on god. acknowledgements competing interests the author has declared that no competing interest exists. author’s contributions s.o.a is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding 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http://dailypost.ng/2016/09/05/nigeria-one-poorest-countries-world-80m-living-poverty-line-un-report. van scheepers, c.l., 2010, ‘ethnicity, cultural diversity and poverty in south africa: archaeological perspectives from iron-age palestine’, old testament essays 23(1), 161–177. footnotes 1. unless otherwise stated, all quoted bible references are from the revised standard version (rsv). 2. possibly a corruption of baal-zebul, the local deity of ekron (2 ki 1:2–3). in early judaism, baal-zebul was ‘appropriately applied’ to satan (keener 1993:80). 3. in nigeria, ‘aladura churches’ collectively refers to the cherubim and seraphim church (c&s), church of the lord (aladura), christ apostolic church (cac) and the celestial church of christ (ccc) (komolafe 2016:39). abstract introduction and background research problem aims of the study theoretical framework methodology discussion of the findings conclusion and recommendations acknowledgements references about the author(s) s. frank rapholo department of social work, faculty of humanities, university of limpopo, polokwane, south africa citation rapholo, s.f., 2020, ‘perceptions of church leaders on the integration of migrant youth into south africa: the case of refugees in the refugee camps managed by churches at musina’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a34. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.34 research project registration: project number: grant no: 116810 review article perceptions of church leaders on the integration of migrant youth into south africa: the case of refugees in the refugee camps managed by churches at musina s. frank rapholo received: 12 aug. 2019; accepted: 09 mar. 2020; published: 10 june 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract southern africa has a long history of intra-regional migration, dating back to the mid-19th century. an increasing number of people migrated to escape poverty, seek livelihoods or escape from political upheavals and civil strife, such as the mozambican and angolan civil wars. the patterns and scale of these population movements across the globe are constantly in flux. in spite of south africa being a signatory to all african union and southern african development community protocols, little has been achieved with regard to the integration of migrants into mainstream welfare services. this qualitative study aimed to explore and describe the perceptions of church leaders on the integration of migrant youth in musina into south africa. the new economics theory of migration was used to understand migrant youth’s conditions from their host countries, which predisposed them to migrate and end up having challenges of being integrated into south africa. a descriptive case-study design was used to purposively select two church leaders who are the key informants for migrant youth in their churches. semi-structured interviews were followed, and data were analysed thematically through nvivo software. findings show that many problems migrant youth face start with problems around documentation, which leads to their inaccessibility to government services, poor living conditions and starvation. findings also show that migrant youth face challenges of rejection and discrimination by local citizens. therefore, stakeholders in musina should be empowered to collaborate their services for the integration of immigrants into the mainstream activities of south africa. keywords: church leader; integration; migrant youth; refugee; welfare system. introduction and background migration is both an internal and international problem, which needs the attention of various disciplines to address it. there are various motives and reasons for migration of people from their home countries (browne 2017; devictor 2016). for instance, some are running way from conflicts, while others migrate for better jobs to help their families and provide them with remittances. people, whether internally or internationally, migrate in order to improve their living circumstances. rugunanan and smit (2011) postulated that for many individuals and families across the globe, migration has become a survival strategy for escaping armed conflict and human rights violations in their countries of origin. people who migrate are usually the youth. southern africa has now became a region on the move (ed. mcdonald 2000), particularly amongst the youth. in the past 21 years, an increasing number of people have migrated to escape poverty, seek livelihoods or escape from political upheavals and civil strife (thet 2014), such as the mozambican and angolan civil wars, the effects of which continue to be felt to date on regional development. the patterns and scale of these population movements are constantly in flux. the economic and political collapse of zimbabwe, for instance, has generated unprecedented outward migration to southern african countries (lee 2003; oyelana 2016). even as stability gradually returns in zimbabwe, the humanitarian crises facing its diaspora and the potential for further waves of migration remain high (adepoju 1995; castles, de haas & miller 2013; chimni 2009; crush, williams & peberdy 2005; wolf 2010). young people migrate from the northern regions of africa to the south. there are few bigger variations underlying the swing towards greater intra-regional migration. firstly, the end of apartheid, a system designed to control movement and exclude outsiders, created new opportunities for internal and cross-border mobility and new incentives for moving. the subsequent integration of south africa with the southern african development community (sadc) region brought about a major increase in legal and undocumented cross-border flows and new forms of mobility. secondly, the region’s reconnection with the global economy has opened it up to forms of migration commonly associated with globalisation (eds. crush & mcdonald 2002). thirdly, growing rural and urban poverty and unemployment have pushed more people out of households in search of a livelihood. crush et al. (2005) added that the sadc countries are still dealing with the legacy of mass displacement and forced migration. the impact of the mozambican and angolan civil wars continues to reverberate. recurrent civil strife in the rest of africa has generated mass refugee movements and new kinds of asylum seekers to and within the region. browne (2017) stated that economic prospects and education are some reasons behind young people migrating to foreign countries. they migrate to the foreign countries looking for better or decent jobs. education for children according to bakewell and bonfiglio (2013) is considered a family investment. thus, most people point economic prospects for migrating and that this may also benefit the educational services for their children in the foreign countries. this supports lee (2003) and oyelana (2016) who avowed that the growing unemployment and economic hardships in countries like zimbabwe prompted most youth to look elsewhere for economic livelihoods, either in the urban informal economy or outside the country or both. according to the united nations headquarters [unh] (2016), international migration has increased drastically. it is estimated that around 243 million people have migrated in the year 2016. to add to this, in 2017, there were about 10 million international migrants from different parts of the world in africa (united nations 2017) and the majority of them were young people. south africa had 4 million international migrants in 2017 (international organization for migration [iom] 2017). these statistics support the researcher’s observation in musina town, which is in the northern region of south africa, that there is an increased number of migrant youth. these international young migrants are mostly accommodated in the churches in musina, and the researcher has observed that they live in poor living conditions. when these young migrants arrive in the foreign countries, they face a numerous challenges. thus, the researcher has developed a hunch to explore and describe church leaders’ perspectives on the integration of migrant youth in musina town into the south african welfare system. research problem africa remains a continent with complex migration dynamics. the continent is generally characterised by dynamic migratory patterns and has a long history of intra-regional as well as inter-regional migration flows. conflict, income inequalities and environmental change can result in very low levels of human security that act as push factors for migration. the world bank (adams & page 2003) has pointed out that over time migration is both poverty-driven and poverty-limited: that is, it starts to happen as incomes begin to rise and people in disadvantaged communities become aware of opportunities outside their own localities. acknowledging that it is difficult to determine with precision the drivers of youth migration, young people’s motivations are often linked to the search for sustainable livelihoods, because of lack of employment and/or under-employment, absence of decent working conditions and poor economic prospects in their countries of origin (browne 2017). while searching for sustainable livelihoods in south africa, migrant youth face a number of challenges in the host country. south africa is a home for a vast number of migrant youth. some of them are in musina town, which is approximately 18 km away from beit-bridge border post that divides south africa and zimbabwe where this study was conducted. these migrant youth are mostly accommodated in the churches, as they do not have their own places of residence. this research argues that there have never been studies that specifically zoomed into the views of church leaders on their experiences with these migrant youth in their shelters. therefore, this study sought to explore and describe the perceptions of church leaders regarding the integration of migrant youth into south africa. aims of the study this study was aimed to contextually explore and describe the perceptions of church leaders regarding the integration of migrant youth into the south african system. theoretical framework this study was guided by new economics theory of migration, which was found by stark in the 1980s. new economics theory of migration argues that migration is not determined by an individual migrant independently but is determined by mutual interdependence (kurekova 2011; stark 1991). kurekova posited that the decision to migrate is not made by isolated individuals but by families or households. the decisions of migrants are subjective to a comprehensive set of factors that are shaped by conditions in the home country. this theory was useful in this study to understand the conditions of migrant youth in their host countries that predisposed them to migrate to south africa where they face challenges of being integrated into the south african system. in the context of this study, young people migrate to south africa because of socio-economic challenges in their respective countries. some migrate in order to improve their living conditions together with those of their households. subsequent to new economic theory of migration, psychosocial theory that has been found by erick erikson in an attempt to explain human development also guided this study. psychosocial theory is useful for any application involving personal awareness and development – of oneself or others. erikson, as cited in keenen (2008:5), believed that human development is best understood as an interaction of three systems, namely: the somatic system (all of those biological processes necessary for the functioning of the individual), ego system (includes those process central to thinking and reasoning) and societal system (process by which a person becomes integrated into their society). this theory is ideal as erikson mentioned that individuals go through eight stages of development. for this study, stages of development of youth involved the adolescent stage. an adolescent is faced with identity versus role confusion stage with the inclusion of parenthood. migrant youth might not successfully pass this stage as they will be trying to identify themselves as well as establishing themselves apart from economic prospects. evidently, erikson stated that effectively going through every crisis includes ‘accomplishing’ a sound proportion or harmony between the two restricting manners that represent each crisis. methodology this was a qualitative study. the qualitative approach was chosen as the study sought to gain the understanding, knowledge and insight of church leaders regarding the integration of migrant youth they have accommodated in their churches into the south african system. this approach is useful as it enables the researcher to gain first-hand experience from the participants (creswell 2003). to pursue the aim of this study as stated above, a descriptive case-study design was used. fouché and schurink (2011) denoted that researchers who opt for descriptive case studies use small number of instances to produce detailed description of cases. key informant sampling technique was used to purposively select two church leaders in musina who managed shelters for migrant youth. semi-structured interviews and observations were used to collect data that were analysed thematically in this study through the help of the nvivo software. to ensure the quality of the findings, credibility, conformability, transferability and dependability were followed. credibility through prolonged engagement, member checking and peer examination was ensured, and field notes were written directly after each interview with each pastor for auditing purposes in order to endure the conformability of the findings. data were correctly coded for dependability purposes. data were gathered from a small number of participants (n = 2) and they got saturated. ethical consideration an ethical clearance was obtained from turfloop research and ethics committee (trec) of the university of limpopo with project number trec/74/2019: ir; permission to conduct the research was granted by musina local municipality in the limpopo province, and churches that manage shelters for refugees. the aim of this study as well as the voluntary nature of their participation was clearly explained to the participants; after they verbally agreed to participate, the participants also signed a consent form. to ensure confidentiality, the names and identities of the participants have not been mentioned in this article. discussion of the findings the following themes emerged upon the interviews with church leaders in musina on the integration of migrant youth into the system of south africa. theme: inaccessibility of government services the participants have stated an access to government services for migrant youth in musina as a problem. one participant stated that government officials always shift the responsibility of migrant youth to the church as they have accommodated them. the other pastor indicated that it is unbiblical to neglect the needy and that the needy is anyone who has been created by god regardless of where they come from. this pastor further indicated that the church has a function to ensure that the needy are taken care of by providing them with basic services. this assertion is in line with the previous studies in relation to the role of the church in assisting the needy that churches are identified as a hub in which a wide range of personal and social services is provided, significantly aiding co-ethnic members to adapt to their new conditions (hiilamo 2012; ley 2008). this is what the pastor has said: ‘[i]t is unbiblical to avoid the needy including the young foreigners in this town. the needy includes everyone who has been created by god. as pastors we cannot leave these young people suffering in our presence. even though we don’t have anything, but at least we can provide them with accommodation.’ the services that were identified included amongst others healthcare services, food parcels and paupers’ burial. this validates a study undertaken by the commission of the european communities (2008) where it was discovered that immigrants’ access to health and basic services, housing, electricity, sanitary living conditions and banking services is heavily constrained. in this study, participants have highlighted constraints of the south african government service which are healthcare services, food parcels and paupers burial. in corroboration to this, these are the participants’ statements: ‘[s]o, our government officials do not want to work together with us. the basic services such as a mere healthcare is not accessible to them. when they are sick, it becomes the burden of the church and we don’t have money. the healthcare practitioners would say it is our responsibility to identify the families of these people more especially during death cases and unfortunately we do not have most of their identifying particulars and some of them cannot even speak our language as some come from countries like malawi, drc, angola, uganda and zimbabwe. we have asked for food parcels so that at least they can have something to their stomach, unfortunately, we did not receive any and at church there is no food. we only provide them with accommodation.’ ‘[w]e don’t know the families of these young migrants that we have accommodated in our church. the vision of our church is to look after the needy. these young people do not have a shelter around musina where they can hide their heads and if we do not assist them, they will roam around our community and steal from members of this community.’ findings reveal access to government services such as healthcare, paupers’ burial and food as constraints for both migrant youth and churches that accommodate them. previous studies also have confirmed that immigrants in south africa have challenges of being denied access to emergency and basic care, including full course of prescribed medication, because of the unwillingness of health professionals as a result of xenophobic attitudes (bollini & siem 1995; nkosi 2004; pursell 2005). it is therefore imperative that stakeholders in musina and other surrounding towns collaboratively join their efforts in addressing the integration of immigrants into the south african welfare system. in addition to this, the researcher is of the view that immigration laws should also be tightened and that everyone who crosses the border to a foreign country does so with legal documents. this will enable access to services such as healthcare amongst migrants. if these laws are not tightened, some people can take advantage and cross the borders illegally and upon their arrival to the foreign countries establish intimate relationships with partners in the host countries. if they migrate with chronic diseases such as human immunodeficiency virus (hiv)/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (aids) and/or catch the virus in a host country and be denied access to healthcare services, it will still be a problem for the host country as everyone will be more likely to be infected and affected. crush (2008) shared the same sentiment that migrant youth are affected by social and health ills such as hiv and aids in their home countries and the host countries, and that this will continue to bear the brunt of this youth crisis. theme: poor living conditions the participants stated the large number of migrant youth in their churches as a challenge. they indicated that after realising the poor living conditions for immigrants, particularly youth, in musina town, they erected shelters to provide them with accommodation. one pastor indicated that at their church, they use tents as housing, which is better than one sleeping under the bridge. these migrant youth are reported to be overcrowded in the churches, which is not good for their health. the researcher has observed this during the site visit, not only at the church but also in musina town. one pastor made an assertion that these migrant youth because of their lack of documentation do not even qualify for reconstrcution and development programme (rdp) houses. these young migrants were stated to be coming from different countries such as malawi, democratic republic of the congo, angola, uganda and zimbabwe. according to 24f(1) of the national environmental management act no. 107 of 1998 of the republic of south africa, every organisation that accommodates a group of people should be assessed and be recommended by the registered environmental health practitioners. upon a follow-up question to check if the churches are registered, it was discovered that they are not, reason being that these pastors are not aware about the registration processes and that the government officials do not cooperate with them. ‘[i]f you can come in the evening around 5 o’clock when everyone is back from work, you will realise that what you see is not enough. we have a lot of young migrants at church to a point that they do not even know each other and as you can see, the living conditions are not proper, but it is better than sleeping under the bridge. unfortunately, they do not even qualify for rdp houses due to their lack of documentations.’ in the same wavelength, the other participant stated: ‘[m]hmmm…. i was not aware that we are to register the church as we kept them. but since we don’t have any government officer who is interested in us, how will that be? or perhaps must we chase them away? that will be against the word of god and the word of god encourages that we should embrace and love one another.’ given that musina town is said to have a large number of young migrants, it confirms sommers’ (2010) sentiments that most cities of sub-saharan africa have a volume of migrant youth. through the researcher’s observation, a possible reason as to why a lot of young people migrate to musina town from their home countries is that the town is closer to the border post (beit bridge) bordering zimbabwe and south africa, and for job opportunities. sommers (2010) concurred with this sentiment that most young migrants shift from camps and settlements to cities for better living conditions. however, in south africa, such conditions, especially if the refugee migrated without legal documents, is not the case. starvation most african countries face poverty, which has now become more widespread. according to myers in sommers (2010), young people from most of the african cities, such as dar es salaam and zanzibar in tanzania, and lusaka, zambia’s capital, are migrating to the southern regions of africa as their local governments have lost the capacity to meet their responsibilities. participants in this study have indicated that in their churches, they have young migrants who starve because of unemployment and that unfortunately, the church does not have enough funds to feed them. the other pastor has indicated that they have tried to ask for food parcels from the government officials who were of no help because they wanted legal documents for the migrant youth’s permission to south africa. the participant echoed that: ‘[t]hese young people are starving at the church there and our government is nowhere to be found in order to assist them with food parcels and the church does not have money to buy them food. however, sometimes people from this community would come at the church and pick one or two to give them piece jobs on a very less price, which is better than nothing.’ findings reveal starvation to be a problem that young migrants face upon their arrival in south africa. the researcher is of the view that, if one starves, it is more likely that he or she can engage in anti-social behaviours, such as theft, in order to survive. barclay, hogg and scott (2007) in their study in australia found youth unemployment to be a great problem, with the associated boredom being linked to drug and alcohol abuse and crime. these are the activities that young migrants who are jobless and starving are more likely to indulge in, and unfortunately, the victim will be either someone from a foreign country or a south african. it can be deduced from the findings that the issue of documentation really impedes immigrants’ integration into the welfare system of south africa. therefore, youth migration in musina needs the involvement of all service providers to address it. theme: rejection and discrimination by the community members one pastor stated that the community members in musina reject both young migrants and the churches that accommodate them. the participants further mentioned that members of the community subject the migrants to physical violence. this fact supports adjai and lazaridis (2013) who established in their study on migration that xenophobia and a new wave of racism is rampant in post-apartheid south africa, and that most south african citizen’s actions today are not aligned with the constitution of the republic of south africa, which embodies a culture of inclusiveness, tolerance and human rights, which was the case in the early years of the post-apartheid era. these authors allude that foreign african citizens are being discriminated against and prejudiced. these pastors have indicated that citizens of south africa are majorly judgemental about people from other foreign countries. another pastor has stated that some members of the community reject migrant youth because they are supposed to smell bad. this supports babacan, gopalkrishnan and babacan (2009) and adjai and lazaridis (2013) who postulated that the proponents of the new racist regime are more judgemental towards their fellow african citizens from other foreign countries. the participant stated that: ‘[m]embers of our community do not want to even see us. they come to our church when they are sick and after we have prayed them for healing they leave. they say these young people from other countries stink. others even attack them. we cannot judge them as the church as the bible says we are not capable to judge as god himself is the judge’. findings show rejection by some community members in musina as one of the challenges that young migrants face. this supports mchunu (2015) who posited that a large number of foreigners are ill-treated, rejected and discriminated against. the researcher is of the view that, in spite of the immigration, more especially the illegal ones, citizens need to develop a culture of accepting one another without rejecting or discrimination against one another. conclusion and recommendations it can be deduced from this study that the challenges that young migrants in musina town face start with their lack of legal documents, which in turn prevents their integration into the welfare system of south africa. therefore, to curb this problem, all stakeholders not only in musina town but also in the entire country should coordinate their services according to the specification in the immigration laws. immigration laws in the host and home countries should be reviewed and tightened, especially with regard to crossing the border without legal documents. this could possibly be the reason as to why government service providers are reluctant to work jointly with the churches that have illegally accommodated young migrants. the security at the border should also be tightened to ward off refugees who cross the border without permits, probably by installing surveillance cameras at the border. this will minimise the number of young migrants. government officials who are responsible for registering all organisations that accommodate people regardless of where they come from should enforce their laws. there should also be capacity-building workshops around musina for the management of all organisations on the migration issues. the government of south africa together with the government of zimbabwe should work together towards addressing migration of young people at beit-bridge border. further research should be conducted in order to get data from the perspective of the government officials and the young migrants in relation to the migration of young people to musina town in south africa. lastly, findings have shown that the local citizens of south africa reject and are prejudiced against the migrant youth. as such, the researcher recommends a culture of accepting each other as africans amongst the south african citizens. acknowledgements the author is grateful to the national research foundation for its support. competing interests the author declares that no competing conflict of interest exists. authors’ contributions i declare that i am the sole author of this article. funding information this research project was funded by the national research foundation in south africa with grant no: 116810. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable in this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer 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accepted: 12 nov. 2019; published: 25 nov. 2019 copyright: © 2019. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract alcohol abuse is associated with numerous risk factors amongst the youth. the youth indulge in binge drinking because of social exclusion, and accessibility and affordability of alcohol, especially in rural areas. as such, many countries including south africa spend a large amount of money on drug prevention programmes for the youth. this study was aimed at exploring the perceptions of church leaders on accessibility and affordability of alcohol abuse amongst youth in musina town, limpopo province, south africa. an exploratory research design was utilised. the study population was drawn from male church leaders at musina town. the purposive sampling approach was employed in this article. qualitative approaches and semi-structured interviews were used to collect the data. data were analysed thematically using nvivo software. the study revealed that negligence of parents, pressure from peers and early debut of alcohol abuse because of poor legislation enforcement predispose the youth to indulge in binge drinking and thus play a significant role in influencing the youth’s decision to use alcohol. the findings of the study point to the disbursement of funds for research purposes, in particular to social work scholars, to do more research on risk factors of alcohol abuse in deep rural areas. keywords: alcohol abuse; perception; youth; legislation; peer pressure. introduction south africa in general and its provinces in particular are widely affected by the effects of alcohol abuse amongst the youth. alcohol outlets are in abundance, especially in rural areas, as they are seen as a way of addressing one social issue which is unemployment. in support, several researchers have observed that the youth in rural areas indulge in alcohol abuse more than their counterparts in urban areas (lambert, gale & hartley 2008; lasser et al. 2010; matlakala 2018). the reason for high alcohol consumption in rural areas is attributed to high density of alcohol outlets (connor et al. 2010). alcohol consumption is not an issue; however, alcohol abuse is a challenge and continues to be a global challenge, especially amongst the youth (department of social development [dsd] 2013). it is for this reason that many countries spend a large amount of money annually on drug prevention programmes for the youth (united nations office on drugs and crime 2008). earlier findings by shilakwe (2005) pointed out that r20 billion is spent annually on drug abuse programmes in south africa. ultimately, many countries including south africa lose funds that could be used in poverty alleviation programmes. in fact, makhubele (2012) discovered that there is a link between alcohol abuse and poverty. to this end, the present study sought to explore the perceptions of church leaders on accessibility and affordability of alcohol abuse amongst youth in musina town, limpopo province, south africa. background information and problem formulation behaviours such as alcohol abuse and risky sexual behaviour have the potential to undermine the health and development of the youth. these behaviours are commonly interrelated and unfortunately often continue into adulthood (centers for disease control and prevention 2006). these factors warrant further investigation, more especially in rural areas. lambert et al. (2008), gfroerer, larson and colliver (2007) and lasser et al. (2010) have discovered that the geographical setting influences alcohol abuse amongst the youth. on the same note, masemola, van aardt and coetzee (2012) and matlakala, makhubele and mafa (2019b) have propounded that alcohol abuse depends on the environment in which the youth find themselves. it is for this reason that matlakala (2018) declared that youth in their environment are enticed by alcohol advertisements that are portrayed by media. in corroboration, matlakala et al. (2019b) state that advertisements on media induce an attitude of youth by pairing an unconditioned stimulus with a conditioned stimulus. for instance, alcohol is paired with an exquisite lady which makes the youth believe that drinking alcohol will make a young person loved by girls. as such, the authors acknowledge that high density, lack of guardians, disposer of alcohol outlets through media and lack of recreational facilities in rural areas contribute to excessive use of alcohol amongst the youth. according to patrick, maggs and osgood (2010) and mafa et al. (2019), students indulge in alcohol abuse when they are in taverns, at parties and other entertainment events on campus, which are more likely to be on weekends. moreover, finlay et al. (2012) opined that students in tertiary institutions are likely to indulge in alcohol abuse during weekends. it could be deduced that because of the lack of guardianship and lectures to attend, students view this as an open window to visit entertainment areas in order to de-stress. furthermore, students choose cheaper alcoholic beverage to maximise their alcohol intake for monetary reasons (ayuka, barnett & pearce 2014). as such, wagenaar, salois and komro (2009) and sharma, sinha and vandenberg (2017) propounded that an increase in alcohol prices and tax leads to a decrease in alcohol intake. this approach was adopted in south africa when, in his budget speech (2018), the then minister of finance, malusi gigaba, announced that value added tax (vat) would increase by 1% from 14% to 15% in order to reduce alcohol consumption amongst the youth. research methodology in this article, the researchers used qualitative and exploratory research designs to unpack risk factors of alcohol abuse amongst the youth. creswell (2003) asserts that a qualitative approach assists researchers in gaining first-hand information from the participants. on the contrary, neuman (2000) avers that the exploratory design seeks to address a phenomenon that is less studied. to this end, seven church leaders from musina town were purposively sampled to participate in the study because of their availability. furthermore, the researchers were of the view that church leaders assume parental responsibilities for the youth and, therefore, might be in the best position to know the risk factors of alcohol abuse amongst them. in support, matlakala et al. (2019a:5) aver that ‘church leaders engage with youth and parents at different levels and platforms.’ semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants until the study reached the level of saturation. the data were thematically analysed using nvivo software. according to braun and clarke (2006:4), thematic analysis is a ‘rarely-acknowledged, yet widely-used qualitative analytic method within social science arena.’ therefore, thematic analysis was used in this study because of its ability to produce well-structured themes. ethical consideration de vos et al. (2011:63) define ethics as ‘moral principles that are widely accepted and offer behavioural expectations about conduct within the profession.’ moreover, krogsrud-miley, o’melia and dubois (2001) aver that researchers should execute studies ethically and responsibly. in terms of the observation of ethical codes, the participants did not display any behaviours that caused harm during data collection. however, the researchers were ready to refer them to an area social worker for a debriefing service had they displayed behaviour causing harm during their participation. ethical permission to conduct the study was obtained from turfloop research and ethics committee of the university of limpopo. findings and discussion learning from parents a great majority of the participants in the study indicated that young people indulge in alcohol abuse because of learnt behaviour from their parents. some of the responses made were as follows: ‘i already got on the wrong side of the other one, i asked him if whether he knows that when he drinks in front of the children, they will end up drinking?’ (participant 2, male, pastor) others echoed: ‘children learn drinking from their parents.’ (participant 6, male, pastor) ‘as parents, when your child asks for money you should ask what is that he or she wants to buy, and you should have a look at what he or she bought on his or her return.’ (participant 7, male, pastor) the findings show that whenever an authoritarian figure engages in maladaptive behaviours, such as the consumption of alcohol, in the presence of a minor, it is likely that the minor would emulate the elderly person as he or she perceives them as the role model. this finding affirms that a young person’s home is like an institution where primary socialisation takes place (dsd 2013). in other words, family has the role to mentor and teach young people to not engage in excessive drinking. however, in most rural areas, young people grow up in families that excessively abuse alcohol and youths see that as an acceptable behaviour (rapholo et al. 2019). according to matlakala et al. (2019b), youths lack role models and discipliners as they indulge in alcohol abuse with their parents. in this study, the participants acknowledged that parents should be careful about their own conduct when children and youth are present. as such, the researchers are of the view that a change in parents’ conduct will result in a decline in alcohol abuse amongst youth. in other words, young people will be learning and emulating positive and good behaviour from their parents. permissive parents a substantial majority of the participants reported that parents are ignorant and are not taking good care of their children. they believed that the youth indulge in alcohol abuse because there is no visible adult supervision around them. some of the responses given by the participants were as follows: ‘parents are irresponsible, we leave our children alone in the rdp house (reconstruction and development programme) and go to work. i am still saying, we should not leave children by themselves.’ (participant 1, male, pastor) others said: ‘some parents leave their children to go to work early in the morning.’ (participant 3, male, pastor) ‘we as parents are irresponsible.’ (participant 7, male, pastor) the participants were of the view that lack of guardians also tempts the youth to indulge in alcohol abuse because there is no one who supervises their behaviour and movement. this finding substantiates the findings of lloyd and anthony (2003) that alcohol consumption is linked with inadequate adult supervision of children during early adolescence and late childhood. in addition, dsd (2013:19) states that ‘adolescents with parents who held permissive attitudes towards alcohol use are more likely to engage in heavy binge drinking.’ in each family, the absence of adult personnel creates avenue for maladaptive behaviours. an example is a university, where there is minimal supervision by parents. as a result, young people maximise the opportunity to indulge in binge drinking and other substance abuse. this example was also emphasised by bachman et al. (2013), who discovered that increased alcohol consumption, especially in secondary schools, is linked to permissive parenting and lack of supervision by the elderly. in other words, the onset of binge drinking corresponds to secondary school years. therefore, with lack supervision from parents young people party until late. this is where the youth start to engage in binge drinking. given the above discussion, africans, especially those who are in rural areas, need to ask their extended family members to provide guardianship to their children if they are working and residing in urban areas in order to lessen alcohol abuse. peer pressure the majority of the participants believed that children not only learn from their parents but also learn from their friends to indulge in alcohol abuse. some of the responses were as follows: ‘children learn these things from the streets, for example, i am a pastor, i do not smoke, drink alcohol nor there is anyone in my house who does those things, but you will find your child drinking, where does he learn that behaviour from? from the streets, he left home and went on to learn these things from the streets.’ (participant 3, male, pastor) another echoed: ‘young people drink alcohol so they can make their friends happy.’ (participants 6, male, pastor) from the above findings, it could be deduced that youths engage in binge drinking because of the company they keep. according to the united nations on drugs (2004), youths indulge in alcohol abuse for different reasons, such as seeking a sense of belonging to a certain group, coping with school stress and searching for identity. be that as it may, thrul and kuntsche (2015) propounded that the company that young people find themselves in determines the behaviour that they will emulate. in expatiating the latter view, robinson et al. (2016) reported that youths consume alcohol because of the negative friends that they have kept in their lives. from the above discussion, it could be suggested that alcohol abuse is learnt from the company that one keeps. if peers are vigilant in choosing their friends, they are more likely to learn and emulate a good conduct. this assumption is supported by rapholo et al. (2019) who averred that young people need to be vigilant when choosing friends. early debut of alcohol abuse the majority of the participants were of the view that children debut early to alcohol abuse because of poor legislation enforcement. some of their responses were as follows: ‘children of this era drink alcohol by ages of 9 to 10 years …. ‘ (participant 3, male, pastor) in corroboration another said: ‘we, whom travel to work by bus in the morning, see it all. on the street we find and see young people drunk ….’ (participant 4, male, pastor) the findings indicate that young people start to indulge in alcohol as early as they reach the age of 9 years. for this reason, the researcher believes that legislations regulating substance use are good on paper and poor in implementation. for instance, subsections 1 and 3 of section 10 of the liquor act 53 of 2003 stipulate that: [a] person must not sell or supply liquor or methylated spirits to a minor and a person must take reasonable measures to determine accurately whether a person is a minor, before selling or supplying liquor or methylated spirits to that person. (south africa 2003:15) in south africa, a minor is referred to as someone who is under the age of 18 years. this is supported by the children’s act 38 of 2005 (south africa 2005). however, during the discussion to amend the liquor act 53 of 2003, it was argued that ‘the national minimum legal age at which alcohol can be purchased and consumed should be raised from eighteen (18) to twenty-one (21) years’ (south africa 2016:8). section 8 of the liquor act is not applicable in rural areas where bar owners chase profit at the expense of minors. subsection (1) (iii) of section 9 of the liquor act 53 of 2003 stipulates that a person ‘must not advertise in a manner intended to target or attract minors’ (south africa 2003:8). with respect to the above provision, thobejane and raselekoane (2017:96) observed that ‘alcohol advertisement always shows the good side of drinking alcohol and the age restriction is shown in small letters.’ moreover, what is troubling is the fact that most of these advertisements always portray men who drink alcohol as being strong. the youth who watch television see this as a motivation to drink so that they do not appear weak and timid in front of their peers. this indicates that the liquor act 53 of 2003 is legitimate or ideal on paper but poor in implementation. affordability of alcohol the religious leaders were asked on their views of affordability of alcohol in their community. the majority of them stated that youths indulge in binge drinking because alcohol is affordable. the following are some of the views shared by the participants: ‘alcohol is very cheap in our community; it is like a competition, in every street there is a tavern and this people make their beers cheap to steal each other’s customers.’ (participant 1, male, pastor) another echoed: ‘they like cheap alcohol, they do not mind sharing one black label because they say it is cheap.’ (participant 5, male, pastor) from the above findings it could be deduced that young people indulge in alcohol abuse because of its affordability in their community. wagenaar et al. (2009), xu and chaloupka (2011) and matlakala (2018) are all in agreement with the fact that an increase in alcohol prices leads to a decrease in alcohol consumption. furthermore, ayuka et al. (2014) found that drinkers tend to choose cheaper alcoholic beverages to maximise their alcohol intake for monetary reasons. also, williams et al. (2019) demonstrated that affordability of alcohol is responsible for binge drinking amongst the youth. the researchers are of the opinion that the youth cannot afford expensive alcohol because most of them are either unemployed or in tertiary institutions and dependent on their parents. in other words, there will be decline in alcohol consumption when vat increase from 14% to 15% as propounded by the then minister of finance, malusi gigaba, in his 2018 budget speech. as already discussed, the youth might reduce alcohol consumption because of the increase in alcohol pricing. conclusion alcohol abuse amongst the youth has been a contributing factor to social problems. the analysis in this article has indicated that parental influence, peer pressure and early debut because of poor law enforcement play a significant role in influencing the youth’s decision to use alcohol. the fact that majority of social issues emanate from alcohol abuse means that the government, along with other stakeholders, needs to work hand in glove to ameliorate the risk factors of alcohol binge drinking amongst the youth. as such, the accessibility and affordability of alcohol abuse influence the behavioural change amongst the youth, which later encourages maladaptive behaviours (such as heavy episodic drinking at parties) amongst the youth. although legislations are in place, they lack strict implementation. this shows that policymakers need to relook at their implementation to deal with this global issue. the liquor amendment bill should be implemented so it could strengthen the liquor act 53 of 2003. to that end, the findings of this study point to the disbursement of funds for research purposes, in particular to social work scholars to do more research on risk factors of alcohol abuse in deep rural area. acknowledgements the authors would like to thank the national research foundation for providing funding for this study. competing interests the authors have declared that no 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identity versus sexual identity love is androgynous by nature mutual love and sexuality conclusion acknowledgement references about the author(s) jennifer slater department of philosophy, practical and systematic theology, school of humanities, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation slater, j., 2019, ‘mutual conditioning of gender and love: towards a non-gendered idea of humanity’, theologia viatorum 43(1), a1. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v43i1.1 original research mutual conditioning of gender and love: towards a non-gendered idea of humanity jennifer slater received: 07 aug. 2018; accepted: 11 mar. 2019; published: 24 oct. 2019 copyright: © 2019. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract it is a presumed opinion that gender and love mutually condition each other and that this presumption ought to be embraced by cultural norms, religion, human rights and the ethic of freedom. the notion of mutual conditioning presupposes a healthy and principled environment that facilitates the free dynamic interaction between gender and love. it is the purpose of this article to explore the outcomes of the gender revolution and the additional strands of complexities that it contributed to the human condition. although feminism has created terminologies such as sex and gender, it is believed that these words have outlived their usefulness to make way for the present-day evolution towards a non-gendered idea of humanity. gender diversity seeks mutuality, and true love accommodates multiplicity; hence, the interacting and intra-acting of gender and love inevitably come face-to-face with cultural, legal, social, religious and moral milieus that hamper or even contradict the concept of mutual conditioning. this article seeks to trace the evolution of gender within diverse cultural constructions created by new liberal living conditions, but which have not yet infiltrated the diverse cultural domains where gender remains an entity without cultural freedom and therefore undermines the process of mutual conditioning of gender and love. the idea of gender as transcending bodily sex forms part of an old theological and philosophical debate; it, however, resurfaces here while revisiting aristotle’s idea of a non-gendered society or humanity. a degendered society implies a society that is free from dependence on gender, whereas a non-gendered humanity transcends gender divisions and associations, with its aspirations linked to the transcendence or consciousness of human nature. love, in this sense, transcends all human dissections, and this article ascertains its capacity to mutually condition the diversity of gender and love. keywords: mutual conditioning; degendered; non-gendered; androgyne; animalism; transcendence; liminar. introduction according to jennifer finney boylan, ‘the only debatable text for gender is the truth of a person’s life, the lives we live each day’ (‘the xy games’, new york times, 8/03/08). anne edwards (an australian feminist) is of the opinion that although feminism has created the terminology of sex and gender, these distinctions have outlived their usefulness (edwards 2010:1–12). the distinction was constructed on ‘sex as the biological component, and gender as the cultural aspect of the differences between men and women’ (edwards 2010). psychologists such as robert stoller (1968), in his work on sex and gender, rank the primacy of gender over sex in the formation of a person’s individual identity. feminists such as denise thompson (1989:1–47) would like to see feminism dispense with the word ‘gender’, simply because it has become embedded with feminist discourse and connected to the term sex. the evolution of the gender concept has brought complications to the notion of gender, as it is no longer as straightforward as it appears to be on the surface; it is in fact very intricate in the sense that it is a conglomeration of several factors. it is not easy to make sense of all the various arrangements of gender. the understanding of gender is not unilateral either as it is connected to various ingredients pertaining to biology, anatomy, hormones, psychology, culture and sociology. various terms related to gender identity have proliferated: transgender, agender, genderqueer, genderfluid, gender identity, cisgender, gender binary or non-binary, gender expression, gender conforming or nonconforming (national geographic 2017), together with a host of other terms that have added to the perplexity around each expression. then there are also other terms that connect to sexual identity and clamour for clarification: male and female, man and woman, feminine and masculine, transsexual, intersex and androgynous (hermaphrodite). each of these terms can be defined and positioned in the gamut of gender diversity or sexual diversity. what about the genderless, the asexual and the sexless? if there are so many variations related to the terms gender and sex, how does one talk about gender identity and how does one talk about mutual conditioning of gender and love. the question asked here is if there is so much diversity, where is the mutuality? this study explores the mutual conditioning of gender and love in a contentious environment of theological, cultural and human rights discourse. gender is central to our self-understanding, and gender scholarship claims that gender is not a given, and requires more informed reflection. ‘sex is a biological categorisation based primarily on reproductive potential, whereas gender is the social elaboration of biological sex’ (eckert & mcconnell-ginet 2003:2). gendered performances are available to everyone, but society insists on matching up gender performance with biologically based sex assignments (eckert & mcconnell-ginet 2003:2). gender builds on biological sex, but it exaggerates the biological difference and carries biological difference into irrelevant domains. however, nature and nurture intertwine, and there is no obvious point at which sex leaves off and gender begins. the sexual revolution the 1960s became known as the era of sexual revolution, whereas the 21st century is known as the age of gender revolution. the so-called sexual revolution is also known as a counter-cultural revolution as the conventional status quo was challenged by activism in the search for self and the autonomy of the self. much of this time was marked by changes towards sexual attitudes and behaviour. feminists, protagonists of gay rights and hippies were all advocates for this fight for change. this period was characterised by a dramatic shift from conventional values connected to sex and sexuality, social norms and actions. clamouring for these changes was spearheaded by civil rights movements, women’s organisations and especially young people who gave credence to birth control pills and related products. the use of the pill, as it became known, enabled women to pursue professional careers and high qualifications. the first contraceptive pill was the result of the women’s rights campaigner margaret sanger (1879–1966), who sponsored its development by raising money for its production and distribution (baker 2012:7). the pill became the symbol of the sexual revolution with its origins in women’s sexual liberation. it also came to be associated with population control, regardless of the possible side effects. it was regarded as a mark of scientists’ triumphing over nature, and the pill provided women with a new sense of independence whereby they exercised freedom over their bodies without the inconvenience of unwanted pregnancies. it also paved the way towards women’s equality and liberty; in this regard, the pill and the sexual revolution coexisted. the sex act was separated from reproduction. there were, however, adverse consequences such as out-of-wedlock births, sexually transmitted diseases, teen pregnancy, and divorce and adoption of unwanted children, which increased considerably. children living in single-parent families tripled around this time. this did not go without feminist criticisms. a characteristic of this time, however, was that women were advancing dramatically and claiming their freedom and rights. the gender revolution interest in gender and gender identity grew in leaps and bounds in the last 50 years, and research into genetic, hormonal, and environmental factors that affect gender identity had become an intense topic. all this ensued to obtain a better definition of what exactly constitutes gender and gender identity. it is clear that the whole landscape of gender has shifted and a brief historical presentation of the process will clarify the ramifications of terms such as man and woman, male and female, masculinity and femininity in modern society. according to west and zimmerman (1987:137), gender is not something we are born with, and not something we have, but something we do. in the words of butler (1990:preface), gender is something we perform, gender is learned, it is acquired. the term gender, however, relates to a person’s self-identity. it refers to (de francisco & palczewski 2007): [h]ow much a person associates herself or himself with the masculine or the feminine or both as prescribed by society […][since gender] is cultural rather than biological, the assumption is that a person can identify to varying degrees with masculinity and femininity, rather than just with one or the other. (p. 10) gender identity, according to de francisco and palczewski (2007:10), is something a young child will know at a very young age. as soon as a child is able to talk, she or he will be able to say ‘i am a boy or i am a girl’. sociologically gender identity is mostly aligned with the biological sex and the child identifies with it. by the age of four, when a child goes to pre-school, she or he will have a stable sense of gender identity as they will behave in a stereotypical manner (such as boys go to the boys’ bathrooms, girls go to the girls’ bathrooms) and choose stereotypical colours, toys and clothes. however, for some children, gender identity is not so straightforward; they go through stages of ambiguity, just as a child could be born with sex ambiguity. sex ambiguity differs from gender ambiguity: sex ambiguity refers to children being born with ambiguous external genitals or ambiguous internal organs (testes and ovaries). for some children to identify as another gender may be temporary, but for others it is permanent. it is possible that if a child is gender nonconforming, that individual can grow up transgender, meaning that the person identifies with a gender that is not in line with the sex that is assigned to him or her at birth. these children are often subjected to ridicule and bullying because they do not conform to social and cultural stereotypes. premodern understanding of gender in the premodern era, was a fixed understanding there because it was solely based on biological characteristics with of gender fixed expressions and fixed roles that were reinforced by tradition, society and culture. the gender identity of human beings was defined as man and woman, and there was a firm belief that the physical identifiable characteristics were permanent and rooted in nature. so gender was based on the physical, namely the genital differences between man and woman, and the bible was often used to sustain this belief that god created adam and eve, and he created them male and female. so god created humankind in god’s own image, in the image of god, god created them; male and female god created them (gn 1:7). premodern views about gender relations were largely based on the level of assumptions rather than on informed knowledge. attitudes about men and women were rarely scrutinised or reflected upon and the attitudes were largely formed and supported by culture and society. gender was determined by family patterns, work roles, social policies and even the education curriculum (in this sense subjects for girls to study were prescribed as well as for boys). all this was reinforced by advertising, literature, cultural and social stereotypes and practices. men are generally presented as tall, strong and authoritative, whereas women were put forward as passive, responsive, attractive and submissive. the stereotypical gender attitudes of premodernity became normalised in the minds of boys and girls, and men and women in turn gave expression to them. gender clichés were developed and were justified by social practices such as: a woman’s place is in the home. the woman is intuitive, nurturing, emotional and good with her hands. a woman is easily distracted. a man is strong, objective, analytical, hardy and single-minded. he is tasked with leadership and protection. a man leads and a woman follows. men are not emotional and women are easily influenced by feelings. men were rewarded for being tough, uncompromising and defeating the opposition. for men to show emotions other than loyalty, pride at achievement, competition, and anger was considered to be unmanly. societies and cultures that abide by these attitudes were praised and awarded. subsequently the feminists perceived this as patriarchal and these stereotypes came to be criticised with disapproval and disdain. these stereotypes were justified as being natural, biological and god-given as they were rooted in nature, in biology. the forces of biology were fixed, definitive and unchanging. these stereotypes were givens, indelible, non-negotiable for all human authority structures (storkey 2000:13). for a man or woman to move away from all their given characteristics and move to those of the opposite sex was scandalous. such a move was regarded as going against nature. a man was a man and a woman was a woman and there were prescribed ways for them to function as men and women. both the church and religious authorities tried to find biblical justification for this because nature was created by god and it was god who created man and woman, male and female (gn 3). the blurring of sexual distinctives (unique characteristics) was regarded as transgressing the very will of god; it was against the natural order, tradition and what was divinely designed. what was evident in this era was that there was no differentiation between sex and gender. gender was determined by sex and biology provided the essentials thereof, and in turn it delivered the structure of all human roles and relationships. culture and society determined the roles and behaviour of women and men. to alter the established gender roles was regarded as ‘desexing humanity’. as a matter of interest, these attitudes were also used against women’s ordination in the uk anglican church; they are still used today in the catholic church. gender identity was experienced through sexuality and this was reinforced by psychologists and biologists. christians who believed that the sex roles, the roles of men and women, were willed by god and reinforced by scripture, were very pleased that their ideas were scientifically and/or biologically supported. this argument was very powerful, but with subsequent research, fundamental flaws were revealed concerning this approach. subsequent research pointed out that biology is definitely not the full story. subsequent research showed that gender identity and variations are not restricted to these biological factors. modernism and gender (1960–1970) feminists were among the first to rebel against the perception that biology is the destiny of men and women’s identity. feminists were fighting for the liberation of women and the provision of the contraceptive pill, and abortion was regarded as a means towards liberation; in this sense, women believed that it provided them with the right to decide over their bodies and when and when not to have children. this was not the masculisation of women and neither the feminisation of men. this era saw the moving away from biological reductionism (the primacy of biology) towards all kinds of possibilities that were opening up. what feminism did was to focus on similarities between men and women, rather than on differences. they emphasised that they share many characteristics, capabilities, intellect, and thus reveal that women need equality and access to education and training. they clamoured for gender-segregated structures to collapse and cease to exist (storkey 2000:25). the migration from sex to gender the significant progression from premodernity to modernity saw the migration from natural to socially constructed human beings. this witnessed the migration from sex to gender in this sense that human beings are as much products of social change as of biological evolution. in modernity, the shift took place from the genetic, reproductive and physiological differences of biology to the social construction of a person. this era realised that to focus on sex, male and female, is a limited way to understand the complexities of man–woman and their relationships. because so much that occurs within relationships is not about sex, but about gender, it is essential to understand that to be feminine or masculine is related to culture, nurture, expectations and social traditions, whereas maleness and femaleness constitute other differences. maleness has to do with the person’s natural condition, namely the sex, physical appearance of the male, and masculinity is the cultural construct, that is the gender. to be a man and a woman implies that one has to learn to be masculine or feminine. different cultures learn differently, how to be masculine and feminine, according to the expectations and mind-sets of the culture. the discourse, however, changed in this era, the biological differences were left behind, though not altogether, and the focus became on how culture and society construct people into femininity and masculinity. the focus was more on equality, instead of on similarities between the sexes. unequal treatment, unequal access to power, unequal participation in decision-making were factors that concealed similarities and it was the task of feminism to challenge unequal structures and practices. postmodernism and gender (1970–) postmodernism takes the debate beyond whether our sexuality is constructed or created. the argument of modernity is on the distinction between sex (created) and gender (constructed). postmodernity rejects the differentiation between sex and gender and argues instead that all identity is constructed and that this includes sexuality (storkey 2000:37). postmodernity is characterised by the fluidity of shifting images and styles. it brought along the human capacity to negotiate one’s own identity without needing someone else to define who one is. there is a multiplicity of options from which to choose one’s own style and one’s own values. all we need to do is to live at ease within a pluralism of meanings and choices and cease to battle with outmoded world views or absolutist explanations. postmodernity offers a far more intense critique of gender than anything that has come before. it deals with the question whether gender is created or constructed. the most important factor is that we have to decide for ourselves what it is to be a man or a woman, not to be dictated by culture and society. our physical sexuality ceases to define a man or a woman; there is no natural way to be a man or a woman because there is such a wide variety of cultural styles of masculinity and femininity to choose from or the combination thereof. postmodernism puts emphasis on the fact that we choose a gender identity from a multiplicity of gender identities (as indicated on page two). they query whether human sexual identity or gender identity is constructed or created; they ask what constitutes gender identity because ultimately there is no identity to be had: only a series of experiences. the writings of postmodernism have not readily been translated from academia to round-the-table conversations. postmodernists were accused of trying to avoid differences and promoting gender neutrality. hence the book of john grey: men are from mars, women are from venus (1992). the aim was to be less judgmental about gender differences. the debate continues into this present era. gender identity versus sexual identity from the above, it is clear that gender identity is definitely not as straightforward as it is presented to be, yet, it is important to understand that sexual identity is mostly biological and gender identity is generally socially constructed. intersexuality refers to a person who has ambiguous sexual features, meaning the person has mixed genitalia (of females and males). this person is described as intersexed, but not necessarily transgender, but they can overlap depending on the person’s choices. according to sally gross (coan, the natal witness, february, 2000), who was an intersexed person: [t]here is no neat definition of this state; one attempt defines it as ‘atypical congenital physical sexual differentiation’. however, intersex, she says: ‘is really an umbrella term, which covers an enormous range of physical sexual permutations’. those people born very obviously intersexed are thought to be one in 2000. gross is quick to point out[explains]that there is a distinction to be made between biological sex – one’s anatomy – and sexual orientation. some intersexed people are attracted to men, others to women; some do not have any sexual orientation at all and are thus asexual. ‘sexual orientation is not an intrinsic part of the intersex package’, says gross. ‘when it comes to intersexuality, one’s bodiliness is such that it’s often exceedingly difficult to answer the question: is this person male or is this person female?’ […] gross points out that the way biological sex develops is complex, and cannot always be regimented into a straightforward classification of a person as either male or female. at least five variables come into play: external genitals, chromosomal patterns, dominant sex hormones, the nature of the person’s sex glands and the internal structures of reproduction – these jointly result in the person’s physical sexual type. ‘but none of these are absolutes’, says gross. she says: ‘you get in-betweens, even within the single variables. all sorts of permutations occur. what is needed to yield unambiguous male or female is for all five of these variables to be completely congruent with one another and unambiguous in themselves? nature and the mathematics of it all ensure that many other types of outcomes are in fact possible’. (pp. 21–23) when a person is ‘non-congruent or transgender [it] means that the person feels that her or his biological sex and genitalia do not match her or his gender identity’ (de francisco & palczewsk 2007:13). this implies that a person could physically possess male genitalia, but does not feel male and vice versa. the concepts gender identity and transgender differ in turn from a person’s sexual orientation. sexual orientation is perceived as a person’s sexual, romantic attraction to another person, male or female; and gender identity is a person’s innate sense of being a man or woman. transgender is then a person who is physically male who feels that he is really in a female body, and vice versa. therefore, the male has a female gender identity and the female has a male gender identity (transgender). therefore, a male would say that he is a female trapped in a male body, or a female would say that she is trapped in a male body. sexual identity: it is the label people adopt to signify to others who they are as a sexual being, particularly regarding sexual orientation. generally, people adopt a sexual identity that matches their sexual orientation – for example, a heterosexual person is heterosexually oriented, and a homosexual person identifies as lesbian or gay. there is, however, a large group of people for whom sexual orientation does not match their sexual identity. sexual identity has moved away from the two sexes (male and female) and two genders (women and men) in the growing visibility of intersexed and transgender persons. sexual identity has moved to incorporate persons who identify themselves as bisexual (two) and others who identify as pansexual (meaning multiple). sexual identity becomes more intricate with the fluidity and diversity of gender and sexual orientation. then there are also those people who identify as asexual, for example they do not experience sexual attraction to any gender. although a child may know from a very early age what his or her gender is, that is not the case with sexual orientation. sexual orientation comes much later and often has nothing to do with gender identification. as stated by de francisco and palcsewski (2007): sexual orientation is therefore not the same as gender or sex. sexual orientation refers to whether one [a person] is physically and romantically attracted to or has sex with persons of the same sex, the other sex, or both (as in the case of bisexuals). sexuality is more than orientation: it involves what one [a person] does when one [s/he] is sexual. [… the identity of] a gay, lesbian, heterosexual, bisexual, or transgendered person is also confounded [often confused] with the terms gender and sex. part of the confusion is due to [caused by] social stereotypes [in this sense that] gays are assumed to be effeminate, and lesbians are assumed to be masculine. (p. 10, [author’s own italics]) this is often not the case, a very strong male rugby player can be homosexual: thus sexually attracted to someone of his own sex. a queer is a person that does not abide by hetero-normative sex practices and even a heterosexual person can be labelled queer. transgender and non-binary people often describe themselves as queer when it comes to their sexual attraction and practices. a person that is asexual generally describes him or herself as having no sexual feelings or orientation either way. a person that claims to be bigender or dual gender embraces both genders depending on the context or situation. the bigender person can be feminine, masculine, agender or androgynous, or practice two genders simultaneously. a transsexual man or woman is described as a subset of transgender persons, and they wish to transition to the gender with which they identify and search reassignment surgery. transsexuality is based more on the physical aspects, whereas transgender deals with a person’s psychological gender disposition and the social and cultural expectations that accompany the gender role. transsexuality has to do with a person’s physical sexuality and is not gender related. the sexual orientation of transsexual men and women may be heterosexual, homosexual or bisexual. it is understood that heterosexual female-to-male transsexuals are sexually attracted to women, and heterosexual male-to-female transsexuals are sexually attracted to men (golombok & fivush 1994:4). often to deal with this transsexual state, the person will cross dress or some who can afford it will go for a sex-reassignment operation and obtain the physical characteristics of the sex they wish to be. it is, however, important to realise that to know a person’s sexual orientation does not tell us about the person’s gender and their gender role. lesbian women may reveal traditionally feminine or masculine gender roles just as heterosexual women and men may also show traditional feminine and masculine gender roles. a lesbian woman knows that she is female and a gay man knows that he is male, so too does the gender identity of most bisexual men and women match their biological sex. their sexual attraction is to their own sex. the above explanations of sexual and gender variations are only the tip of the iceberg, but the question is: is theology and society abreast with the gender and sexual revolutions of the day? a non-gendered idea of humanity in theology and philosophy although the idea of gender as transcending bodily sex is a recent one, in theology and philosophy, it remains a very old debate. it has its roots in traditional philosophy with its aspirations connected to the transcendence or consciousness over the physicality of human nature: transcendence over animality, that is, the physical needs of human beings, as opposed to the spiritual needs, of the autonomous will over the passivities of nature. the biblical and theological presentations on sex and gender is timeand era-based and limited to the available knowledge of the times. their discourse pertaining to sexuality and gender comes from the tradition that god is the creator of man and woman, as testified in genesis 1.28. according to augustine, being created in the image of god – male and female – was seen as first created as a spiritual unity without the division of male and female. this image, explains radford reuther rosemary (2007:52), who interprets augustine, refers not to the physical body, but to the ‘interior man’ or intellect, that rules over the lower creation and contemplate eternal things. according to the philosophical reasoning of augustine, male and female originally meant the union of mind and soul, sapientia and scientia, the mind or wisdom being masculine and the soul, which mediates sense knowledge, feminine. in their original harmonious union, the male part would have ruled over the female part of the inner self. together, this unitary human being would have reproduced mentally, creating ‘spiritual offspring of intelligible and immortal joys’ (radford reuther rosemary 2007:52). only after the fall (the so-called original sin) did sexual differentiation appear. adam and eve created the beginning of very physical and sexually differentiated bodies – thus the gender differentiation. up until this moment, the non-gendered idea of humanity – the intellectual image of god–was found in all humans, male and female. for augustine, gender hierarchy was part of the original design of creation, though this is contested by feminist theologians. the study of animalism versus humanism has an aristotelian heritage and it is related to the ancient debate over personal identity, i.e. the search for human identity: who and what are we? according to aristotle’s philosophy, animalism concerns our basic metaphysical nature. the question is: are we simple or composite, process, event or are we material or immaterial, organic or inorganic? how do we justify an immaterial soul or ego, according to descartes, or the material body, asked by thompson (1989:1–47). what about body and soul complexes? once we can answer the question: who are we, we may be able to place gender into its rightful context as well as gender mutuality? as seen above, in the traditional philosophical debate, the concept of male and female is not important; it is the rational mind that is essential and it is perceived as neither sexed nor gendered. the idea of a (lloyd 1989): [s]exless soul, which reinforces the idea of gender as changeable goes back to plato’s discussion of the female guardians in book five of the republic. [… hence] the sexual equality of the guardians rests on their sameness of the soul, which co-exists with bodily difference. (pp. 1–47) theologically speaking, sexuality is part of god’s creation and the differences between man and woman are biblical assumptions that are ordained by god and form part of the structure of human identity. the fathers of the early church sustained this, and women were largely blamed for the evil of the world. ancient theologians described women as the devil’s gateway, misbegotten men, and women’s differences from men as well as their sexuality were regarded as very problematic. women’s sexuality was regarded as a temptation for men, which drew them away from their purity. st jerome even intimated that god found displeasure in women, and because of their uncleanliness they should live a life of squalour and dirt so that they do not attract men. these were the worst excesses of a premodern mentality that belonged to history and not to contemporary christianity. sadly, these attitudes remained within the church and among churchmen and among some even up until today (storkey 2000:86). often theologians tried to find biblical and cultural substantiation for these perceptions. the whole female–male discourse is permeated by their biological differences and it is these physical or biological differences that bar women from the priesthood. priests, particularly in the catholic and orthodox churches, are regarded as representatives of jesus christ because jesus was male, physically male. because women have the ‘wrong kind’ of genitals and, hence, they possess the wrong physical form it was concluded that they cannot be a representative of jesus christ, and therefore cannot perform priestly acts. it is important to realise that the creation story stated in genesis is more than just the biological assignment of eve as child-bearer and adam as breadwinner. god created the human race, and god created both man and woman in god’s image. ‘god created them, and god blessed them, and said to them, to be fruitful and multiply’ (gn 1:28). together, as man and woman, they are in the image of god, not separately. this is inclusive (man and woman) and the allocation of different tasks to men and women was a cultural attribute and not biblical. biblical feminism rejects the biological reductionism and reaffirms that culture is the key that shapes gender roles. biblical feminism rejects the retelling of scripture to support patriarchy, male authority and women’s subordination and exclusion. elizabeth fiorenza (1985) stated that: [t]he bible is used against women in our liberation struggle, and perpetuates alienation from ourselves and at the same time provides authorisation and visions for christian women in our struggle against patriarchal racism, sexism, classism and colonialism. (p. 75) gender that is based on biblical and early theological interpretations is confined to male and female, man and woman, and feminine and masculine connotations. on the evolution of gender, we see that freud viewed gender as fundamental in the construction of the subject. feminist theorists distinguish between our biological sex and our cultural gender. sex refers to our anatomy and the biological substance; gender is seen as the social construction of what male and female mean in a given socio-historical context. the understanding of gender has moved beyond the culturally and linguistically created and recreated understanding thereof. gender identity has taken on a meaning that is fluid, multiple and relative. sexual differences do not signify subjective gender differences. in the evolution of the concept gender, it is possible that the time has come to transcend the concept gender by adopting a non-material self-consciousness. in the philosophy of transcendence, the word transcend conveys the literal latin meaning, which means climbing or going beyond. the ontology of the human person’s (studying the nature of being, becoming what one is meant to be) gender is of no consequence or of consequence? similar to nietzsche, who did not, per se, deny or acknowledge the existence of god with his statement: ‘gott ist todt!’ his was a reaction to the concept of god held in his time, namely the modernistic period’s belief in a concept of god tied to the progress in history, rationality and morality. to nietzsche the god of his time was dead (atheism). he spelt out an important consequence of this death, namely nihilism (nothingness). a similar approach can be rendered here that the concept ‘gender’ the way we understood it traditionally is dead. god has no gender: the catechism of the catholic church (ccc) teaches that god transcends the human distinction between the sexes, hence god is god. gender has become a human linguistic constraint for both human and divine (john paul 11 1992:239). this we have to overcome or transcend. love is androgynous by nature do we need a specific gender to love? do we need a sexual or gender identity to love? if love is confined to gender, then the whole concept of love is dishonoured. sexual attraction needs to be disconnected from love, just as love needs to be detached from gender. love is an entity on its own and does not need a sex or a gender to provide it with meaning. love is androgynous by nature; it is genderless because a human person has the capacity to love regardless of the gender and sexuality. the genital property is only one dimension of the sexual reality of the human species. much more is needed to experience and negotiate love, intimacy, tenderness and mutuality. these are features of human life that none of us can do without: deprived of these qualities, we stand little chance of realising our full potential as incarnational human beings. human love relations are important and require deeper levels of mutuality and reciprocity. the state of being mutual and the mutuality of love mutuality of being, or mutuality of persons, refers to a relationship between people who are ‘intrinsic to one another’s existence, to life itself, pertaining to “intersubjective belonging”’ (sahlins 2011:2). in social philosophy, intersubjective belonging refers to the components of human togetherness and ‘to live a human life is to experience oneself as belonging to different communities within which human individuals encounter and converse with one another’ (peperzak 2000:5). the moral obligations of intersubjectivity (hegel’s [1977] terminology) coincide with the demands of our belonging to a family, to social communities and a state. this implies face-to-face relationships, people encountering each other directly and not being observers. the mutuality is based on liberty, equality, universal human rights and individual freedom inherent to the human person. what is stable and enduring is the communally recognised mutuality of being between parties involved, instead of the feelings between the parties in the relationship. this mutuality of being can be based on biological ties, but can also be equally based on socially constructed ties. as a result, it helps affiliation to transcend the dualism of nature and culture that has long haunted this field. mutuality of being exists therefore in the realm of human consciousness. the general understanding of mutual or mutualism is the manner in which two organisms of different species exist in a relationship whereby each benefits from the presence of the other. mystics speak of god as being love: the being and love is coterminous and is therefore equal in scope. god is love (1 jn 4:8). anyone who does not love does not know god, because god is love (1 jn 4:16). true love with its root in sanskrit lubh means desire, but it is desired for the well-being of the other. love contains altruism (alterity – from the latin). altruism means the care of others for the sake of the other. alterity means otherness, feeling for the other, being aware of the ineffable otherness of the other, but the other is a subject in their own right, in all its glorious alterity. loving the other is not gender bound, but breaking through the veil of obscurity, valuing the other in the truest unfathomable capacity and irreplaceable particularity. love is thus real-making, feeling understood and accepted in all its complexity, by someone, who provides a sense of meaning and human flourishing. love designates the existence of someone on whom one becomes imprinted, to whom one becomes attached, bonded, one who justifies one’s acceptance of the stark fact of incompleteness. no longer can one function as an autonomous androgyne, because love is mutual. does homophilia make gender love, mutual? the theory of homophily states that ‘similarity breeds connection’. studies of homophily have linked attraction between individuals based on similarly shared demographics. these may include, but are not limited to, race, ethnicity, gender, and socio-economic status. heterophilia (as the opposite of homophilia) or love of the different is the tendency of individuals to collect in diverse groups; it is the opposite of homophily. the state of being mutual can be expressed by a feeling or an action by a partnership of any kind and this is done with reciprocal respect and understanding. the mutuality is marked by commonalities, rather than by differences; it is based on that which is correlative, such as human rights. mutual love and sexuality most people have a spurious understanding of human sexuality and diarmuid o’murchu (1999:41) suggests that a spurious understanding is fundamentally violent to both the divine and human, to both god and people. he says sexuality is portrayed as belonging to the unruly passions and instincts, whereas it ought to be about joy and pleasure, but often it is the opposite, pain and destruction. sexual ecstasy is at the core of divine creativity. human beings are sexual beings regardless of the gender of the person and the sexuality. it is sexuality that activates the capacity to relate whereby we come to know the self and the other and the interactive mutuality that is central to the experience of being human. more than any other aspect of our selfhood, says o’murchu (1999:49), our sexuality establishes our human uniqueness. our sexuality is a form of psychic energy, always seeking expression. if we do not channel this energy in creative ways, innocent and vulnerable people often become the victims of our sexual projections. o’murchu (1999:49) suggests that sexuality and love ought to be expressed in their liminal context. in traditional biblical terms, the liminar is in this world, but not of it. the liminar is a full sexual person, with all the feelings, emotions, desires and possibilities of that deeply creative urge, but the call to liminal space requires a different way of living out our sexual relatedness. our sexuality is at the very best of what it means to be human, innate to the imago dei in which we are all created. love is mutual when love is love only as freedom. freedom is an ethical principle: freedom is freedom only as love, and love is love only as freedom. to encounter another in love does not limit freedom. instead, it is the unfolding and fulfilment of freedom. the love command in scripture is the love of god and love of neighbour (rosner 1994:21). the love command was central to jesus and is usually equated with the ethics of the gospel. jesus ethically guided the behaviour of his followers by giving a new commandment: ‘love one another’. this, in fact, is the only moral rule given by jesus in john (13:34–35). van der watt (2006:1160), in reflecting on the saying of jesus in john’s gospel, namely: ‘that you love one another as i have loved you …’ perceives it as an expression of egalitarianism and hence mutuality. he claims that it implies common reciprocation within a particular group and it implies social interdependence (van der watt 2006:1160). if love was central to the message of jesus, the ‘jesus quality’ of this love qualifies the correct practicing of freedom. the commandment to love is radicalised as expressed in galatians 5:14; this law to love is ‘redefined and radicalized in jesus as unconditional, universal, self-sacrificing love, and exemplified by jesus in his life and death’ (du toit 2006:175). love concentrates primarily on the positive inner disposition of the believer towards god and neighbour, which results in a specific style of living and doing. for this reason, it is understandable that love deals with the innermost being of a person, which emanates into their outward behaviour and without love outward actions are meaningless (du toit 2006:176). love is the first on the list of the fruits produced by the spirit … ‘for the fruit of the spirit is love, joy peace …’ (gl 5:22). love is genderless; true love is degendered and free. conclusion theologically speaking, all division (including gender division) is the result of ‘original sin’, and love heals all divisions. the skill of efficacious love is the ability to allow each person to remain a separate individual vis-a-vis the other, and at the same time being able to remain immersed in an indivisible duality. love establishes mutuality and transcends gender differences. love does not require a gender, but withdraws into the other’s ‘inner world’ where gender is non-existent. love is the ground of mutuality and provides recognition to the existence of the other. the idea of a non-gendered humanity is to embrace the spiritual capacity to transcend all gender boundaries, gender roles, gender expectations and stereotypes. love embraces all and facilitates mutuality. acknowledgement competing interest the author declares that no competing interest exists. author contributions i declare that i am the sole author of this research article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references baker, j.h., 2012, ‘margaret sanger: a life of passion’, hill & wang, new york. boylan, j.f., 2011, `the xy games’ new york times 8/03/08 in metaphysics of gender, charlotte witt, oxford university press, oxford. butler, j., 1990, gender trouble: feminism and the subversion of identity, routledge, new york. de francisco, v.p. & palczewski, c.h., 2007, communicating gender 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testament, ed. j. van der watt, assisted by f.s. malan. walter de gruyter, berlin. west, c. & zimmerman, d.h., 1987, ‘doing gender’, gender and society 1(2), 125–151. https://doi.org/10.1177/0891243287001002002 abstract introduction the present study review of the literature data and methods measures of variables statistical approach results discussion and conclusion recommendations acknowledgements references footnote about the author(s) acheampong y. amoateng population and health research entity, faculty of humanities, north-west university, mafikeng, south africa citation amoateng, a.y., 2020, ‘does religion affect political engagement of the youth at the tertiary level of education? the case of undergraduate students at a south african university’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a21. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.21 original research does religion affect political engagement of the youth at the tertiary level of education? the case of undergraduate students at a south african university acheampong y. amoateng received: 27 may 2019; accepted: 23 nov. 2019; published: 24 feb. 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the aim of this study is to examine religion’s effect on the political engagement of the youth using data from a sample of undergraduate students at the north-west university in south africa. the logit regression model analysis showed that contrary to what the participation literature would expect, socio-economic factors such as parental education, age and gender were not significant predictors of the political engagement of the youth. however, consistent with the study’s conceptualisation of political engagement as a multi-dimensional concept, gender, race, ethnicity and family structure were all significantly predictive of different aspects of political engagement of the youth. males were more likely than females to engage in politics, while black africans were politically more active than the white and mixed race south africans. while both self-rated religiosity and importance of religion in the life of the youth predicted their political engagement, their influences were in opposite directions. finally, civic skills acquired in non-religious contexts were positively associated with every aspect of political engagement of the youth. keywords: religion; political engagement; youth; civic skills; logit regression. introduction despite the age-old debate about the schism between church and state, the empirical evidence about religion’s effect on civic engagement of the youth is thin. this relative paucity of empirical evidence on the effect of religion on the political participation of the youth is questionable in the face of what appears to be the increasing importance of religion in the lives of young people, in modern, secular society (smith 2003; smith & denton 2005). nowhere has the paucity of the empirical evidence on the effect of religion on young people been more manifest than in the area of youth development where religion has been one of the social forces that have been responsible for the emergence of a paradigm that conceptualises youth as an unproblematic period in the life span (gore 2003; lerner 2002; lerner et al. 2002; smith 2003). many empirical studies across myriad areas of concern with regard to the youth have associated various measures of religion with a variety of positive, desirable outcomes in many contexts. for instance, in the united states, many scholars have found measures of religion to be inversely associated with juvenile drug, alcohol, tobacco use, delinquency (e.g. evans et al. 1995; wallace & williams 1997), thoughts of suicide, attempted suicide and actual suicide among american teenagers (donahue 1995). on the other hand, religiosity has been found to be associated with lower levels of depression and hopelessness (smith & denton 2005; wright, frost & wisecarver 1993). in south africa, the empirical evidence on the inverse association between measures of religion and various risk behaviours by the youth has been mounting over the years (e.g. amoateng, barber & erickson 2006; amoateng, setlalentoa and udomboso 2017; chauke, van der heever & hoque 2015; flisher et al. 1996; morojele et al. 2006; seggie 2012). existing evidence is quite emphatic that religious participation may be associated with greater political and civic involvement, especially during young adulthood (serow & dreyden 1990; smith 1999; youniss, mclellan & yates 1999). in explaining how religion affects political participation, smith (2003) has observed that religion provides the organisational contexts and cultural substance which engenders spiritual experiences of the youth which help cement their moral commitments and constructive life practices. other studies have confirmed this feature of organised religion by observing that associational membership generally correlates with almost every measure of political engagement (e.g. diaz 1996; djupe & grant 2001; putnam 1993a, 1993b), while others have observed that religious organisations’ central role is that they serve as important conduits of political information and recruitment (ammerman 1997; huckfeldt & sprague 1995). this positive approach to problems associated with the youth projects the notion that positive adolescent development entails a merger of moral and civic identity which results in engagement with civil society institutions such as religion by the youth (crompton 1998; lerner et al. 2002). the present study the introduction has shown that despite the growing empirical evidence about the role of religion in engendering positive attitudes and behaviours among the youth in areas of concern such as drug, alcohol and tobacco use, and risky sexual behaviours, there has been a glaring gap in our knowledge of the role that religion plays in the lives of the youth with regard to their political participation. there are two plausible reasons for this void in the literature. first, while the explosion of studies in the area of religion’s role in substance abuse and risky sexual behaviours among the youth is a welcome development, these behaviours constitute a tiny fraction of the wide range of behaviours of the youth that are of interest to policy-makers and academics alike. second, the context in which religion has been found to be an enabler of positive behaviours is mainly western and therefore cannot be generalised to other non-western contexts. for example, historically in the african context, the line between religion and politics blurred in pre-colonial society because of the critical role that priests and priestesses played in the affairs of the state. this blurring of the line between religion and politics deepened further during the decolonisation period with the emergence of the so-called independent or african churches and the political stances they adopted against colonial oppression. the brand of liberation theology preached by these churches thrust them into the political limelight as church leaders began to question hitherto political structures that disadvantaged the african majorities in the colonies. the 21st century exemplar of this phenomenon of africanisation of the churches is clearly manifest in the role played by the clergy as personified in, for example, archbishop desmond tutu in the struggle against apartheid in south africa. it is our contention that this syncretism of the sacred and mundane in regard to the organisation of religion in africa would ensure that religion plays a different role in the continent compared to other contexts. thus, the importance of understanding religion’s role in political engagement of the youth cannot be overemphasised, especially in the face of the scramble among both politicians and academics in africa to seek solutions to violent aspects of political engagement of the youth in recent years. it is against this background of the paucity of empirical evidence on the relationship between religion and political participation of the youth in south africa that this study is undertaken. specifically, the study examines whether religion affects political engagement among the youth in south africa by using as a case study a sample of undergraduate students at the university of north-west in south africa. to examine the independent effect of religion on the political engagement of the youth, we control for the effect of social structural factors such as gender, race, ethnicity and family structure. review of the literature political engagement or participation is often skewed because of the fact that political actors do not come from homogenous backgrounds. the empirical evidence suggests that social, economic, demographic and cultural factors such as age, gender, education, religion, social class and ethnicity all have important bearings on political participation (e.g. chatora 2012; isaksson 2014). for example, the existing literature shows that age is consistently identified as the most powerful demographic predictor of political involvement. numerous national and cross-national studies have found age gaps in political participation, particularly in electoral participation (cross & young 2008; grasso 2013). despite the consensus that young people engage in politics through a variety of ways, the empirical evidence suggests that young people participate to a lesser extent in politics than their older counterparts. for example, a report by the undp (2013) showed that young people aged 15–25 years who constitute a fifth of the world population are not represented in political institutions such as parliaments and many do not participate in elections. in the united states, many studies have found that young people are less likely to vote or engage in any civic or political behaviours prior to elections (e.g. flanagan & levine 2010; garcia-penalosa & konte 2013). in south africa, in a study of undergraduate students at the university of johannesburg, amoateng (2015) found a positive association between age and political participation. specifically, he found that younger adolescents were less likely to engage in political activities compared to their older counterparts. there have been some attempts to empirically assess the role of religious practices in shaping political participation. the argument is that those with significant involvement in religious groups are more likely to vote or be politically active and committed. for instance, esser and de vreese (2007) found that religiousness (religious attachment) was a strong predictor of youth turnout in the united states and in europe. teney and hanquinet (2012) showed that belonging to a religious organisation leads to a greater political participation. they found that young people involved in religious organisation and attending religious services tended to be more politically engaged than religious youth who did not take part in any religious activities. verba, schlozman and brady (1995) found that in the united states while variation in ethnic group participation was related to socio-economic differences among them, it was derived from the acquisition of civic skills through their associational memberships and, in particular, from their experiences in church. according to them, catholic and protestant churches develop different levels of skills so the relatively low level of latino political participation was explained by a predominantly catholic affiliation. in explaining this role of religion, they noted (verba et al. 1995): even when church activists pursue endeavours with no demonstrable political content…they have opportunities to develop skills that are relevant for politics. these skill-endowing opportunities can serve as a compensatory function, enhancing political resources among church activists whose educational and occupational levels might otherwise predispose them to political quiescence. (p. 4) gender has been identified as an important predictor of political participation in the broader literature. owing to the patriarchal nature of most societies, politics (i.e. political affairs and decision-making) is mostly viewed as a male domain (e.g. sossou 2011); it is therefore likely that political involvement will be affected by gender roles or norms. as predicted, there is a persisting gender gap with respect to most forms of political engagement, and it is generally unevenly gendered in favour of men (inglehart & norris 2000). broadly, research on gender gaps in political involvement in the developing world, including ghana, reveals similar global patterns (isaksson 2014; isaksson, kotsadam & nerman 2012; kuenzi & lambright 2010). in his study involving undergraduate students at the university of johannesburg, amoateng (2015) found this gender gap in that the male political participation rate was about 10 percentage points higher than their female counterparts. the social psychological approach or the socio-economic status model (e.g. kam & palmer 2008; verba & nie 1972) argues that individuals, especially those from upper-status backgrounds, develop ‘civic’ attitudes that predispose them to participate in politics. these are individuals who generally possess resources such as good education and their relative financial security allows them to invest time and money on organisation which gives them further advantage in the political domain. thus, the socio-economic status (ses) model highlights education as a key determinant of political participation as it is theorised to develop civic skills required for political engagement (resnick & casale 2011). thus, it is consistently found that the higher or better-educated are more likely to be interested in politics, become politically involved and/or to vote (armingeon & schädel 2015; isaksson 2014; kuenzi & lambright 2010). however, some research suggests a clearer impact of education in some countries than in others. for example, bratton (1999) found that education had no impact on overall political participation in zambia. nonetheless, the level of educational attainment is found to positively shape political activism in the youth: higher education has a very strong influence on youth participation in most political activities (e.g. sloam 2013). grasso (2013) shows that education levels have a differential impact on young people’s political involvement in both the united kingdom and italy. educational status exerted a particularly strong impact on the political engagement of the youth in britain, in which young educationally qualified people tend to be more politically engaged (henn & foard 2014; henn, weinstein & forrest 2005). it has been found that well-educated young africans are more likely to engage in protest activities to express dissatisfaction (resnick & casale 2011), although education levels did not correlate with youth voter turnout in sub-saharan africa (resnick & casale 2014). in south africa, analysis of gender differences in electoral participation has revealed that educational attainment has no significant impact on voting for both men and women (roberts, struwing & grossberg 2012), while amoateng (2015) did not observe any statistically significant relationship between maternal education and political engagement of the youth for his student sample. data and methods the data for this study are obtained from the religion and positive youth development project, an initiative of the faculty of humanities of the north-west university (mafikeng campus). both quantitative and qualitative techniques were used in a mixed-method approach. to this effective, both probability and non-probability sampling techniques were used to interview a total of 1430 undergraduate students across the three campuses of the university (i.e. mafikeng, potchefstroom and vaal campuses). in the probability sampling procedure, stratified random sampling design was employed by disaggregating the samples from each campus based on faculty using proportional allocation to size based on the population of students in the faculties. in the non-probability sampling procedure, the faculty samples were disaggregated based on the year of study, whereby the sample numbers allocated to each year of study were random. generally, the least sample numbers were allocated to the first-year students, while the greatest sample numbers were allocated to the thirdand fourth-year students. finally, in selecting the students to be included in the sample, convenience sampling was used whereby trained students interviewed the numbers of students in each faculty, school and gender as determined a priori through the stratified random sampling procedure. out of the target sample of 1430 students, 1144 students completed the interview, yielding a response rate of 80%. students responded to a battery of questions relating to issues such as religious affiliation, religiosity, spirituality, belief in god, sexuality, political behaviour, attitudes towards foreigners and attitudes towards and use of various licit and illicit substances. data collection took place between september 2015 and april 2016.1 measures of variables dependent variable the dependent variable in this study is political engagement of the youth which has four dimensions, namely family political discussion, peer political discussion, political party discussion and attempts to influence the political process. the four dimensions of political engagement represent non-electoral political engagement as opposed to electoral engagements such as registration to vote or actual voting for a particular political party or candidate. the four dimensions of political engagement are measured by: how often youth discuss politics with…. parents/other family members; friends/classmates with similar and different political views on campus; members of political organisations on and outside campus; and attempts to influence the political process? these four dimensions of political engagement are measured on a five-point likert scale ranging from 1, ‘never’; 2, ‘rarely’; 3, ‘sometimes’; 4, ‘often’ to 5, ‘always’. each of the four dimensions of civic engagement is created as a summated score of the respective items after conducting principal component analysis (pca) of the items using varimax rotation. table 1 shows the number of items for each of the constructs of political engagement, their factor loadings and alpha levels. table 1: factor analysis of political engagement variables. independent variables religion is the main independent variable in this study and is measured as a multi-dimensional concept with four main dimensions as follows: (1) self-rated religiosity. this is measured by asking the respondent, ‘how religious do you consider yourself to be?’ it is measured using a five-point likert scale ranging from ‘not at all religious’ to ‘extremely religious’; (2) perception of the importance of religion in one’s life/a family’s life which was measured by asking the student: ‘how important is religion in your life/your family’s life?’ this is measured using a five-point likert scale ranging from ‘not at all important’ to ‘extremely important’; (3) frequency of church attendance. students are asked to indicate ‘how often do you and your family attend church/mosque/temple/synagogue services?’ frequency of family church attendance is measured on a five-point likert scale ranging from 0, ‘never’; 1, ‘only on special occasions’; 2, ‘occasionally (several times a year)’; 3, ‘frequent attendance’; 4, ‘fairly regular (almost weekly)’; 5, ‘regular (weekly)’. (4) religious affiliation is measured by three categories. for this dimension, students are asked to indicate the religious organisation they belong to and three broad affiliations are measured after collapsing categories with fewer cases: christian (protestant), christian (catholic) and other. besides the four dimensions of religion which was the main independent variable in the study, we also control for a number of individual background socio-demographic characteristics including age, gender, race or ethnicity (home language), family’s ses and parental educational attainment. age is measured as a continuous variable, while both mother’s and father’s educational attainments are measured at the ordinal level with the question: ‘please indicate the highest level of your mother’s or father’s education’. the responses range from 1, ‘no education’ to 7, ‘postgraduate degree’. family structure is measured at the nominal level with the question: ‘at home, which parents or guardian do you live with?’ the responses ranged from 1, ‘living with both biological parents at home’; 2, ‘living with a single parent’; 3, ‘living with other relatives’. family’s ses is measured at the ordinal level with the question: ‘how would you describe your family’s socio-economic status compared to other families in the area where you live?’ the responses range from 1, ‘poorer than most’; 2, ‘about the same as most’ to 3, ‘richer than most’. in addition to these socio-demographic characteristics, we control for the student’s perception of the importance of participating in selected political activities. this variable is measured by the question: how important is it for students to participate in the following activities (elections for national government; elections for provincial government; elections for local government; and elections for student political associations?). importance for students to participate in the political process is measured on a five-point likert scale ranging from 1, ‘not at all important’; 2, ‘slightly important’; 3, ‘neutral’; 4, ‘moderately important’ to 5, ‘very important’. it is expected that students who perceive the importance of such civic responsibilities will be more likely to engage in the various civic activities. finally, we control for civic skills of the respondent which is a summated scale of five items. the question asked to the students is: ‘are you/did you participate in the following activities recently?’ (community youth club activities, community environmental activities, community sanitation programmes, neighbourhood safety activities and sports and games). the response categories are 1, ‘yes’; 2, ‘no’. these are aggregated to form the civic skills index. statistical approach data analysis is conducted at three levels, namely univariate, bivariate and multivariate using simple frequency distributions, proportions, cross-tabulations and multiple regression. table 1 shows the results of the factor analysis, using varimax rotation. this was conducted to examine the factor structure of the main dependent, political engagement of the youth. this part of the analysis yielded four dimensions of the dependent variables (family political discussion, peer political discussion, political party discussion and actual attempts to influence the political process). the general strategy is to examine the relationship between the socio-demographic variables and control variables on the one hand and each of the dependent variables on the other hand. finally, for the multivariate analysis, we use the logit regression model by dichotomising each of the four dimensions of political engagement variables. each of the four dependent variables is dichotomised into ‘low’ and ‘high’ engagement by splitting the summated scores at their means. in the logit regression model, the independent variables are the set of covariates x = x1, x2, .., xk in the model, given as: where , the odds ratio, is the ratio of probability of 1 to probability of 0. mathematically, the odds ratio is bounded between 0 and +∞, and the log odds assume any number between −∞ and +∞. taking the exponent of both sides of the equation, it is very straightforward to conduct the maximum likelihood estimation in order to obtain the parameter estimates of the intercept α and slopes β1, β2, .., βk in the model. the reference categories of each levels of the independent and control variables have an odds ratio value of ‘1’. results table 2 shows the distribution of the sample characteristics. there are more female participants (60%) than male participants (40%). twenty-seven per cent of the respondents aged between 17 and 19 years, while 73% of the respondents aged between 20 and 26 years. sixty-nine per cent of the respondents are black african, 26 per cent are white people, while mixed race, indian or asians and other groups constitute 5% of the total sample. fifty-one per cent and 50% of the respondents’ fathers and mothers have tertiary educational qualifications, while 40% of the fathers and mothers have some secondary and secondary education, respectively; only 9% and 10%, respectively, of the parents have no education or primary education. table 2: sample characteristics. sixty per cent of the respondents live with both parents at home, while 29% live with a single parent. sixty-eight per cent of the respondents perceive their families as having the same socio-economic level as other families in their neighbourhoods compared with 19% and 13%, respectively, who perceive their families as being poorer and richer than most families in their neighbourhood. sixty-eight per cent of the respondents are christian (protestant), 20% are christian (catholic), while other religious groups constitute 11% of the total sample. for the purposes of this study, it is significant to note that the mean age of the respondents is 21.11 years. thus, the bulk of the youth in the study were born before or around the time of the democratic transition in 1994, a cohort of south africans that has been dubbed the ‘born frees’. table 3 presents the results of the bivariate analysis of the relationship between selected background characteristics of the respondents and religions variables on the one hand and the four political engagement variables on the other hand. the only religion variable that is significantly associated with all the political engagement variables at the bivariate level is the student’s perception of the importance of religion in the youth’s life; when the youth perceive that politics is important, they are more likely to engage politically. gender is significantly associated with all the political engagement variables except family political discussion; males have high rates of engagement compared to females. also, age is significantly associated with all the political engagement variables with the exception of family political discussion; youth aged 20–26 years have higher levels of engagement than youth aged 17–19 years. table 3: relationship between covariates and political engagement. apart from family political discussion where white people have higher level of political engagement, black africans have higher levels of political engagement than white people and other race groups, especially in the domain of peer political discussion. moreover, apart from the domain of family political discussion where afrikaans-speaking youth have higher level of political engagement, mnguni-speaking youth have higher levels of political engagement in every other domain of political engagement than any other language group. as far as education is concerned, higher parental education appears to engender only family political discussion because in every other domain of political engagement lower parental education is associated with higher level of political engagement. youth who live with both parents at home have higher levels of political engagement only in the domain of family political discussion, whereas those who live with single parents at home have higher levels of political engagement in all other domains of political engagement. the ses of a youth’s family is significantly associated with the engagement of the youth in the political process, while it is marginally associated with political party discussion. finally, apart from family political discussion, the civic skills index is significantly and positively associated with political engagement. table 4 shows the results of the logit model of religious effects on political engagement. after controlling for all the variables in the model, the only religion variables that are significant predictors of political engagement of the youth are religiosity and the importance of religion in the young person’s life. self-rated religiosity and perception of the youth on the importance of religion in their lives are the only two dimensions of religion that significantly predict the political engagement of the youth although their influences on young person’s political engagement are in opposite directions. while religiosity is positively associated with peer political discussion and attempts to influence the political process, importance of religion in the young people’s lives is inversely associated with the two aspects of political engagement. table 4: logit model of religion effects on youth political engagement. specifically, youth who perceive themselves as moderately religious and extremely religious are 2.14 and 3.17 times, respectively, more likely to engage in peer political discussion compared to youth who perceive themselves as not religious at all. moreover, youth who perceive themselves as either moderately religious or extremely religious are 2.71 and 4.24 times, respectively more likely to engage in attempts to influence the political process compared to their counterparts who are not religious at all. on the other hand, the odds of youth who report that religion is very important or extremely important in their lives engaging in peer political discussion decrease by 61%, while the odds of these youth engaging in attempts to influence the political process decrease by 4% compared to those who report that religion is not at all important in their lives. as far as the control variables are concerned, gender, race, ethnicity as measured by home language, family structure, family’s ses and civic skills are the only control variables that are significant predictors of political engagement of the youth. males are more likely than females to engage in political party discussions and also to engage in attempts to influence the political process. specifically, the odds of female respondents engaging in political party discussions and participating in the political process decreases by 60% and 65%, respectively, compared to their male counterparts. race and ethnicity are significant predictors of political engagement of the youth. both white and mixed race youths are less likely than black african youth to engage in peer political discussion and participation in the political process, while white youth are less likely to engage in attempts to influence the political process compared to black africans. for example, the odds of whites and mixed race engaging in peer political discussions decreases by 28% and 30%, respectively, while the odds of white respondents engaging in attempts to influence the political process decreases by 19% compared to black africans. young people who speak tshivenda, xitsonga and other african languages are less likely to engage in peer political discussions compared to those who speak english. family structure is a significant predictor of aspects of political engagement of the youth. youth who live in a single-parent home are more likely to engage in peer political discussion compared to those who live in a two-parent home. the odds of youth who live in a single-parent home engaging in peer political discussion increases by 57% compared to those of youth who live with both parents at home. youth who live with either a guardian or alone are less likely to engage in both family political and political party discussions but more likely to engage in peer political discussions. for example, the odds of youth who do not live with a family member engaging in family political discussion and political party discussion decreases by 21% and 24%, respectively, compared to their counterparts who live with both parents. however, youth who live with guardians, foster parents or alone are 2.76 times more likely than those who live with both parents to engage in peer political discussion. finally, young people who possess civic skills are more likely to participate in every dimension of political engagement with the exception of peer political discussion. discussion and conclusion the simultaneous phenomenal growth of religious influences as manifested in the proliferation of religious organisations and the increasing role of religion in engendering positive youth development is what motivated this study. the underlying question we sought to answer in the study is: if religion is increasingly contributing to moving youth away from anti-social behaviours such as alcohol and drug use and abuse, is it diverting them towards pro-social behaviours such as political engagements? we sought to answer this question with a sample of undergraduate students across the three campuses of the north-west university in south africa. four dimensions of religion were measured to see how they affect four dimensions of political engagement. we also examined the effects of gender, age, race, ethnicity, family structure, family ses, parental education and civic skills as control variables. as far as religion’s effect on political engagement of the youth is concerned, first, we found that merely being a member of a religious organisation did not predict youth involvement in political activities, a finding which is contrary to some existing studies in the western context (e.g. diaz 1996; putnam 1993a, 1993b; verba et al. 1995; wald 1997). for example, verba et al. (1995) found that protestants were more involved politically than catholics because of the denominational differences between the two religious organisations in providing members with the ability to participate in politics; in fact, they argued that catholic churches often provide fewer opportunities for lay involvement. however, the finding of this study is consistent with several other existing studies, that found no denominational differences with regard to members’ participation in politics (e.g. djupe & grant 2001; jones-correa & leal 2001). for example, jones-correa and leal (2001) note as their reason for the finding for the null hypothesis that there is no difference between christian denominations and that the central importance of churches may not be that they inculcate civic skills in their members, but that they serve as important conduits of political information and recruitment (see also, ammerman 1997; djupe & grant 2001). the fact that frequency of religious attendance by the youth was not found to be a significant predictor of political engagement of the youth could be because of the differences in the emphasis different religious traditions put on politics. for example, djupe and grant (2001) found in their study in the united states that while african-american and evangelical protestants said they were active in church to better the nation, majority of them said they preferred religious activity over political activity. in a situation like this where political messages are not emphasised by a religious tradition, engagement in politics would hardly be dependent on the frequency of church attendance. out of the four dimensions of religion, only self-rated religiosity and importance of religion in the lives of the youth were found to be significant predictors of the political engagement of the youth, albeit their respective influences being in opposite directions. religiosity was positively associated with youth peer political discussion and attempts to influence the political process, while importance of religion was negatively associated with these two domains of political engagement. these findings may appear contradictory but in fact they are not because the two are conceptually distinct. in fact, this finding is akin to the finding by djupe and grant’s (2001) in regard to african-american protestants and white evangelical protestants in the united states who prefer religious activity over political activity even though they are active in the church ‘in order to better the nation’. it is plausible that people who consider religion as important in their lives consider any non-religious activity, including politics, as less important. the fact that males are more likely than females to engage in politics is consistent with the existing participation literature across several contexts (e.g. coffe & bolzendahl 2011; kenworthy & malami 1999; nabanech 2012; tadros 2011). this gender gap in political engagement or participation has been generally attributed to educational inequality, or the lack of education or skills or formal training for women (e.g. bauer 2009; nabanech 2012). moreover, one cannot ignore the patriarchal nature of most societies, especially, in africa, which views politics (i.e. political affairs and decision-making) as mostly a male domain (grasso 2013; sossou 2011). the finding that black africans are more politically active than their white and mixed race counterparts in this study is hardly surprising given the historical role of black africans, especially, african youth, in the struggle to overthrow the apartheid state. it is significant to note that this generation of black african youth is the offspring of the 1970s and 1980s generations who cut their political teeth at predominantly black radical institutions such as fort hare, and universities of the north and western cape. we also found that living with a single parent at home was positively associated with youth’s engagement in peer political discussion compared to living with those who live with either both parents or a guardian, foster parent or living alone. we are not aware of any empirical evidence for this finding but believe that this finding makes sense heuristically because in the absence of the husband–wife dyad of the family system, single parents may be too preoccupied with running the household to be available for discussion with their children; in such a situation, the peer system becomes an attractive alternative for socialisation purposes. civic skills possessed by the youth were positively associated with family political discussion, political party discussion and attempts to influence the political process. while with the present cross-sectional data, we are not in a position to determine whether the civic skills were church-gained or derived from secular sources; djupe and grant (2001) found in their study that church-gained civic skills did not increase political participation of their subjects. on the other hand, finlay and flanagan (2009) have noted that in the united states, young people’s interest in politics and community engagement increased simultaneously as they advanced in education. in conclusion, the answer to the question as to whether religion impacts political participation by the youth is that it ultimately depends upon which aspect of religion one is looking at. religion as a moral force does indeed affect pro-social behaviours such as political participation as a crucial element of a society’s social structure as evidenced by the role of social structural elements such as age, ethnicity, education and family structure. however, as far as non-electoral political engagement by the youth is concerned, the acquisition of civic skills by the youth is the most important factor. recommendations based on the foregoing findings of this study, two recommendations, one methodological and the other substantive, are apparent. first, methodologically, while the study is based on a sample of youth at the tertiary level of the south african educational system and therefore may be selective of young persons who are already morally upright, future research in the area would do well by using a more diverse sample which can be generalised to the entire population of youth in the country. second, on the substantive level, given the intensely political nature of south africa, religious organisations should strive to enhance the political participation of the youth by helping them to acquire vital civic skills through their teachings and practices. acknowledgements special thanks to dr elizabeth biney a post-doctoral fellow, for helping to put this manuscript together. competing interests the author declares that no competing interest exists. authors´ contributions i declare that i am the sole author of this research article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct 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identity in american youth’, journal of adolescence 22(2), 243–253. https://doi.org/10.1006/jado.1999.0214 footnote 1. data collection was halted towards the end of 2015 because of the student unrest on campuses around the country. abstract introduction climate change biodiversity conservation nature restoration: mitigation and adaptation ethical virtues: justice and equity climate change sustainability conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) didier n. buwani department of philosophy, practical and systematic theology, college of human sciences, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa r. tseka h. dolamo department of philosophy, practical and systematic theology, college of human sciences, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation buwani, d.n. & dolamo, r.t.h., 2019, ‘climate change in sub-saharan africa: nature restoration as an ethical issue’, theologia viatorum 43(1), a4. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v43i1.4 original research climate change in sub-saharan africa: nature restoration as an ethical issue didier n. buwani, r. tseka h. dolamo received: 13 july 2018; accepted: 29 may 2019; published: 22 nov. 2019 copyright: © 2019. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract sub-saharan countries are among the vulnerable countries that encounter the impact of anthropogenic climate change. this article aimed to analyse the climate change threats that sub-saharan countries are facing, such as the burning of fossil fuel, deforestation, desertification and floods. therefore, the authors recommend conserving and restoring nature on an ethical basis for the preservation of future generation. ethical virtues such as justice and equity will be considered in order to eradicate the problem. thus the collaboration of all people is required. keywords: climate change; biodiversity; justice; equity; development; environment. introduction today, climate change in sub-saharan africa remains a big threat. climate change is the result of human activities, the burning of fossil fuel and the clearing of forests (arnold 2011:1). therefore, mankind is facing consequences of climate change such as floods, sea level rise and extreme weather and deviations in rainfall (levy & sidel 2014:33). in this article, the authors will analyse the consequences of climate change threats. climate change will affect every continent and particularly the african continent will be the most affected as it depends on natural resources (peach brown 2011:164). ethical virtues will play a key role by preserving future generations. to avoid the negative impact of climate change, the authors recommend mitigation and adaptation measures to reduce greenhouse gases in the atmosphere in order to protect our lives and biodiversity. also, the implementation of renewable energy will be required to avoid pollution in sub-saharan areas. to achieve a sustainable development, the contribution of all will be required, especially of politicians and economists. climate change climate change is the variability of the temperature, ‘a permanent change in weather conditions’ (longman 2003:276). many scientific reports suggest that humanity is causing environmental change at an unprecedented rate (gardiner 2012:241). if current trends continue, massive devastation will be inflicted on non-human life, future humans and the current poor will be in danger (gardiner 2012:241). greenhouse gases from any part on the earth’s surface enter the atmosphere and affect the climate globally (gardiner 2010:88). current climate change is driven by increasing atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, for instance, carbon dioxide (co2), methane (ch4) and nitrous oxide (n2o). the reason for the build-up of these gases is the burning of fossil fuels, the clearing of forests, and other activities of mankind (union of concerned scientists 2003:7). a similar viewpoint is expressed by arnold (2011) who states that: it is well understood that the earth’s climate is changing as a result of human activity. more specifically, the climate is changing because of the inefficient consumption of fossil fuels and rapid deforestation. a changing climate will place present and future human populations in jeopardy and the poor will be most adversely impacted. (p. 1) some of the many consequences of climate change are global warming, deviations in rainfall, sea level rise, extreme weather events, droughts, and floods (international panel on climate change [ipcc] 2001; levy & sidel 2014:33). climate change threatens human health and well-being, for instance, infectious diseases, food insecurity and malnutrition and mental disorders (levy & sidel 2014:33). collective violence because of climate change threatens basic human rights as it is written in the universal declaration of human rights (udhr, art. 25). for example, it threatens the right to standard of living adequate for health and well-being, also rights to food, housing and social services, as well as the right to security (levy & sidel 2014:33). the intergovernmental panel on climate change suggests that greenhouse gas emissions are changing the global climate, and that (ipcc 2001, 2007, 2012): africa will experience increased water stress, decreased yields from rain-fed agriculture, increased food insecurity and malnutrition, sea level rise, and an increase in arid and semi-arid land as a result of this process. (n.p.) the ipcc 2007 report highlights that ‘extreme weather events, notably flood, drought and tropical storms are also expected to increase in frequency and intensity across the continent’ (ipcc 2007:n.p.). climate change will affect human populations across the world. however, not every continent will be affected in the same way. many reports showed that it will be the global poor who will face the effects of global climate change. it will be the poorest regions of the world with the least amount of resources to mitigate those negative effects (mastaler 2011:66-67). peach brown highlights that african populations are expected to be vulnerable to climate change because of three factors: ‘a higher than the global average degree of change, high levels of dependence on natural resources and forest goods and services, and a low degree of adaptive capacity’(peach brown 2011:164). from this point of view, critics and the intergovernmental panel on climate change have demonstrated that poor people will be more affected, as they do not have enough resources to address climate change threats. based on the ethical principle of justice, policy makers have the responsibility to act on behalf of the poor and the voiceless, so that the developed countries could stop harming the poor and those who are vulnerable. researchers attributed changes in patterns of infectious diseases to recent climate change, such as malaria in the east african highlands (bannister-tyrrell et al. 2015:448). simultaneously, other critics observe that the rising temperatures increase diseases such as malaria. mosquitoes reproduce rapidly with the increase in temperatures. this led to an increase of malaria in highland areas such as nairobi, kenya that have not experienced the disease. today, malaria accounts for more than 80% of climate-related diseases in africa (anderko 2014:33). climate change will bring many consequences in the poorest regions of africa. in his research, mcmichael highlights that climate change will reduce food security, agricultural and fishery yields, especially in the sub-saharan africa region. the flooding and drying cycles will also increase the risks to agricultural productivity in sub-saharan regions (mcmichael, barnett & mcmichael 2012:647). this point is emphasised by other researchers who pointed out that these projections are consistent with recent climatic trends in southern africa (brown et al. 2012:1). the changes in climate are exacerbated by the high levels of sensitivity of the social and ecological systems in the region. there is also a limited capacity of civil society, private sector and government actors to respond to these threats (brown et al. 2012:1). this situation is visible in the congo basin region, where the rainforest is threatened and governments are unable to provide an accurate answer to the threat that the basin is facing. the congo basin is the second largest tropical rainforest in the world after the amazonian forests, covering 228 million ha (fao 2011) which, represents approximately 20% of the world’s remaining tropical forest (nkem et al. 2012:514).these forests cover about 60% of the total land area of six countries of the central african region: cameroon, central african republic, gabon, equatorial guinea, republic of congo and the democratic republic of congo (drc) (nkem et al. 2012:514). the congo basin forest covers about 30 million forest dwelling indigenous people, representing over 150 ethnic groups that are concentrated around forest margins (cbfp 2006). the cultural isolation of the indigenous communities poses a challenge of national integration. they are excluded in decisions concerning national development and their communities are most vulnerable to the global challenges of climate change (nkem et al. 2012:514). the exclusion of local communities remains an error, for these communities are people of the forest. their livelihoods depend on the forest, they should be involved in all decisions concerning their lives. their lives are linked to the forest like the human body is linked to the soul. ignoring this fact may result in the loss of lives. lack of information represents a huge gap regarding the climate change threat in sub-saharan africa. the ipcc states that by 2020, about 75 million africans will experience water stress, also agricultural production of cropland could drop by as much as 50% (mathews 2017). another aspect that the african continent will face because of climate change is the migration phenomenon. streamleau (2016) points out that: if trump forsakes support for the 2015 paris climate accord, endorsed by 193 members of the united nations (un), as well as obama’s bilateral climate agreement with china, the resultant rise of global warming and extreme weather events will wreak havoc throughout africa. global social media will amplify the human dramas and dangers of forced migrations, viral epidemics and related deadly conflicts as credible evidence of global warming’s impact continue to accumulate. (n.p.) american researchers demonstrate that zimbabwe is beginning to experience the effects of climate change, especially rainfall variability and extreme events (brown et al. 2012:ii). the effects of global warming are expected to rending land marginal for agriculture, which poses a major threat to the economy and the livelihoods of the poor because of zimbabwe’s heavy dependence on rain-fed agriculture and climate sensitive resources (brown et al. 2012:ii). climate change represents a huge danger to the environment. therefore, if nothing is done to end the negative impact of climate change, the african continent will probably assist in the loss of its biodiversity. to secure lives and the future of this continent, the conservation of biodiversity should be implemented. biodiversity conservation in pearson’s view, conservation is for people and nature. throughout human history the conservation of nature is important because of the services provided for their benefit and because of intrinsic values of nature. for this reason, our immediate environment should be well managed. consequently, the management of protected areas and biodiversity conservation are achieved through the protection of ecosystem processes (hopkins et al. 2015:526). from this perspective, we can say that biodiversity conservation means the protection or preservation of nature. if nature is well managed, mankind will be in peace. one of the most important goals of biodiversity exploration is to help conserve the vast diversity of languages, cultures, peoples and other organisms that inhabit this earth (moran, king & carlson 2001:520–521). the management of nature requires some techniques. according to sonwa et al. (2005) biotechnology can contribute to the management and conservation of forest resources in the congo basin, for example. it is therefore a complementary tool to the traditional management programme, not a substitute. there is a pressing need to support human and material capacity-building linked to the application of biotechnology for forestry resource management in the basin (sonwa et al. 2005:62). according to paterson (2006), the ethical challenge is to find a reason for why nature should be protected from human actions. it is the conservationist’s responsibility to prove that such value exists. mankind and nature are seen as being in profound conflict with each other, and if we wish to describe the mutual relations that exist between human beings and the environment in these terms we would say that the living self depends upon the environment for its existence (paterson 2006:149). therefore, mankind depends on the workings of the environment or natural ecological conditions for their growth and development. and, conversely, as indicated by the statement above, ‘without life there is no environment’, the environment must wait for the activities of human beings in order to take on a particular shape or undergo changes. mankind thus plays a key role in the creation of a particular environment, and must bear the responsibility for such creation (paterson 2006:149). as mentioned above, the conservation of nature needs some techniques; one of the techniques is the implementation of solar energy by mankind. solar energy using direct sunlight is potentially the most powerful renewable energy source for electricity and heat. researchers claim that renewable energy sources will provide up to 35% of the global energy supply and nearly half of the electricity production by 2050 (destouni & frank 2010:19). to conserve nature or the environment, mankind has the responsibility to reduce, reuse and recycle items where possible. palliser (2011) states that: an effort to reduce, reuse, and recycle and considering your overall environmental footprint in your everyday actions will reduce waste, prevent pollution, use less resources, save money, and work toward a cleaner, healthier earth for the next generation. (p. 17) the conservation of nature also implies the restoration of nature. this process has two aspects, which is mitigation and adaptation. nature restoration: mitigation and adaptation according to ipcc, ‘mitigation is an anthropogenic intervention to reduce the anthropogenic forcing of the climate system: it includes strategies to reduce greenhouse gas sources and emissions and enhancing greenhouse gas sinks’ (hopkins et al. 2015:502; ipcc 2007:878). this can be defined as a human intervention to reduce the sources of greenhouse gases (ipcc 2014). protected areas can help mitigate climate change by storing carbon and capturing carbon by sequestering carbon dioxide from the atmosphere in natural ecosystems. adaptation is the process of adjustment to actual climate and its effects. in human systems, adaptation seeks to moderate harm or exploit beneficial opportunities (ipcc 2014:1) (hopkins et al. 2015:502). the researchers have found that to limit the impacts of climate change on economies, countries should mitigate emissions or adapt to climate change consequences (shalizi & lecocq 2010:298). mitigation consists of reducing emissions or removing greenhouse gas (ghg) from the atmosphere at the beginning of the chain to minimise climate change. by contrast, adaptation consists of responding to climate change impacts at the end of the chain. for example, shifting from coalto gas-fired power plants, developing renewable energy, or reducing deforestation and associated emissions of carbon dioxide are mitigation actions. (shalizi & lecocq 2010:298–299). today, nature restoration has become a competing issue for the protection of nature. restorationists claim that preserving nature won’t save it; instead, we must restore nature if we need it. among other factors, they point to damage to nature caused by global climate change as indicating the necessity of restoration for nature protection (hettinger 2012:27). restorationists reject the conception of humanity as separate from nature and argue that restoration is a virtuous way for humans to be part of nature. in their view, restoration is relevant for nature and for human development (hettinger 2012:27–28). the practice of ecological restoration provides an important arena within which we can work out what it means to have a moral relationship with nature today (troop 2012:47). according to troop, climate change complicates our attempts to develop a defensible moral relationship with nature, because it threatens to undermine both traditional views about how nature fits into a good human life and traditional views about how nature fits into a good human life and traditional aims of restoration (troop 2012:47). africa is one of the regions that remains vulnerable to climate change. global warming because of increased atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases is inevitable. therefore, it is urgent that policy makers in regions such as sub-saharan africa begin to consider what measures they should take to adapt to the consequences of climate change (smith & lenhart 1996:193). for instance, smith and lenhart suggest that the planning and management along water shed and ecosystem lines reduce the institutional fragmentation in the management of natural areas and focus on protecting a variety of species and natural systems. the impacts of climate change are difficult to predict; the preservation of a variety of species in a healthy ecosystem may be the most effective way to protect those species that will be able to adapt to climate change (smith & lenhart 1996:198). climate change is intensifying problems and creating new risks, particularly in africa, where there is poverty and dependence on the natural environment. there is a growing need for proactive adaptation to climate change risks (ziervogel & zermoglio 2009:133). therefore, society needs researchers to find real solutions to the risk that communities are facing. however, research must be supported within institutions if they are going to keep their role in the development of knowledge (bardsley 2015:45). a good example of the above statement is the case of south africa. to address the issue of climate change (odeku & meyer 2010): south africa has establishing new focal points within government, developing partnerships with other governments or the private sector, or launching pilot projects, have contributed immensely to reducing ghg emissions in south africa; the government is persistent in its quest to continue in this direction in the near future … this is achieved by putting in place more stringent policies or by implementing new adaptation and mitigation measures. (p.183) another technique to protect the forest is in the congo basin in central africa. tropical forests in these areas are vulnerable to climate change representing a risk for indigenous peoples and forest-dependent communities. therefore, mechanisms to conserve the forest, such as deforestation and forest degradation (redd), could assist in the mitigation of climate change, reduce vulnerability and enable people to adapt (peach brown et al. 2014:759). although researchers pointed out that adaptive capacity is currently low, it could be enhanced with further development of institutional linkages and increased coordination of multilevel responses across all institutions and with local people. it is relevant to build networks with indigenous people at the local level who can contribute knowledge that will build adaptive capacity (peach brown et al. 2014:759). in this regard, the researchers have a different point of view, truly redd has found mechanisms to conserve the forest in the congo basin, the situation is critical even worse in the dr congo because of political context. greenpeace africa is denouncing the fact that the congolese government is giving access to multinational companies to cut down the forest in the basin. a petition was released in order to stop the congolese government’s decision (greenpeace africa 2017). to conserve the forest in the congo basin, political stability and strong institutions are required. however, the researcher noticed that in countries such as south africa, where institutions are strong, the implementation of mitigation and adaptation measures can be successful. the vulnerability to climate change in africa is the result of increasing temperatures. sub-saharan countries depend on natural resources, but there is a low degree of adaptive capacity. the congo basin forest of central africa has also become a focus for redd, because of its carbon reserves which are of global importance for regulating greenhouse gas emissions. to achieve progress, particularly in drc and central african republic (car), increased efforts need to be made to establish a context of political stability, security and good governance (peach brown et al. 2014:767). today, the majority of nations in the world are united in the view that greenhouse-gas emissions should be reduced. only the united states and australia, of all the industrialised industrialised nations, have said that they are not prepared to commit themselves to a binding treaty that will achieve this goal (singer 2010:197–198). the reduction of ghg remains the right thing to do and for the time being, it is the only way of solving the problem of climate change. without mitigation and adaptation to climate change, the planet will not be tranquil for mankind’s survival. jamieson states that mitigating climate change by reducing ghg emissions is important for many reasons. firstly, slowing down the rate of change allows humans and the rest of the biosphere time to adapt, and reduces the treat of catastrophic surprises. secondly, the right mitigation allows those who have done the most to produce climate change to be responsible for their actions (jamieson 2010:271). ethical virtues: justice and equity the impact of climate change will be felt by future generations, thus a theory of global environmental justice must provide guidance on what duties to future generations those living at present have (caney 2010:123). moreover, climate change requires an analysis of moral relevance of decisions taken by previous generations. the important question is who should be responsible for dealing with the negative impact that comes from earlier generations. in this regard caney suggests that a ‘theory of justice that is to apply to global climate change must address the question of how the intergenerational dimensions of the issue make a morally relevant difference’ (caney 2010:124). in other words, the key problem is that ‘the polluter should pay’ or the one who produced the harm should pay. this principle is also affirmed in a number of international legal agreements. the organisation for economic cooperation and development (oecd), for example, recommended the adoption of the polluter pays’ principle (ppp) in council recommendations of 26 may 1972, and 14 november 1974 (caney 2010:125). therefore, we need to know, ‘who is the polluter?’ and what kind of entities are the polluters? are they individuals, state? firstly, as we know, individuals use electricity for heating, cooking, lighting, televisions, computers and driving cars. this is to say that individuals are responsible for carbon dioxide emissions. should we say that individuals should pay? if so, we should say that each individual should pay his or her share. secondly, it might be argued that the causes of greenhouse gas emissions are economic corporations that consume vast amounts of fossil fuels and allow deforestation. thirdly, many commentators argue that states should cut back on ghg emissions and they are the primary cause of global climate change (caney 2010:126). one problem with applying the ‘polluter pays’ principle to climate change is that much of the damage to the climate was caused by the policies of earlier generations. it is, for example, widely recognised that there have been high levels of carbon dioxide emissions for the last 200 years, dating back to the industrial revolution in western europe. this is a difficult problem for the ‘polluter pays’ principle: who pays when the polluter is no longer alive? and the proposal made by some researchers that the industrial economies of the first world should pay seems unfair, for it does not make the actual polluter pay (caney 2010:127). in this regard, the researcher points out that, even carbon dioxide emissions were in the atmosphere since the industrial revolution, the actual polluters inherited some power stations from their ancestors in western europe and they are responsible for the global warming that is affected the planet today. moreover, we cannot say that those who caused the harm are no longer alive. the problem now is to slow ghg emissions in order to adapt to the climate change. today, those who are harming the … world are still … alive and they are responsible for climate change. to protect the planet, we should slow down the greenhouse gas emissions. unfortunately, some of the developed countries refused to ratify the resolutions of the paris agreement (reduction of greenhouse gases to 2 °c). climate change is widely recognised as a global problem affecting the lives and well-being of millions of people, the stability of ecosystems and the existence of many natural species. justice involves moral considerations regarding relationships between people or between people mediated by institutions and policies, and therefore this is the case with global justice as well. there are important moral questions regarding the effects of climate change on ecosystems, biodiversity, and species (moellendorf 2012:131). environmental justice recognises the integrity of local communities and their ability to subsist in the face of the consequences of climate change. secondly, it offers normative legal frameworks for enabling a broader recognition of ecological values, as well as for linking these to functional ends. in these latter respects, environmental justice offers a means for encouraging wider engagement and participation within civil society (stallworthy 2009:74). by quoting schlosberg, fischer suggests that climate justice is used by different actors seeking to characterise their position as the equitable one. however, it is not only about the distribution of environmental goods between states but also about how such goods continue to be distributed at national and local levels under conditions of climatic change, as well as the importance of recognition and participation (fisher 2015:73). climate justice work has focused on distributional aspects and the relationships between nations. opening up scale as an object of enquiry allows climate justice to be considered as an ideal that has multiple sites both for injustices and for solutions towards more just livelihoods for the climate vulnerable poor. marginalised communities experience a range of problems linked to development, environmental degradation and others. this requires an analysis and a policy approach that goes beyond a distributional focus (fisher 2015:80). climate change sustainability sustainable development needs to become climate-sensitive. efforts to reconcile economic development, equity and environmental protection need to be incorporated into climate change studies. in this sense, without an effort to integrate climate change into sustainable development, the effects of the former may paralyse the aspirations of the latter (matthew & hammill 2009:1127). researchers point out that education for sustainable development (esd) has two objectives that were originally diametrically opposed: environmental education and education to cooperate with the third world. the environment has always been a topic in geography instruction, yet the emphasis on preservation of nature did not really develop until the 1970s in response to public discussions of issues such as those triggered by the limits of growth and other influential works about environmental concerns. today, global aspects of development are frequently covered by the term global learning. the focus of environmental education was primarily on the preservation of nature (böhn & petersen 2007:141). the challenge against climate change will be successful at all levels: politics, power, economics, behavioural psychology and ideology, but politicians should play a key role. we will make them a reality if we create a new politics of climate change that persuades politicians to act. the vision and determination of leaders from outside the established structures of power and wealth were the driving force behind other successes. the nature of public mobilisation is different today, but public pressure for action can be a force of change. it will require a vast investment of leadership, imagination and money to make this a reality. but there is no other pathway to success (hale 2010:273). conclusion the article highlighted the climate change threat that sub-saharan countries are facing as a result of human activities. it stated that the african continent is the continent that is most affected by the anthropogenic impact of climate change. however, to protect our own life and nature, the researcher recommends the following aspects: ethical norms such as justice and equity; mitigation and adaptation measures; and some mechanisms like the implementation of solar energy and renewable energy to prevent future generation against the impact of greenhouse gas effects. to achieve a sustainable development, the collaboration of everyone is relevant, especially of the politicians and economist. acknowledgements this article is partially based on d.n. buwani’s thesis for the degree of master of theology in the subject theological ethics at the university of south africa, south africa, with supervisor prof. dr ramathate dolamo. received june 2017, available here: https://uir.unisa.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10500/23677/dissertation_buwani_dn.pdf?isallowed=y&sequence=1. competing interests the authors have declared that no competing interests exist. authors’ contributions d.n.b. was responsible for the data collection and r.t.h.d. was responsible for theological and ethical formulations. ethical considerations the authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships which may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. funding information this article was funded by the university of south africa. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer 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individual interviews and the focus group conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) hundzukani p. khosa-nkatini department of practical theology, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa cas j. wepener department of practical theology, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa esias e. meyer department of old testament studies, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa citation khosa-nkatini, h.p., wepener, c.j. & meyer, e.e., 2020, ‘tsonga widow’s mourning rituals practices in the evangelical presbyterian church in south africa: a ritual-liturgical exploration’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a37. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.37 original research tsonga widow’s mourning rituals practices in the evangelical presbyterian church in south africa: a ritual-liturgical exploration hundzukani p. khosa-nkatini, cas j. wepener, esias e. meyer received: 01 sept. 2019; accepted: 20 apr. 2020; published: 23 june 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this article studies the rituals and ceremonies that are practised by tsonga widows at a village in giyani in limpopo. the research is based on the observation of the exclusion of widows from church attendance and activities in the evangelical presbyterian church in south africa (epcsa). the study was conducted among tsonga-speaking widows in the tsonga community. the exclusion of widows is respected and understood by members of the church because they believe in respecting people’s cultural and traditional beliefs. this article attempts to study the conflict between christianity and tsonga mourning rituals and practices in the epcsa. this is a qualitative study; however, literature is also included. mourning rituals are presented and analysed to attempt to find ways in which practical theology can help the tsonga widows in the epcsa through liturgical inculturation as they undertake the mourning period. the authors recommend that a study on the effectiveness of mourning rituals for tsonga widows would be fruitful for the epcsa. keywords: tsonga; widows; rituals; culture; period; mourning; women; husband; death; african; church; evangelical presbyterian church; rites. introduction the research discussed in this article consists of data on mourning rituals collected from six individual widows and a focus group consisting of seven widows. the collected data were analysed and interpreted to study the conflict between cultural practices regarding death and mourning and christianity in the evangelical presbyterian church in south africa (epcsa). according to tradition, the rituals designed for tsonga widows are not meant to harm widows or women but rather to protect them. mourning ritual practices are common in most african cultures. according to aransiola and ige in akinbi (2015:69), in the yoruba culture (nigeria), when a husband passes away, his wife is often suspected as the cause of his death. to prove her innocence and to protect her from the wrath of her husband’s spirit, a widow is made to go through various traditional rituals the moment her husband dies, as expected by his family. some scholars consider these rituals to be evil and inhumane. these widowhood practices vary widely in different countries and among different tribes. the authors have observed that there are similar rituals that are also performed by members of the epcsa. the epcsa has not as yet responded in any way to these practices. there is a current liturgical hiatus concerning rituals of mourning for widows by the epcsa in tsonga culture. according to baloyi (2017:2), most widows who partake in such rituals are compelled to earn the respect of their in-laws and the community and to be accepted by the ancestors of the family. differing views among scholars continue to contribute to the conflict between christianity and african ritual practices. this article will firstly discuss the methodology used in the study, followed by a brief literature review, after which a discussion of the conflict between cultural practices and christianity will follow. the epcsa and tsonga widow mourning rituals will then be discussed by means of a presentation and analysis of collected data. methodology the research methodology involved both a study of literature and qualitative empirical work in the form of interviews and a focus group that were conducted among tsonga widows. according to denzin and lincoln (1994:4), ‘qualitative research implies an emphasis on processes and meanings that are not rigorously examined or measured (if measured at all) in terms of quality, amount, intensity and frequency.’ this qualitative research stresses the socially constructed nature of the reality that tsonga widows face in their widowhood and rituals that they are exposed to during their 12-month mourning period. data collection method semi-structured interviews and questions semi-structured interviews consist of several key questions that help to define the areas to be explored, but also allow the interviewer or interviewee to diverge in order to pursue an idea or response in more detail (gill, stewart & chadwick 2008:291). this method is a one-on-one method of collecting data. mason (2002:3) suggests that qualitative or semi-structured interviewing has its own character despite extensive variations in style and tradition. the exchange of dialogue and qualitative interviews may involve one-on-one interaction, large group interviews or focus groups. [t]hese may take place in a face-to-face setting or over the telephone or the internet. for this study the interviews were conducted face to face. voice recordings of the interviews were done. an interview schedule, which is a list of written and prepared questions with timelines and dates, was used during the process of the interview in order to help the interviewer keep the interactions focused and professional. (yama 2010:50) individuals interviews the individual interviews were semi-structured interviews, which allowed the discussion to be open and free. the researcher’s follow-up questions were based on the interviewee’s responses in line with the research questions and research topic. the interview structure allowed narratives by the widows because they were free to engage openly about what they felt would be helpful to the study with regard to widowhood practices. the written questions served as a guideline to aid participants to where they could start narrating their journeys as widows. focus group (6–10 people) ‘focus groups are used for generating information on collective views and the meanings that lie behind those views’ (williamson & prosser 2002:293). in this study, the focus group interviews involved open-ended questions based on the research topic. the participants were asked to elaborate and follow-up questions were asked and permitted to be asked. the author used the following participants for the individual interviews: tinyiko, sarah, ntsako, grace, rhandzu and nkateko. the focus group used the following participants: stella, cathy, grace, kokwana sithole, reagan, thandi and maria. literature review according to cilliers (2013:3), academic disciplines, including practical theology, have been seeing developments that are similar to the developments in the field of rituals and liturgical studies. according to laing and frost (2015:1), in premodern times, rituals and events were major elements of everything in life. there was always a reason for events. whether communities were agricultural or hunter-gatherers, they needed traditional ceremonies to mark the important dates in the seasonal calendar. for tsonga people, death is a painful reality which is considered as a rite of passage by many indigenous african people. the community and relatives are expected to play particular roles, the most prominent of which the widow is expected to play: that of the chief mourner. mwakabana (2002:16) argues that the foundation of african hope is faith in african religion (ar). this faith is neither personal nor communal. offerings, sacrifices and other religious rituals are done. these create an expectation of the spirit world to bring them good. mpedi (2008:106) argues that various groups in africa have different rituals; however, they have certain features in common due to the fact that african traditional religion has a strong cultural basis. mpedi (2008:106) again argues that it is vital to maintain good relations with ancestors and to partake in various ritual offerings. even though they are not gods, they play an important role in bringing ill fortune. beyers (2010:6) also sees traditional africans’ beliefs in ancestors as an essential religious practice. in nigeria, according to akinbi (2015:68), a widow is expected to express grief about losing her husband by wearing black clothes, crying and by frequently falling into the arms of other people around her. the same is true of the tsonga culture. if a widow does not wear black clothes for a year, it might be seen as a sign of disrespect to her late husband, her in-laws and the community. sometimes she may be labelled as loose and even suspected of having a relationship with someone else, while her husband is barely cold in his grave. the practice of wearing black clothes as part of mourning is very common in the epcsa; the majority of epcsa members are tsonga-speaking people, and there exist many congregations in the rural areas. the widows sit at the back of the church and are easily identified by the clothes they wear. most widows who are actively serving in church choose to withdraw from church activities during the 12 months’ mourning period. this is not any order put upon the widow by the church. for example, if the widow was on the preaching plan (lay preacher) or a member of the church choir, she would withdraw from preaching or participating in the choir until her mourning period is over. this is done as a sign of grief and respect for her late husband and her in-laws. there is no doctrine in the epcsa that prevents these widows from maintaining their church positions as they mourn; it is often respected as a cultural decision and respected, not only by members of the church but also by ministers in the epcsa. according to akinbi (2015:72) in many african societies, including nigeria, there is a belief that when a man dies his spirit will not rest and instead will haunt people, sometimes hurting them and destroying things in the community until his wife appeases him by participating in widowhood rites and practices. this is also true in the tsonga culture, where it is believed that if things are not done correctly, bad luck will follow the family. cultural practices and christianity magesa (1997) argues that: [d]ialogue between christianity and african religion (ar) has never been a real conversation on any level. on the contrary, contact between christianity and african religion has historically been predominantly a monologue, characterized by assumptions prejudicial against the latter, with christianity culturally more vocal and ideologically more aggressive. (p. 5) therefore, what has been frequently documented and spread to date are largely christians’ perceptions about african religions, not africans speaking for themselves. widows’ mourning rituals are also valid for members belonging to the epcsa. it appears that the epcsa has not yet produced a guideline on how these rituals interact with epcsa liturgical practices. because of the current liturgical hiatus with regard to liturgical rituals relating to mourning practices for widows within the epcsa under the tsonga culture, it is also apparent that there is a need for a thorough practical theological critique on the existing ritual practices. kurewa (2000:24) argues that it is interesting to observe how other people who have had an interest in writing about african religion have had difficulties in trying to figure out what to make of african beliefs. in the beginning, the assumption was that africans did not have any religion at all. this assumption remains a debate among scholars and also among churches. kurgat (2009:91) argues that evangelisation is keeping in mind a person’s cultural background and tradition as well as their social grouping when you preach the gospel to them. you cannot win them over to the gospel if you disregard where they come from. one of the mistakes of research in african studies is that scholars attempt to find answers for african cultures without an attempt to find out if there really is a problem. this is nothing new for african people, as it is the same mistake that missionaries made when they brought christianity to africans. kurewa (2000:22) argues that when missionaries and colonists arrived in africa in the 15th century, they believed africans were a people who did not have their own culture or religion and lacked their own history or civilisation. missionaries who worked with the african people failed to get close enough to the african people to discover their traditional religion. in this study, when looking at rituals that are performed by tsonga widows during the mourning period, the authors attempted to look at this ritual not as taboo but as something that is real for the tsonga people, not offering western culture as the best solution for tsonga widows. kurewa (2000) also argues that maybe the time is already overdue for the african christian to be proud and to not be ashamed of their culture, including the inherent religion, namely the african religion: [f]or a long time, we have been made to think and believe that the african religion and anything else related to it was heathenism or work of the devil. consequently, we have vigorously campaigned against our own culture and religion through preaching to the churches. ultimately, as christians, we find ourselves completely alienated, not only from our culture but even more so from our own people as a whole. it would appear that african christians, especially those of us in the mainline churches, have placed ourselves in a position where we are cut off from the many sources that would have enabled us to gain knowledge about our own culture. or we have built walls in the name of christianity that are against our own culture that deprive us access to the riches of our own heritage. truth is not all we find in a culture is good, or is everything that we find in a culture is bad. (p. 23) in african culture, ritual is a very sensitive issue, as it is part of who people are, part of their pride as african people. according to khosa (2014:1), vatsonga people esteem ancestors for playing a vital role in their lives. they see death as a way for life here on earth to end and to begin eternal life. this way they join their family tribe as ancestors. to the tsonga people, when a person’s life ends here on earth, it is believed that rituals must be done so the ancestors can welcome a new member to the ancestral tribe. failure to do so means the spirit of that person will fly around the house and there will be no peace in the family. widows therefore need to submit to particular rituals and a range of strict prescriptions for the duration of the mourning period. the evangelical presbyterian church in south africa and tsonga widow mourning rituals in this context, we will be dealing with bereavement in the tsonga culture for christians, with special focus on the epcsa family. as much as bereavements differ from culture to culture, they also differ from family to family. in the epcsa, when a member of the church dies, church elders formally inform the minister of the death. in the case of unnatural death, for example a car accident, the family might ask the minister to accompany them to identify the body at the mortuary. the minister, in the company of the church elders, is expected to visit the family to conduct a short prayer and inform the family that the church is aware of the death in the family. from there on, there will be daily evening prayer services at the family’s home. the authors have observed that widows are absent from these evening prayers. they are usually in the bedroom, sitting on the mattress covered in blankets as part of the mourning rites. this means they are not part of the evening services and sermons that are meant to comfort the family of the deceased. manala (2015:1) argues that the challenges experienced by neglected and maltreated widows, who do not receive sufficient attention, is not addressed as contemporary scholarship seems reluctant to reflect on african widowhood rites and their consequences. black widows are often oppressed in the name of culture, according to baloyi (2015:253–254). women are told to be quiet and obedient in all matters relating to their marriage and womanhood, for that is what it means to be a woman. baloyi (2017:1) argues that the tsonga tribe has closely tied widowhood practices to their traditional and cultural beliefs. baloyi (2017:2) further argues that widowhood practices have an impact that is oppressive to widows, thus the church should take action. hyeman in ndlovu (2013:95) proposes that in dealing with widowhood, the church must adopt the theology of affirmation because it confirms the eschatology ontology, which sees a human being as a new creation with a new identity and status without stigma. according to ndlovu (2013:99), in respect of the widowhood conditions, in today’s church it is important to demonstrate the power of god through healing and the ministering of hope. ndlovu (2013:99) further states that healing of the spirit is holistic and requires an in-depth understanding of the concept of the soul, which includes life that is experienced in a network of relationships within a cultural system and in god’s presence. ministry to widows will remain limited for as long as culture is put before christ and the suffering of his people. there are many beliefs and rituals surrounding widowhood which women only get to know about as soon as they become widows. if a woman were to ask what would be expected of her if she became a widow, she would be immediately suspected of planning her husband’s death. there are different rites and rituals conducted before the husband is buried and after he has been buried, leading up to the time of the cleansing ceremony. in this research the interviewer asked whether there was a way in which christianity and africanism could come together and complement each other. one of the respondents responded: ‘[i] think the church must give the family their space, because if the church is there, the family will not be free to perform their rituals and some of these rituals are not for public eyes. even some of the family members will not be aware of it until they are widows themselves – that’s how things are done.’ (cathy, age 38, teacher) some widows go through these rituals because they are scared of what might happen if they do not, as many taboos are related to the rituals. one of the respondents said: ‘[t]here arerules that we are given as widows. these rules are too heavy, some of them we cannot tell you. if a widow fails to do all the rituals, she will suffer a lot in life […] a lot.’ (kokwana sithole, 70, housewife) this belief was true for many of the respondents. these rituals are acceptable to other participants because they believe it is part of who they are as tsonga women. there is a relationship between the epcsa and cultural beliefs; it is not a close relationship, but rather a relationship of respect, allowing the church to do its part and the church respecting the family to do their part during the funeral and mourning period. this might be misinterpreted as ‘silence’ by the church during the time these widows need them the most, especially the widows who do not wish to practise the cultural mourning rituals but are afraid to refuse them, because they have no one to support them in that decision. the mourning for men and women is different in the tsonga culture; women are expected to cry and mourn for their husbands, while men are expected to be ‘man’ about it and move on. a general description of these rituals will be described in the next section. this general description was collected from the interviews and focus group. wepener (2014:12) argues that liturgical inculturation is both liberation and inculturation, and the concept should be reclaimed as such. general description of tsonga widows ‘mourning rituals’ sarah narrated how she was taken to a nearby river and given an egg by the elders. the elders then instructed her to break the egg using her thighs, meaning that she needed to squeeze her thighs as hard as possible to break the egg placed between them. had she failed to break or crack the egg between her thighs, the elders would label her as having a hand in, or knowing, how her late husband passed on, regardless of the cause of death. after successfully breaking the egg, she was then instructed to jump over the fire. had the fire burnt her, it was said that it would be a sign that her late husband’s ancestors were angry at her for killing her husband. for cathy (age 38, teacher), throughout her 12 months’ mourning period, she had to eat and drink from a specific plate and cup. she was not allowed to share a plate with anyone, as it might bring bad luck to the person sharing a plate with her. she was not allowed to use a hand to discipline her children as it might bring bad luck to her children. when she was greeted on the street, she had to kneel and respond slowly with her head faced down regardless of the age of the person greeting her. she was not allowed to shout or scream, as that might be interpreted as excitement about her husband’s death. thandi (age 60, housewife) was also taken to a nearby river. she was told to put out a burning fire using her urine. after dousing the fire, the elders (women) took a razor and cut her vulva until she started to bleed, blood dripping between her thighs. this was done to get rid of her husband’s blood outside her body. stella, like the rest of the participants, also wore black clothes for a year as a sign of grief. at the end of the mourning period, the traditional healer was brought back to conduct the final cleansing rituals. muti [traditional african medicine or magical charms] was also thrown all over the house and yard again to let the husband’s spirit finally rest in peace. she was given muti to put in her food to eat and different muti to put in her water and bath in it. when reagan (age 56, housewife) heard of her husband’s death, she was not allowed to drink water the whole day, and told that it was taboo, and that if she drank water, she would go deaf. these are just some of the rites and practices that the participants had to undergo by mourning in a traditional way for their husbands. nkateko’s husband was a traditional healer. he had three wives, including her. nkateko and the other wives were not allowed to attend church as their late husband had not allowed them to. she only became a church member after her husband’s death. their children were allowed to attend church. after he died, she and the other wives sat on a grass mat. she said a considerable number of people came to support them because her husband had helped a lot of people. she seemed very surprised that the researcher did not know her husband or had never heard of him because according to her he was a very powerful man and known for helping many with their problems through muti. she said a lot of teachers and police officers and women all over limpopo used his services. she claimed her husband’s death was caused by jealousy; other traditional healers used black magic to kill him. rhandzu (age 38, hiv counsellor) believes that it is very important for every widow to do the mourning ritual, as it shows respect for your late husband and also for traditions. i asked if there was anything she would not have done or changed with regard to the mourning rituals she underwent or any experience she went through. she said she would not change anything because that is how things should be done, and added that should a woman be working, she can take a year off work and mourn her husband properly. she added as long as there is meat and pap in the house for the widow to eat at her in-laws’ home, there are no reasons for her to rush back to work in the city. she argued that work and money were less important compared to mourning your husband; if a woman does not mourn her husband correctly, she will bring bad luck, not only to herself, but to her whole family. some of the rules they were given included: they were not allowed to visit anyone, they were not allowed to have any sexual relationships until the mourning period had come to an end. they were not allowed to cook food for other people as it might invite death to those who eat the food. they were not allowed to go to church for the first three months; after the three months if they went to church, they were told to sit right at the back during the church service. data analysis research participants were widows between the ages of 25 and 70, who live in a village in giyani, in limpopo, and were members of the epcsa during the time of this study. they belong to the tsonga tribe either by marriage or birth. the first author conducted qualitative interviews as mentioned in the methodology. the interviews were recorded using a laptop recorder and were then transcribed. common answers were colour-coded. charmaz (2012:46) describes coding as the pivotal link between data collection and explaining the meaning of the data. according to charmaz (2012:46), a code is a descriptive construct designed by the researcher to capture the primary content or essence of the data. therefore, coding is an interpretation activity and it is possible that two researchers will attribute two different codes to the same data. themes from individual interviews and the focus group the following themes were found in the transcripts, namely patriarchy, exclusion or inclusion, rites and rituals, clean and unclean, mattress and mourning, and church and culture. these themes were found after looking at the data for both types of interviews: the focus group and the individual interviews, and after a process of thematic coding was followed. patriarchy most of the participants shared the rules that they received during their mourning period, which limited not only their movements but also how they expressed themselves or behaved as widows. according to one of the participants, with the pseudonym pam (age 50, housewife), some of these rituals involves that a widow performs naked in the presence of female elders. tinyiko (age 42, nurse) narrated how she had to jump over a fire. ntsako (age 48, sales person) explained some of her duties as a widow, which included jumping over a fire and breaking an egg with her thighs. these mourning rituals are performed only by widows and it can be argued that they are oppressive to women. some women choose to do all the mourning rituals because it is expected of them as tsonga widows. most of the widows did not experience these rituals as oppressive but simply something that is part of their culture and that they had to do. the researcher however looked at these practices as an outsider and observed that these rituals are oppressive and part of the larger system of patriarchy. according to durojaye (2013:2), women across the world have, as a result of religious and cultural practices, continued to encounter gender inequality as a norm. durojaye (2013:2) further argues that gender inequality is perpetuated by specific cultural practices that are demeaning to women, such as female genital mutilation or cutting, widow cleansing and male children being preferred. many women in africa believe that they should not question culture and tradition but should do as they are told. women remain silent in the name of respecting culture and their in-laws. when the participants were asked if the men also mourn, these were some the responses: ‘[l]et us not lie, let’s be honest – they don’t mourn. let me tell you the truth, i once saw a young man who lost his wife. they did a ritual for him immediately after his wife’s death so he could move on. they even encouraged him to find another wife after two months, saying it is not good for a man to be alone. that is the reason i sometimes do not understand these mourning things; it’s confusing.’ (cathy, age 38, teacher) ‘[m]ourning is for women, not men.’ (stella, age 46, housewife) according to kurgat (2009:95), the scientific study of the incarnation of the christian faith community is known as african christian theology. the church’s european past is confronted by african lifestyles and thought patterns. kurgat (2009:95) takes note of the fact that widowhood rites are practices that are carried out and enforced by women, as they understand how important these rites are to a widow’s well-being. in the tsonga culture this is true; most of these rituals widows have to undergo are done by other women to widows. making the fire that widows are expected to jump over, bathing the widows in the river and other ritual practices are all administered by female elders in the community. these women who ensure widows do the rituals the correct way do not see anything wrong with these rituals because it has always been done and has been passed on to them from generation to generation. it is not seen as any form of abuse or oppression, but as a cultural practice that has never harmed anyone. it is thus also women who participate in upholding forms of patriarchy by means of rituals. okin (1998:32) argues that specific human rights related to women need to be identified and acted on to stop clearly gender-related wrongs. okin (1998:36) further argues that in many countries, a woman’s most dangerous environment is the home she lives in. promoting women’s human rights involves making changes in areas of life usually considered to be private. the issue around women’s rights and cultural practices remains a debate among ministers in the epcsa and even among scholars. for baker (1997:5), a person’s nature and their culture cannot be entirely separated from each other. baker (1997:5) argues that diversity in human groups is not infinite. all human groups have specific universal biological and social characteristics in common. baker (1997:5) further argues that the construction and internalisation of cultural propositions are often less elaborated to satisfy human emotional needs. exclusion or inclusion wearing black clothes while mourning is an african cultural custom that suggests the emotional state of the widow regarding the deceased husband. the widows in the study further highlighted the fact that despite the emotional strain of the mourning process, they still need to do this (ndlovu 2013:38). when the researcher asked the participants to explain why a widow must wear black clothes for a year, one of the respondents argued that ‘it shows that you are hurt by the death of your husband’ (stella, age 46, housewife). manala (2015:2) observed that widows would sit in the back pews in church. the observation was made in three different congregations in pretoria. the mourning period, which differs according to various cultures, would be for a period of 12 months. this is supported by several of the respondents: ‘[y]es, you then wear black clothes for a full twelve months. at the end of the period, a ceremony is done to end the mourning period. thereafter a widow can wear any clothes of her choice’. (stella, 46, housewife) according to research done by makgahlela and sodi (2016:542) in limpopo among the northern sotho people, it is believed that if one has sex with a widow, he will suffer from what the sotho people call makgoma. makgahlela and sodi (2016) describe makgoma as: [s]ymptoms as constipation, bulging stomach, and accumulation of water in the head, swollen lower limbs, feeling cold in the spine and feeling as if one’s blood is hot, loss of appetite, losing weight, vomiting and diarrhea. (p. 542) it is evident that the rituals have been passed on from one generation to the other, and no one has ever questioned these rituals. one of the participants argued that they had a problem with having to wear black clothes, as it interfered with their way of life and they were discriminated against because some community members held negative views about mourning widows. for example, it makes it difficult for the widow to use public transport. clean and unclean widows have to follow a range of prescriptions and prohibitions during their mourning period. according to douglas (1966:9), this is a system of categories through which the african world can understand the notion of the ‘clean and the unclean’. for one participant it meant that when you are told not to do something as a widow, it is for your own protection. according to douglas (1966:12), the term ‘taboo’ ‘referred to that which does not fit into systems or norms of accepted categories according to society: that which is anomalous, between one category and another, is taboo.’ throughout the mourning period there were items that were only used by the widows and could not be used by anyone else, and these are discarded afterwards. for example, the cups they used to drink from are either thrown away or burnt. even the mat they sat on during the mourning period must be burnt because if children were to sit on it, it would bring bad luck to them. some participants felt it was a disgrace as to how some widows have no ‘respect’, for example they do not even mourn for 12 months; they do not wear black mourning garments and they wear bright colours. one participant referred to such behaviour as a disgrace. when asked to explain what makhuma was, one of the participants compared it to being hiv-positive, as many physical symptoms resemble those of aids patients. makhuma is what happens to you when you fail to respect the mourning period, or in the case of a man who has sex with a widow before the end of her mourning period, therefore strictly upholding the notion of the widow’s uncleanness during her mourning period. makhuma can reportedly only be healed by a skilled traditional healer, which makes it a significant deterrent. ritual space as mentioned earlier, a relative informs the widow that her husband has passed away and she is then immediately expected to enter the ritual space of sitting on a mattress on the floor. turner (1969:94) looks at liminality in terms of rites of passage such as marriage or betrothal. according to turner (1969): [d]uring a rite of passage, a person is in a state of transition, in which they are moving from one clearly defined phase of life to another clearly defined one. (p. 94) van gennep (1960) identifies three common features in the varied phenomena that he labels as rites of passage, namely separation, transition (liminality) and incorporation. following separation, there are changes from the normal routine of daily life; the transition period is a period in which there will be a great deal of uncertainty and mystery that causes much anxiety. in this study there is a change for a woman from being a woman to being a widow and having to undergo certain ritual practices that require ritual space. according to grimes (2014:12), ritual criticism is value-laden but not merely personal, in as much as it is contextualising in its approach and because it sometimes appeals to traditions, principles or theories for its validation. the participants all experienced widowhood and had to go through mourning rituals that were designed for them by their in-laws. every widow narrated the experience differently. the widows were all tsonga widows who went through different rituals, although there were some similarities. it can be argued that not all tsonga widows go through the same cultural rituals. it would be unjust for one to read this study and conclude that all tsonga widows or african widows are going through the rituals documented in this study. even some of the older widows performed the rituals simply because it was a custom that had to be followed but did not say what justified the performance of the rituals. the older widows are not pleased with all these changes and feel that restoration of the ritual to the original form is essential but do not discuss the implications of not doing so. according to some participants, mourning rituals are part of the healing process, especially among those who believe in the healing value of the mourning rituals. conclusion this article studied the rituals and ceremonies that are practised by tsonga widows in a village in giyani in limpopo. the study was conducted among tsonga-speaking widows. the study found that the exclusion of widows was respected and understood by members of the epcsa because they believe in respecting people’s cultural and traditional beliefs. liturgical rituals can be inculturated into the epcsa in order to assist widows during their mourning period. this liturgy should be designed by the church’s liturgy committee, also taking into consideration the findings in this study. liturgical inculturation that goes deeper than merely so-called cultural aspects, such as liturgical dress or eucharistic elements which truly engage with an african world view of the spirit world, will result in an inculturated liturgy that is empowering for those who participate in it. this was an attempt to study tsonga widows and their mourning rites and rituals and the silence of the epcsa during the 12 months’ mourning period. acknowledgements the authors would like to acknowledge and thank the epcsa and all the participants for their contribution towards this study. competing interests the authors have declared that no competing interests exist. authors’ contributions all authors contributed equally to this work. ethical consideration ethical clearance was obtained from the research ethics committee of the faculty of theology, university of pretoria. this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references akinbi, j.o., 2015, ‘widowhood practices in some nigerian societies: a retrospective examination’, international journal of humanities and social science 5(4), 67–74 https://doi.org/10.9790/0837-2303094254 baker, c., 1997, ‘cultural relativism and cultural diversity: implication for nursing practice’, advances in nursing science 20(1), 3–11. baloyi, e., 2015, ‘women on women oppression: pastoral investigation into how african women oppress widows in the time of grief’, in f.h. chimhanda, v.m.s. molobi, i.d. mothoagae & research institute for theology and religion, university of south africa (eds.), african theological reflections: critical voices on liberation, leadership, gender and eco-justice, pp. 247–270, research institute for theology and religion, university of south africa, pretoria. baloyi, g.t., 2017, ‘when culture clashes with individual human rights: a practical theological reflection on the dignity of widows’, verbum et ecclesia 38(1), 1–5. http://doi.org/10.4102/ve.v38i1.1599 beyers, j., 2010, ‘what is religion? 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a qualitative exploration of major themes in liturgical reform in south africa’, hts theological studies 70(1), 1–8. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v70i1.2644 williamson, g.r. & prosser, s., 2002, ‘action research: politics, ethics and participation’, journal of advanced nursing 40(5), 587–593. yama, s.n., 2010, ‘a psycho-analysis of bereavement in xhosa, zulu and tswana cultures’, unpublished master’s dissertation, university of south africa, pretoria. abstract introduction participation in building a shalom community interaction interviewees lessons from interviews from the 15 employed beneficiaries from the parents or guardians reflection conclusion acknowledgements references footnote about the author(s) kasebwe t.l. kabongo department of religion studies, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa citation kabongo, k.t.l., 2020, ‘a partnership for prosperity agency: a case study of innerchange south africa’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a48. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.48 original research a partnership for prosperity agency: a case study of innerchange south africa kasebwe t.l. kabongo received: 31 dec. 2019; accepted: 17 feb. 2020; published: 31 mar. 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract practical ways to serve african communities of poverty motivated this case study. it explores how the church could be missional as an agent of prosperity in communities of poverty. it reflects on partnership between a missional team, innerchange, with businesses in order to provide jobs for ordinary people, especially the youth who are a marginalised section of our society in terms of employment. this article uses a biblical interpretive framework from jeremiah 29:7 to reflect on the role of the church in society. the author interviewed 15 employment beneficiaries and 18 parents or guardians in order to learn how employment has improved the quality of life of individuals, households and their community of residence. the findings led to a reflection which captures successes as well as growth areas to be considered by innerchange in its efforts to become an example of the church as a prosperity agent in society. keywords: employment; missional; quality of life; partnership; prosperity agency. introduction unemployment is a serious challenge in south africa. the latest statistics show a national unemployment rate of 29.1% for the general population and 55.2% for the youth (statistics south africa [statssa] 2019). the general population of south africa seems to expect efforts of the decrease of this unemployment rate to come from the government only. although the issue of employment is primarily a government responsibility, other stakeholders should join in these efforts in order to serve the common good. the church is one of the society stakeholders. this is why innerchange, a missional team, as an example of what the church could do, entered into a partnership with businesses, with the intent of decreasing the unemployment rate of the youth of its communities. it connects its efforts to god’s call in jeremiah 29:7 to the israelites to seek the prosperity of the context they live in. gallet (2016) points out that faith-based organisations: are frequently recognised as leading the way in addressing social concerns, … [because] their norms … are to do good works and in particular to help the needy, indeed, they are said to bring a strong sense of caring and compassion to the provision of welfare services … the tie between religion and altruism embodies the power of religious values. (p. 24) faith based-organisations are run by human beings. smith (2016:12) stresses that ‘to be human is to be animated and oriented by some vision of good life’. innerchange intended to participate in addressing social concerns such as unemployment through partnership building in order to bring good life to ordinary people. kopp (2019:1) points out that ‘a partnership is a formal arrangement by two or more parties to manage and operate a business and share its profits’. the profit of our partnership was to participate in the common good of increasing employment in our communities of poverty. the latter usually leads to the prosperity of an individual, family, a community and a country. jones, tefe and appiah-opoku (2015:1) stress that all human beings have ‘the same desire to prosper’. the church could be ‘a place of engendering a culture of entrepreneurship and management of economic resources’ (magezi & banda 2017:4). through such a platform, it could play a prophetic role of catalysing the hope of prosperity of a community through its partnership with potential employers. this article is a case study that shares innerchange efforts. a case study is an (polit & beck 2008): [i]n-depth investigations of a single entity or a small number of entities. the entity may be individual, a family group, an institution, a community or other social units. (p. 235) this case study is shaped around the following question: how has employment improved the quality of life of beneficiaries and their families. all the beneficiaries interviewed still live with their parents or guardians, but one. the author interviewed 15 beneficiaries and 18 parents or guardians. the hoped-for outcome in entering into partnership with businesses was for innerchange to tangibly participate in building a shalom community in its context. the efforts to be a tangible participant were inspired by hayes (2006:113), who stresses that ‘the world needs more people to live the good news incarnationally, in a way that can be seen, heard and handled’. this case study demonstrates that in a small way innerchange is learning to live the good news incarnationally as a participant in the building of a shalom community. participation in building a shalom community the understanding of this participation is shaped by the biblical interpretative framework of jeremiah 29:7, which challenges the church to seek the peace and prosperity of the context it serves. such a pursuit has the potential to lead to the building of a shalom community. linthicum (2003:38) describes the latter as ‘an environment where socio-economic justice is available to all and community’s problems and their resolve is a concern for all’. in such a community, ‘order and harmony, fruitfulness and abundance, wholeness, beauty, joy and well-being’ prevail (hunter 2010:228). this is an ideal community that literarily takes into consideration the common good of a whole community. it is therefore critical for the church to participate and determine its role among other participants because it is meant to be a tangible ‘messenger of hope’ in society (van niekerk 2015:2). black (2017:324) stresses that the church’s involvement in social matters such as the decrease in unemployment is a concrete way to communicate ‘the shalom’ of god. unemployment usually leads to poverty. the latter is closely connected to relationships. black (2017:323) points out that ‘impoverished communities suffer from a series of broken relationships’. myers (1999:13) stresses that ‘poverty is fundamentally relational…the poor are poor largely because they live in networks of relationships that do not work for their well-being’. hayes (2019:1) defines poverty as the ‘absence of love’. the by-products of unemployment such as poverty are a clear sign of the absence of love in our society when we look at the numbers of unemployed youth. the incarnation of god in the world points out to the importance of creating shalom communities where love is made present through tangible actions, such as creating employment. hunter (2010) says that: [i]n the most momentous event in history, god became incarnate in christ, not only to model shalom (by forgiving the sinner, feeding the hungry, healing the sick and infirm, raising the dead, loving the outsider, and caring for all in need) but, … to also be our shalom (like eph 2:14 points out). (p. 229) this reminder of one of the incarnation meanings challenges missional teams such as innerchange to intentionally migrate towards christopraxis. the latter is a ‘faithful presence within communities of engagement…and join jesus’ own action, which is to join the praxis of ministry itself’ (root 2014:93). sider (2007:47) points out that the part of christ’s ‘mission was to liberate the poor and the oppressed. he summons those who follow him to do the same’. employment is something that can liberate an individual or a family from dependency and poverty. it is, therefore, important to know the impact of employment on the people who were interviewed in this research. interaction interviewees the interviewees all live in the township of soshanguve,1 where the innerchange site is located. the 15 beneficiaries alluded to in the introduction section used to be volunteers of the team. when the latter entered into a partnership with businesses that could provide jobs for ordinary community members of soshanguve, it prioritised its volunteers who had been generous with their time and skills to serve their community. these fellows were a blessing to their community. the job opportunities were an opportunity for inner change to also be a blessing to them as well as to other community members. innerchange staff members are taught to long to be a blessing to others. innerchange is learning to live out genesis 12:1–3 in being a blessing to others as abram was mandated to be. a job opportunity is a good news to an unemployed person. wright (2010) stresses that: [t]he bible is passionately concerned about what kind of people they are who claim to be the people of god. if our mission is to share the good news, we need to be good news people. (pp. 29–30) he (wright 2010) continues his argument in asking these questions: [w]hat content do we put into biblical phrases like being a blessing to the nations, or seeking the welfare of the city, or being the salt of the earth or the light of the world, or doing good? (p. 28) a way innerchange attempts to answer these questions is by bringing different companies to a community of poverty, such as soshanguve, so that unemployed neighbours can get jobs. the 18 parents or guardians were brought into this conversation to deepen our understanding of the impact of jobs on individual beneficiaries and their families. their insights were helpful to further our reflection on how to improve innerchange impact in the community. it was finally going to shed some light on the implementation of innerchange teaching on financial stewardship and generosity. a finance broker who sometimes came to train innerchange staff and volunteer in financial stewardship has advised this budgeting for people who earn a monthly income: ‘70% expenses, 20% generosity and 10% savings’ (finney 2019). the expense was the easier part to understand because many of us always have one or more things to spend money on even if we cannot afford it. the generosity is challenging because many people see it as an obligation connected to what some people call ‘black tax’ and tithe for church goers. ncemane (2019) explains what ‘black tax’ is: [a]s a country with a complicated and difficult past, many parents, families and even communities have sacrificed much to give their children the best chance at getting a decent education and a start at realising their dreams. although these efforts continue to benefit individuals and communities, they also inadvertently create a cycle of financial responsibility. findings of the 2017 old mutual savings and investment monitor support this, citing that 70% of working metro south africans are currently supporting, or foresee that they will have to support older family members in the future…there is a great deal of anxiety that goes hand-in-hand with the responsibility to support your extended family while at the same time building your career and trying to achieve your financial goals. (p. 1) for churchgoers, on top of the ‘black tax’, there is a tithe they are advised to give to their church on a monthly basis. christianity.com (2019) states: [t]he old testament tells us god’s people followed the law of tithing. to accomplish this commandment, church members give one-tenth of their income to the lord through his church. these funds are used to grow the church and promote the truth of the lord throughout the world. (p.1) because black tax and tithing are seen as obligations than free will acts of generosity, they can be difficult to implement. one of the advices innerchange gave to the young adults who got employment was to be generous to their families as a way of contributing to the expenses of the family as well as to non-family members. all the 15 young adults but one still lived with their parents or guardians. innerchange saw its advice for them to contribute to the expenses of their families as a way to teach them to be responsible adults who could participate in the expenses of their household and contributors in the prosperity of their families. the teaching about generosity to non-family members was to train people to be agents of the peace and prosperity of their community. the saving of 10% of the budget is usually the most challenging part of budgeting because many of us feel like our income is way below of needed expenses. we foresaw the savings as critical to the realisation of some of these young adults dream. all of them had graduated from high school and aspired to pursue tertiary education, but could not afford to do so. many of our neighbours rely only on bursaries and government-sponsored loan schemes to pursue tertiary education because they come from poor families that financially cannot afford to send a child to university. there was hope of an increased access to tertiary education by the poor in 2017, when the president of south africa announced free education at public tertiary institutions for students coming from poor households. this decision was nice to get many south africans fired up, but not realistic. students are still required to pay for their tuition. innerchange sees savings as a way people could tangibly participate in the realisation of their dreams, such as going to university. savings are also crucial in times of emergency, such as illness, family funeral and applying for a new job. lessons from interviews below is the questionnaire that was prepared by the author. to the employment beneficiaries, the following three questions were asked: how long have you been working? how has employment improved the quality of your life? how have you been able to use our budgeting principles of 70% expense, 20% generosity and 10% savings? to the parents or guardians, the following two questions were asked: what impact employment has on your child? what impact has your child’s employment have on your family? from the 15 employed beneficiaries all the interviewees had been working between 8 and 12 months. they all had to travel outside the township of soshanguve to go to their workplaces. the majority of the working class of the township still has to travel out of the township (mainly to the city of pretoria) for work. since 2014, the gauteng provincial government came up with a programme that aimed to increase entrepreneurship and attract established franchises to townships. some progress has been made, but the majority of job opportunities are still found outside townships. the head of provincial government david makhura (2014) once said: [a] key objective of government policy is to encourage township entrepreneurs to produce everything that is possible within and around a township space, given the infrastructure, skills and technology at their disposal … township enterprises, as community-based or localised enterprises, can participate in sustainable economic activities in ways, that ensure the money and benefits from such activities flow directly back into the townships. (p. 14) many township residents are still praying that this ideal will become real one day. all the interviewees said that employment has improved their quality of life. this article understands improved quality of life by someone’s ‘ability to satisfy fundamental human needs’ (van niekerk 2015:3). max-neef, elizalde and hopenhayn (1992:199) distinguished ‘9 fundamental needs namely: subsistence, protection, affection, participation, understanding, creation, idleness, identity and freedom’. they added a 10th one ‘transcendence’ for those who believe in spirituality (max-neef et al. 1992:199). all the interviewees said that earning a monthly income was a blessing to them. they were able to be independent in buying their own clothes, toiletries, covering the cost of transport to and from work and eat out sometimes. they depended on their parents/guardians to do the above-mentioned things before they were employed. the first 40% (six people) of the employed beneficiaries were single mothers of day care-going children. they said that their income made it easy for them to pay for day care fees and cover the cost of anything needed for the care of their children. the income was a significant sigh of relief for them because they relied on the government child grant of r400 and, according to them, the fathers of their children were not very responsible. another 20% (three people) of the beneficiaries were single ladies without children of their own. all of them still lived with at least one of their parents or guardians and siblings in the same household. they were unanimous in stating that having an income has elevated their status in the family as respectable persons because they are able to contribute to the household expenses. some of them said that they are able to give pocket money to their younger siblings when they go to school and buy bread regularly and that their parents sometimes borrow money from them. others have become the main breadwinners in their families and feel like their parents now treat them as adult companions, which was a good feeling. some of them added that they feel like their neighbours respect them more now that they work because they are able to financially contribute to communal actions such as neighbourhood watch and funerals on the block. the last 40% (six people) were single men. all of them still lived with their parents, except one who lived with his girlfriend and daughter. all of them said that earning an income has increased their self-confidence and self-esteem as men. they now have a buying power which has elevated their sense of dignity. three of them said that they are now able to date girls because of their income. according to them, in the township, you cannot date a girl if you do not have money. a girl will always reject you if she knows that you are broke. therefore, being in a relationship without having to deal with the insecurity of being rejected or disrespected because you cannot provide financially was a confidence booster. one guy said that having an income has also allowed him to discover and know the city of pretoria better. he enjoys going to different malls when he is off. this hobby has made it possible for him to be more streetwise in terms of using public transportation and knowing his city. another guy who is a single father, but his children live with their mothers, not with him, said that earning an income has challenged him to be a different father than his own. he is now able to financially maintain his children and he is considering marrying the mother of his second child. according to him, his father is a mine worker and spends his money on alcohol and women. he and his two siblings were raised by their mother’s salary. his mother works as a cleaner at a government hospital. the one guy who lives with his girlfriend and daughter said that having a job has made it possible that he financially provides for his household. he is now able to buy groceries, pay for his child’s monthly school transport fee, extend the house he lives in from one room to three rooms, connect water from the street to his yard, do electrical installation in his house and put a fence around his yard. all the interviewees said that their income helped them cover much of their expenses. all of them said that they spent at least 70% of their income towards their expenses. all but six interviewees spent the generosity percentage of their income on family only, be it their own children, siblings or parents. three guys spent their generosity money on dating their girlfriends. two women spent their money on paying back loans. one guy utilised his portion of earning on exploring his city. only one (6.6%) interviewee said that he tithes 10% of his income to his local church. this is the guy who lives with girlfriend and daughter. the majority of them (12; 80%) are members of local churches, 2 (13.3%) are de-churched and 1 (6.6%) is not yet a believer. it sounded like the interviewees’ expenses were mixed with their generosity percentages. maybe because of that mixture, it was difficult to include tithing as part of the equation. the lack of tithing seems to be a common problem in many local churches of soshanguve. moretsi (2009) points out that: [m]ost black … churches … suffer great financial hardship … one cannot ignore the economic and social context of the members belonging to these churches, and this situation contributed to the status of these churches. (p. 398) it seems like christianity came to africa with the intent of practically improving the quality of life of the black population. it got involved in efforts such as feeding schemes, healthcare centres and schools. consequently, people became followers of jesus and belonged to a particular congregation ‘with the expectation of receiving rather than giving’ (moretsi 2009:398). it is important to note that in those early years of christianity in africa, leadership had a clear face: white and well-resourced. nowadays, in a township such as soshanguve, all the church leaders are black africans. it is therefore critical to transform the mindset of congregants from receivers to stewards through their giving. moretsi (2009:399) stresses that congregants ‘should be taught that they are responsible for the continuation and fulfilment of the local church’s mission and vision, in other words the whole ministry’ and their finances are a critical part of that. on saving a percentage of someone’s income, only two (13.3%) interviewees said that they were able to save some money on a monthly basis. both of them were unable to save 10% as taught. they saved a lower percentage, which was a positive attitude and gesture towards finances. the rest of the interviewees were unable to save anything. the author believes that the discipline of saving money is critical for the building of a better future of ordinary black africans, households and the continent. butler and phillips (2019:27) stress that ‘when you fail to save and build liquidity…you are sabotaging long-term wealth’. learning to save money is one of the best ways to build someone’s future on ‘solid rock’ and overlooking saving is as good as building one’s financial future ‘on sand’ (mt 7:26–27). this is why butler and phillips (2019:7) stress that ‘your savings creates…the “seed money” for your family’s wealth and prosperity’. the discipline of saving money is also a good practice to pave the way for financial generational blessing or wealth. we should not only save money for our own emergencies and opportunities, but also save money for our children, grandchildren and great grandchildren. such a mindset, according to butler and phillips (2019): [w]ill ensure that each generation saves for the next and one financial legacy leads to another…legacy means passing on knowledge, mission, values, traditions and memories—as well as money. (p. 73) in 2015, students of many south african universities started a #feesmustfall campaign to protest against the high cost of university fees. this cry is still echoed in all corners of south africa because the majority of the citizens are poor. the government commiserated with the poor only. during those protests, the expression ‘missing middle’ popped up. it alluded to students from households that had an annual income of r 350 000 and above (delport 2018:1). those students could not afford university fees similar to those from poor households. the author has compassion for these students. however, he believes that many of these ‘missing middle’ students come from middle-class families that could have afforded to pay for university fees if their parents or guardians planned ahead of time to save money towards their children’s education. the discipline of saving is critical for the prosperity of africa’s next offspring because it is a smooth pathway towards generational wealth. gratton and scott (2016) define the latter as ‘wealth that is passed down from one generation to another. this is through the accumulation of assets for the future to provide financial security’. generational wealth is something that is hard to think about in zones, places of deadly diseases such as hiv infection and ebola, or violent communities because many people live in survival mode and have seen many deaths around them that a hopeful future seems to be an unreachable ideal. krawcheck (2017) advises africans to adopt ‘an optimistic mindset’ of participating in building a better future around us. the discipline of saving is one of the best ways to prepare for prosperous future for ourselves, our families and our communities. one of the interviewees’ main goal is to get married to his girlfriend. he is still unable to save money towards paying for the bride wealth which every black african man is required to pay in order to marry a woman. the discipline of saving could help him reach his goal. the author also interviewed the beneficiaries’ parents or guardians in order to learn what impact employment had on the beneficiaries as well as their families from their perspective. from the parents or guardians all the parents or guardians said that employment was very welcome in their families. they all added that employment has had a positive impact on their children. they liked that all the children seem to have a sense of purpose because they have a work schedule to follow. they were also excited that they did not have to financially maintain their employed children. the majority of the parents (12; 66.6%) said that employment is been a great opportunity for their children to grow as responsible adults. they said that their children regularly contribute to the household expenses since they started working. they also said that employment is keeping their children away from the street with wrong crowds where alcohol and drug abuse are common. few parents, (6; 33.4%) stated that they are still awaiting the fruit of employment. they said that their children only contributed to the household expenses 2 or 3 months after they were employed. after that, they have been complaining about the little amount of money they earn. sometimes, they even ask for transport money to go to work in the middle of the month. only one (5.5%) parent said that her child’s employment has had a negative impact on the household. this is because her son does not spend time with them anymore. according to her, the family no longer gets to spend time with him at home. most of the time he is at work and he now prefers to spend time away from home when he is off. he rarely eats at home and cannot bail his mom out if she is in need of money. the compilation of these interviews has led to the reflection below. reflection innerchange entered in this partnership with businesses in order to be a sign of tangible prosperity agency. it was a needed effort to engage because we thrive to connect the ‘discipleship’ of our neighbours with ‘social transformation’ and good quality of life (katongole & rice 2008:28). innerchange values holistic ministry and believes that (kirk 1985): [p]ersonal evangelism, social involvement, personal integrity, growth in the knowledge of god and in christian fellowship can all be related together as indispensable parts of a total christian witness. (p. 16) it envisions a symbiotic relationship between discipleship and community transformation. employment is a significant engine of community transformation which resonates with the message of love on which jesus’ legacy is founded. abbott (2004:4) points out that ‘there is something extra about people with faith in their hearts and the love of god on their lips, that gives them that extra commitment to jobseekers’. we targeted the youth because they are the most marginalised section of our population in terms of employment. in addition, the youth is the section of the population that innerchange focuses on the most in terms of leadership development. widmer (2003:10) advises us not to separate the gospel truth from jesus’ work of love and ‘never proclaiming the gospel to others without seeking to meet their needs’. ramphele (2008:20) challenges missional teams such as innerchange in pointing out to a trend she has been observing in many south african contexts: ‘[w]e seem to have retreated into religion as private practice rather than infusing political action with spiritual understanding’. she said that knowing that in south africa, the church can ‘mobilise far more people than any other social movement and reach all sectors of society’ (bowers-du toit 2012a:9). because of the church’s reputation in society, it has the ability to reach out to many ordinary people in need of employment. it finally has the potential to help people from communities of poverty who are known for their dependence mentality, and move them ‘beyond charity’ (bowers-du toit 2012b:214). such a praxis requires the training of followers of jesus through their local congregations or missional teams in community development. bowers-du toit (2012b:214) bemoans the lack of training of ordinary christians at the congregation level in community development from the biblical perspective. such training could equip residents of african communities of poverty to participate in bringing ‘change to the lives of people trapped in poverty that is sustainable and empowering’ (black 2017:321). some of the outcomes of this equipping will help the body of christ realise that it is not enough to just (conradie 2005): [g]ive fish to the hungry… it is also necessary to teach the hungry how to fish, to help them acquire a fishing rod, to ensure equal access to the fishing waters and to address the problem of overfishing. (p. 6) such equipping will finally prepare the church from the clergy to ordinary congregation members to participate in ‘concrete experiences’ in order to learn to be part of the solution of their communal problems (root 2014:preface). tonna (1982:17) stresses ‘that unemployment is often the first harsh reality that dissipates the hopes of the youth’. the employment of the youth innerchange was able to facilitate through its partnership with businesses provided an improvement in the quality of life of some individuals and households. in south africa, ‘millions of youths live on the margins of the formal economy, [with] their hopes and expectations unmet’ because of unemployment (biko 2013:222). in communities of poverty such as soshanguve, we see a large number of unemployed youths than employed. sekhaulelo (2014) rightly stresses that: [u]nemployment implies hunger, misery and a loss of self-esteem for those who are jobless. it may even result in anger and resentment against the system that has led to their inability to find a meaningful job. furthermore, unemployment incurs multiple types of trauma and challenges the ability of individuals, families and communities to cope with the stress it engenders. depleted life savings, bankruptcy and homelessness are but a few of the by-products of one or multiple spells of unemployment. (pp. 2–3) the employment of the youth has also been an opportunity for innerchange to teach on thinking about an income multi-dimensionally: namely, expenses, generosity and savings. the interviewees’ ability to be generous with their finances and savings money for the future was just a sample of the majority of south africans’ relationship with money. van der merwe (2019:1) states that ‘south africans are not saving enough…the ratio of household savings to disposable income was at 0.15%’ at the beginning of 2019. businesstech (2019:1) also shows that ‘south africans are under increasing financial pressure, with many living from paycheque to paycheque, unable to save’. the author believes that the discipline of generosity and saving money could make the idea of a shalom community become true because communities will be equipped with ‘half-full glass mentality’ where everyone will take care of each other and the marginalised will be brought to the centre of the community. this mentality will help develop a community such as soshanguve into ‘prophets of a future not our own’, yet well cared for by us with our posterity in mind (katongole & rice 2008:41). conclusion this case study shared innerchange partnership with local businesses with the intent to provide employment for the youth. through this partnership, 57 people from the township of soshanguve have been employed. employment has given buying power to all the beneficiaries. it has also improved the quality of life of the majority of the interviewed beneficiaries’ families and dependants. employment has, therefore, been a blessing to these individuals and many of their families. only one parent said that employment was not a blessing to her family because her son does not spend time with the family ever since he started earning an income. innerchange is positive that employment will not only increase people’s buying power but also help them to be more generous and allow them to save money for their goals and just the future. this is disappointingly not going well. generosity was limited to family, which is a very good starting point. we would love to see generosity extended to non-family members in the community and beyond. saving money is still a hard discipline to live by for many of the interviewees. this reality is a pathway for future research in which innerchange will need to figure out ways to continue encouraging people to be generous (especially to people outside their families) and value saving money for the future. acknowledgements the author thanks all the people who accepted to be interviewed and for their contribution to this research. competing interests the author declares that no competing interest exists. author’s contributions i declare that i am the sole author of this research article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out a research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references abbott, t., 2004, ‘church, civil society and politics’, in f. sullivan & s. leppert (eds.), church and civil society: a theology of engagement, pp. 1–5, atf press, adelaide. biko, h., 2013, the great african society: a plan for a nation gone astray, jonathan ball publishers (pty) ltd., jeppestown. businesstech.co.za., 2019, how many south africans could survive a r10000 financial emergency, viewed 30 december 2019, from www.businesstech.co.za. black, t.j., 2017, ‘fighting poverty as an imperative for mission: a discourse with the evangelical movement in the light of 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viewed 21 november 2019, from www.statssa.gov.za. tonna, b., 1982, gospel for the cities, orbis books, maryknoll, ny. van der merwe, j., 2019, south africans are not saving enough-what now?, viewed 30 december 2019, from www.fanews.co.za. van niekerk, a.s., 2015, ‘guidelines for visits to households. mission in practice module’, unpublished paper, university of pretoria, pretoria. widmer, c., 2003, be my witnesses: a vision for evangelism, viewed 15 november 2010, from http://www.esa-online.org/images/mmdocument/holistic ministrymaterials/holisticreferences/evang-vision.pdf. wright, c.j.h., 2010, the mission of god’s people: a biblical theology of the church’s mission. biblical theology of life, zondervan, grand rapids, mi. footnote 1. in south africa, a township refers to a poor urban community outside a city or a town. from 1948 to 1998, such locations were reserved for non-whites. soshanguve is located at 40 km outside the city of pretoria. abstract introduction sin and racism as destructive agent of the theanthropocosmic connection sin as a destructive agent of the theanthropocosmic connection modern racism as a destructive agent to a theanthropocosmic connection internalised racism in south africa in the form of multicultural institutions church to combat racism in churches and society conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) leepo j. modise department of philosophy, practical and systematic theology, school of humanities, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation modise, l.j., 2020, ‘racism as a challenge for church and society in democratic south africa: human dignity perspective’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a35. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.35 original research racism as a challenge for church and society in democratic south africa: human dignity perspective leepo j. modise received: 29 aug. 2019; accepted: 16 apr. 2020; published: 08 oct. 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the image of god has been vandalised by racism in south africa, which it is argued is a sin. it is an ecclesiological responsibility to address the vandalised image of god in south africa. the author will argue from the human relationship as a build-up to the theanthropocosmic principle. this principle denotes the relationship between god (theos) the human being (anthropos) and the physical-organic environment (cosmos). for addressing this responsibility, the grounds of internal racism are exposed using a philosophical interpretation. according to the author, there is a correlation between sin and racism. the latter is viewed as multidimensional from a theanthropocosmic perspective. the theoretical framework will be within hamartiology and soteriology. the philosophical interpretation will be utilised to broaden the understanding of the theological problem of the vandalised image of god. keywords: racism; church; society; democratic; human dignity. introduction between 2010 and 2020 there has been the tendency of racial conflicts and racist utterances, from social media to formal debates, in institutions of higher learning in south africa. these utterances are heard in different provinces in south africa and are found in institutions of higher learning such as the university of eastern cape and the university of free state (goga 2010; ntombana & bubulu 2017; soudien 2010). the vandalisation of the image of god was indicated by the incident in which cleaners at the university of the free state were forced by four white students to eat food that was believed to have been urinated on (ntombana & bubulu 2017). laws of the apartheid era have been changing, but the attitude of people towards each other has not changed. this is part of the problem we are facing in south africa and the rest of the world. this tendency is a reflection of the vandalisation of the image of god by racism in south africa. the argument put forth in this article is that racism is a sin that needs to be addressed from all areas of life in democratic south africa. in this research, the author will discuss some of the manifestations of racism in south africa, how racism manifests itself through the multiracial or multicultural education system and the role of the church in addressing the vandalised image of god by racism. sin and racism as destructive agent of the theanthropocosmic1 connection racism as one type of sin has the common features of any other sin, which is the breaking of the connection between human beings that has an impact on the relationship between god and human beings. it is imperative to define and clarify the concept of sin, so that the reader may have a better understanding of this concept. in a racist society, individualism is the key as opposed to interconnectedness with god, human beings and the natural-organic environment. according to ntombana and bubulu (2017:1), people are living in different locations based on racial divisions and privileges, whites are still privileged, while the majority of blacks and a small number of whites are poor and marginalised. this racial and class division vandalises the image of god. the author will focus on racism as a type of sin, not developing the theory of sin in modern society. the author will provide a brief definition and clarification of the concept of sin. it is primarily necessary to examine this concept (sin) based on the old testament and the new testament, in chronological order starting with the old then moving to the new. in the hebrew bible, the word used for sin (transgression) is abar, meaning to ‘cross over’. it can also mean to ‘turn away’. kakwata (2016) defines sin from the old testament commonly utilised word to designate sin, which is the hebrew word אָטָח (chātā’), which denotes ‘to miss the right point or to deviate from the norm.’ the writings in the new testament were originally in greek. there are words in greek to denote sin in the new testament like ‘anomia’ and ‘hamartia’. the word for transgression in 1 john 3:4 is anomia, meaning lawlessness (law breaking). the word for sin is hamartia, which denotes ‘missing of the mark’ (kakwata 2016). zodhiates (1992:130) defines the greek term ‘hamartia’ meaning ‘sin’, as a missing of the ultimate goal and the possibility of humanity, which is the creator (god) of humanity. sin is wrongdoing towards the creator, with more emphasis on the guilt aspect of the missing of the ultimate results and possibility of the life of humanity. hamartia denotes the destruction of humanity as well as human dignity. racism does not see human beings as equal and with dignity as intended by god, but it misses that point of the relationship between god and humanity as god’s image. in this context, racism as a sin is to miss the point that all human beings are an image of god. berkouwer (1971:1–3) indicates that human reaction to the challenge of where evil comes from (unde malum) is only to be noticed as that of not knowing the origin of sin. it is problematic to draw correlations between sin and evil on the one hand, and racism on the other. sin, as a destructive agent to a theanthropocosmic relationship, will lead the author to the argument that racism is a sin. sin as a destructive agent of the theanthropocosmic connection in christian theology, genesis 1–3 is the pivotal point where the argument for the beginning of sin emanated. the destruction of the relationship between god and humanity started in genesis 1–3. the event of the fall has severed the relationship between god and humanity, which impacts on nature because humanity needs to struggle to survive (modise 2011). in genesis 1–2, the ideal creation of god that was sustained by the relationship between god and humanity was destroyed, for example the break between god and adam, as well as adam and eve and their children. according to modise (2011), there are two comprehensive strategies: firstly the creation in genesis 1 and 2, and consequently the evildoing and the appearance of sin in genesis 3. humanity knows that the descriptions in genesis 1–3 are human depictions of creation and the evildoing into sin and emergence of evil. secondly, humans have the experience of social representations through human creatureliness, thus the consciousness of being created by god within a created natural world (modise 2011:78). according to modise (2011:80), a conclusion cannot be drawn from the human state of being created and therefore from the experience of human creation, the interior scheme of the priestly depiction of nature in genesis 1–2:3 is restricted, as shown in verse 31. according to the account of genesis 1 and 2, god observed all that he created and viewed as good, reaching its amen in verse 1 of genesis 2 where god concludes that he completed the creation of heavens and the earth in all their vast array. the completion of the account is that the humanity and natural world were created and pronounced as good by god (modise 2011:80). according to the african-christian philosophical perspective, african-christians admit that sin and evil are destructions being done to the theanthropocosmic relation (god–human beings physical–organic environment). impairment done to the one is harm done to the other. it is generally known that racism was accepted as part of god’s creation (apartheid philosophy) and theologically justified. from a fundamentalist approach, however, the view that racism is part of god’s creation is stigmatised by viewing the curse placed at the end in genesis as an explanation why we are no longer able to live together as human beings. the sting of racism as part of creation is removed through the death and resurrection of jesus christ as god’s main reconciliatory tools to humanity. basically speaking sin and evil are the destruction of the perfect divine and human connection. in the african context, a relationship with god, ancestors and human beings in a community is very important as any break in this chain of relationship results in a natural disaster for which the term ‘sin’ is used to denote disaster (mbiti 1969:98). the concept of sin means that falling into sin, as shown in the paradise portrayal of adam and eve, transpires in the life of every person and group. the critical perspective is that sin and evil have a connection to god and humanity. in every historical moment, sin and evil can be observed in the human experiential involvement in god’s grand acts of creation, reconciliation, renewal and fulfilment (modise 2011:81). racism, typified sin, is disregarding this divine order that humanity is created in the image of god, to live in relationship with god and one another on earth with respect and a proper relationship with the environment. one needs to build on the classical sources as mbiti (1969:98) puts it. so then, god withdrew from humanity, partly because of the human disobedience to god, and partly through an accident caused by humanity, and partly through the severing of the link between heaven and earth. however, destruction occurred, it brought disadvantageous and tragic consequences to humanity, which leaves human beings as the main losers. these consequences disrupted the original state of humanity, which eventually impacted on the natural environment. mbiti emphasises that humanity brought sin and evil upon itself by breaking the law. human beings through their philosophies, ideologies and thinking have contributed to the destruction of the relationship with god and with humanity itself, while god created them untarnished by sin and evil. the unfortunate and low level of experience resulting from such self-destruction goes hand in hand with an experienced presumed withdrawal of god from the relationship of existence as well as that one has a feeling of being left in the lurch by the natural physical–organic environment (modise 2011). modise (2011:79) building on thielicke (1969) and mbiti (1969) argues that human beings were originators of sin that led to humanity’s self-destruction. this destruction makes human beings powerful beasts. it produces a centrifugal tendency, which drives humanity apart from one another, which can be witnessed in the fratricide of cain and dispersion at babel. furthermore, humanity breaks the chain of the meaningful existence between god, oneself, others and the environment. as a result of the destruction of this relationship between god, humanity and the environment, human development, with reference to the sense of greed and individualism, eventually destroys nature, which is supposed to sustain humanity and humanity sustain it. könig (1994:109) contends that a sound interconnectedness between god and human beings is the mark of humanity that lives in harmony with god; the alternate way of living is the destruction of the image of god. this alternative living is to survive by either using the wrongful way of life or the destruction of relationship in human life, which has an impact on the destruction of god’s image. in less meaningful relationships, human beings might still be bound to one another because of shared jealousy or hostility against each other, but these feelings can never promote fulfilment and a meaningful life. human beings might experience the breaking down of their relationships and live in isolation. sin, in this sense, is essential lawlessness and a denial of the injunction to love oneself. this denial of the injunction in a way undermines human dignity. as it is argued that sin is the breaking or destruction of the relationship with god and other human beings, roberts (2005:58) argues that sin is placed in oneself rather than in god. in the area of race, it is complicated for most whites in america and other parts of the world (south africa for the context of this article) where racism is practised to overcome this deep-seated drive toward the worship of self. a realistic humanism requires blacks to be aware that their togetherness is shot through with the possibility of exploitation of one another. under conditions of survival, human beings often lose real fellow feeling, as well as any willingness to inconvenience blacks even for the welfare of others. sin as self-centeredness is a disease that inflicts the black community as well as the white population. even the black church has not escaped the blight of self-centeredness. social sin is, however, a certainty in the contemporary society in the south african context during 25 years of democracy. it is often referred to as social injustice and racism. this practice of sin can be identified in many unfair acts by the government, political and economic structures, and in detrimental actions such as human rights violations, discrimination and racism. politics and political economy can function as structural forces leading to evil practices. the classical words of gutiérrez expound this reality vividly: that sin is manifest in oppressive structures, in the exploitation of human beings by human beings, in the domination and slavery of people, races, and social classes. sin appears, therefore, as the fundamental alienation, the root of a situation of injustice and exploitation (gutiérrez 1973:175). this argument leads to sin, which is modern racism, which destroys blacks and whites alike from within inherent racism in the form of a multicultural and multiracial inter-societal structure. modern racism as a destructive agent to a theanthropocosmic connection the first and fundamental aspect is that communities, which interact and influence each other, form the organisation. these communities in one way or another undergo certain stages of growth and development, and ultimately the whole society also becomes and extends towards a particular point of evolution (bandura 1997:23). according to bandura (1997:23), the perception that blacks are inherently inferior to whites has been referred to as old-fashioned racism. mugambi (2018:26–59) indicates that africans learn from their parents and the entire community how to relate to peers and superiors. furthermore, it illustrates that attitudes about race and ethnic relations are instructed at an early age, and after that perpetuated through conscious and subconscious reinforcement. human dignity is destroyed when attitudes of both inferiority and superiority are reinforced through legislation, governance and media organs like radio, television, newspapers, film, social media and the internet. blacks in the 21st century continue to be displayed negatively in these organs of communication, with the consequence that an inferiority complex has become normative among blacks. simultaneously, the superiority complex has become normative for many whites. these complexes of superiority and inferiority undermine human dignity. a superiority complex dehumanises the image of god (mugambi 2018:26–59). in the situation where racism is not legal, the former racists have a way of using concepts that threaten the human dignity of blacks. concepts such as multiracial or multicultural or a diversity society are used to replace the racism. in the south african context, apartheid was legalised, and this sanctioned system delivered an extreme example of structural racism until 1994. this brand of racism involved behaviours, practices and attitudes that openly defined blacks as inferior to whites and less powerful. these behaviours, exercise and attitude have caused a severe division in south african society during the apartheid era and have footprints in the democratic age as illustrated above. ntombana and bubulu (2017:1) indicate that south africa is still a racially divided space, wherein white people are still privileged. some white people in some areas attempt to shift the racial boundaries and are able to create an interracial identity. furthermore, they do not equate whiteness to privilege and superiority in a democratic south africa but inclusiveness as multiracialism, which is challenged in this article as subtle racism. ntombana and bubulu (2017) have confirmed that there is still a racial division amongst south africans, and there are categories of whites, some of whom are willing to shift and others that resist change, away from racist behaviours and practices. this resistance to change is perceived as a modern form of racism (batts 1989:18). distinguishing between old-fashioned prejudice and modern racism helps to recognise and acknowledge how racism has changed and developed through the years in post-apartheid south africa. this form of racism has created a sophisticated division amongst south africans. modern racism involves the giving of non-race related reasons for behaviours that continue to exclude and discriminate against each other. it is critical to think of contemporary racism as internalised dominance, attitudes that are so deeply entrenched that they exist at a subconscious level. while modern racism is often not consciously malicious in its intent, it is still based on the assumption that black people are inferior to whites. as a result, this more subtle form of racism continues to deny black south africans access to economic growth despite the initiatives made by the government to advance the previously disadvantaged through black economic empowerment (bee) and affirmative action (aa) policies (ntombana & bubulu 2017:2). the negative feelings that are attached to this belief do not change or disappear just because of changes in laws and practices. instead, the emotions have to be submerged and hidden because of the differences in what is viewed as legal and politically correct in south african society. for the fact is that racism perpetuates itself within the community if left unchallenged, it cripples, scares and harms people and culture. racism is so complex that one cannot honestly deal with it from one angle of life; it is multifaceted or multidimensional. its complexities range from individualistic, institutional and symbolic. it is imperative to argue that racism is still alive and experienced by many blacks who continue to suffer from the effects of racism. mtose (2011:325) argues that racism is alive, active, pervasive and no less damaging. the abolishment of apartheid laws that are replaced by progressive policies like bee and aa have not solved the challenge of racism in south africa. there is a tendency of not speaking of racism amongst whites and blacks. no one, therefore, can be neutral or silent in the face of this great evil or sin. we are either for it or against it. black theologians must end their silence too. we have opposed racism much too gently. we have permitted white theology in exchange for the rewards of being accepted by the white religious establishment (cone 2012:438–453). racism is a sin that needs courageous people to confront it in all its complexity. in the face of racism, people see the gross denial that human beings are all created in the image of god (imago dei), that as human beings, people share an ordinary life and destiny. the christian belief that human beings are created in the image of god has severe moral consequences, not only in terms of human beings’ responsibility for the physical–organic world but also in terms of human relationships. this view emphasises the indivisible unity of what constitutes human beings before god. in this view of human nature, there is no place for racism. for racism represents sin and utter disobedience (mofokeng & goba 1983:56). it is stated that, as human beings are created in the image of god, therefore they must enjoy human rights and dignity. as fellow workers with god, human beings are confronted by the demands of obedience to the will of god. the relationship to god always involves moral obligations (carey 1977:35–36). therefore, by investigating racism, human beings observe the manifestation of human sinfulness, a person who denies the essence of humankind. for in racism we come across a view of humanity that emphasises biological and cultural differences. there is an observation of division of the human community which relegates some by their race to an inferior position in society. the biblical view which emphasises that human beings are created in the image of god also points to the broader relationship people have with god, one another and the physical–organic environment. furthermore, to state that human beings are made in the image of god is to create a profound theological statement that human beings’ relationship with god, other human beings and the natural world is regarded as the african spirituality. the issue of interconnectedness is an integral part of life, especially in the way africans relate to nature. africans do not primarily hold the dignity of life, but value nature. the concept of body, mind and soul also includes issues of ecology (masango 2018:81) – this relationship is destroyed by racism. in this sense, racism represents a categorical denial that human beings have this unique relationship within the theanthropocosmic principle of life. hence racism is described as a form of idolatry (mofokeng & goba 1983:56–57). hodgson (1976) postulates: it [racism] represents a primal manifestation of idolatry, for it entails the apotheosis of one’s race and negation of the others; its logic is genocide, although its practice is segregation. it demonstrates the inherent deceptiveness of all sin because ‘race’ is a fantastic concept that calls attention to merely superficial differences between ethnic groups. (p. 197) this postulation is supported by goba (1980) in his address to the consultation on racism organised by the south african council of churches where he points out: from a theological point of view, racism is a form of sin, for it denies the essential oneness of god’s people. it is a form of idolatry in the sense that it denies the significance of god’s intention for human relations. racism, according to our christian understanding of sin, is bondage, one which originates from an interior act of self-enslavement. this inner bondage of racism is objectified in the building of oppressive socio-political structures. (p. 19) what goba (1980) did not cover in his argument is that in addition to denial of the essential relationship between god and human beings, and the denial of one’s inner relationship of spirit, soul and body, there is a denial of the involvement of human beings amongst themselves and the physical organic environment (theanthropocosmic relationship). racism destroys the relationship between god and human beings, as well as the intrapersonal and interpersonal relationship. demenchonok (2009:466–467) indicates that bad faith constitutes the sinner speaking the truth to the self, instead of the sinner attempting to avoid one’s freedom. racism is dehumanisation, which is a form of bad faith, which denies the humanity of human dignity and rights, and requires lying to the human self about something of which humanity is aware. in bad faith, humanity handles authentically the stumbling blocks that stand between self-postulating and self-realisation. these stumbling blocks are believed not only to be socio-politico-economic or racial but also ontological ones. race matters are expounded in terms of the ontologies of black and white personalities and of the interactive dynamics of these ontologies, which result in a conflict between these two personalities. bad faith is a form of sin, and if racism is a form of bad faith, according to demenchonok (2009), therefore racism is a sin. hence, racism in the form of multiculturalism or multiracism needs to be exterminated at its roots. internalised racism in south africa in the form of multicultural institutions legally speaking, racism is illegal in south africa, but in how people live and interact there is a lot of evidence of racism. inherent racism manifests itself as an internal suppression and domestic domination. roberts (2005:58) postulates that multicultural and multiracial initiatives have appeared to such an extent that matters of human relations are more complex than ever. racial tensions have been strengthened by a substantial influence of other non-white ethnics from the southern hemisphere in the american context. unfortunately, there was less progress made in black–white relations before this more complex situation was initiated. the tension is now at an epidemic stage between blacks and hispanics, blacks and asians, as well as others. other non-white ethnic peoples are competing with blacks in urban america for limited resources (roberts 2005). south africans are now suffering the similar challenge of multicultural, multiracial and multidimensional schools, but racial tension is so high that, even in some of these schools blacks will travel by bus while whites will travel in their private coach to the same sports event, at the same ground. a further example of problematic multiracial schools is the code of conduct that still reflects apartheid rules. in 2016, pretoria girls high school was confronted with criticism from south africans that the school is racist in terms of its code of conduct that excludes and suppresses black learners from conveying and being themselves. waltham (28 july 2017, p. 1) comments: in this case, the focus was on hair and the realisation that something as natural and healthy as a black person’s hairstyle was a problem for the school. the main reason for this, of course, was the fact that many schools’ codes of conduct still have apartheid principles, values and rules which have not changed despite us now living in a constitutional democracy with more freedoms and rights. another example is from the pietermaritzburg area where schools were under fire in 2017, for defending white learners who were being overtly racist towards black learners in white schools; they claimed that the learners’ racism was a result of ‘stress’. in reply to this action, community and alumni protested against these schools and raised awareness about racism in south african schools (waltham, 2017:1). it is not only a code of conduct or learners that reflect internalised racism, but even educators who are supposed to teach and protect democratic principles are found to be racist in their practice. in 2017 another reflection of the internalised racism had manifested itself in south africa at st johns college where an educator was accused of being racist towards black learners and had made some offensive, dehumanising and demeaning comments about them. waltham (28 july 2017, p. 1) comments: it extremely concerns [us] that we have teachers with racist mindsets in post-apartheid south africa who continue to teach our students. in addition to this, it is also a massive problem that we have teachers who have warped, white supremacist viewpoints, who taught during the apartheid era and are still teaching students today in our constitutional, democratic south africa. these are just a few examples of cases of racism that are found in the so-called multiracial schools in south africa. hence multiculturalism is seen as a current term and a failed ideology to address racism in church and society. demenchonok (2009:470) indicates that multiculturalism has become a current term, while it is merely lip service being paid to the development of diverse culture. he further states that, in liberal multiculturalism, the other’s ‘right to exist’ is acknowledged, while considering one’s own culture or truth superior or absolute. multiculturalism is the form of pseudo-oneness or assimilation of different races in the same basket without any change of cultural transmission from the so-called inferior elements in the bucket to the superior portion, but is the transfer of culture from the principal component to the superior ones. the postmodern thinkers’ critique of the dominating ‘mass culture’ unmasked the relations of knowledge and power. the one with experience and ability will always be the dominating one. however, its weakness is relativism and scepticism regarding global concepts and values. in the postmodern theories of culture, there is an internal tension between multiculturalism and deconstruction. multiculturalist implies an essentialist connection between cultural production and ethnic or physical origin. in contrast, intercultural philosophy and ‘transcultural’ argue for the concept of cultural diversity free from determinism and representation (demenchonok 2009:471). the failure of multiculturalism has stimulated the efforts of many philosophers to find an alternative theoretical view of cultural diversity and to rethink the matters of identity and diversity. racism is embedded in multiculturalism; hence, there is a need for an alternative approach to different cultures in society. in this article i will follow the alternative path to cultural diversity, which is ‘transculture’, developed by mikhail epstein, a philosopher from russia. epstein (1999:24–25) proposes that transculture will work better than multiculture in a society that has experienced racism division and is still living in a context of racial division. the reason for the choice of transculture is that it is a different brand of cultural advance, which is an open symbolic substitute for the current cultures and their established sign systems. meanwhile multiculturalism is an essentialist construction between cultural production and ethnic and physical origin (race and gender), perceived in terms of ‘representation’. transculture can be an alternative to internalised oppression and domination, because transculture is a process of liberation from the symbolic habits of culture itself, from its linguistic confinement and self-enforced cultural identities. it surpasses the limitations of ‘innate cultures’ thus liberating people from those symbolic limitations, ideological addictions, patriotic obsessions that belong to people as members of a particular cultural group (epstein 1999:24). transculture is considered as an inalienable right of the individual’s liberty from one’s own ‘inborn’ culture. it implies the diffusion of initial cultural identities as individuals cross the borders of different cultures and assimilate them. transculture is a state of belonging of the individual to many cultures. in building up one’s identity, an individual may rely on the variety of potential cultural signs, similar to the those experienced by an artist in freely choosing from a universal symbolic palette the colours for painting one’s uniquely universal self-portrait. the universality is viewed as internal diversity of individuals, their dialogical openness to others and self-identification primarily as members of humanity. importantly, universality does not prescribe any pre-established value system or canon identified with a specific culture. universality articulates a critical philosophical, methodological approach at the heart of which is an ‘outsiderness’ and critical distancing about any existing culture, including one’s native culture. it is humble and self-critical, to the time and place of its claims on truth. from a transcultural perspective, each religion is incomplete, and its potential can be realised only if it transcends its borders and is engaged in dialogue with other cultures (demenchonok 2009:471). in this regard, the ghanaian philosopher kwasi wiredu described the negotiation process of interchange and exchange, fusion and restraint between different thought patterns, cultures, societies, religions, philosophies and sciences as follows: [f]or a set of ideas to be genuine possession of people, they need not have originated them, they need only appropriate them, make use of them, develop them, if the spirit so moves them, and thrive on them. the intellectual history of humanity is a series of mutual borrowings and adaptations among races, nations, tribes, and even smaller sub-groups. (bodunrin 1991:177) the ‘moving spirit’ to which wiredu refers can be translated to mean a moving spirit that moves as an interchange and exchange, fusion and restraint between and within cults, churches, cultures, religiosities, ethnicities, societies, sciences and languages. it is the net effect or distillation of the various sense-making orientations and views of people that animate, encourage and move them to more cultic, ecclesial, cultural, religious, ethnic, societal and lingual borrowings and adaptations within and between themselves. racism is all about consciousness, and the combating of racism needs to be approached from the consciousness perspective. church to combat racism in churches and society the function of the church is to raise the awareness and consciousness of the people of god. hence, the researcher views the church as one of the societal institutions that ought to address racism in south africa. because racism in the context of this article is a sin, it is the function of the church to contest the sin and evil in society. the church has a role to perform, which is to assist the people of god to head towards reconciliation or redemption. mofokeng and goba (1983:8) set the tone in the 1980s that the church, despite its apparent weakness and lack of prophetic zeal, still plays an essential role in addressing the challenges of the social changes and racism. for example, in the south african context, the mainline catholic and protestant churches have attracted the criticism of the government. the church still has a critical task to perform in challenging those oppressive and racist structures that destroy human lives and prevent the development of just social order. tshaka (2009:159) indicates that the silence of the church on public issues is disturbing in democratic south africa. it is fascinating to note that this silence of the church on general issues is in no way unique to the south african context but has become a global phenomenon (tshaka 2009:159). in the same tone, boesak (2005:243) pondered that the church is not a sociological phenomenon, fascinating chiefly because of the way we expose our weaknesses, internal strife and insecurities in the pages of newspapers. neither are we just another non-governmental organisation trying to draw attention to our single-issue agenda. we are the church of christ, called and mandated by god to speak to the whole of human existence, in the whole of society, to seek the lordship of jesus christ by challenging, subverting and changing structures in society until they conform to the norms of the kingdom of god (boesak 2005:243). roberts (2005:13) contends that the churches as a collective (ecumenical), as structures of social, political and financial power, are called forth to attack racism as a serious concern for the world. churches involved in empowerment and development programmes amongst blacks must utilise their example, their moral influence, and their political strength to activate an entire nation to heal the wounds of an oppressed race. it is also the concern of the ecumenical bodies like the world council of churches (wcc) to face the evil of racism. in 2010 the wcc made a declaration concerning racism as a sin. the declaration of the wcc conference on racism in 2010 indicates that racism is a sin as racism excludes other races from the so-called race. racism, caste-based discrimination, and other exclusionary applications are integrally sinful because, on several levels, they overthrow the second commandment of love, ‘to love god and our neighbour as ourselves’ (mt 20:37–39). these exclusionary practices are jargons of self-exaltation on the part of those who practise them and thereby violate the first commandment (ex 20:3), that states that humans can have no other gods before the one true god, who creates, reconciles, and renews all, including human beings and those humans considered as ‘them’. these forms of discrimination deny the biblical witness of genesis 1:26–27, which affirms that the human being is created in the image of god. these harmful exclusionary acts contradict the reality that the socially constructed detachments human beings plan to detach the human selves from other human beings have no place in christ (www.oikoumene.org/en/resources/racism). racism, caste-based discrimination and other forms of discrimination foster hatred and violence – the same are in opposition of the fruit of the spirit in galatians 5:22, and a negation of human faith in god who gave human life and sent his son to ensure survival for all, in all its abundance (jn 10:10). these corrupt practices of dehumanising exclusion are governed by a denial of the blessedness of the rich diversity within the creation itself, where each kind of living thing was named and pronounced as being ‘good’ in genesis 1 (www.oikoumene.org/en/resources/racism). the difference in the beautiful nature is a reflection of the value of diversity within the very life of the triune god, who creates, preserves, and loves in freedom and plenty (www.oikoumene.org/en/resources/racism). the biblical witness urges us to celebrate the blessedness of diversity as a gift (rm 12) designed to bless the churches and the communities which they serve. wherever and whenever we reject these instances of god’s fecundity and abundance, we deny the very nature of the god we claim to profess (www.oikoumene.org/en/resources/racism). for this reason, member churches must be involved with combating racism within their geographical areas. the wcc has also encouraged its member churches to participate in campaigns, advocacy and programmes to combat racism in church and society. the wcc conference on racism in 2010 proposed the following as the role the church needs to play: churches ought to initiate programmes designed to promote greater understanding and acceptance across multicultural and religious lines. churches ought to challenge nightmarish reality in which men, women and children of god are condemned to live. churches ought to be credible in proclaiming the message of reconciliation, justice and unity. the entire body of christ has a prophetic task to denounce by word and deed all forms and expressions of existence which constrain the reality of the abundant life which god offered to us in jesus christ. the church as the body of christ and faith community has something more to offer the world. god has entrusted the church with the message of addressing injustices that are faced by poor people. this message of the gospel will lead them to have justice, and thus lead them in the issue of reconciliation. god entrusted the church not only to proclaim the good news of reconciliation but also to be the agents of reconciliation. the church, as a faith community needs to engage constructively with the issue of racism in all walks of life. the uniting reformed church in southern africa (urcsa), in its pastoral letter on racism of 2012, thinks that the following would be helpful for the church when engaging racism in its institutions like church services, faculties and seminaries: a hermeneutical approach to racism should be followed so that people may understand: the dynamics of society and church that created and perpetuated racism the teachings of scripture about human dignity the teachings of christ, who came to be our peace and to destroy the barriers between people the role of the church as a healing community in society (urcsa 2012). people who understand these hermeneutic approaches can make strategies together to engage with racism constructively. in fighting racism, the church needs to acknowledge that a programme alone will not solve the problems, but rather a process in which the church is involved is required. people do not change overnight. it takes time, and it takes work (urcsa 2012). the following activities can assist in building a good relationship and dealing with racism. theological education can be utilised to eradicate racism in democratic south africa. the following can be done: research and publication on racism and how to eradicate racism and a workshop for ministers of the word and sacrament to enrich their sermons on humanity and god. these theological education activities will empower denominations like urcsa and others to address racism in their midst. the urcsa in addressing racism in south africa designed a programme for a long-term solution, with the hope that in 2016 the church would get the programme running. the urcsa followed the wcc’s goals and plan of actions to implement these directives. the main goal is for churches to acknowledge the existence of racism in the church and society to address racism in church and community (urcsa 2016). the action plan for the programme for churches to combat racism as captured on two levels are at the personal and institutional level. the church needs to learn the dynamics of society and the process of how racism extends and is perpetuated in humanity, the impact of psychology and internalisation of racism, learning how to relate scriptural passages that recognise human dignity with combatting racism, and finally the church should act as a healing community of unity, reconciliation and justice within diversity (urcsa 2016). conclusion the argument in this article suggests that there is a correlation between sin and racism. this sin impacts negatively on the relationship between human beings and eventually between god and human beings as well as the environment. this sin has many faces, which manifest as internalised racism in the form of multiculturalism that was discussed in this research study. the researcher proposed transculturalism as an alternative to multiculturalism as borrowed from demenchonok’s view. however, this study illustrates that despite all influence of racism from apartheid, the church still has a role to play to address racism within democratic south africa. acknowledgements i would like to acknowledge colleagues for encouraging me to write this article. competing interests the author declares that no competing interest exists. author’s contributions i am the sole author of this article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information the university of south africa provided funding for the study. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position on any affiliated agency of the author. references bandura, a., 1997, self-efficacy in changing society, cambridge press, new york, batts, v., 1989, extract from shifting the paradigms in social context and management workshop resources, unisa press, pretoria. berkouwer, g.c., 1980, the work of christ, e.p.c. w.b. 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http://www.oikoumene.org/en/resources/documents/wcc-programmes/unity-mission-evangelism-and-spirituality/just-and-inclusive-communities/racism/statement-from-the-wcc-conference-on-racism-today. zodhiates, s., 1992, the complete word study dictionary: new testament. amg publishers chattanooga, tn. footnotes 1. the theanthropocosmic principle is a concept coined by prof. van niekerk from three greek words, which are theos meaning god; anthropos, which means human being or man, and cosmos, which means earth or world. in van niekerk’s view, the theanthropocosmic principle denotes the relationship between god, human beings and the physical–organic environment. this is the divine relationship, which cannot be broken. a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin j m agai university of kwa zulu-natal abstract the biological theory of human evolution existed before charles darwin. his view on the origins of animals attracted much debate among scientists and christians since 1859. darwin’s view on the causes of variation among species which led to the emergence of humans has contributed to the development of an ideology according to which he is the father of evolution. this research is a historical reflection on darwin’s life and his theory of evolution. the author describes the views that existed and still exist as responses to darwin’s life and his theory of evolution. the research is aimed at appreciating darwin’s legacies and his contribution to the development of the various schools of thoughts among christians regarding the creation/evolution debate. key words: creation, creationism, evolution, evolutionism, fundamentalism, theistic evolutionism introduction the recent comments made by pope francis in the vatican attracted mix reactions from christian and non-christian audiences. the pope said that with regard to creation, god should not be tagged a magician. he emphasized that christians should believe in both creation and evolution because the two concepts do not contradict each other. he said “[w]hen we read the creation story in genesis we run the risk of imagining that god was a magician, with a magic hand which is able to do everything….but it is not so. he created beings and let them develop according to internal laws which theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 24 he gave every one, so they would develop, so they would reach maturity” (davies 2014:1). before the year 2014, russell grigg taught that regarding evolution and creation as similar processes cannot be true (grigg 2012:1). while some conservative christians disagreed with the pope’s evolutionary concept, other christians especially those who are liberal, appreciated the pope’s courage for the comments he made. generally, the most renowned figure behind the theory of evolution is charles darwin. although the theory was discussed two generations earlier (by erasmus darwin (1794) and jean lamarck (1809)) before charles darwin, his publication on origins of species (1859) contributed immensely to the global popularity of the concept (sheldrake 1984:20). recently, cunningham and saigo described darwin as the father of the theory of natural selection (cunningham & saigo 1990:563). it seems darwin’s name is frequently associated with the evolution and the creation debate than the name of any specific individual after 1859. in 1860, the anglican bishop of oxford, samuel wilberforce said “… if darwin’s thesis [of evolution] is true, then genesis is a lie…” (nemesszhy & russel 1972:10). c.h. spurgeon (1834-1892), one of england’s best preachers in the nineteenth century also called the biological theory of human evolution “monstrous error” (dowley & briggs 1990:549-550). many scholars believed that wilberforce’s arguments were baseless because he had no knowledge of biology despite his association with a zoologist, richard owen (darwin 1987:512). after the publication on the origin of species, some christians regarded darwin as an atheist while others did not (cf. grigg 2012:4). in other words, while many individuals regarded darwin as an evidence based scientist who brought about much enlightenment on the subject of creation, others a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 25 saw him as a devil (williams, clough, stanley & colbert 2016:1). in the african society where traditional views regarding the origin of humans exist, mixed reactions also trails on darwin and his views of the human origin. africans rely on oral traditions to explain their creation or origins (oyebade 2004:52). africans believe that god is directly responsible for creating humans. they distaste the association of human origin from brutes. the yorubas for example have a tradition according to which god (olorun) created the first human (oduduwa) directly from heaven and sent him to ile ife, a renowned yorubaland (ojo 2004:5). some africans believe in the biblical and the african traditional account of creation while some in darwin’s theory of evolution due to the fact that it is taught in african schools. others believe in one or two or all of these accounts of the formation of humans. however, many christians in africa read the creation account from a conservative perspective where evolutionary processes were not involved. archaeological remains of early humans or the cotemporaries of early humans have been found in africa. the remains of the rhodesian man found in a cave north of the river zambesi, and those found in saldanha in south africa, ngaloba in tanzania, bodo and the omo valley in ethiopia have added interest on the study of the biological theory of human evolution among africans. acheulian materials in the form of cleavers together with other tools made-up of bones, stones and woods found in nigeria have made archaeologists to suggest that early humans like homo erectus and others lived in west africa (agai 2013:3, 5-6). more so, daniël p. veldsman of the department of dogmatics and christian ethics, university of pretoria said that a new fossil called homo naledi found in the dinaledi chamber of the rising star cave in gauteng, south africa have contributed to the soteriological debate on theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 26 the distinctiveness between modern humans and pre-humans (veldsman 2016:2-7). these and many other archaeological findings made in africa have directly or indirectly influenced africans to debate and to accept or reject the view according to which humans originated from brutes. over the years, christians debated whether darwin’s evolutionary theory contradicted the biblical account of creation. the debate stirred interest among scientists and christians on the view according to which science contradicted the christian faith. since 1859, darwin had been at the center of this argument and as a result, some christians regarded his theory of human origin as heretical. this research is a discourse on how christians have responded to darwin and his theory of evolution, particularly his views of the human origins after 1871 in descent of man. the research shall be focused on christian responses to darwin’s theory of evolution from the united states of america and from europe in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 2. darwin’s biography 2.1 darwin’s background (1809-1831) february 12, 1809 was a very significant day in the history of the world. this is because the most popular man behind the theory of evolution, charles darwin, and one of america’s most popular presidents, abraham lincoln, were both born on the same day that year. darwin was born in shrewsbury, england, while lincoln was born in rural kentucky (davidheiser 1969:56-57). the year 1809 is also significant because it was in this same year that the french scientist jean baptiste lamarck put forward his own theory of evolution (sheldrake 1984:20). one cannot talk about the history of biological evolution in complete without mentioning jean baptiste lamarck (1744-1929) who contributed greatly to the a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 27 knowledge before charles darwin. lamarck was a french naturalist who in 1889 published his book philosophy of zoology where he expounded his theory of evolution. he was the first person to introduce a complete theory of evolution that was scientifically certified in the nineteenth century (davidheiser 1969:49). lamarck propounded two laws of evolution. the first law has to do with the use and disuse of organs. the law state that organs often used by an organism are strengthened while organs not used by an organism become weaker and gradually disappear. his second law deals with the inheritance of acquired characteristics. the law states that any animal has the tendency to transfer acquired characteristics gained during its lifetime to its offspring (welch 1963: 65-67). he cited an example with the giraffe which to him had shorter necks and that the necks were strengthened and made longer due to a constant stretching of their necks in the search for leaves on trees (ramlingam 2001:525). ernest haeckel, an aggressive proponent of evolution, described lamarck as the founder of the theory of descent. despite lamarck’s prominence and earlier acceptability, almost all recent scientists disagree with his second law mainly because it cannot be scientifically proven (ramlingam 2001:67). it is important to note that before darwin brought forth his theory of evolution, his grandfather erasmus darwin had knowledge of the concept. but erasmus’ view was not widely popular in comparison to charles. erasmus wrote the botanic garden (1791) where he described the classification system of linnaeus and he also wrote zoomania where he described the idea of the evolution of species (lamoureux 2015:2; darwin 1987: 508). like aristotle who believed in an intelligent designer who created the world (boer 1976:7-8), carolus linnaeus (1707-1779), a swedish biologist named theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 28 4,235 animal species and 5,250 plant species. he believed that every living thing is created by a creator and that the resemblance seen in man and apes and to monkeys shows that they are of the same descent from a particular ancestor (evolution 1987:274). more so, linnaeus and some of his contemporaries like the swiss naturalist, charles bonnet (17201790), believed in what they called a great chain or ladder of being which suggests a chain of progressive development from inanimate objects to animate: “…corals, polyps, plants, invertebrate animals, fishes, birds, mammals, monkeys, to men”’ (evolution 1987:274). charles darwin’s father, robert waring darwin and his grandfather were both physicians. however, erasmus was a popular poet-physician-philosopher. darwin’s mother susanna wedgwood was the daughter of the much celebrated potter josiah wedgwood. she attended church together with her children because she was a committed christian (lamoureux 2015:2; darwin 1987: 508). charles darwin started his full academic career in 1818 when he attended shrewsbury school (davidheiser 1969:58). but he was unserious about his studies, so he was asked by his father to leave shrewsbury school in 1825 in order to study medicine at edinburgh university (williams, clough, stanley & colbert 2016:1). he could not cope with school for some reasons. firstly, he was interested in playing with animals. his father once said to him, “[y]ou care for nothing but shooting, dogs and rat catching and you will be a disgrace to yourself and all your family” (davidheiser 1969:58). secondly, he lacked the courage to watch surgical operations which at that time were conducted without anesthesia (davidheiser 1969:67). thirdly, there was no discipline in the college he attended: “[i]t is said that at this time the school was noted for gambling, drunkenness, moral laxity, and lack of discipline” (davidheiser a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 29 1969:58). whye, a senior lecturer and director of darwin online at national university of singapore also so said that during darwin’s days at christ college, there was no rigorous academic and strict religious discipline on the students (wyhe 2009:2). john van wyhe disagreed with those who believe that darwin studied theology. he said: “it is often said that darwin studied theology or divinity at cambridge. this is not correct. darwin was a candidate of an ordinary bachelor of arts degree, or b.a. after the b.a. he could have taken divinity training before taking holy orders. darwin never undertook the divinity training” (wyhe 2009:2-3). however, many more scholars have argued that darwin studied theology. for example, davidheiser, a creationist zoologist said that darwin was sent to study theology at christ’s college, cambridge in 1827 with the aim that he might prepare for holy orders in the church of england. but to the surprise of many, darwin had little or no time for his ministerial work and studies; rather he preferred spending most of his time with sportsmen and acquainting himself with many scientists who motivated his interest in the study of natural history. he graduated with a b.a. degree in 1831 (davidheiser 1969:67). in his writings especially on origin of species, darwin seemed to have exercised extreme caution not to dissociate himself or his views from the bible and the church. his caution might have been due to the fact that his mother influenced his thoughts by dedicating him regularly to attending church activities. more so, his interests in exercising caution to associate creation with a designer have been influenced by william paley (1743-1805). william paley in natural theology; or evidences of the existence and attributes of the deity, collected from the appearances of nature argued theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 30 for the existence of god fundamentally due to the orderly design of the universe. darwin said that he admired paley’s theory of connecting creation with a designer (paley 1802:1-3). darwin noted “i do not think i hardly ever admired a book more than paley’s ‘natural theology.’… i could almost formerly have aid it by heart”1 (grigg 2012:1). however, at the later stage of his life, he struggled in his mind whether to believe in god or not. he finally became an agnostic (grigg 2012:1). 2.2 darwin’s hms beagle voyage and afterward (18311882) one prominent scientist who influenced darwin was john stevens henslow, a priest and professor of botany. while in christ’s college, darwin was intimate with henslow. he was intimate to the point that he was called “[t]he man who walks with henslow” (davidheiser 1969:58). also, adam sedgwick, a professor of geology and former president of the geological society of london influenced darwin’s interest in geological research (williams, clough, stanley & colbert 2016:1). professor henslow recommended darwin to participate in a scientific expedition around the world on h.m.s. beagle. the voyage gave darwin the opportunity to observe and study natural processes and also developed his interest in the study of plants and animals. darwin collected many beetles and he studied their physical features (wyhe 2009:9-11). the voyage on the royal navy ship, h.m.s. beagle, commenced from devonport in england on december 27, 1831, under the leadership of captain robert fitzroy. darwin’s duty during the voyage was to serve as an official naturalist who would study 1 quoted from life and letters of charles darwin, c. darwin to john lubbock, 15 november, 1859, d. appleton and co., new york. a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 31 rocks; the nature of places visited and undertakes the collection of specimens (lamoureux 2015: 3; darwin 1987:509.) darwin’s first geological observations were on the structure of the cape verde islands. he was able to prove the nature of the elevation and subsidence of sao tiago island. he showed that there was a time when the mountain was elevated but due to factors like weathering, it subsided. while in argentina, darwin explained why sedimentary rocks crystallize when they are metamorphosed by the pressure beneath other rocks. in chile, he observed the implications of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions in raising the ground level. darwin contributed to geological studies: “darwin’s observations of geological elevation and subsidence led him to propose a theory, now generally accepted, that explains how coral reefs are formed” (darwin1987:509). in 1835, during the voyage, darwin collected 31 specimens of finch from three different islands all within the galapagos islands off the coast of ecuador. darwin had difficulties in identifying the specimens because of their similarities so he started a thorough examination of their bills. he observed that some of the finches have larger bills because they fed on seeds which they crushed with their beaks. other finches he observed had narrow bills, which they use to eat insects. some were fruit eaters, while others ate cactus, yet another was a vampire that used its sharp beak to drink the blood of seabirds (cf. raven & johnson 1999:40). darwin continued his observations on his return to england in 1836 and concluded that all birds must have had a common ancestor but their diversity was as a result of natural selection. darwin thought that the 13 varied finch species he collected were a clear example of the effect of natural selection. he propounded that: theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 32 the correspondence between the beaks of the 13 finch species and their food immediately suggested to darwin that evolution had shaped them... among darwin’s finches, natural selection adjusted the shape of the beak in response to the nature of available food supply, adjustments which can be seen to be occurring even today (raven & johnson 1999:410411). in addition, darwin collected quite a number of fossils of the skeletal systems of certain animals and saw many similarities between the fossils and the skeletal systems of living animals. when he was trying to record the differences between ranges of species, he then observed that “... different yet clearly related species occupied adjacent areas of a continent...” (darwin 1987: 509). the h.m.s. beagle arrived at falmouth, england, in october 2, 1836. darwin started formal recording of his observation from july 1837. he started with notebooks on the transmutation of species where he indirectly showed some evidence of evolution like comparative anatomy, instincts, geographical distribution, etc. darwin was also influenced by thomas malthus’ theory of population (that food supply increases at an arithmetic rate while population increases at a geometric rate). he read malthus’ work essay on the principle of population on september 28, 1838 (darwin 1987: 509). darwin is quoted to have said that: in october 1838… i happened to read for amusement “malthus on population,” and being well prepared to appreciate the struggle for existence which everywhere goes on from long-continued observation of the habits of animals and plants, it at once struck me that under these circumstances favourable variations would tend to be preserved, and unfavourable once to be destroyed. the results of this would be the formation of new species. here then i had at last got a theory by which to work… (williams, clough, stanley & colbert 2016:4). a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 33 in 1842, darwin wrote a sketch of his theory of evolution and sent it to joseph dalton, a well-known botanist. his formal writing concerning species continued till may 14, 1856, on june 18, 1858, darwin received a letter from alfred russel wallace. the letter was a summary of the theory of evolution by means of natural selection which wallace had composed for himself (darwin 1987:509). darwin wished he had published his work before then. however, lyell and sir joseph hooker, who had already read darwin’s work, were ready to help both scientists publish their works. hooker organized a reading of a joint paper by both darwin and wallace to the linnaen society of london on july 1, 1859 (williams, clough, stanley & colbert 2016:1; “darwin” 1987:509). darwin later wrote various publications in other to voice out his views about the origin of species. he wrote the variation of animals and plants under domestication (1868), the expression of the emotions in man and animals 1872, etc. he wrote other books that dealt with plants: on the various contrivances by which british and foreign orchards are fertilized by insects (1862), the effects of cross-fertilization in the vegetable kingdom (1876). with the aid of his son sir francis darwin, who became a popular botanist, charles darwin wrote the power of movement in plants (darwin 1979:41). darwin’s additional writings contributed to his popularity. darwin got married to his first cousin emma wedgwood on january 29, 1839 and had ten children, three of whom died in infancy. darwin died at downe, kent in england on april 19, 1882 and was buried in westminister abbey on april 26, 1882 (lamoureux 2015:7-8; cf. darwin 1987: 509). theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 34 3. darwin’s legacies 3.1 on his scientific researches on the origin of species by means of natural selection was published by charles darwin in 1859. darwin said that the main causes of variation in species are environment and genetic inheritance (darwin 1952:230). contrary to his initial belief in a creator, he thought that the best explanation for variation in species cannot be explained by the biblical creation account. he said “... it must be admitted that these facts [variation among organisms] receive no explanation on the theory of creation” (darwin 1952:239). he added “i see no good reason why the views in this volume should shock the religious feelings of any one” (darwin 1952:239). darwin compared himself with isaac newton whose theory on the law of gravity was firstly rejected thinking that his theory of evolution may initially be rejected. he also cited an example of leibniz who accused newton of introducing “occult qualities and miracles into philosophy” (darwin 1952:239). in addition, darwin said that galileo’s idea of the earth’s revolution was not accepted because it was not supported by any fundamental evidence but it is accepted during his time and in the present because there is enough evidence to prove the revolution of the earth (darwin 1952:239). in his descent of man and the selection in relation to sex published in 1871, darwin emphasized the theory of decent which led to the formation of humans. he said: we thus learn that man is descended from a hairy, tailed quadruped, probably arboreal in its habits and an inhabitant of the old world... and all the higher mammals are probably derived from an ancient marsupial animal, and this through a long series of diversified forms, from some amphibian-like creature, and this again from some fish-like a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 35 animal... but there can hardly be a doubt that we are descended from barbarians (darwin 1952:594). in the field of biology, darwin’s view on human origins has motivated so many biological scientists to get more involved in research in areas like morphology, embryology, and palaeontology. welch said that, at the time of darwin, the study of ecology had been abandoned for about 50 years, and that it was darwin’s research that re-motivated the study of ecology (welch 1963:75). raven and johnson noted that darwin’s theory of evolution is widely accepted by biologists as the best available explanation for biological variation among organisms of the same and different species (raven & johnson 1999:420). as part of his achievement, darwin’s “[t]heory of evolution was the first general principle established in biology.” furthermore, “it was darwin who was chiefly responsible for introducing such ‘population thinking’ into biology since natural selection has no meaning at all except in a population showing genetic variation” (darwin 1987: 508). neo-darwinism is a concept according to which the main cause of variation in an organism is competitive mutation in genes (dawkins 2004). the concept of neo-darwinism did not contradict darwin’s theory of evolution; rather it complemented the theory. neo-darwinism de-emphasized the physical environment as the main factor for variation and modification among organisms. the fact of genetic change is the pivot for neo-darwinism: when charles darwin proposed his theory of evolution by natural selection, he was not given the advantage of genetics to help explain and support his theory. the development of genetic research and molecular biology in the last fifty years have reinforced and explained the mechanism and intricacies of darwin’s theory. genetics has shown that organisms are not fixed and their genotypes, and ultimately their phenotypes, can sometimes undergo theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 36 positive change, which supports the theory of evolution (agarwal, hyland & smith 1998). it is the search for the main mechanism for variation among organisms that led to the emergence of the concept of neodarwinism. though it started around the 1920s and 1930s, initially propagated by ronald a. fisher, j.b.s. haldane, and sewall wright, neo-darwinism was later consolidated in 1940. after darwin’s death, he was honoured by being buried with england’s great men of honour (darwin 1979:41). also, karl marx initially intended to dedicate his book das kapital in honour of darwin but darwin refused because he thought that marx’s idea of capitalism was strictly atheistic, and according to gertrude himmelfarb, darwin did not want to associate himself with an atheist. in 1959, darwin’s centennial year, the communists honoured darwin with a medal and his picture on their postage stamp (davidheiser 1969:70). in 2003, cnn reported that charles darwin was honoured among britain’s ten great men of the nineteenth century (cnn, “britain’s 10 great men,” 2003). 3.2 on the christian worldview of creation/evolution 3.2.1 the christian evolutionists movement the theistic evolutionists are christians who believe in two theories of creation. firstly, they think that god created all things from pre-existing matter (mixter 1960:185). they are of the opinion that microscopic life, started immediately after the creation of the heaven and the earth as recorded in the genesis account. the theistic evolutionary view correlates with the scientific notion according to which life started after the formation of the earth, and that the first photosynthesizers found in rocks about 3.5 billion years suggest the beginning of microscopic lives (rust & held 1999:231-234, 240). secondly, very few among them think that god created matter out a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 37 of nothing (ex nihilo) (the theory according to which god created out of nothing). that god allowed what he created to undergo through evolutionary changes. early church apologists like justin martyr, theophilus of antioch, irenaeus and tertullian believed that god created matter out of nothing. tertullian in particular also mentioned that the issue of whether god created out of nothing or from pre-existing matter has not been made clear by bible writers (overman 1952:247-248). the roman catholic church for example did not condemn the theory of evolution even after darwin’s publication on origin of species (nemesszeghy & russel 1972:48). they rather disagreed with aristotle theory of the spontaneous generation of humans from minute organisms. aristotle in the fourth century bce thought that the first life on earth came into being spontaneously by itself from non-living matter catalysed by a force called “active principle” (welch 1963:87). darwin taught that animals and humans emerged from some four or five ancestors “[i] believe that animals are descended from at most only four or five progenitors and plants from an equal or lesser number” (darwin 1952:231). the roman catholic church on the other hand believed that adam and eve were the first humans created on earth and that the original sin which affected all humans was committed by them (romans 5:12; nemesszeghy & russel 1972:42-43). a year after the publication of the origin of species, the provincial council of cologne (1860) at a meeting agreed that: our first parents were immediately made by god. thus we declare plainly opposed to the scripture and to faith the opinion of those who go so far as to say that man, even as his body is concerned, was produced by the spontaneous transformation of the less perfect into the more perfect theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 38 successively, ultimately ending in the human (nemesszeghy & russel 1972:42-43, originally from titius iv, cap. 14). more so, since 1950, catholic authors, for example, “… have put forward ideas accepting man’s evolutionary origins without any interference on the part of the ecclesiastical authority” (nemesszhy & russel 1972:48). the current roman catholic position is theistic evolutionism while the protestants and the evangelicals hold unto a dualistic position on darwin’s theory of evolution. mixter said “roman catholic... protestant scholars, found it necessary to accept more of evolutionary theory than the facts seem to demand. thus with theistic presuppositions postulated, their position is most accurately described as theistic evolution” (mixter 1960:188-189). the theistic evolutionists are yet to provide a satisfactory defence on how the creation of adam and eve correlates with darwin’s evolutionary theory according to which humans originated from some four or five organisms in a progressive order. a former associate professor of evangelism at trinity evangelical divinity school illinois, paul little raised a similar concern of believing in adam and eve at the same time in evolution. he said that there is no correlation in these concepts: “[w]hen god breathed into adam the breath of life, that set him apart from anything else god had made. this was a first! it also rules out the possibility suggested by some that people evolved from any animal ancestor” (little 1988:121). the conceptualization of the word adam have made some scholars to begin to argue that in the bible, there are very few passages which describe adam as an individual otherwise adam portray the first group of people created by god and not strictly an individual (metz 1967:63; williams 1977:6-7; nemesszhy & russel 1972:48). other christians emphasized a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 39 the anti-evolutionary concepts while some have not taken a specific position on the subject. 3.2.2 the christian anti-evolutionists movement darwin’s view on the origin of humans led to various kinds of responses among christians. for example, the special creationists emphasized that god carried out the acts of creation in six literal 24-hour days. to them, the process of creation did not take god longer period of time; it was instantaneous without any compliance with any natural processes. special creationists believe that god created all things out of nothing (ex nihilo) and that faith is the basis for accepting or rejecting the biblical account of creation (hebrew 11:3). d.g. jones adds: special creation today generally starts with the proposition of the creation of the world in six 24-hour days a few thousand years ago. this series of recent creative acts produced a world and its array of living things, which are usually defined as instantaneous and involve neither natural processes nor the use of any pre-existing materials (jones 1987: 210). special creationists are finding it very difficult to accept the scientific idea about the origin of man and the earth because they believe that scientific discoveries are liable to change. jones said that some fossils previously found to support darwin’s concept of evolution have now turned out to be in support of the special creation. jones regarded this development as one of flaws of an absolute belief in science (jones 1987:197). many evangelical churches in the especially in the nineteenth century believed in the special creation account: “… some highly intelligent evangelical’ scholars interpret the genesis account as describing twenty-four-hour-days” (wright & jones 1987:122, 208). the formation of the fundamentalist movement which gained recognition in the 1920s in theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 40 the united state of america was aimed at preserving the scriptures against darwin’s view according to which humans emerged from brutes (fundamentalism 1974:396). the fundamentalist pursuit against evolution led to the popular monkey or scopes trial. the scopes trial was the first trial ever broadcast by radio in america. it took place on 10th july, 1925 at dayton, tennessee (hopkins 2003). it all started in 1919 when a fundamentalist group, the world’s christian fundamentals association (wcfa), decided to confront liberalism by attacking the teaching of evolution in tax-supported schools in the u.s.a. the government of tennessee had at that time put an act against the teaching of evolution into law. the secretary of the american civil liberties union saw in a news item a law prohibiting the teaching of evolution in tax-supported schools within tennessee and she drew the attention of her director roger baldwin who promised to finance any teacher who will break the law by teaching the scientific theory of evolution (davidheiser 1969:88). john thomas scopes, a teacher in a local high school, though he had never previously taught evolution, but for the sake of roger baldwin took up the challenge by breaking the law. scopes was arrested and put on trial. william jennings bryan, a former presidential aspirant and widely known fundamentalist, led the prosecution while the defense was led by clarence darrow, an agnostic and a celebrated criminal lawyer (hopkins 2002). the death of bryan on july 26, 1925 contributed to the defeat of the fundamentalists group and evolution is now taught in all american schools (hopkins 2003). the scientific creationism or the creationists’ movement emphasized that the best way to safeguard the truth of the biblical doctrines is to interpret the scripture literally, especially the a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 41 genesis account of creation (schwarch 2002:164). scientific creationism holds that: … the biblical account of the origin of the earth is literally true, that the earth is much younger than most scientists believe, and that all species of organisms were individually created and appeared at their creation essential by the same as they appear (raven & johnson 1999:420). the modern creationist movement started in the 1880s with the works of mccready price (1870-1963), an amateur geologist. price in 1923 dismissed scientific findings on fossils which he thought contradicted the biblical-literal account of creation (montgomery 2012:6). more so, the summer of 1980 marked a significant period in the history of the movement because it was the first time that the idea of advancing the course of creationism was raised and discussed in a newsletter. many creationists in the usa went to court to try to ensure that the idea of creationism be taught in high schools alongside evolutionism because they taught that both creationism and evolutionism are science (schwarch 2002:163). however, the creationists’ views are not accepted by scientist as rational. agarwal, hyland and smith said: “[c]reationists are only able to deal with content of the evolutionary theory, and cannot conduct research that could challenge their own ideals… creationists do not function in a logical manner” (agarwal, hyland & smith 1998). in addition, raven and johnson thought that the name “scientific creationism” is not science because their theory on creation cannot be experimented (raven & johnson 1999:420). at a point in time, the creationist course of action amazed the members of the national academy of science and the national association of biology teachers in the usa, to the point that these two associations convened a meeting and a conclusion was theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 42 reached that the creationist idea should not be completely rejected. the supreme court in america in 1987 declared that creationism could be taught on a voluntary basis and at that time between 30 and 69 percent of public school teachers introduced creationism into their curricula (schwarch 2002:164). professor david r. montgomery of the quaternary research center and department of earth and space sciences, university of washington said that creationism is not science and should never be regarded as science. he noted that contrary to science, creationism dissociate reason as a means of obtaining knowledge (montgomery 20123:8). at present, the creationist campaign is not based only in north america but in some other parts of the world. in europe for instance, arthur e. wilder-smith (1915-1995) became “europe’s leading creationist” (schwarch 2002:384). the late 1970s was when the creationists became established in germany and began a monthly publication called factum. many books have been written by creationists in order to advance their cause (schwarch 2002:164). today, the creationist movement has varied views. not all creationists are anti-evolutionist. montgomery said that many creationists now believe in evolutionary processes of the earth and human origins (montgomery 2012:8). christian anti-evolutionists believe that the biological evolution of man contradicted the biblical teaching about the creation of man on the sixth literal days (genesis 1:21-27; 2:7) (nemesszhy & russel 1972:10). writing against christian anti-evolutionists, bernard ramm said that christian anti-evolutionists have no adequate answers and reasons to refute biological evolution (davidheiser 1969:361). in fact, recent research on genesis i conducted by some christian scientists a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 43 who are theistic evolutionists shows that creation and evolution do not contradict each other. these christian scientists maintained that “…genesis 1 is a register of descent, and by “evolution” we first mean descent of all life from a common ancestor” (rust 1999:232-233). the major contention between christian evolutionists and anti-evolutionists lies on the concept the day or the days of creation written in genesis. christian evolutionists regard the biblical days of creation to mean 6 literal days while christian anti-evolutionists believe that the biblical days of creation meant thousands and millions of years (chan 1997:43). a biologist, rupert sheldrake said that the creation of the sun and moon which only appeared on the fourth ‘day’ indicates that the biblical days are not supposed to be interpreted as literal days: the main discrepancy is that in genesis, the sun and moon appear only on the fourth ‘day.’ but this in self is significant in that it shows that the term ‘day’ is not to be taken literally, for it could not possibly have a literal meaning if the sun, by rising or setting of which days are measured, did not yet exist, according to the very same text (sheldrake 1984:22). he added that there are many other biblical passages which indicate that human measurement of time differs from that of god (psalms 90:4; 2 peter 3:4). he said that the argument between christian evolutionists and christian anti-evolutionists is strictly limited to the conceptualization of the ‘day’ of creation. sheldrake indicated that “[t]here seem to be no good grounds, even religious ones, for rejecting the theory of evolution by descent” (sheldrake 1984:22). theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 44 4. conclusion the emergence of various christian groups that interprets the genesis creation account differently are not in fierce conflict with each other as it was in the early 1860s. thorough researches on the theory of evolution have contributed to making many conservative christians to accept the theory. for example, asa gray, a conservative evangelical christian, at first saw no compatibility between theistic evolution and the evangelical christian faith. but in 1873 after a thorough study of darwin’s theory of evolution, he became darwin’s disciple: “... evolution is not so bad since an evangelical christian like asa gray could be an evolutionist” (davidheiser 1969: 76-77, originally from b. ramm 1955:264-265). mixter said “roman catholic... protestant scholars, found it necessary to accept more of evolutionary theory than the facts seem to demand. thus with theistic presuppositions postulated, their position is most accurately described as theistic evolution” (mixter 1960:188189). furthermore, the seeming conflicts which exist or existed between christian evolutionists and christian anti-evolutionists have been regarded by many scholars as a conflict of worldview or perspective and not the conflict of science and faith. chittick admonished christians that the subject: “.... is not a matter of science verses religion; one may be religious and hold either worldview. it is a matter of one belief system in conflict with another because they come from different starting assumptions” (chittick 1987:267-268). some christians advocate that the purpose of creation is for the recognition of the creator and that the bible is not meant to explain the technical-know-how of the creation account (genesis 1 & 2, hebrews 1:3). burke and barclay said that regarding god strictly as a creator who created spontaneously or instantaneously limits god sovereignty to create in process and that a reflection on the legacies of charles darwin 45 regarding god in strict terms as one who can only create in process is a limitation of god sovereignty to create instantaneously (burke & barclay 1987:19). more so, chan contends that “... whether we believe god created man in a moment of time or by a long process, it is in both cases a miracle that there is such a unique creature called man” (chan 1997:41). the debate on creation and evolution became volatile in 1859 due to darwin’s publication on origins of species. the book have also made some christians to think that darwin advocated or denounced god by making them to debate and rethink the creation account indeed at the later part of his life, he became an agnostic. notwithstanding, darwin ought to be regarded as a hero not because he was a christian but because he generated a debate that brought christians and scientists together into academic reason. his theory of evolution since 1859 has brought the church into critical thinking to the point that, a better understanding of the genesis account of creation is now observed. darwin did not divided the church rather his theory of evolution have enlightened the church and have contributed to defining using biological science the mutuality that exist between science and faith. 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religious studies today rethinking religious education in zimbabwe: evoking a relevant curriculum for family and religious studies conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) bekithemba dube school of education studies, faculty of education, university of the free state, qwaqwa, south africa citation dube, b., 2020, ‘a critical view of family and religious studies in the context of religious abuse and extremism in zimbabwe’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a47. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.47 original research a critical view of family and religious studies in the context of religious abuse and extremism in zimbabwe bekithemba dube received: 14 dec. 2019; accepted: 12 june 2020; published: 25 aug. 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract in this theoretical article, i problematise the nature and structure of family and religious studies (frs), and its failure to respond to the ever-expanding religious trajectories in zimbabwe, in particular the religious abuse and religious extremism. currently, frs is lacking in some of the aspects needed to ignite a religion-responsive curriculum. the article suggests a need for curriculum reconstruction that addresses the lived realities and challenges students are facing in the 21st century. i ground my argument in critical emancipatory research, one of whose agendas is evoking a democratic, emancipatory and just curriculum that is geared to transforming the social status quo. the article answers two questions: what are the limitations of the present frs curriculum and the space requiring decolonisation of the curriculum? and how can frs be enhanced to achieve curriculum relevance and address the lived realities of 21st-century students? the argument of the article is that when curriculum changes are necessary to reflect the multiple perspectives offered by major religions, frs falls short of addressing the emerging and problematic religious movements that threaten to undermine the beauty of religion in society, as these movements are guilty of criminal practices and abuse of religion. i conclude the article by calling for a curriculum shift, from mere recitation of major religious ideologies to emancipating students by encouraging them to confront and evoke epistemic disobedience in order that they might challenge religious abuse and religious extremism. keywords: religious abuse; religious extremism; fareme; curriculum reconstructionism; critical emancipatory research. introduction in 2017, zimbabwe rolled out a new school curriculum, which made changes to the study of religion. the subject is now called family and religious studies (frs) and is taught from form 1 to 4. the discussion in this article is focussed on the aspects of the form 4 curriculum. this new curriculum includes religions such as islam, hinduism, judaism and indigenous religions and critiques them from a family dimension. the new curriculum’s multiple-faith approach replaced the old subject, religious studies, which had been purely christocentric (dube & tsotetsi 2019; ndlovu 2014), and moved towards a more equal representation of the world’s major religions. the decision to include religions other than christianity in the curriculum was necessitated by complaints from representatives of these religions, who believed that the christian faith enjoyed many privileges in the former education arrangement and deprived students with other religions of curriculum space (dube & tsotetsi 2019; mutangi 2008; ndlovu 2014). as a way to address the exclusivist curriculum, the ministry of primary and secondary education (2015) introduced a new curriculum, which focusses on the historical backgrounds, beliefs, practices, practitioners, rites and rituals of major religions in zimbabwe, and which were to be studied in relation to their impact on individual, family, local, national and global communities. it was assumed that the new syllabus would evoke respect for human dignity and diversity, with an emphasis on unhu or ubuntu or vumunhu, social responsibility and a sense of the sound ethical norms of all religions (ministry of primary and secondary education 2015). the new thrust and perceived strengths of the frs curriculum are its attempt to respond to the post-9/11 era, in which new thinking about teaching religion in public schools emerged, represented by an appreciation of and emphasis on religious pluralism (moulin 2012:158). the new thinking embodied the understanding that religion is no longer a private engagement or matter because the consequences of its praxis and discourses have public impact. thus, i disagree with fitzgerald (2015), who argues that religion is inner faith of a purely voluntary kind, the private conscience of the individual, at which only a stretch is relevant to family morality. i believe 9/11 triggered a need to rethink religious life in terms of people’s safety, to interrogate religious praxis and to develop a pluralistic curriculum, to avert the risks posed by religious exclusion, such as killings and other violence related to religion. the philosophical underpinning of frs, as a pluralistic curriculum, is the development of moral responsibility and behaviour, a capacity for discipline, and a sense of sound ethical norms, values and goals, which are to be derived from the perspectives of multiple religions (ministry of primary and secondary education 2015). in the spirit of pluralism, the frs also, to a lesser extent, accommodates indigenous religions, as a way to provide redress for and reconceptualise african religions, by giving them the same status level as western and eastern religions. this important aim relates to the argument by amoah and bennett (2008:8): ‘since colonial times, there have been perceptions that african religions are reduced to animism and ancestor worship’. this attitude has, according to ndlovu-gatsheni (2003:182), led to ‘contestation and compliance, fascination and repulsion’ of indigenous religions. although it is appreciated that frs now includes the study of various religions and, significantly, indigenous religions, it is my contention that frs is failing to equip students and educators to deal with religious abuse and other types of religious extremism that are evident in some emerging religious movements. i do not claim that it is not important for students to acquire knowledge of various major religions; however, any knowledge that is acquired must assist students to address their lived realities. students should not merely memorise facts about these religions; instead, they should be encouraged to apply this knowledge to critique current religious practices. to this end, religious education must not be static, but should allow students to use acquired knowledge to address pressing issues of the day. in essence, one of the problems of frs is its failure to include contemporary religious practice and religious extremism in the curriculum. the research gap that is addressed by this article relates to the background that various research studies have been conducted on religious education, but a focus on reconstruction of the curriculum to include religious abuse and extremism has been lacking. among these studies is the one by machingura and hwaire (2018). in their article, they do a comparative analysis of the syllabus aims, objectives, content and teaching methods of the erstwhile exclusively christian subject, divinity, and compare it with the updated multiple-faith frs. in doing so, they argue that stakeholders with a christian background opposed the new multiple-faith curriculum, particularly its inclusion of islam and african indigenous religions. dube and tsotetsi (2019) wrote an article on frs and observe that the teaching and learning of religion in most postcolonial states takes place on an ambivalent and contested terrain, which has resulted in the amputation of religion from some mission schools. they argue, furthermore, that the teaching and learning of religion cannot be left to the state to control. instead, there is need for a policy network among religious players, who should decide on the best religious curriculum. a study by chirume and ngara (2018) analysed the new zimbabwe primary school junior certificate mathematics and frs curricula to evaluate teachers’ readiness to implement the new curricula. they conclude that teachers were displeased about a lack of resource materials, inadequate infrastructure and lack of induction to enable them to implement the new curriculum effectively. although they raise valid concerns, i question the rationale of jointly critiquing mathematics and frs, considering that these two subjects have different epistemic and philosophical underpinnings. in the light of these studies, although limited, i believe this article is unique in its bringing of a new dimension to the teaching and learning of frs by critiquing it with the lens of critical emancipatory research (cer). more importantly, i evoke a need for curriculum reform to incorporate the study of emerging religious movements, especially those that exhibit abuse-like tendencies. this article is also unique because it probes the content of frs in the light of contextual problems that have risen as a product of a less than vigorous study of religion with a social justice lens that refers to emancipation and epistemic disobedience. the next section will define religious abuse and extremism. the ‘religious abuse and extremism’ in zimbabwe: what is it? ‘religious abuse’ is a term that i use to refer to the criminality that is sugar-coated by religious (mal)practices and corruption. the abuse of religion is described by ramabulana (2018), who uses the term such as church mafia and associates it with underworld spiritual movements with cultic tendencies, which are characterised by a love of power, money, corruption and popularism. religious extremism is generally applied to the phenomenon of groups engaged in violent activities in the pursuit of a political or religious ideology that is outside the mainstream, often because extremism excludes certain groups, cultures or identities (frazer & jambers 2018). the term is used here to refer to the strict observation of religious practices, which ignores the feelings or safety of others, and which upholds ideology as the alpha and omega of life – nothing else is true or matters. the following section will discuss cer. theoretical framing: critical emancipatory research this article is earthed in cer theory. it is generally agreed that cer is an offshoot of the critical theory of the frankfurt school, which arose in germany in 1923, and which was later developed by jürgen habermas. other scholars, such as mckernan (2013), trace cer through the works of german philosopher emmanuel kant. despite the various explanations and assumptions of the origins of cer, there is an underlying theme, outlined by nkoane (2013:99), who argues that cer represents a left-wing group that had ‘philosophical roots in several traditions such as marx’s analysis of socio-economic conditions and class structure, habermas’s notion of emancipatory knowledge and freire’s transformative and emancipatory pedagogy’. critical emancipatory research seeks to address and challenge the ‘historical and social conditions of crisis, oppression and replace them with emancipatory ones’ (sinnerbrink 2012:370). to do so, cer evokes the need to champion social justice. thus, cognisant of this aim, cer, in a quest to achieve social justice, seeks to promote human good, provide basic human needs, guarantee the protection of human rights and promote the integral development of people of the globe (ogbonnaya 2012). informed by the foregoing definition, cer is a relevant theory for questioning and evoking epistemic disobedience against abusive religions that have caused various social pathologies and trajectories that undermine the beauty of religion in society. i chose this theory because it emancipates people, to ‘name reality, articulate how social reality functions and decide how issues are organised and defined’ (mclaren 1995:272), thereby making society a better place through religious narratives, as opposed to the abuse-like tendencies portrayed by some new and emerging religious movements. critical emancipatory research is relevant to couch this study because it is a theory that ‘exposes and questions hegemony, traditional power assumptions held about relationships, groups, communities, societies, and organisations to promote social change’ (ed. given 2008:140). curriculum limitations of teaching and learning family and religious studies today in this section, i will respond to the first question: what are the limitations of the present frs curriculum? i will do so by discussing various limitations of the frs curriculum in zimbabwe today, in a quest to address the growing need in many postcolonial states to decolonise the curriculum. i was guided by the research questions and the focus of the paper in suggesting these challenges, although i do not imply the curriculum has no positive aspects. overcrowded by non-contextual religions one of the limitations of the current curriculum in relation to decolonising the curriculum is that the syllabus is overcrowded with concepts of major religions of the world, such as christianity, judaism, islam and, arguably, african religions, of which some have little or no relevance to the majority of the students in zimbabwe (curriculum development unit 1999; gwaravanda, masitera & muzambi 2013; museka 2012:64). understandably, various major religions were included in the spirit of ensuring that there is equal representation of major religions in the curriculum, which was a direct departure from the purely christocentric curriculum that had been in use since precolonial times. while including these religions may, to a certain extent, be a noble idea, i pose the following critical questions here: is it necessary to study only major religions, which students might never have access to and contact with, such as hinduism, in zimbabwe’s case? this does not imply that hinduism should be downplayed, but i question the rationale for including hinduism and excluding the emerging or new religious movements that have influenced the religious space for the past few years. what is the purpose of a curriculum if it cannot respond to the lived realities of the students? the study of major religions is noble and promotes an inclusive curriculum, as championed by various scholars in the field of religious curriculum (gwaravanda et al. 2013; ndlovu 2014); however, students are not being equipped with strategies to relate to religious abuse, which is problematic in modern society. critical emancipatory research informs my view of what a worthwhile curriculum should address, including the lived realities of the students. today, many students are confronted by a variety of religious abuse-like tendencies, through the media, in church gatherings and in their praxis of faith, where criminal elements take advantage of religion to commit crimes. it follows that a worthwhile curriculum must start by equipping students to confront criminality or abuse-like behaviour when students are exposed to it. lack of investment in training of family and religious studies teachers one of the challenges facing frs in zimbabwe is a lack of trained teachers. this lack is mainly the result of availability of only one secondary teacher education college, offering training in frs for secondary and high school, despite the subject being offered by almost every school in zimbabwe. consequently, the subject is taught by teachers who are trained to teach other subjects, and who are committed believers of a certain religion (matemba 2011). when the new curriculum was introduced, there were no attempts to address the shortage of trained teachers, and induction workshops were not enough to bridge the knowledge gap of teachers in relation to the new curriculum. the issue of lack of training for teaching religious education has been a concern in zimbabwe, and various authors lament this curriculum shortcoming (dube 2019; matemba 2011). the lack of qualified teachers is problematic because curriculum can only be as good as its teachers; thus, compromising on initial teacher education has the potential to undermine the positive prospects of a curriculum. in most secondary schools in zimbabwe, teachers who teach frs have not been trained in frs, but in other subjects. i agree with matemba (2011:85) that the trajectory of our time is that african governments by ‘law [say] religion must be taught but the very same law does not give any provision for the training of teachers in the subject’. no doubt, the inconsistency between law in theory and praxis compromises the effectiveness of teachers and students to address the religious abuse tendencies currently manifest in society, by impeding the relevance and viability of the curriculum. in the light of the ongoing argument, schwartz (2006) states that: [c]urriculum writers, with all good intentions, have compiled volumes of well-conceived educational action plans, choosing specific materials and activities for their pre-conceived target, curriculum receivers, students, only to find that the curriculum users, teachers, are not prepared for the innovations. (p. 450) unfortunately, inadequately prepared teacher candidates are often inept or unmotivated to teach about religion and to navigate religious issues that invariably enter their classrooms (dinama et al. 2016; raditoaneng 2011). intolerance and estrangement are fuelled by religious ignorance (allgood 2016), thus igniting the need to rethink frs as a counter-strategy against intolerance and estrangement. i argue this way on the basis of cer, which argues, and as proposed by argyris and schon (1974:44), that a relevant curriculum should provide a theoretical basis that emphasises widespread public participation, sharing of information with the public and reaching consensus through public dialogue to improve relations, as opposed to pedagogy that fosters the exercise of power and privileges experts and bureaucrats, as portrayed and buttressed by the religious abuse. overloaded curriculum and weak framing the current frs syllabus is overloaded with a variety of topics that should be interrogated within the religious space. these topics, according to ministry of primary and secondary education (2015), are gender, health, environmental management, enterprise, children’s rights and responsibilities, human rights, sexuality, heritage, good citizenship, social responsibility and governance, conflict, transformation, tolerance and peace-building. the syllabus guide makes it clear that these themes cut across religious traditions and strive to enact an interdisciplinary curriculum and, in the process, assist students and educators to see the inter-relatedness of religious concepts in their daily lives. the argument for this approach may be bernstein’s curriculum projects, which states that a (sandovnik 2001): [s]hift from collection to integrated curriculum codes represents the evolution from mechanical to organic solidarity (or from traditional to modern society), with curricular change marking the movement from the sacred to the profane. (p. 689) although this sentiment may be admirable and may promote diversity, it becomes difficult for students and teachers to draw a line where these topics or contents should end, and at what point. subjects like frs suffer from weak framing. framing refers to the degree of control that the teacher and pupil possess over the ‘selection, organization, pacing and timing of the knowledge transmitted and received in the pedagogical relationship’ (bernstein 1973:88). thus, a weak frame allows students and teachers to move in and out of the content without limitations, which may affect organisation, pacing and timing of religious lessons, given that teachers are different (fancourt 2016; stern 2007). for example, when teachers and learners discuss the concept of trinity, there is a likelihood that they would disagree because the concept has no definite answer, but it is influenced by one theological and cultural orientation; hence, it suffers weak framing. so frs is weak in the sense that there is no definite answer when it comes to religious issues, unlike in mathematics where 1 + 1 = 2 everywhere regardless of the circumstance (strong framing). weak framing is problematic in the sense that learners write one examination nationally regardless of how each teacher and student manoeuvred in and out of the weak frame, and hence some learners may have poor results not because they do not know but because of subjectivity that happens within the weak framing. the other weakness of frs is that it ignores the contemporary zimbabwean religious dilemma, which is characterised by abusive tendencies. it is problematic in the sense that learners experience religious abuse in society, and the curriculum is adamant to address it. i see this as a problem based on the notion that a relevant curriculum must address the lived realities of the learners which in this case is the religious abuse (moyo 2016; ramjewan, elena & toukan 2016; tilley & taylor 2013). thus, a religious curriculum that does not interrogate current praxis of religion becomes irrelevant and becomes part of the problems of society, rather than the solution. in this regard, iversen (2018) is right to view some curricula, like that of frs, as ambiguous, fraught with politicised controversy and promising more than it can deliver, thereby depriving students of rich religious traditions that can be gleaned through the classroom space. according to the lens of cer, the curriculum that cannot emancipate students and educators to interrogate their present circumstances by using what they learn and teach is irrelevant. ubuntu or unhu and the religiosity dilemma firstly, frs is accredited for centring the curriculum within the ubuntu philosophy because the theory resonates well with the africanness and identities of the zimbabwean learners. ubuntu or unhu is one of the most discussed african philosophies, and scholars call for a return to ubuntu (kaunda 2016; shutte 2001; tutu 1999), which i also support. the support is premised on its emphasis on humanness, which is conferred on other people through solidarity with one another and care for each other’s quality of life within the contexts of communal relationships and human dignity (metz 2011:559). ubuntu or unhu, as outlined by matolino and kwindingwi (2013), is rooted in the search for identity and human dignity, in an attempt to restore the identity and dignity of the african person. i agree with the sentiments by romose (2005) that reengaging ubuntu or unhu is that academia emancipate the african people to speak for and about themselves and in that way construct an authentic and truly african discourse about africa. waghid and smeyers (2012:6) see ubuntu or unhu as a ‘valuable in attending to schooling and classroom challenges’. cognisant of the foregoing, there is an appreciation of ubuntu or unhu as valid and relevant to african people, hence its inclusion in the frs curriculum. however, and arguable so, ubuntu or unhu has become academic jargon, and as an excuse for longing for an ideal african past. although curriculum reformists and scholars call for the return of ubuntu, and curriculum is premised within that philosophy, people often forget that ubuntu is not static, but is a dynamic concept that also experienced colonisation, and can also be a colonising tool. to buttress this, mkwesha (2016) notes that the current conversation around the ubuntu or unhu philosophy indicates that it is one of the strongest tools for reproducing and perpetuating colonialism or apartheid or patriarchy. this is because within ubuntu thinking there is emphasis of authority of the elders and most of the times the authority is not questionable but should be embraced and respected (seleke 2016). thus, a blunt approach to including ubuntu without being subjected to scrutiny like any other academic theory can cause african students’ thinking to revolve around oppression and docility (because of its authoritarian aspects) and negate social justice, equity, gender and equality, which the new syllabus seeks to promote. i argue this way. in addition, murove (2013) argues that the ethics of ubuntu has undergone vehement attack on the grounds that it is a recipe for retarding modernisation and the benefits that are associated with it. when i suggest limitations on ubuntu, it should not be interpreted that i am against ubuntu or unhu. instead, i call on people to rethink it and subject the philosophy to current trends, and the need to create democratic spaces in which all humankind can participate without being subject to prejudice on the basis of gender, age or geographical location. in addition, ubuntu or unhu should also be subjected to critique, to eliminate negative aspects associated with the term, such as patriarchal approach, dominance and submission, especially of women. the curriculum is right when it engages ubuntu or unhu on conditions that expose, discuss, challenge and eliminate – through praxis and theory – its exploitative elements such patriarchy and emphasise values such as harmony, equality for both men and women regardless of social standing and age. silence on religious extremism the world is experiencing serious challenges related to religious extremism, which threatens peace in many parts of the african continent (mandaville & nozell 2017; prinsloo & simons 2017). for instance, in nigeria, extremism by groups such as boko haram, isis and al qaeda, among others, have contributed to toxic environments in the north-eastern state of borno. religious extremism is the product of historical, political, economic and social circumstances, including the impact of regional and global power politics. growing horizontal inequality is one of the consistently cited drivers of violent extremism, unemployment and poverty, perceptions of injustice, human rights violations, social–political exclusion, widespread corruption and sustained mistreatment of certain groups (united nations development programme [undp] 2016). in addition, religious extremism affects the security, well-being and dignity of many individuals living in both developed and developing countries, as well as their peaceful and sustainable ways of life. it also poses grave challenges to human rights (united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization [unesco] 2017). fasciano (2015) explains that extremism leaves students vulnerable to stereotyping and bullying by classmates and even teachers and has created hostile environments that can make it difficult for students to learn. cognisant of this challenge, the united nations believes that there is a global need for governments, religious bodies and other groups to create education programmes that build a culture of tolerance, understanding and respect among people of diverse beliefs (eds. lindholm, durham & tahzib-lie 2004; oslo coalition 1998); thus, frs should be contributing to eliminating religious extremism, which, unfortunately, is not the case. it is important that curricula address religious extremism, allow students to moderate their religious views in a contested space and enable them to realise the dangers of extremist behaviour in a pluralistic and multiple-religion context. although zimbabwe has, generally, not experienced the dangers of extremism, it is susceptible to it. i argue this because, as berman and iannaccone (2006) explain, where governments and economies function poorly, sects often become major suppliers of social services, political action and coercive force. so, because zimbabwe is in a poor state, economically and politically, extremist tendencies can manifest at any time. i argue this way because where extremism has risen in the past, it was associated with people’s disgruntlement over poor economy, unstable political environment and marginalisation (berman & iannaccone 2006; undp 2016). although zimbabwe has not experienced much of extremism, it does not entail its immune to it nor impossible to experience it. thus, it is important that curriculum begins to engage with extremism, before society is engulfed by people who are religious extremists. this warning is supported by de silva (2018), who argues that prevention approaches are necessary, both in countries that have never experienced conflict and states that are in the tenuous post-conflict recovery phase. by doing so, the curriculum addresses the problem before it becomes a crisis. the history of various nations has taught us that extremism is dangerous, and once it is permitted to spread, attempts to stop it are usually fruitless and lead to loss of lives. the issue of religious extremism should be discussed in the contemporary space because some emerging religious groups exhibit extremist behaviours, such as withdrawing children from school and advocating strict separatist ideologies (dube 2019). thus, given the challenges of extremism and the abusive traits (which include financial abuse, abuse of women and children, etc.) of some contemporary religious groups, it becomes a disservice if frs ignores the way these topics affect the teaching and the learning of the day. rethinking religious education in zimbabwe: evoking a relevant curriculum for family and religious studies in this section, i will offer ways in which the frs curriculum can redress the trajectories described above within a context characterised by abusive religion. although curriculum cannot eradicate religious abuse completely, i argue that the curriculum, as an embodiment of social solutions to human ambivalence, such as religious abuse, has the capacity to emancipate students and educators, so that they become confident about confronting, challenging and evoking epistemic disobedience against religious abuse. thus, with the lens of cer, i agree with matemba and addi-mununkum (2017) that: [u]nless there is a radical shift in the areas identified, the subject will continue to present a distorted picture of religion and thus fail in its civic responsibility as a curriculum area that is perhaps best placed to inculcate pro-social values towards citizenship in a world of religious diversity. (p. 155) informed with the foregoing argument, my suggestions or recommendations are captured in the following section, which i hope can consolidate the current curriculum of frs. inclusion of sections covering contemporary religion in the previous section, i appreciated the interdisciplinary approach of the frs curriculum; however, i argued that it is not enough if it does not allow or emancipate students and teachers to engage and interrogate contemporary religious practices. this approach is necessary because some contemporary religious practices pose threats to social cohesion; hence, a relevant religious curriculum must engage with these religious practices as a counter-hegemonic strategy to address social ills that accompany abusive religion. with this regard, mashau (2018) argues that the inclusion of contemporary religion should be attended to as a matter of urgency because it will have positive effects on social justice, promote respect for religious difference and encourage a move towards achieving a peaceful society. in fact, religious wars that were triggered by exclusion have, in the past, shown to be fatal, destructive and difficult to end; therefore, inclusion will mean catering for emerging religions as act of social justice. my submission is that including contemporary religion will expose the dark side of some religious elements and its constitutive underside, thereby evoking an ‘epistemic disobedience, cultural, political and economic production resistance – through shifting the geography of reason’ (karkov & robbins 2014). epistemic disobedience involves students acquiring adequate knowledge to enable them to refuse to entertain religious malpractices that are geared to exploitation and social injustice. to this end, frs, as postulated by wane and todd (2018), will flourish in schools and in society, thereby promoting a process that leads to the casting off and challenging of criminality that attempts to hijack religious projects for personal gain. this recommendation resonates well with the aim of frs, which, according to the ministry of primary and secondary education (2015), is as follows: the family and religious studies syllabus seeks to develop critical reflection of socio-economic and political issues, religious tolerance, and initiative in terms of formulating ideologies that help in transforming the students to contribute to sustainable development. (p. 1) to this end, i argue for the need for an additional component that refers to contemporary religion and, also, religious abuse, religious injustice and religious extremism. to avert the content overload i discussed above, some topics should be removed, such as environmental management (which can be taught in science), heritage (which is actually a duplication of what is taught in heritage studies) and enterprise (which can be taught as part of commerce and business studies). eliminating these topics and relocating them to other, more relevant subjects will create space for contemporary religion and allow students and teachers to engage effectively with more pressing issues of the day, such as religious abuse and religious extremism. inclusion of topics relating to religious extremism to achieve curriculum relevance, frs should include the teaching of religious extremism and its dangers in multiple-religion contexts. i believe that the frs curriculum is better placed to assist students to rethink trajectories that make people assume that everyone is wrong except themselves and their religious groups. as indicated above, the issue of religious extremism has been prioritised by the un conversations that attempt to evoke sustainable peace and end conflict. family and religious studies can contribute to these conversations, thereby becoming more relevant and addressing the lived realities of 21st-century students. schools are sites where students develop or reinforce feelings of exclusion and intolerance, instead of experiencing their society’s embracing ethos (unesco 2017). the curriculum must allow students to confront the toxicity of religious extremism and construct new ideas of how it can be mitigated in the contexts of disagreement and social pressure. training of educators to teach family and religious studies the effectiveness of frs to address students’ lived realities is centred on the training of subject teachers, so that they are able to probe social and religious conditions. sumner (2008) explains that religious education has always been subject to external pressures that seek to subordinate its practice, and i believe curriculum can assist to minimise and undo the effects of religious abuse, as long as teachers have been trained and that the training is cognisant of social justice, human rights and protection of citizens. thus, schwartz (2006:449) rightly argues that, ‘teachers are the filters through which the mandated curriculum passes. their understanding of it, and their enthusiasm, or boredom, with various aspects of it, colours its nature’. thus, unless curriculum planners in zimbabwe transform the way they perceive religion, especially in relation to teacher capacitation, needful and doable radical interventions that could fundamentally counter abusive tendencies will be a meaningless and fruitless exercise (hooks 1992). so teacher training colleges must begin to rethink their relevance and include frs in their mainstream curriculum, so that the teachers they produce can contribute significantly to conversations that can make religion to regain the trust it has lost because of abuse-like tendencies in religious shrines. equipped teachers are an important asset to a country, and their training has the impetus to transform society for the good, which, in this case, involves emancipating students so that they can challenge religious abuse and extremism. another recommendation is that all untrained teachers in the area of religion should undergo in-service training that exposes them to knowledge of major religions covered by the curriculum, as well as new religions and/or spritiualities. conclusion in this article, i have discussed the challenges associated with the frs curriculum. i appreciate the stance the new curriculum takes to include various religions; however, modifications can be made in the light of the recommendation suggested above. herein, i argue that inclusion of major, traditional religions, such as hinduism and islam, is admirable; however, we should also pay attention to the contributions of religion in the 21st century. again, the curriculum should focus on conversations around contemporary religions, of which some are characterised by abuse tendencies. by using cer theory, i argue that curriculum that addresses the lived realities of society and, at this juncture, religious abuse presents a challenge. i also went further and suggested ways the curriculum can be configured for relevance. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that no competing interest exists. author’s contributions the author declares that he is the sole author of this research article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references allgood, i., 2016, ‘faith and freedom of religion in u.s. public schools: issues and challenges facing teachers’, religious education 111(3), 270–287. https://doi.org/10.1080/00344087.2016.1169882 amoah, j. & bennett, t., 2008, ‘the freedoms of religions and culture under the south african constitution. do traditional african religions enjoy equal traditional african religions enjoy treatment?’, journal of law and religion 2(1), 1–20. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001910 argyris, c. & schon, d., 1974, theory in practice. increasing professional effectiveness, jossey bass, san francisco, ca. berman, e. & iannaccone, l.r., 2006, ‘religious extremism: the good, the bad, and the deadly’, public choice 128(1), 109–129. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-006-9047-7 bernstein, b., 1973, class, codes and control, routledge & kegan paul, london. chirume, s. & ngara, r., 2018, ‘analysis of the new zimbabwe primary school mathematics and fareme curricula: teachers’ readiness for implementation’, international advanced journal of teaching & learning 4(1), 14–27. curriculum development unit, 1999, policy documents, government printer, harare. de silva, s., 2018, role of education in the prevention of violent extremism, working paper no. 120997, the world bank, viewed 11 september 2019, from http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/448221510079762554/role–of–education–in–the–prevention–of–violent–extremism. dinama, b., koketso, j., jorone, b.s., keakantse, m., kemoabe, r., kgasme, b. et al., 2016, ‘students’ academic performance in religious education: a case of selected schools in botswana’, international journal of learning, teaching and educational research 15(12), 67–83. dube, b., 2019, ‘conundrum of religious mafia and legislation in south africa. when does religion become a national threat? reference to the seven angels ministry’, verbum et ecclesia 40(1), a1864. https://doi.org/10.4102/ve.v40i1.1864 dube, b. & tsotetsi, c., 2019, ‘state-based curriculum making in a postcolonial state, zimbabwe: making sense of family, religious and moral education in a global context’, journal of social studies research 10(1), 241–258, viewed 01 october 2019, from https://dergipark.org.tr/download/article–file/724110. fancourt, n., 2016, ‘the classification and framing of religious dialogues in two english schools’. british journal of religious education 38(3), 325–340. https://doi.org/10.1080/01416200.2015.1113932 fasciano, m., 2015, ‘why teach about extremism? not teaching about it can put students in danger’, in teaching tolerance, tanenbaum center for interreligious understanding, viewed 07 november 2019, from https://tanenbaum.org/wp–content/uploads/2015/12/teaching–tolerance–51–extreme–prejudice.pdf. fitzgerald, t., 2015, ‘critical religion and critical research on religion: religion and politics as modern fictions’, critical research on religion 3(3), 303–319. https://doi.org/10.1177/2050303215613123 frazer, o. & jambers, a., 2018, ‘religion and the prevention of violent extremism’, css policy perspectives 6(6), 1–4. given, l.m. 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deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism j r roelofse university of limpopo abstract explanations on the origins of life, spiritual possession and death after life cannot be explained from a naturalistic, positivistic methodological view point simply because scientists have not ventured deep enough to develop measuring instruments for these phenomena. this inadequacy in positivism has led to the exclusion of theoretical explanations of crime and desistance as a result of spirituality. the anomaly can be discharged, had it not been that a bias has developed against spiritual phenomena which is substantiated in this article. in a liberal world, emphasising freedom of conscience and speech, this is a contradiction worthy of enquiry. our existential world has for ages been affected by behaviour, claimed to be influenced by the supernatural. the question is whether criminologists can ignore phenomena such as spiritual possession claimed by especially africans, aboriginal peoples and some religions? many perpetrators, by their own testimonies, as indicated in the article, have been motivated by spiritual phenomena in the perpetration of crime. it is necessary to indicate that the article does not favour a purely spiritual (or religious) approach to crime but calls for an epistemological assumption within criminology that encourages philosophical debates and theory development, giving consideration to spirituality. this article argues for a pre-theoretical debate in criminological philosophy1 and to develop our research into a phenomenological capacity to deal with metaphysical issues. a paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 49 keywords: philosophy, metaphysics, phenomenology, spiritual possession, occult, satanism, crime introduction criminological philosophy attempts to introduce philosophy of crime and existential epistemology, as a foundation for research, from which theory can be developed. philosophy is a way of using critical, logical, and systematic thinking to examine deeply held beliefs or social practices, a preamble to theory (warren, 1989). it is not meant to replace theory but precedes theory. the philosophical premises should be the constructs and ideas from which grand theoretical perspectives can be deduced. as himes and schulenberg (2013:1) put it, “philosophy and theory are perpetually linked; philosophy influences how one sees the world, theory shapes how one intentionally interacts with that world”. this means that our philosophical foundation will determine how we see the world and that will determine how we interact with our surroundings. there are entrenched paradigms that need to be challenged which will clearly indicate the necessity to review our philosophical approach to criminology. let us just for a moment doubt science and challenge its dogma. what if science is not able to measure a dimension of life due to its abstract dimensions, then ignores it and teaches people to take this dimension into privacy, insisting that this dimension should not also assert itself in the public domain? what if people intuitively know that there is a spiritual world and are bombarded by scientific dogma to ignore it? explanations on the origins of life, spiritual possession and death after life cannot be explained from a positivistic methodological view point simply because scientists have not extensively explored methods to develop measuring instruments for these phenomena. if individuals believe (and experience) sacred or evil things and are then theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 50 “scientifically” informed that they are “hallucinating” anxiety and depression may follow. scientists are not comfortable when confronted by mysticism, metaphysical tendencies and religion. despite this stance of scientists (physical), to not engage in matters that cannot be scientifically measured, millions of lives around the globe are affected by “super-natural phenomena.” okawa (2014), within an african orientation, puts it this way: spiritual possession can be the cause of illnesses, mental disorders or even crimes, but this phenomenon is not being treated appropriately since modern medicine and science do not recognize the existence of spiritual possession. fact is, though, the phenomenon of spiritual possession is a common occurrence. this statement clearly indicates that the belief that a human being can be possessed by an evil spirit is recognised by some cultures and writers. it is the role of philosophy to argue and explain such phenomena. the article is not an attempt -, as fields (1991:167) puts it, to reduce, “…the causes of a problem [and] its complexities to simple demons”. the aim of this article is rather to make a call for the introduction of criminological philosophy in an attempt to introduce metaphysical and other phenomena, into a criminological perspective and to challenge researchers (particularly with an ethno-criminological perspective) to eventually develop theory within a metaphysical framework. it is not necessary to prove the existence of supernatural phenomena and things like demons and angels but rather to develop research that can develop an understanding of how these phenomena (true or not) affect behaviour. a paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 51 background landauer and rowlands (2001) as well as vlach (2002) deal with the five branches of philosophy, namely metaphysics (study of existence or what is out there), epistemology (study of knowledge – how do i get to know about what is out there); ethics (relating to what should one do, based on the former two questions); politics (study of force and what actions are permissible); and aesthetics (art and what can be known about life). there is clearly a hierarchical construction in these subfields of philosophy. as landauer and rowlands (2001:1) put it: at the root is metaphysics, the study of existence and the nature of existence. closely related is epistemology, the study of knowledge and how we know about reality and existence. dependent on epistemology is ethics, the study of how man should act. ethics is dependent on epistemology because it is impossible to make choices without knowledge. from this perspective the argument is put that we cannot truly proceed with knowledge if the foundation of metaphysics is not understood and informs the other four subfields. landauer and rowlands (2001:1) argue, that the accuracy with which the metaphysical worldview is interpreted determines the degree to which we comprehend the world. “without this firm foundation, all knowledge becomes suspect. any flaw in our view of reality will make it more difficult to live”. this statement drives the whole argument unfolding in this article. what if we have built on an exclusive philosophy that led to an exclusive epistemology, in particular, ignoring phenomena labelled as “supernatural”? the branch of philosophy, called “metaphysics”, meaning “beyond the physical”, deals with these matters. it focuses on the existence of god, theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 52 the soul, and life after death. however, the metaphysical construction is completely absent in criminological theory (apart from the religious school that has been abandoned decades ago). a scientific epistemology which excludes debates on these issues may create an exclusive worldview and would be responsible for a prohibition of existential experiences of a very large portion of the world’s population. this would mean that people are scientifically alienated from their supernatural experiences of their existential world. why do we not at least attempt to develop research questions that guide research to explore the metaphysical as part of constructing, for criminology, a worldview that explains matters from the lived experiences of people? scientifically designed research to explore firmly held beliefs is not supposed to be marginalised but encouraged as phenomenological enquiry. one paradigm that seems to hold the position of a privileged position is evolution. it is an example where opposing world views are simply excluded from school curricula so it becomes a singular theory without any challenge within the liberal arts curriculum. is this science or scientism? for instance the supreme court in america, has rejected the appeal of an ohio public school science teacher who was fired for promoting the theory of creationism and refusing to remove religious materials from his classroom. the court ruled that the school district “…had grounds to fire john freshwater in 2011 for insubordination for keeping religious books and a poster of a praying president” (smith & welsh, 2013). the question is, would one succeed if a similar complaint against teaching evolution and displaying pictures of darwin is filed? it is clear that our secular worldview has become intolerant of religious views. as hallett (1999:1), referring to an article on religious values and criminal justice for a christian forum, puts it, “…it offers me the freedom to speak my mind about an issue not a paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 53 entirely welcome in my usual forum, that of the secular state university”. this is part of the problem in current social and natural sciences that precludes all relevance of religion in debates. this stance is opposed by van binsbergen (2001:1) an academic and philosopher, who became a southern african diviner-priest (isangoma). he states that: ... at the existential level one can only practice sangomahood, and bestow its spiritual and therapeutic benefits onto others as clients and adepts, if and when these beliefs take on a considerable measure of validity, not to say absolute validity, at least within the specific ritual situation within which these practices are engaged in. in an interview with an isangoma, fonteleve (2010:1) reports that the respondent said that a isangoma is called by ancestors “…and works mainly with ancestral spirits”. in some instances strong muti (medicine) is used, which consists of plants, herbs and animal and human parts. this point will be addressed again later. the context of the isangoma is spiritual. the context of religion is spiritual. this applies to all religions including those such as occultism and satanism. in the context of this article it is not postulated that crime can simply be explained by malevolent spiritual possession and desistence by benevolent spiritual possession. the question is rather how a particular worldview and spiritual connection motivate behaviour, inter alia, also criminal behaviour or desistance? the struggle between good and evil are aptly captured by krishnananda (2015) when he opines that man is a dualistic being, having both good and evil in us. he asserts that there is a continuous tussle between malevolent and benevolent forces within our being. christianity also refers to a condition of being in this tussle between good and evil. the holy spirit is present in the theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 54 believer, but with the baptism in the holy spirit (kostenberger, 1997:229) the believers are endowed with certain gifts such as healing and prophecy. okawa (2014) and binsbergen (2001) indicate that spiritual forces are acknowledged in african mythology. beaulieu (2011: 28) quotes duran who asserts that, “lack of understanding of the native epistemological root metaphor (ways of being in the world including psychological and spiritual world) continue to hinder our progression.” in the article on muti murder2 the author deals with aspects of mythology in africa as a driving force for muti (medicine) murders. this evil practice of removing body parts from a victim is driven by the belief that life energy can be obtained through the body parts of a victim and therefore the parts are preferably removed while the victim is alive. this energy that is sought after is transcendent. the motive for killing is thus to obtain supernatural power by the harvesting of life energy through body organs. in the same context, police experts presented evidence, to the farlam commission, investigating the shooting of 34 mine workers at a platinum mine near marikana in the northwest province by the south african police service, (sapa) that the striking workers applied muti to make them invisible and/or immune to bullets (maromo, 2013). the muti, according to evidence was harvested from a security guard and a police officer, killed two days before the confrontation with the police. sapa (2014:1) reports that a witness, simply known as mr. x, stated during cross examination, "we killed them at the bus stop. we burnt one in the car and we took pieces of flesh from the other one. that would make our muti 2 see roelofse, cj. (2014) ritual and muti murders amongst the vha-venda people of south africa: an ethno-criminological assessment of the phenomenon and development of a new typology. acta criminologica (special edition: research and application in criminology & criminal justice/1/2014 a paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 55 strong, so that we go forward when we attack”. the ash is normally mixed with other ingredients such as herbs and one of the ways to apply muti is to make incisions in the body and rub it in so that it is absorbed. part of it may be ashes (in this instance retrieved from the remains of the body in the car). in the interview conducted by fonteleve (2010:1) cited above, the respondent claimed that a baby in the bloodline, destined to become an sangoma, will be induced with muti through incisions in the body. the practice of administering muti by inducing it into the recipients blood is thus a standard practice in the culture of the “informed”. it is evident from the above discussion that spirituality is not only a religious tenet but it is the subject of reflection, publication and inspiration for daily living in the lives of many people on the planet including those who commit crime. as ovens and prinsloo (2010: 4) opine, african theories and paradigms should furthermore not merely be applied to explain crime and causality, but also to direct researchers and practitioners in explaining criminal behaviour…” the african context of this point is clear, yet religions such as voodoo, santeria and wicca are exports from africa and europe, practiced in america, the caribbean and europe. a wider application of an epistemology that transcends cultural limitations and geographical boundaries is contemplated. the metaphysical foundation of a religion and /or culture is the motivational dimension of belief and eventually, behaviour. groff and smoker (1996) write that when religious beliefs become rigid and dogmatic, acquiring the dimension of the only truth while other religions and non-believers, or even variations of the same religion are rejected, it leads to "fundamentalism" or "fanaticism" or "extremism”. horrific crimes and even genocide has been committed by extremists in the past and are still being perpetrated in our post-modern society. the conflict in northern ireland theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 56 between catholics and protestants and the beheadings by some elements in isis (islamic state of iraq and syria) come to mind. criminological philosophy seems to be an appropriate means of engaging these problems and endeavouring to develop explanations and control measures. having indicated the hierarchy in philosophy as unpacked by landauer and rowlands (2001) as well as vlach (2002) and the impact of metaphysics, it is necessary to discuss the branches of philosophy in the context of this article. metaphysics as our worldview influences our epistemology, criminologists should not fall into the trap of exclusive scientism. braterman (2005:1), concerning the supernatural, boldly states that “i argue that this view is misguided and damaging. we have not precluded supernatural claims from discussion. on the contrary, we have investigated them and found them wanting…” this is scientism at its most judgmental level. if one cannot observe deceitful thoughts, can we argue that they do not occur because they are unobservable? should we not rely on informants’ experiences of spiritual things and how it affects them? similarly, criminologists should not reject metaphysical perspectives but study them from the lived experiences of informants. in an african context, momoh (1989), argues for a philosophical worldview based on a metaphysics. this is supported by agidigbi (2001) who opines that african philosophy largely proceeds from metaphysical principles and this is the foundation for resolving religious, social and political issues. this metaphysical worldview creates a moral perspective that izibili (2005:1) describes as based on the notion that god is concerned about morality. good and evil are concepts based on a worldview of spirituality but are then socially defined. he proceeds to argue that: a paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 57 • god cannot be indifferent to human welfare because he is a good god; • because he cannot be indifferent to human welfare, he cannot also be indifferent to morality; and • therefore, he (god) ensures justice by rewarding the virtuous and punishing evil doers through the agency of the gods who serve him (izibili, 2005:12). good and evil are concepts that are found in virtually all cultures and religions. from a criminological perspective it is necessary to single out the good for purposes of desistence and the evil (when contravening law). the dilemma of ambiguity is a challenge for our discipline. worldviews that create social and legal conflict may lead to crime. within the african context muti and ritual murders clearly accentuate the ambiguity that lies within the concept of perceived good and evil. it is the moral evaluation that the community attaches to an event. if for example someone’s house burns down: have they received just deserts or is their suffering unjustified? there is in fact, in african society ambivalence based on moral legitimacy. the same ambivalence is also prevalent in haitian voodoo. among some african peoples “witchcraft” is intrinsically neither morally good nor bad, while the supernatural activities of witches are judged on their perceived effects and divided into good, protective and bad or destructive witchcraft (eb.com.blackhistory, 2008:1; petrus, 2010; roelofse, 2014). african spirituality is therefore a fight between good and evil. that which is harmful to a community is evil and must be resisted. the concepts of good and evil, traverse cultures and religions and are not confined to african philosophy. malevolent spirituality is evident from the life of charles manson. according to kennedy (2006: 19), manson established theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 58 himself as a leader. he started to draw a group of followers who were primarily well educated, young women with middleclass upbringings. these attractive females suffered from deep-rooted psychological problems and took rebellious stances against their parents and the consumerist economy. they all used illicit drugs as part of their counter-culture lifestyle (kennedy, 2006). their lives being influenced by drugs and the occult, lead to crime and eventually the murder of sharon tate. having discussed the metaphysical component within a criminological context, the logical development is to engage epistemology. epistemology epistemology and ontology are the fundamental views, theory of knowledge and view of reality that will shape our theoretical perspectives and methodology (raddon, 2015:4). mankind are all products of a developing epistemology that shapes doctrine and it is prudent to reflect to what extent our beliefs have influenced our epistemology. the venture of this article is to try and stimulate debate about metaphysics, epistemology and praxis. how does different beliefs affect and stimulate criminal behaviour and how can philosophical and theoretical deliberations explain these phenomena? some paradigmatic changes have taken place in the world. the advancement of science has brought major progress in all domains of our lives. the advance of medical science, aviation and computer science to mention just a few, have changed our world. however, natural scientists have reserved the space as the sole guardians of all truth. the dogmatic stance on science is what has been coined “scientism”. scientism is the worldview held by a majority of people in the western world that claims that all that 'is' and all that 'can be known' is verifiable or falsifiable through the scientific method, a paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 59 and that which cannot be so measured is simply opinion, belief, or fantasy. it cannot be known and sensibly talked about and hence should be relegated to the private sphere (beiden, 2007:1). as indicated earlier, scientists are sceptic about the existence of a spiritual world. this is an exclusive approach where only science is recognised as having access to truth. whatever falls outside the scientism approach is superstition, conjecture and fantasy. this is vividly demonstrated in a quote from braterman (2014: 7): “i have no need of that hypothesis.” so, according to legend, said the great astronomer and mathematician pieresimon, marquis de laplace, when asked by napoleon why he had not mentioned god in his book. if so, laplace was not referring to the hypothesis that god exists, but to the much more interesting hypothesis that he intervenes in the material world. and laplace’s point was not, fundamentally, philosophical or theological, but scientific. this argument states that there is only room for science and science takes precedence over religion. logic necessitates that reasoning is based on verifiable data according to positivistic empiricism (mastin, 2008). logical positivism, or logical empiricism, as a philosophical movement, originated in the early twentieth century in vienna. and holds the view “… that scientific knowledge is the only kind of factual knowledge and that all traditional metaphysical doctrines are to be rejected as meaningless” (encyclopaedia britannica, 2015:1). mastin (2008) proceeds to explain that a standard scientific language is being developed into which all knowledge should be coded “…and the associated ongoing project of "rational reconstruction", in which ordinary-language concepts were gradually to be replaced by more precise equivalents in that standard language”. theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 60 according to younkins (2000), kant argued that reality is dependent on the cognitive functioning of the human mind in total. “society sets the norms of truth and falsity and right and wrong”. (ibid., p.1). this implies that there exists a moral mobility that is dependent on dictates of a changing social context. this is the crux of kant’s social primacy of consciousness theory in metaphysics. man’s ideas are essentially a collective delusion from which no person has the power to escape. if a man sees things differently from the majority, then he must be mistaken due to some defect in his own information processing mechanism. since and because of kant, “objectivity” is generally thought to mean collective subjectivism. truth, to the extent that it can be known in the phenomenal world, is to be determined by means of public polls (younkins 2000:1). the paradox of a majoritarian subjectivism, replacing “objectivity” functions in a delphi-rehearsal until consensus emerges. hence individuality is usurped by mass conversion to a particular doctrine and new language (mastin 2008).thus there is a universal conception by which individualism becomes alien. the standard language is the language of the prevailing dogma of the relative worldview. the logical flaw in this argument lies within the historical concept of our world and the fact that standard language is removed from history. if we do not exactly, scientifically know history (in this case of the origin of the cosmos and life) how can we base science on inaccurate historical propositions? in regression, knowledge is based on a regression foundation where premise 1 is based on 2 and 2 on 3 and so ad infinitum. rational empiricism takes a gigantic leap into the foundational premise (of the origin of life and species) which is not knowable outside of revelation. to construct a theory such as a paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 61 evolution requires not only regression analyses but also progressive analyses of which one branch should be futuristic evolution and questions such as what is man evolving to become or at least provide logical explanations why evolution has slowed down or even came to a halt? to build science, opposing views cannot simply be brushed aside and then change the scientific language to suite scientism (mastin, 2008). this makes the tools of research the judges of knowledge and not the data extracted from the phenomena being researched. excluding everything that scientism does not approve of implies selective epistemology. human behaviour is not always rational but can be erratic at times and as demonstrated earlier, influenced by metaphysical tendencies. the motivation of this article is to call for a pre-theoretical paradigm, searching for explanations of behaviour that involves criminality motivated by metaphysically– driven pre-dispositions. criminological philosophy should be an approach in criminology that rely on qualitative methodology to do research on how particular worldviews, acknowledging the spirit world, influence behaviour. such questions as how does a secular or spiritual worldview act as desisting or precipitating motivational dimensions in crime, should be philosophically debated and give direction to research in order to formulate theory. furthermore, do different religions have a different impact on their followers and how does this effect desistence or predisposition? it is not an argument simply based on a spiritual paradigm but an attempt to uncover the lived experiences of people who claim to have been influenced by a spiritual worldview. through using a phenomenological approach, and by making enquiry into the lived experiences of people, philosophical and theoretical perspectives can be developed. it should however be said that courts recognise the spirit world, calling on those who testify to theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 62 swear by god that they will speak “the truth and nothing but the truth, so help me god”. the preamble to the south african constitution, act 108 of 1996 asks god to bless africa. while courts are considering god and religion it is interesting to note perlmutter’s (2013) opinion. as an expert witness in occult crimes mentioned earlier, she calls for a suspension of western values. it is an interesting stance as the original western construction of the metaphysical world was based on biblical principles. these have already been suspended. her call is now to suspend the current secular paradigm for a new spiritual one in which occult practices can be explained. this presents the crime precipitating part of mysticism while this article also calls for the malevolent and desisting part of spirituality and religion. the influence of a particular worldview is interestingly enough evident from court proceedings in the uk. a judgment in the uk has taken religious education into account in sentencing. zaimov (2015:1) reported on a case where an 18 year old boy admitted that he had sex with an under-aged girl but was ignorant of the fact that his action constituted rape “…because he was raised with a muslim education and was not aware of the law”. spencer (2013:1) reports that judge michael stokes did not impose a jail sentence on the accused who apparently was taught in an islamic faith school that women were worthless. the question here is to what extent natural law moderates this opinion in a justice perspective or whether a worldview takes precedents in the penelogical part of sentencing? in this case it clearly did. this is certainly an opportunity for criminological philosophy to make a contribution. this logically leads to ethical considerations a paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 63 ethics ethics, the study of how man should act, is also informed by our worldview as interpreted through our epistemological approach. humanists believe some things are right for some people and some situations, that may be “wrong” for other people and other situations. particular examples are abortion and euthanasia. the secular worldview argues that everything depends on the situation and values, morals, and ethics are determined by each person for him or herself. therefore, to tell someone else that their behaviour is “wrong” or “sinful” is considered to be intolerant. “intolerance” (defined this way) is not tolerated (hall, 2005:1 -30). knowledge, derived from a particular worldview, therefor directs epistemology and in turn it influences ethics. philosophers deal with justifications mainly through a priori and a posteriori knowledge. philosophy states that any given proposition is knowable a priori if knowledge is obtained independent of experience other than the experience of learning the language in which it is expressed. a proposition that is knowable a posteriori is known based on experience (bhaer, nd:1). if a religion, folklore or culture teaches a metaphysical perspective on life as a priori knowledge and a believer or adherent to a particular worldview experiences an event that is super-natural (a posteriori) how does our ethics engage this? the question is whether knowledge can also develop in a metaphysical way? transcendentally, there is another form of knowledge, namely revelation, claimed by religious people (a metaphysical way of knowing). these are the questions that criminological philosophy should endeavour to explain as far as such experiences may lead to criminal activity or desistance. theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 64 revelation revelation is not conditional. it is not based on a priori and a posteriori knowledge. revelation is a way of knowing outside the realms described by current philosophical deliberations. this is a particular spiritual way of knowing. author c. s. lewis was an atheist for the first three decades of his life. then, after much soul searching, he concluded that god exists. this was not, however, the end of his religious transformation. on september 28, 1931, at age 33, he got into the sidecar of his brother’s motorcycle to travel to whipsnade zoo near london. “when we set out,” he says, “i did not believe that jesus christ is the son of god, and when we reached the zoo i did. yet i had not exactly spent the journey in thought. nor in great emotion. . . . it was more like when a man, after a long sleep, still lying motionless in bed, becomes aware that he is now awake.” (connor, 2015:1). the apostle paul3 wrote in galatians 2:21, “i went there because god revealed to me that i should go”. to evaluate such a statement it is necessary to look at faith. swindal (n.d. 1) indicates that “[r]eligious faith involves a belief that makes some kind of either an implicit or explicit reference to a transcendent source. the basis for a person's faith usually is understood to come from the authority of revelation”. revelation can either be from a direct source, or indirect, as a result from a testimony by another person. he continues to argue that, “the religious beliefs that are the objects of faith can thus be divided into those what are in fact strictly demonstrable (scienta) and those that inform a believer's virtuous practices (sapientia)”. revelation is not dependent on effort but is a consequence of a priori knowledge that becomes a spiritual revelation of matters that are transcendental in nature. this is dependent on a belief that man 3 new living translation a paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 65 is a spirit being as well and that recognising the spirit world man can receive revelation. by not recognising the spirit world and by excluding the possibility that man can have revelation of this world and interact with it, revelation is excluded as a form of knowing things. this is the shortcoming in positivistic epistemology. by not engaging in a phenomenon that is not measurable, it is already labelled as unscientific. this is why ellerby (2006) calls for an integrated indigenous phenomenology. this is discussed later in the article. phenomena that cannot be explained through existing empiricism abound and are in need of investigation. this particularly interests the author in as far crime forms part of such phenomena. occult and crime the recognition of harmful practices and crime stemming from satanism and some occult practices can be substantiated by the fact that police organisations in some countries have established specialised units to deal with crimes emanating from such practices. the national commander of the unit in south africa during a media briefing said. “drug abuse is the common denominator in all levels of satanism… it is the primary source of mind-altering experiences for the satanists, thereby giving them a false sense of power and spiritual potency”. (lamprecht, 2014:1). in the same statement is was revealed that the gauteng provincial harmful and religious practise unit were currently investigating 48 dockets and have interviewed 452 people. in a case in soweto, two teenagers who committed murder admitted that they got interested in the occult and starting worshipping satan and performed rituals such as lighting candles and drinking blood. they wanted power and wealth (jordaan, 2015:1). accused number one indicated that he became aware of satanism in 2010 at the age of 12. he was listening to a lot of rap music and discovered that rappers were talking about satanism. he theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 66 also discovered that certain rappers and pop stars in the united states were worshipping satan which led to their success. through the internet he started doing his own research about satanism, as he desired to be successful in life. accused number two said, in connection with the murder that he felt as if he was burning up, he was then transported to a desert where it was extremely hot. he then started digging for water, he dug deeper for water as he was about to drink the water he then came back to the scene. that is when he realised that his act of digging in the desert, he was actually stabbing one of the deceased. after that he gave the knife to the other child offender who said that he heard the demons instructing him to destroy the deceased who refused to carry out the ritual (case no: pli 137/2014). the statement seems to indicate, that at least temporarily, the perpetrator was under the control of another force. this murder occurred in soweto in south africa. in another part of the country satanistic motivated behaviour was experienced in the free state, in central south africa, fouche, (2012:1) reports that a trauma therapist in the capital city of the province, bloemfontein, remarked on a group, known as 666s, that oversees a number of other gangs such as the born to kill, natural born killers and international junior portuguese). “members of the 666 gangs are typically involved in crimes such as armed robberies and trade in human body parts.” what has been witnessed in the free state, is the outcome of a migration from west africa. much as voodoo and santeria are considered as afro-caribbean religions, they hail from west africa and …originated in the 18th and 19th centuries during african slave trading when owners imposed catholicism on their slaves and forbade traditional religious practices. in an ata paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 67 tempt to maintain their cultural and religious beliefs, africans disguised their religion by assigning each of their gods the image of a catholic saint... (perlmutter, 2013:4). this is confirmed by valentine, (2011:1) who writes that slaves in louisiana (usa) developed a syncretic religion by amalgamating catholicism with ancient “vdoun” (voodoo) that developed in west africa. the first base of settlement for the 666 migrants was in lesotho and then from there they spread into the eastern free state and then further throughout the province. de beer (2012:1) writes that: at this point groups were loosely structured and more focussed [sic] on ritual magic, blood sacrifices, the drinking of blood and worshipping satan as deity. as these devil worshipping cults grew over a period of 15 years, they spread throughout the free state province, especially in the rural areas. they became known as the 666’s. further reports of occult activity emanate from reports about a new phenomenon that has gripped teenagers around the globe, the so-called charlie-charlie “game”. the “game” is infesting schools in south africa. this involves two pencils placed in the form of an “x” one over the other, and the words “yes’ and “no’ written on a paper and asking charlie questions. the pencils then move by some force without any of the participants touching it. erasmus (2015: 6) reports that children in a school in limpopo showed erratic behaviour after being exposed to the game. eye witnesses stated that when a teacher started to pray the pencil stopped moving. these are reports of those who witnessed the events. pieterse and umraw (2015:1) report form pietermaritzburg that they spoke to top learners in a number of private and public schools about the phenomenon. they also describe the game as betheologia viatorum 41-1-2017 68 ing played on a piece of paper in a similar fashion as described above. it seems to be a different version of “… the older glassy glassy game and is said to summon a demon known in mexican folklore as “carlitos”, who moves the pencils to answer questions posed to him”. according to the writers a learner said that he played it together with some friends out of pure curiosity, …but ... when the pencil moved after we asked charlie if he was in the room, we all got up and ran,” (pieterse and umraw (2015:1). these reports of something out of the ordinary based on reports of those who participated or observed the “game” are worthy of inquiry. this cannot simply be brushed aside as irrational. we should clearly heed the calls from researchers like perlmutter (2013); ellerby 2013) to shun our western epistemological ideas and look at ways of doing research on the supernatural integrated indigenous phenomenology. the only proviso the author has is that spiritual phenomena cannot be confined to africa. the epistemology advocated by ellerby (2006) should rather make room for a metaphysical phenomenology. criminological philosophy and crime volumes have been written about crime, its possible causes and solutions. this article argues for a more tolerant epistemology that also considers alternatives to the current secular view and allows research into phenomena in a way that is not exclusivist. having indicated that criminologists should take cognisance of the fact that some perpetrators indicate contact with the spiritual world, the challenge to researchers is to carry out research based on alternative worldviews (meaning other than secular) and to look at spiritual possession by forces reported to be malevolent or benevolent as precipitators or desisting forces. the influence of occult associations, black magic and harmful religious practices should be thoroughly researched in their relationships/associations with a paradigm shift in pre-theoretical deliberations on crime within spiritual existentialism 69 crime. we should also do research on crimes committed in the name of religion. the roman catholic inquisition and current jihad attacks are typical examples of such crimes. such studies will enable us to develop theory on a vital part of human existence and open dimensions of crime causation hitherto not adequately covered in criminology. criminosophy should lead us into research that will help us in developing new theories on crime and the “supernatural”. this is well summed up in the words of hanegraaff (nd:9) when discussing western esotericism when he calls “..for the study of western esotericism not to restrict itself to empirico-historical description of narrowly-circumscribed currents and personalities, but also to develop interpretive theories pertaining to various dimensions of western esotericism in general”. recommendations we need to heed the wisdom of the father of phenomenology, husserl, who declared that we should study things outside of the demand for veracity and validity. this means researchers must set aside the belief in what is true and real. this creates an opportunity for researchers to use phenomenology to study religion and worldviews that fall outside the positivistic paradigm. it is recommended that criminologists develop research studies that will involve more cross-disciplinary approaches, particularly with anthropology and religious studies. there is a dire need in our epistemology to engage the matters of metaphysics and particularly what is understood to be the spiritual world. theologia viatorum 41-1-2017 70 conclusion criminosophy or criminological philosophy should take cognisance of the fact that there are phenomena that are not easily explained with positivistic methodology. yet phenomena in the metaphysical/transcendental domains impact on the lives and behaviour of people. research should be undertaken that may challenge entrenched scientism and develop questions for research that can shed light on transcendental phenomena. scientists are not comfortable when confronted by mysticism, metaphysical tendencies and religion. whether it is western esoteric phenomena, african mysticism, occult practices or other supernatural phenomena, the challenge to criminologists is to engage these issues through specific epistemological practices that will allow us to get insight into how these phenomena are possibly associated/related with crime. list of references beaulieu, t. 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http://www.clutchmagonline.com/2011/06/black-magic-african-american-ambivalence-to-superstition-the-supernatural/ http://www.clutchmagonline.com/2011/06/black-magic-african-american-ambivalence-to-superstition-the-supernatural/ http://them.polylog.org/4/fbw-en.htm http://them.polylog.org/4/fbw-en.htm http://www.quebecoislibre.org/younkins26.html http://www.quebecoislibre.org/younkins26.html http://m.christianpost.com/news/muslim-claims-he-didnt-know-rape-was-illegal-spared-prison-by-uk-court-89106/ http://m.christianpost.com/news/muslim-claims-he-didnt-know-rape-was-illegal-spared-prison-by-uk-court-89106/ http://m.christianpost.com/news/muslim-claims-he-didnt-know-rape-was-illegal-spared-prison-by-uk-court-89106/ abstract list of references abstract introduction the refugee ethnocentrism an interpretative framework of jermiah 29:4–12 about good news agents conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) kasebwe t.l. kabongo department of religion studies, faculty of theology and religion, university of pretoria, pretoria, south africa citation kabongo, k.t.l., 2020, ‘migration to south africa: a missional reflection of a refugee using jeremiah 29:4–12 as an interpretive framework’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a57. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.57 original research migration to south africa: a missional reflection of a refugee using jeremiah 29:4–12 as an interpretive framework kasebwe t.l. kabongo received: 24 feb. 2020; accepted: 25 may 2020; published: 24 aug. 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this article is an auto-ethnographic reflection on the phenomenon of migration. the latter is on the increase throughout the world. this article focusses on the context of south africa where there seems to be a negative perception of refugees in communities of poverty. it uses jeremiah 29:4–12 as an interpretative framework to, on the one hand, analyse the negative perceptions of refugees and, on the other hand, propose ways refugees could be assets to their host communities. the author is part of a missional team that serves in some south african communities of poverty where refugees have experienced a great deal of discrimination. he reflects on his status as a refugee and a mission worker to point out a constructive role a refugee could play in society as a christian. he refers to this role as good news agency. the article alludes to practical examples where a constructive role in a community has led refugees to be seen as assets to their communities. it concludes by stressing that the negative perception of refugees in south african communities of poverty may be an implicit collective longing local residents have for good news agents around them regardless of their countries of origin. keywords: asset; building; good news agents; migration; perception; refugee. introduction this article is an auto-ethnographic reflection on the phenomenon of migration. it is aware that ‘the percentage of people that migrate from one country to another, or from one place to another within the same country, has rapidly increased in the last few years’ according to the international organisation for migration (2015:1). such an increase is also real in the context of south africa. gordon (2019:270) points out that ‘migration is on the rise in south africa’. mashau (2019:1) concurs in saying that ‘people from different continents have chosen south africa as their country of residence’. migration is not a new phenomenon. dube (2019:1) points out that it ‘is a recurrent theme throughout the bible’. in south africa, it is not new either. ncube, bahta and jordaan (2019:1) say that ‘it goes back to close to two centuries, with predominantly people from neighbouring countries’. this old phenomenon has raised new issues and challenges that this research intends to reflect on from an african refugee perspective. an important issue to highlight at this point is that migration is seen as problematic in south african communities of poverty. it has become such a liability that violence between locals and migrants has become a regular occurrence. the author lives in one of the communities of poverty with his family and also serves there as a missionary. in general, various factors cause migration. such factors can be the search for better opportunities, ‘excessive human capital, unstable politics … poverty and … environmental deterioration’ (ncube et al. 2019:2). migration of africans to south africa seems to be caused by both economic and safety concerns. both these reasons seem to be caused by the push factors and pull factors. dube (2019:2) explains that in the push factors, migrants ‘relocate’ to a place they deem safe for them, whereas the pull factors are associated with ‘attractive aspects’ that motivate migrants to move to a particular location. the above-mentioned two factors can sometimes be intertwined. so can also be two keywords this research will be alluding to – migrant and refugee. it is important to clarify these terms. all refugees are migrants, but not all migrants are refugees. chisale (2019:1) says that migrants make the choice to move somewhere, whereas refugees do not make a choice, but are ‘forced’ to leave their homelands by circumstances that threaten life. the author was also forced to leave his country and now lives in south africa where he longs to ‘embody the humanity of jesus’ and his legacy of love in tangible ways in the context of a local community he lives in (de beer & de beer 2018:1). this auto-ethnographic research aims to reflect on what it means for a refugee to become an asset to his or her host community or country. auto-ethnography is an approach to research that seeks to describe and systematically analyse personal experience to understand cultural experience (ellis, adams & bochner 2010:1). the author analyses jeremiah 29:4–12 with relation to his personal experience as a refugee and an expression of his desire to be an asset to his host country. this biblical passage talks about god’s message to a community of refugee alluding to what their attitude and role should be in their host country. this passage has inspired a reflection on the realities of migration being perceived as a liability in south african communities of poverty. it has, at the same time, guided this article to argue a counter-narrative to these negative perceptions. this research is guided by this question: how can a refugee become an asset to his or her host country? the author’s journey as a refugee has motivated the asking of such a question. the refugee the author moved to south africa and became a refugee in 2002 from the democratic republic of congo. both the push and pull factors influenced his move. a war-torn environment made it difficult for him to thrive in his home country (push factor). a country that was developmentally better than his own, which he could afford to go to, influenced his choice of south africa as a destination (pull factor). leaving home meant relinquishing the familiar and venturing to embrace new things such as learning new languages like english, afrikaans and sesotho, being a minority, getting immersed into a less communal lifestyle and eating different foods. pei (2018:208) stresses that as a minority, being misunderstood or marginalised will be familiar realities. you might find yourself inadvertently overlooked or actively silenced. this is a regular experience that has become normal to him. being a refugee also meant being a beneficiary of the blessing of his host country. he came with severe health problems which were taken care of, thanks to the good quality of private healthcare in south africa. he also moved to south africa as a depressed man who was forced to abandon his dream to become a roman catholic priest. he met a missional community, which connected with his sense of calling and led to the ministry he is currently involved with. he also came to south africa as a single man and married a local person. together they are blessed with three children. south africa has also been a fertile infrastructure where he could be a full-time missionary and a post-graduate student. his missionary work has led him to be the continental director of his organisation. today, he is also a doctoral degree recipient. in reflecting on his status as a refugee, the author sees his host country as a blessing he would like to reciprocate. he is, however, aware of some of his hosts who dislike refugees like him. according to them, refugees like him are a liability to their well-being. mashau (2019:1) states that the hosts sometimes tell refugees from africa ‘to go home’. this message is sometimes communicated violently. according to him, the main drive behind this message is ‘the reality of job scarcity that many people have to compete for in a south african depressed economy’ (mashau 2019:5). this situation is, therefore, the highlight of a perception that refugees are a liability to locals from communities of poverty. such a liability may be influenced by ethnocentric worldviews. ethnocentrism every human being is ethnocentric. harris (1995:144) defines ethnocentrism as a ‘socially acquired life-way or life-style of a group of people’. unfortunately, most people are taught to believe that ‘their culture is superior to every other group’ (zahniser 1997:84). many refugees move to their host countries with the main purposes of improving their quality of life and that of their families back home. many of them live near fellow refugees with whom they share their culture and aims in life. the sense of purpose also influences where people choose to migrate to (pull factor). riddle (2008:30) observes that for many poor nations, ‘individuals living in the diaspora earn relatively higher incomes compared to those earned by individuals living in the country of residence’, hence the belief that someone in the diaspora lives comfortably in his or her host country and has enough to help relieve the financial burdens of their family of origin. borjas (1995:5) confirms that poor countries ‘benefit from immigration’. gnimassoun and anyanwu (2019:3) state that the roles played by the diaspora, although small, ‘contribute positively, significantly and robustly to the improvement of real per capita income in africa’. this positive contribution of immigration to the countries of origin should not be carried out at the expense of the refugees in host countries. the author reckons that the ideal posture of an immigrant should be to make a positive impact both in the country of origin and in the host country. in south african communities of poverty, there seems to be a perception that refugees are a liability to the good quality of life of local residents. such perceptions have led to xenophobic violence on many occasions. matsinhe (2011:1) states that in democratic south africa, ‘the figure of makwerekwere’ (derogatory name for refugees from africa) has been constructed and deployed. violent attacks against makwerekwere are a regular occurrence throughout the country. from a christian perspective, refugees are equally god’s image-bearers as the locals. they are persons embedded in families, communities and the country. they have gifts, talents, skills and the potential to become kingdom-like, like everyone else (myers 1999:61–62). for virgilio elizondo (quoted by rodriguez 2003:3), the essential biblical message related to the marginalisation of refugees can be described as ‘the galilee principle’. the latter ‘manifests in the incarnation, cross, and resurrection of jesus of nazareth’ (rodriguez 2003:3). the galilee principle is defined as, ‘to bring divine blessings to all, god chooses what the world rejects’ (rodriguez 2003:3). it is founded in the sacrificial life of jesus, the native of galilee. during that time, nothing good was expected to come out of galilee. ‘god chose galilee to be the starting point of god’s human presence among us’ (rodriguez 2003:3). in the bible (rodriguez 2003): jesus does not just do things for the poor and the marginalised, but he identified with them most intimately by being born one of them, learning from them, going to their homes, and eating with them. he is one of them, and he appears to feel comfortable in their company. (p. 3) the galilee principle implies that a refugee could be an asset for a host country. it also challenges refugees to learn to overcome some of the common challenges they face in their host country such as being labelled, and they should aim to become good news agents to others. refugees have been labelled with different derogatory words. ekblad (2015) rightly points out that: [l]abelling dehumanises people, reducing them to something much easier to incarcerate, medicate, deport, hate or even eradicate. labels categorise, entrap, curse and brand us in ways that are nearly impossible to shake. (p. 115) ethnocentrism may also push local people to entitlement and a blaming game to justify the current socio-economic miseries south africa is going through. it is important to bear in mind that like all human beings, local people aspire to ‘security, prosperity and equity’, and they are frustrated that this ideal does not seem to have the prospect of becoming a reality for the majority of south africans (mclaren 2001:151). it is because refugees and their host have equal worth as god’s creatures that both their rights and responsibilities in a society have to be stressed. refugees, in particular, need to meaningfully interact with the realities of marginalisation they face and respond in positive ways. an interpretation of jeremiah 29:4–12 helps to propose a way such a positive response could look like. an interpretative framework of jermiah 29:4–12 this article interprets this passage to draw out lessons that can equip a refugee to be an asset to his or her host country. in my engagement with this passage, my ‘main question is what does the text has to offer and not what is the historical, social and literacy dimension of the text’ (adamo 2018:3). this is, therefore, not an exegesis of the passage but an interpretative framework that is inspired by a particular socio-historical context to analyse a current context. jeremiah 29 narrates a story from a context that has plenty of similarities with the current situation of refugees in south africa. in that context, the israelites were in exile as a punishment from god because of disobedience. then came the prophet hananiah who told the exiled population that god was going to free them and help them return to their homeland after 2 years, which was a lie. jeremiah revokes this false promise and gives them a message from god. this message challenges the israelites to settle in, go native and start participating in seeking the peace and prosperity of the context they lived in because they were going to be living in that place for 70 years (ofo’ia 2017). white (2015) stresses that: jeremiah 29:4–7 gives us an idea of how god is concerned about national development and the role believers should play in getting this job done no matter how limited we are. (p. 1) brueggemann (2001:18) identifies jeremiah 29 as ‘the clearest model for prophetic imagination and ministry’ of participation in community building. suderman (2014:54) says that it states ‘god’s commitment to restoration and peace through his children’. this passage of jeremiah has been instrumental in helping the author reflect on his role as a refugee in the host society. god’s instructions to the exiled israelites seem to be connected to a contextual message god may be giving to refugees living in south africa today. this message is consistent with the author’s understanding of what it means to be kingdom-like as a christian. jeremiah 29:4–6 here god encourages refugees to settle and build houses in their host country, to marry natives and encourage children to do the same so that a multi-cultural nation can start and grow. in 2008, our family moved to a south african community of poverty to start a missional team whose focus was discipleship and developing community builders from the inside out. we bought a family house because my wife and i were intending to incarnate in this new context of life and ministry. we moved from an upper-middle-class suburb of pretoria north where i had lived for 5 years. two years before our move to soshanguve, we were married. my wife is a native south african. getting married and moving to live in a township confronted me with the liabilities of both my culture of origin and my host culture. getting married to a native was both abnormal and unwise for many close friends from the refugee community and families and friends from my country of origin because we were all raised believing that a functional marriage can only be monocultural. many immigrant friends who, like me, moved to south africa as bachelors had their families arrange the marriage of their partners back in their countries of origin and made arrangements for their partners to come and join them in south africa. applbaum (1995) states that: [a]rranged marriages are premised upon the similarity of the social standing of the families of the prospective couple, and the families are very much involved in the process of selecting a marriage partner. (p. 37) on the other end, my wife made many people close to her uncomfortable by marrying a refugee because refugees have the reputation of marrying natives primarily for selfish reasons. a report published by city press (2018) states that there is a general: [n]egative sentiment towards refugees because most of them get married to locals in order to get citizenship…, many of them are involved in unfair business practices and they use up resources such as housing and the already overburdened public health care. (pp. 1–2) they are facts pointing out to some refugee involvement in the above-mentioned negative things. such involvement has tarnished the reputation of the general refugee population of south africa. it is, however, always unfair to generalise. there is some non-factual sentiment that also drives the negative perception of refugees in some quarters. hickel (2014:1) states that some perceptions of migrants are influenced by existing beliefs in ‘witchcraft’, which entertain feelings of anxiety over the socio-economic challenges faced by south africa. hickel (2014) shares a story of the sentiment of a middle-aged woman: when the makwerekwere come here we no longer develop, and our children no longer progress. if we have reached 80% then we fall back to 10 or 0%. for example, if i have a shop and a foreigner comes here and sets up a shop nearby, then his shop will succeed and my shop will fail. they will go up and we will go down. the only way to explain this is that they are using something … that they are using ubuthakathi (witchcraft). you see how they come here, they are poor, they come from a poor country and they come across the border with nothing but a passport. there’s no way that they can become rich after only three years or so here! there must be something behind it … they are using ubuthakathi. there’s no other way to explain it. (p. 1) hickel’s intention is not to demonise locals, but points out that for some of them, refugees and ‘witches as morally analogous types of persons mysterious, antisocial agents that disable productive and reproductive processes’. this negative perception of refugees may be connected to a collective hurt and wound from the past that has not healed yet. mashau (2019:2) stresses that south africa has a painful history when at some point native south africans were ‘treated as aliens’ and relegated to peripherical locations called homelands. de beer (2016:4) adds that the movements of the natives were so restricted during that era that one could say that they were denied ‘citizenship in their own country’. some natives militantly opposed these restrictions. they were treated as ‘aliens’ and violently attacked by government forces (mashau 2019:2). there was retaliation from natives in various ways. the remnants of that era are still present in current south africa. they are seen in the ‘violent culture’ we experience (mashau 2019:2). resane (2019:2) points out that some communities see refugees, women and queers as the new aliens; hence, they have become the new recipients of ‘social exclusion and violence’. therefore, a refugee buying a house and marrying a native south african were not the welcomed actions by many suspicious minds. both these actions were seen as an attempt by an alien to incarnate in a place he was not supposed to. some of these negative feelings may cause refugees to isolate themselves from natives and function in bubbles of cultural identities. this is a danger that has the potential to amplify stereotyping and prejudice. exodus 1 highlights such a danger: separation. in the context of exodus 1, hamilton (2011:37) points out that pharaoh separated the refugee israelites from the locals as ‘a wisdom measure’ to prevent clashes between the local egyptians and the refugee community. according to him, ‘egyptians were infamous for their proud sense of racial superiority towards all other people’ (hamilton 2011:39). therefore, the mixing of locals and refugees had the potential to not be peaceful. this wise separation became problematic a few years later when a pharaoh who did not know about joseph and his legacy in egypt saw israelites as a national security threat. from a personal experience, when a group of immigrants live in isolation from locals, it subjects itself to a plenty of misperceptions and prejudice because it is not incarnated in the host culture. this isolation can be a goshen-like geography described in exodus 1. it can be emotional, such as the us or them mentality. it can be linguistic, like the author knows many refugees from francophone africa who have chosen to only learn english even though they may be living in a neighbourhood that is predominantly sesotho speaking. it can finally be social, like refugees socialising amongst themselves only. isolation can keep local residents strangers to refugees. it is common to hear refugees stereotyping the local residents. it is important to stress, however, that the refugees’ entry into a new culture may be slow for various reasons. this could be perceived as isolation or resistance to assimilation. there is also the reality of selective assimilation such as the above-mentioned case of refugees from francophone africa, which can be problematic. isolation may cause some groups of refugees to feed themselves with a climate of fear, victim mentality and hatred, which have led to extremism and terrorism in some parts of the world. the author is learning that being a victim can be a resource to become a blessing to other victims. such is the case of the late south african journalist xolani gwala. he was diagnosed with an advanced stage of colon cancer a few weeks after he had run the london marathon. he used his painful journey with cancer to become a cancer awareness activist. he reflected on his blessing and privileges as someone who could afford the private healthcare treatment, which is very costly, to advocate for many cancer patients who rely on an overburdened and dysfunctional public healthcare system (talk radio 702 2020). the author is learning that a refugee victim of violence or xenophobia can become an agent of peace in visible ways. this is one of the ways he hopes to proactively participate in building the society he lives in through small, and possibly, other-centred actions of love. mother teresa (2016:5022) reminds him that ‘love is a fruit in season at all times and within reach of every hand’. jeremiah 29:7 here god challenges refugees to pray and actively seek for peace and prosperity of their host country because if the latter prospers, refugees will also prosper. this is a significant challenge for someone like the author who comes from a cultural context that stresses that someone migrates to an economically well off country for his or her benefit and that of his or her family in the country of origin. the author would like to be a conduit of jesus’ servant leadership in his context. he belongs to a missional christian order called innerchange. all of them have committed to serving amongst people living with poverty in a way that can promote christian principles and good quality of life. it is in those communities of poverty that there has been a great deal of marginalisation against refugees. the founder of innerchange defines poverty as a lack of love (hayes 2019:1). he encourages us to be signs of the presence of love in our contexts. he founded innerchange in 1984 and started being a tangible presence of love to refugees from cambodia and latin america whilst living in a poor neighbourhood of santa ana in the usa. as he did to these refugees, he encourages a refugee, like the author, to strive to be a tangible sign of love and invite other people around him to be the same. hence, in innerchange we value multiplication. one of the small ways our south africa team is trying to emulate this legacy of being tangible signs of love has been in starting a reconciliation group between foreign nationals and locals. we have had signs of hope in these interactions as we aim to catalyse community transformation through mutual engagement and cross-fertilisation. we now have locals who are mentored in running a business by foreign nationals. we have also seen foreign nationals come out to testify that as they started being involved in community life and events, their businesses are no longer under threat of being looted. both locals and foreign nationals are learning to peacefully live together. our team has designed a year-long apprenticeship programme in which it recruits emergent local leaders. it trains them to be community builders in being involved in the different projects we have. these local leaders now run our sports ministry (football, basketball, netball and volleyball), tutoring clubs, a drama club, teenager mentoring groups, kids’ club and provision of spiritual care for vulnerable children at local children’s home. through these initiatives, we promote community development through mutual solidarity and disciple our neighbours to follow jesus. our team has also been able to connect some of our local leaders to study opportunities through different partner organisations. education is one of the ways we try to build capacity for our community well-being. education is a potent asset in helping someone improve his or her understanding of society; it equips people to help in meaningful ways; and it provides opportunities for better jobs that can improve the quality of life of households. our team has also been able to facilitate job opportunities of our neighbours by employers from the corporate world. the task of decreasing the current high unemployment rate in south africa is primarily the responsibility of the government. the author believes that other society stakeholders should also join the government in this task. this is why innerchange is involved. as a missional team, innerchange believes that ‘employment is a significant engine of community transformation’ ( kabongo 2020:6). employment empowers people to love and care for other people such as family and neighbours in tangible ways. these efforts are happening in a small community compared with the whole of south africa. however, as a missional team, innerchange strives on bringing significant meaning in small ways. kraybill’s (1990:146) encourages us that ‘it is easy to do nothing because we fear our small act won’t count.… however, when several million other people act the same way, the corporate consequences of our behaviour are’ felt and seen. all the above-mentioned things describe how the author interprets being a builder in his host country. the life of joseph, the son of jacob, in the bible is inspiring in these efforts. joseph was also a refugee. hamilton (2011:23) points that ‘although his time in egypt was largely a prophetic way of god to show and communicate his care for people in desperation’, joseph as a human was a tangible conduit of god’s power and wisdom during his life in egypt. the israelites lived peacefully in egypt under the banner of his legacy for many years. through joseph, the author has learned the importance of giving his best everywhere he lives. jeremiah 29:8–9 here god remarks that some refugees are involved in un-kingdom-like practices such as fortune-telling. he challenges them to stay away from behaviours that do not honour god and are a bad testimony to his ways. there is evidence that suggests that some refugees are involved in criminal and illegal activities in south africa (hickel 2014:12). a few cases of criminal activities have led to the generalisation of all migrants from africa, especially those from nigeria, as bad news to south africa. nigerian men are stereotypically described as tall, dark and muscular. the author happens to fit that description. hence he receives a great deal of unfriendly treatments in places he is not known. from his experience, he has seen that when someone does well, he or she is seen as an individual. when he or she misbehaves and happens to be a foreigner or from a different ethnic group, people will call him or her by a collective name such as refugees, black people, zulu and so on. people would jump straight to generalising instead of dealing with individuals. instead of being a fortune-teller that contributes to the tarnishing of the reputation of refugees in his host context, the author would love to be a catalyst of opportunities that can help build it from the inside out. jeremiah 29:10–12 god encourages a spirit of submission, perseverance and patience to see fruitfulness in life that comes with a future filled with hope and success. despite the negative perceptions of refugees in south africa, the host communities are very welcoming to people who are an asset to them. this article calls people who are assets and good news agents. the author has started many ministry projects that have always been welcomed by his hosts. every week, the innerchange team serves close to 300 children and teenagers. their parents or guardians are not afraid that their children will be kidnapped when they send them to us. innerchange runs a substance abuse support group and our community keeps on sending us people to receive help. submission to god’s calling, perseverance in doing biblically inspired actions and patience when faced with negative and suspicious minds have led the author to believe that his host community longs for good news agents regardless of where they originate. about good news agents the author’s continued learning of the gospel truth has given him insight into an ideal to pursue in life. he would like to be a good news agent. for him, a good news agent is a follower of jesus who seeks the peace and prosperity of their context in tangible ways and invites other people to do the same so that quality of life can be improved, lives can flourish and communities can be built from the inside out. perkins’ (1993:44) definition of the gospel inspired this understanding. he defines the gospel as ‘the love of god made visible’. love agency is meaningful when it is lived out in a specific context and is transferable to other people. if the gospel is defined as good news, then christians should be good news agents. good news agency is a praxis deeply rooted in the gospel principles. hayes (2006:113) stresses that ‘the world needs more people to live the good news incarnationally, in a way that can be seen, heard and handled’. good news agency also requires prophetic imagination. brueggemann (2001:3) stresses that ‘the task of prophetic ministry is to nurture, nourish, and evoke a consciousness and perception alternative to the consciousness and perception of the dominant culture around us’ to be kingdom-like. refugees also need to participate in the prophetic imagination of their host country so that they can participate in building it. instead of thinking that their mission is to only be beneficiaries of the resources of their host, they also need to consider being givers. their presence is meant to make their host feel blessed, emancipated and empowered. the church could help both the refugees and locals to see each other as ‘a reflection of the image of god’ whose purpose is to build (boursier 2017:174). like jeremiah 29 shows, god sometimes migrates people, which may be challenging for those who must move. however, the purpose of that migration may be to ‘advance his kingdom’ in seeking the peace and prosperity of the context someone is moved to (magezi 2019:11). in those contexts where they have migrated, africans are also expected to tangibly live out the values of ubuntu of ‘love, respect, compassion, care and so on’ (mashau 2019:5). dreyer (2015:193) points out a connection ‘between theology and ubuntu’, where she connects the concept of fellowship to the philosophy of ubuntu. the implementation of the values of ubuntu would challenge refugees to participate with their host ‘to the building and transformation of the communities’ they live in (de beer & de beer 2018:2). as they immerse into their host communities they will not only discover what they can do to participate in building it, but also their shared brokenness, values and hope for a flourishing future. conclusion this auto-ethnographic article discussed the missional role of a refugee in south africa. it used the interpretative framework of jeremiah 29:4–12 to stress that a refugee is strongly advised to incarnate in his or her host country, to avoid to be involved in illegal or criminal activities and to be an agent of peace and prosperity of that country. it challenged the refugees’ mindset as eternal receivers of the hospitality of their host and users of the resources of their host country for their benefit as well as that of their countries of origin. it stressed that refugees are called to be good news agents in their host countries. they should strive to become assets to their host and be active participants in community building. the ubuntu and biblical principles could serve as both a guideline and an inspiration for refugees to be good news agents where they live. acknowledgements competing interests the author has declared that no competing interests exist. author’s contributions the author declares that he is the sole author of this research article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the 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self-hatred what can be done or the way forward language conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) magezi e. baloyi department of philosophy, practical and systematic theology, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation baloyi, m.e., 2020, ‘black self-hatred: regaining self-worth – from decolonisation towards reconciliation in south africa – a practical theological appraisal’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a33. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.33 original research black self-hatred: regaining self-worth – from decolonisation towards reconciliation in south africa – a practical theological appraisal magezi e. baloyi received: 15 july 2019; accepted: 12 feb. 2020; published: 18 may 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the black-on-black violence that typifies the present-day south africa, amongst other things, manifests itself in different forms, for instance, mob justice, xenophobia, black undermining and even harassing another black person in the workplace, along with other signs of an inferiority complex. the affirmation of ‘black is beautiful’, which was a popular slogan used by the slain black consciousness leader, steve biko, finds slippery ground to resonate amongst the black masses today; hence, the manifestation of self-hatred still has a space within black communities. it is the continuity of this pathology, from an outward look to inward thinking, decisions and actions that deprives african people of a chance to make an impact in respect of self-worth, decolonisation and reconciliation. as much as people can blame the slow pace of the transformation agenda in south africa, it is equally important to determine the role of inflicted self-hatred as a factor in the process. it is a bone of contention that being truthful to self-worth and self-esteem takes courage to make us active participants in our decolonisation, which will ultimately play a role in the reconciliation of the previously (and presently) divided south africa. keywords: black-on-black violence; practical theology; steve biko; self-worth; decolonisation. introduction in his senate opening of a meeting on 24 october 2018, prof. mandla makhanya indicated that colonisation had succeeded in putting native people in a space where they are not who they want to be. black people have simply become shadows of themselves, have no longer been able to define or even identify with their real selves and have been living to please their colonisers. it is from this opinion, amongst others, that i see the problem of black self-hatred as a serious issue that needs to be addressed. i am convinced that decolonisation is one of the slowest of all the projects involved in transformation, but for me one of the causes is the black self-hatred that manifests itself in many forms in our daily lives. in his book entitled black christians, the bible and liberation, prof. takatso mofokeng (1988:35) emphasises the point of self-hatred thus: ‘in order to do black theology one needs to first love blacks, but blacks are not lovable (even to themselves)’. it is this kind of understanding which i take a very serious look at, in this article. although baldwin’s (1979:58) notion of black self-hatred is perceived from an african–american context, it does play a role in assisting us to see how deeply entrenched self-hatred has become in the lives of black people in africa. it is from within black hatred that people start despising their own culture and traditions, as exemplified in the statement: ‘only fools pay lobolo’ (writer 2012). it is the author’s conviction that, finding ourselves after colonialism and racism, it is important to also deal with the issue of self-hatred, which demands that we realise what steve biko (1978) indicated when saying: no wonder the african child learns to hate his heritage in his days at school. so negative is the image presented to him, that he tends to find solace only in close identification with the white society. (p. 32) black heritage is at the top of the agenda on issues of transformation, because as black people, we have despised our heritage for many decades. the issue of self-hatred is not unfamiliar to many africans, be they christians or non-christians. one of the central postcolonial challenges is the self-hatred which the author perceives to have been entrenched by the racial inequalities of the past. the justified hegemonies of the oppressed, as participants in their own oppression, receive support from tshaka (2013:186), and tsitsi dangarembga (quoted in tshaka) who witnesses that the internalisation of self-hatred goes even deeper than can be imagined. in his blog entitled ‘the south africa we do not want to know’, vusi gumede (2016) is correct in saying: because the government is increasingly losing credibility, white people have acquired another ticket to disrespect the majority with impunity. and indeed the majority allows this, because whiteness is viewed as sacrosanct. the system was configured in such a way that even today the majority spends more time worrying about white people, and their white justice/law against their white crimes. many africans have been so preoccupied with the oscar pistorius case, as an example. when sindisiwe manqele was incarcerated for 12 years, possibly for defending herself, the silence among africans was deafening for instance: most africans find themselves in a helpless psychosocial ‘space’ which clouds them and pays undue attention to wrong things instead of self-advancement and playing part in taking south africa forward, among other important things. most africans go to white churches where white priests tell them that africans are subhuman. most africans adore whiteness, as caribbean scholar and intellectual activist ama mazama says, and to the extent that we dream of a white jesus christ (mazama 2015). evidence of black-on-black violence, crime, xenophobia, afrophobia and dishonesty as direct opposites of how black people behave towards their white colonial masters is enshrined amongst african people (ashimolowo 2007:176). it is therefore the gist of this article to research, by way of reading, listening to news on television and radio, as well as following other media statements, to theologically argue that the attitude of black self-hatred is impeding our own decolonisation. the aim of this article is to investigate not only how this self-hatred was planted in black people’s minds but also how practically this very old-fashioned trend continues to manifest itself within black south africans. it is also imperative to make theological and practical suggestions as to how to directly (or indirectly) stop this pathology from continuing to subject the black masses. the author supports julius malema’s statement that if africans unite, colonialism will never succeed (mathope 2017). problem statement and importance of the study according to charles (in senokoane 2019:2), in his article ‘escape of the black self’, there is evidence in many parts of the world, including jamaica, that black people have tried to ‘become white’. an example from south africa is that of mshoza, a black musician who tried to bleach her skin to become what is popularly known as ‘a yellow bone’. the problem is, firstly, that white people are not attempting to become black. secondly, this only helps to destroy black culture, and our identity as black africans. masenya (2018:145) brings in a crucial discussion when she questions whether black-on-black violence is not a manifestation of self-hate and self-negation, which are the embodiment of an inferiority complex. it is my contestation that some of these violent acts will not easily be done away with, if we do not make time to research self-hatred that comes as a package with colonialism. the challenge to decolonise our higher education system, as demanded by the #feesmustfall campaign in 2015, is a hurdle that still needs to be overcome. before we can even ask who is qualified to decolonise our education, it is imperative to address self-hatred, which is accompanied by self-neglect, as well as a tendency to look at ourselves as perennial shadows of our former colonialists. it is the cause for concern that black christians are often perceived as african christians who fail to live up to their christian profession in times of crisis and are thought to resort to a struggle with the spirit world to solve their daily life struggles (kunhiyop 2009). this notion, for me, stems from the fact that, from the onset, theology came from the west and did not commit to being relevant in the lives and challenges black people are facing; hence, the use of such a theology for survival is often a tough nut to crack. it is for that reason that some black people who want to please their colonial masters pretend to agree with everything theologically, until a crisis sends them back to their origins. it is for that reason that i am in full agreement with martey (2013:226), in arguing that african theologians need to provide an analytical critique that will be able to inform, educate and transform african religio-cultural action in a positive way, to effect healing to human brokenness and bring about authentic liberation. mkhize et al. (2010), in their book the country we want to live in, expose how self-hatred manifests itself through black people becoming the enemies of their black lesbian brothers and sisters. for me, authentic liberation implies doing away with the hypocrisy that promotes self-hatred towards the black masses. reasons why the discussion on black self-hatred is relevant today highlighted in tapper’s (2009:1) article entitled ‘self-hatred leads to skin-bleaching’ is a discussion with a woman from ghana who states: ‘when you are lighter, people pay more attention to you. it makes you more important and the rich men find you attractive’. this is one way of portraying the self-hatred that many black people experience. there is enough evidence to show that the current south african situation is typified by the fissures of the past, which still hurt the country in many forms, including tribalism. the workplace and other spheres bear evidence that black leadership is often despised, undermined and misjudged by the black masses, while white leadership still enjoys support and preference. reconciliation becomes more difficult when such discrepancies are still at work to promote black self-hatred, which shows itself in the form of xenophobia and afrophobia. black-on-black violence has become the order of the day, for instance, in townships where mob justice and suspicions of witchcraft are prevalent. readings such as black skin, white masks, by franz fanon (1952) help to explain clearly that self-hatred can also be used to slow down the reconciliation processes. in a report by shange (2018), entitled ‘six hate crimes that shocked south africa’, a few incidents are mentioned in which black people killed their fellow blacks, and such incidents continue to instil fear of a fellow brother or sister. such incidents include the killing of the mozambican-born emmanuel sithole who was stabbed to death in alexandra township during the xenophobic attacks of the year 2015. it includes the case of lerato moloi, a lesbian from naledi, who was found raped, beaten and stoned to death in may 2017. bell hooks (1992) is correct when saying: i was painfully reminded of this fact recently when visiting friends on a once colonised black island. their little girl is just reaching that stage of preadolescent life where we become obsessed with our image, with how we look and how others see us. her skin is dark. her hair chemically straightened. not only is she fundamentally convinced that straightened hair is more beautiful than curly, kinky, natural hair, she believes that lighter skin makes one more worthy, more valuable in the eyes of others. despite her parents’ effort to raise their children in an affirming black context, she has internalised white supremacist values and aesthetics, a way of looking and seeing the world that negates her value. (p. 3) this quotation may sound as if nothing serious is wrong, but the self-rejection that is depicted by the view of the little girl about herself as a person is very concerning. this resonates with chanel donaldson’s (2018:1) views on of what she calls ‘slavery and the internalisation of white standards of beauty’. dismissing all hair-straightening practices as a form of hatred is, for her, an over-simplification that fails to take the historical context and culturally embedded motivations into consideration. in essence, colonialism that aimed to make the white man ‘the predestined master of this world’ influenced the colonial masters to ensure that everything about black people—their culture and traditions—was relegated and labelled as bad or pagan. that is why wherever colonialists came to invade any african country, shifts in language and culture were made to influence locals to view the colonial culture as the best, while their own culture was doomed. it is therefore the black experience, in the wake of many forms of black oppression (e.g. colonisation, racism and others) that orchestrates the perception that blackness is worthless. the infiltration of this kind of perception ensures that a black person does not regard himself or herself as having all the qualities of life, just as is the case with any other race. as fanon (1952) articulates: the black man is required not only to be black but he must be black in relation to the white man. it is the internalization, or rather [as fanon calls it], the epidermalization, of this inferiority that concerns him. when the black man comes into contact with the white world he goes through an experience of sensitization. his ego collapses. his self-esteem evaporates. he ceases to be a self-motivated person. the entire purpose of his behavior is to emulate the white man, to become like him, and thus hope to be accepted as a man (mazama 2015). fanon’s short-lived colonial experience not only taught him to write about algerian inequality but also informed him sufficiently to vividly expose that the colonised black man wants to turn his race white (fanon 1952:xiii). another reasoning that has a big influence, according to simmons (1978:56), is that an individual’s negative or positive attitude towards himself or herself is influenced by the larger society and the opinions of significant others in his or her immediate environment. this view may not be used to degrade the value of ubuntu, which works from the conception that ‘i am because you are’. for africans, this conceptualisation is a good tool to be used to explain caring for one another, but when western civilisation and colonisation entered black lives, this sound approach was turned on its head and abused to make black people feel inferior as people. ramantswana (2016) provides a good explanation for the dislocation of the black mindset that causes black people to see themselves as minors: the colonization of the african mind turned the black epistemologically white by making blacks turn against their own institutions and knowledge systems, thereby regarding them as primitive. first the colonialists systematically suppressed african modes of knowledge and of production of knowledge and meaning, their beliefs and cultures. (p.187) self-hatred, amongst other things, is the fruit of what ramantswana (2016:185) calls the ‘colonization of the mind that cuts across the line’. the imposition of the colonial system of education was inflicted on the minds of the indigenous people, to the extent that it did not allow the non-westerner – particularly the black africans – the ability to reason philosophically, thereby turning them away from themselves (cloete 2016:21). there is no doubt that european colonialists defined black people as degraded people, incapable of achieving many things – including salvation – while they thought of themselves as the embodiment of a saving grace (vesely-flad 2017:196). practical signs of self-hatred lost african leadership when highlighting negative forms of leadership in africa, moss (2007:38–39) argues that africans have failed to ‘tame’ ethnocentrisms, and hence, there is a crisis of leadership. common practice is that, even when voting, people support candidates from their own ethnic community, rather than voting for the most qualified candidate. african leadership has been found wanting from different perspectives, including in the church and academia. that is why tshaka (2013:182) argues that, amongst other things, the death of african leadership is being caused by the theological methods used in mainline church seminaries and universities, which fail to equip leaders with tools that are relevant to their context and praxis. by contrast, ashimolowo (2007:222) finds it hard, while looking at the continent, to quote african leaders who can be said to have transcended their tribal, cultural and geopolitical acceptance. chief justice mogoeng mogoeng is correct in saying: ‘if there was ever a time to embrace ethical leadership, that time is now’. trevor manuel, when delivering the keynote address during the kader asmal memorial lecture at the university of cape town in may 2017, said: ‘moral and ethical leadership is important for the economic drive of our country’. my contention is not that we do not have leaders: the challenge is the kind of leadership we have. in an african context, when we speak of moral and ethical leadership, we cannot neglect the role of ubuntu as well as the communal spirit that makes a leader part of his or her own community, without betraying the people in any way. the relevance of leadership needs to be informed by the context and circumstances of the immediate people it desires to serve. in the article entitled ‘unpacking the downside of sustentasie on african theology and theologians’, i argue that as long as black pastors remain stuck, earning a living by begging from a white church, their theological relevance will remain questioned by the people they claim to lead (baloyi 2016). the only mandate black people take pride in is to maintain and defend whatever the white church has left for them, without questioning their theological conviction. african reflections on western theology will not be given a space at all; hence, one can demonise whatever a black community thinks, for no apparent reason. it is the very same lost leadership that was supposed to play a role in addressing some of the issues affecting black people, which include xenophobia and afrophobia. xenophobia and afrophobia these are two concepts that can be used to describe a situation where a black person has hatred towards another black person. it is not the focus of this article to get into the finer details of the difference between the concepts, but it is important to note that the focus is on self-hatred that manifests itself in the form of fighting and even killing, which happens amongst black people of african origin. in recent years, this country has experienced xenophobic attacks on african black people who are not south african nationals. this aligns with what fanon (1952:xiv) means when he says that as one begins to recognise that the negro is the symbol of sin, one catches oneself hating the negro. because these attacks targeted black africans who were foreign to south africa, rather than nationals from other parts of the globe, tshaka (2013:184) prefers to call this evidence of afrophobia. for the sake of this article, the concepts are interchangeable, as the essence is that it is black-on-black violence – it fits so well into that kind of self-hatred which enables black people to hate and fight those they are supposed to shield. i am reminded of the biblical story in which moses finds two hebrews fighting with each other and says: the next day he went out and saw two hebrews fighting. he asked the one in the wrong, ‘why are you hitting your fellow hebrew?’ (ex 2:13) besides this, baloyi’s (2015) article entitled ‘the christian church’s role in the escalating mob justice system in our black townships’ exposes how black people in black residential areas experience vigilantism, which promotes the killing of fellow inhabitants, sometimes for reasons that will not stand if the spirit of ubuntu is allowed to take control. dealing with xenophobia and afrophobia demands, amongst other things, our own taboos (which were used to shape black lives) come into play; hence, the next section looks at how our morals are affected when taboos are undermined. relegating our own taboos to mere superstitions the moral decay that is evident in south africa lacks, amongst other things, indigenous knowledge systems that promote the very traits which black people abandoned, while embracing white people’s culture. one example is the argument baloyi (2019:5) makes with regard to the role and importance of ignored and undermined traditional taboos amongst the tsonga-speaking people in the limpopo province. in truth, because most of the indigenous knowledge is oral and not written, it is easily judged as mere superstition, while these are in fact traits that used to shape and regulate black people’s lives. afe (2012:96) attests to this by arguing that taboos represented the main source of the guiding principles that regulated and directed the behaviour of both individuals and the community. this is in agreement with malungana (1999:38) who sees the implementation of taboos as a regulatory process, determining social interaction and community relationships. it is easy for someone who has managed to undermine or relegate his or her own taboos, to progress to a point where he or she demonises some of his or her cultural practices, such as lobolo. demonising or abandoning lobolo traditions such as lobolo have become despised and discredited not only by white people but also by black people who are expected to uphold it as part of their traditional values. the blog entitled ‘only fools pay lobolo’ is written by a black woman who discourages a practice held in high regard by most black traditionalists (writer 2012). the indication that this view might have been adopted by many black people is evident in light of how cohabitation and other forms of unions without lobolo are escalating. it matters when other cultures undermine or discourage this practice, but it is even more concerning when those who are supposed to defend the practice speak out against it. this is self-hatred which is trying to take away everything good about black people – a process that they themselves allow and support. these neglected and undermined african issues form part of what is called the african philosophy, which is normally found in the oral traditions of black people. it is for this reason that denying the existence of african philosophy means also rejecting the very idea of philosophy (ramose 1995:7). although lobolo practices cut across many african cultures, these often receive criticism along tribal lines. tribalism the fact that the apartheid system allowed the classification of south africans into racial groups (white, black, mixed race and indian) played a significant role in curtailing the rights and dignity of the black races particularly (magezi & tenai 2017:62). according to kasfir (1976:77), african politics and leadership are also centred around ethnicity. there is evidence to prove the continued existence of tribalism in south africa. the tribal fights and conflicts that rear their ugly heads are the result of apartheid having taught black people to hate one another, which is another form of self-hatred. much as is the case with slavery, apartheid used to capitalise on the differences between ethnic groups, in order to control them. this notion was taken from the practice where slaves were controlled by their masters (tshaka 2013:189) in a system known as ‘divide and rule’. another factor that has proven to be useful for fuelling self-hatred through tribalism is the use of language to create tensions and tribal divisions. the fact that different ethnic groups have their own languages has been used as a tool to foster hatred between black communities. this is what the vendas and tsongas are using to fuel their rivalry in the synod soutpansberg of the reformed churches of south africa, as argued by baloyi (2016). it is but one example of many which demonstrate pure tribal conflicts in south africa. this is testimony to the fact that black people have successfully internalised self-hatred, to the extent that, instead of facing the real colonial enemy of their humanity, they concentrate on fighting each other over minor issues. cloete (2016:1) clarified this when he argued that a black man behaves differently towards a white man than he does towards a fellow black person. one of the negative effects of tribalism is the fuelling of genocide in many african countries, and thus, the next discussion is also important in this regard. no continent in the world has experienced genocide like africa has. it is estimated that 800 000 rwandans were killed in the space of 100 days during the genocide in rwanda, between april and june 1994 (bbc news 2011). this is an example of black-on-black political killing. for cloete (2016), the colonisation of the new world amounted to genocide. academic and professional context prof. bonke dumisa (2013) once gave a lecture in which he told a painful story about black-on-black violence in south africa: challenges to black intellectuals, black professionals, and black entrepreneurs are definitely not confined to kwazulu-natal; this is a national phenomenon. nelson mandela, the world political icon and first president of the post-apartheid republic of south africa, was sometimes justifiably criticised of being very intolerant of any criticism by anyone black, despite the fact that he would always go out of his way to ‘embrace the rainbow nation’ in addressing the sensitivities of most racial minorities. (mazama 2015) interestingly, the world renowned playwright and novelist, zakes mda (2011), comments in his book sometimes there is a void that he was regularly asked by non-south africans whyhe chose to live in america, and not in post-apartheid south africa. his response is as follows (mda 2011): i have skills for which i am highly trained. i can’t practice them in south africa because all doors are closed by the vast patronage system and crony capitalism that emerged in my beloved country. doors were banged in my face, that’s why when the opportunity availed itself i left, though it was a difficult decision. we go to where our skills are appreciated first and foremost, and then of course rewarded. (mazama 2015) mda reported that mandela often accused him of being ‘too outspoken’ and, because of this, he found himself and members of his family marginalised in south africa. it is within this framework that black people are being marginalised by other black people for their convictions and straightforwardness. this is where black professionals and academics feel strongly that self-hatred is entrenching what apartheid aimed to achieve, and it is observable for more than 20 years into democracy. besides the other forms in which self-hatred manifests itself, academia is an area that faces the problem in practice. firstly, many journals in which academics should and could express their thinking by publishing their work are white owned. the deciding factor in a particular journal thus lies within the jurisdiction of the editor, who determines what can and cannot be published. many scholars find their thoughts being compromised, because if they write about issues around black culture or black resistance, they find their articles being denied for publication. in other instances, when a black person is promoted to lead a department or college, many black scholars will offer blind and unconstructive criticism, even on a personal level. instead of trying to support the incumbent with ideas for improvement, they will try to discredit and even disrespect him or her, to make him or her feel like a failure. in academia, most black people opt to write and publish what will romanticise their white ‘gatekeepers’, so that they can continue to be published in their journals. if they write something that is offensive to white people, it may not be published. sometimes co-authoring and mentoring are looked at in terms of white-superior and black-inferior, because knowledge is believed to come from the white masters. my article ‘sustentasie’ (baloyi 2015) argues how black church leaders become spies for their white counterparts, for the sake of securing their continued support, and this is evidence of their self-hatred towards their own black brothers and sisters. black leadership is despised in higher academic institutions, not only by white people but also by our black brothers and sisters. for instance, when a black person becomes a manager, his or her own black people will start looking for weaknesses and seek to exploit him or her, instead of supporting and helping him or her. it is still widely believed that, for good investments when purchasing property such as houses and cars, the buyer needs to check whether the previous owner was a black person or a white person: if the owner was a white person, preference is given to that item. that is why many well-to-do black people prefer run to buy homes in former white areas. all the subsections above make important points when arguing that self-hatred is a very real problem for many black people. some of the consequences of self-hatred are discussed in the next subsection. the consequences of self-hatred many black south africans are seen to be scoring ‘own goals’, because they cannot engage on issues that may transform their lives. this resonates with opoku (2012) view: a seemingly lasting effect of missionary teaching is the uneasy attitude, nay the fear, most african christians have about their culture and the timorously hesitant approach of the church to most things african. (p. 14) in this way, black people despise their own culture and traditions, while trying to protect whatever watered-down ‘culture’ was left for them by the colonialists. in the african tradition, a boy cannot say anything against his master, and because our fathers were made to believe they were boys, when compared to white men, their low self-esteem would not allow them to have their own, unique voice (baloyi 2016:5). stereotyping one of the many examples of stereotyping with regard to black self-hatred is evidenced when o. lloyd douglas (2013) articulates: there is so much negativity and criminal suspicion associated with being a black male in toronto. yet, i don’t have a criminal record, and i certainly don’t associate with criminals. in fact, i abhor violence, and i resent being compared to young black males (or young people of any race) who are lazy, not disciplined, or delinquent. usually, when black male youth are discussed in toronto, it is about something going wrong. (p. 1) this kind of depiction remains in the black mind, to the extent where when one black person sees another black person, they start preparing themselves for violence or an attack, not only in america but also in south africa. even as regards issues of dress, many black people are not happy to dress in their traditional attire, but are more comfortable in being dressed like europeans. a good example is african women buying wigs and extensions, or changing their hairstyle. many dislike their natural short hair, not because there is something wrong with it, but because they prefer long hair that makes them look like their white mistresses. pinkney (2014:98) argues that society’s standards of beauty for men and women still include light skin, having long hair, being curvaceous and attractive. fanon (1952) clearly depicts what self-hatred can do to a black mind, namely getting someone to try to be something or someone he or she is not. this is how fanon explored the nature of colonialism and its psychological damage to the minds of colonised peoples. even in the workplace, if the leader is a black person, his or her every mistake and fault will be found and highlighted to cast doubt on his or her leadership, but if someone of another race is the leader, his or her faults will be covered up, as if nothing happened at all. what can be done or the way forward the real question we need to start addressing with regard to this issue is to be uncompromising and ask the question which malcolm x (in senokoane 2019) posed in a speech delivered in los angeles: who taught you to hate the color of your skin? who taught you to hate the texture of your hair? who taught you to hate the color of your skin, to such extent that you bleach to get like the white man? who taught you to hate the shape of your nose and the shape of your lip? who taught you to hate yourself, from the top of your head to the soles of your feet? who taught you to hate your own kind? who taught you to hate the race that you belong to – so much so that you don’t want to be around each other? (p. 3) if we cannot identify the cause of our problem, we are likely to spend more time without a solution. that is what the slain black consciousness leader, steve biko (1978), said: ‘the most important weapon of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed’. captured as we are, we have become a shadow of ourselves, but not by choice. the colonial powers have made us believe we are less than human beings if we are not up to the standards of our colonisers. this was one of the successes of colonisation: making us more dependent on the colonisers, because they determine our way of life and our standards. it is in similar vein that fuel prices, amongst many other things, are not determined by ourselves. it is a major concern for black theology and theologians that, at the point of liberation, theology emphasises the call for social, economic and political transformation and the right of self-determination for black people, while theology legitimises such processes (magezi & tenai 2017:63). the first and most important thing to mention is that the liberation of black people lies in the hands of black people themselves. it is imperative that black people ensure that all oppressive symbols within their culture be removed, so that new, liberating symbols can emerge (lartey 2013:227). this means that it is our responsibility to dismantle artefacts or songs that remind us of our inferiority complex, as we work to embrace new perceptions of ourselves. it would be suicidal, for black community as a people, to expect our former oppressors to become our liberators. that is where my question becomes relevant: ‘who is qualified to decolonise?’ my recommendation is that the liberation theology of james cone and others become more relevant in liberating black people from self-hatred. although fanon’s anger was not directed simply at the black man, he made a good point in suggesting that liberation can begin by recognising constructions of blackness as they are. this will help the black person to start saying no: no to degradation of man. no to exploitation of man. no to the butchery of what is most human in man: freedom. and, above all, no to those who attempt to build a definition of him. (fanon 1952:xiv) the deformation of our african identity, which we as africans allowed to happen by justifying western epistemologies as the only correct ones, created an impression that african philosophies, traditions and lifestyles are unacceptable and deniable. for this, not only is the study of our own history necessary but we also need to advocate for the transformation of the curriculum from the core. this is what ramose (ramose: discourses in africa) terms the ‘de-liberation’ of our own philosophies over western epistemologies. the one-sidedness of the information, knowledge and education that was fed to black people only managed to turn them against themselves, and deliberately excluded, omitted and ignored african history. therefore, authentic liberating knowledge should be inclusive of the other (ramose: discourses in africa). this exercise can take place by considering the question of who the rightful people are, to take on the task of decolonising and de-liberating us. my argument here is that we cannot have a genuine reversal of the wrongs of the past if we still allow the very same people who intentionally and deliberately excluded our history to be the leaders of the project of our decolonisation. sekou toure (quoted by biko 1978) states: to take part in the revolution, it is not enough to write a revolutionary song, you must fashion the revolution with the people. and if you fashion it with people, the songs will come by themselves and of themselves. (pp. 34–35) an african theologian, kwame bediako (2018:83), grappled with the question of identity. he asked: ‘who am i in the midst of the colonisers?’ that question, of course, speaks to the nature of a person, and the way he or she is supposed to conduct himself or herself. this is in line with what fanon (xxx) calls ‘numerous colonial dichotomies’, which include the pagan, civilised, saved, guilty and others, which were used to replace our identity in trying to redefine who we as black people are in the face of colonialism. this is the pathology that, if not arrested, will prevent black people from succeeding on the road to decolonisation. it is the undeniable truth that we are not going to uproot the attitude of white supremacy unless we deal with the black condition, because white supremacy is founded on the black condition (malema 2016:1). liberation theology needs to offer appropriate responses to people’s circumstances, including the issue of self-hatred, which is a sign of a dehumanised image. in the reconstruction that must take place in black lives, the book by jesse mugambi (1995), entitled from liberation to reconstruction: african christian theology after the cold war, will make a significant contribution. the church’s counselling ministry should be handled more effectively, to bring about realistic adjustments for black people (lartey 2013:232). people, regardless of race or colour, need to understand the concept of being created in the image of god. theology has all the ingredients that can assist in defining and explaining the image of god. pastors and preachers should play their role in discouraging any form of racial inequality, as well as ensuring the correct teaching of imago dei, so that black people can see themselves as equal beings to their white counterparts. baloyi (2012:4) is correct in arguing that the church, amongst others, must be instrumental in changing people’s perceptions about others. language fanon (1952:xv) indicates that, from our colonial past to the present, a black man was expected to speak in a european language, particularly english. in the south african context, the evidence of black ethnic groups undermining and tormenting one another based on language is clear; for instance, in most parts of pretoria, now called tshwane, vendaand tsonga-speaking people are not taken seriously or else tend to be called makwerekwere. for the fact of having named the city ‘tshwane’ (a sotho name) led many sotho-speaking people to understand that this is their place, and other languages are made to feel unwelcome. this is connected to the issue that caused the african national congress (anc) to lose power in tshwane in 2016, when it became clear that thoko didiza is of zulu origin, and as an anc candidate she was not welcomed by the locals who preferred a sotho candidate. in the article ‘language as a dividing factor’, baloyi (2016) indicates how the issue of language between the vendaand tsonga-speaking people in limpopo is widening the gap apartheid created between the two tribal groups. conclusion self-hatred amongst black people is a very serious issue, which manifests itself in many forms, including we as black people abandoning our culture, becoming tribalist and xenophobic, amongst others. when everything about being black was demonised, the majority of african blacks were left only with having to see themselves as shadows of what the west represented. the consequences of such stereotyping are clear, for instance, with black people trying to be something they are not, at great cost to their own identity. to decolonise ourselves, liberation theology is needed, by which we need to start accepting ourselves as we are, after asking ourselves who we are. the black community needs to deny anything that works to degrade their lives, culture and behaviour. as black people, we should reflect a true black conscience, in the midst of those trying to shape our lives according to western ideologies and standards. to end, this quote is appropriate: but the dominance of western culture, and its globalization through this dominance, should not be confused with universalism. just because a particular discipline or a discourse is accepted or practiced throughout the world, it does not mean that discipline or discourse is universally valid and applicable to all societies. 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gesellschaftliches phanomen. vesely-flad, r., 2017, racial purity and dangerous bodies: moral pollution, black lives, and the struggle for justice, fortress press, minneapolis, mn. writer, g., 2012, only fools pay lobola, viewed 19 november 2012, from www.justcurious.co.za. abstract introduction research methodology background of research conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) takesure mahohoma department of christian spirituality, college of human sciences, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa prosper muzambi department of african heritage and religious studies, faculty of humanities, great zimbabwe university, mashava, zimbabwe citation mahohoma, t. & muzambi, p., 2021, ‘nhimbe as a model for re-invigorating sustainable socio-economic development in zimbabwe and africa’, theologia viatorum 45(1), a51. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v45i1.51 original research nhimbe as a model for re-invigorating sustainable socio-economic development in zimbabwe and africa takesure mahohoma, prosper muzambi received: 20 jan. 2020; accepted: 08 jan. 2021; published: 03 sept. 2021 copyright: © 2021. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract this research looks at the nhimbe activities in major areas of development, especially in the area of agriculture, politics, economics and religion. the article endeavours to show that the nhimbe as a traditional model can be used as a hinge for sustainable and integral development. it is also a source of livelihood that assures that everyone in the community is accommodated and taken care of. the shona nhimbe concept is treated as a viable approach that is in line with a response to the september 2015 world leaders’ resolutions that focused on sustainable development. it is argued in this research that the nhimbe philosophy can be used as a response to goal 1 of the united nations development programme (undp) for sustainable development that says ‘no poverty’. the study also identifies the state and communities as integral partners (goal 17 on partnerships for the goals). the research further highlights the areas where communities and the state can cooperate to improve the lives of communities, thereby creating a responsible citizenry. keywords: nhimbe; collaborative ministry; sustainable community development; mushandirapamwe; economic development. introduction the concept of nhimbe is a shona cultural value which has a myriad of explanations. it is part of history and future. its praxis is possible to attain the millennium development goals (mdgs). nhimbe can be considered in these days of high competition for wealth accumulation where many are competing vigorously for a share in natural resources. reflecting on co-operative engagement, this study will explore ways through which the shona concept of nhimbe can be considered as a viable alternative or complementary ideology in fostering sustainable community development. the purpose of this research is to discuss the essence of nhimbe with its concomitants that can be used for sustainable economic development in both rural and urban zimbabwe. in addition, nhimbe carries economic, social, religious and political overtones. it can be translated into communal plans, performance and procedures for supporting one another in the community in order to achieve the desired objectives. our discussion apparently encourages all to be entrepreneurial through the government’s blue print of zimbabwe agenda for sustainable socio-economic transformation (zimasset). in dealing with this topic, in zimbabwe, there are tribal concepts that are linked to nhimbe. amongst them are ndebele and shangaans. the ndebele call it ilima. there are other hybrid african terms that are akin to nhimbe like ujamaa of julius kambarage nyerere and harambee of mzee jomo kenyatta. these will be expounded later in our discussion. nhimbe is a central alternative model that equips the poor and disadvantaged rural people who are being economically dominated by few elite rich people. research methodology a qualitative research methodology was conducted based on the perceptions of the shona people on nhimbe, jakwara or jangano.1 it portrays a community’s resilience to hard work and togetherness. this is embedded in the local customs and their belief systems. since most of it is undocumented, it relied on indigenous people in a locale. the quality and validity of knowledge were tested and refined through an adaptive process that includes hands-on experimentation and integration of knowledge into the social community proceedings. the interview questions were based on the living conditions of the rural shona people in chivi, masvingo province, solutions to challenges that affect them daily and the different activities and outcomes of nhimbe. the advantages of this method are that the researcher obtains primary evidence from people concerned and is able to relate the data with insights from other zimbabwe cultural groups like ndebele and shangaans. the researcher faced challenges that include limited time because many people were still harvesting, and they were also busy with political meetings outlined for them. they managed to participate in only some nhimbes. moreover, library data gathering was done. in other words, there are many books, articles, journals and websites which are available either supporting or opposing nhimbe. the researcher has had the privilege of reading many of these resources and attained surmountable knowledge on the subject under discussion. background of research the shona socio-economic fabric has always been based on the household that consists of different families. a family is the basic unit of production and consumption, although with cooperation of other family units (beach 1995:20). this is why it is very rare for a shona family to exist in isolation. the underlying fact in the economy and political development is the ideology of nhimbe for resources, religion, wealth and general welfare. in the past, each family took part in hunting, gathering of wild vegetables and fruits, the herding of cattle, mining and agricultural activities. the basic economy of shona is agriculture and cattle raring. the individual ownership of land involves collaboration of cultivating, sowing crops, ploughing, weeding and harvesting. nhimbe is an integral part of the above-mentioned activities. whenever a family is overwhelmed by extensive labour, a nhimbe is organised. as daneel (1971) states: much beer (doro) is brewed for the occasion, because beer is a tangible form of compensation (not as payment in the strict sense of the word, but in recognition of the principle of reciprocity) given to the village members who offer their services on the appointed day. (p. 35) nomenclature of nhimbe as a word, nhimbe involves a happy moment people enjoy when they work together, especially as a community, family or friends. it implies agreement, a bonding over something, a meeting of minds and a sign of oneness. it is a shona traditional concept that runs deep in their culture. as mawere and awuah-nyamekye (2015:12) state, ‘[t]he word nhimbe comes from the zimbabwean shona language and culture’. it has a plethora of interpretations depending on the region and cultural practice. it can be loosely translated as community collaboration. nhimbe creates a life spectrum of an atmosphere of enjoying and enjoining friendship and familial sentiments. according to some scholars like ngara (2013), nhimbe is a traditional cooperation in the execution of household chores from agricultural to construction work. this is in agreement with murisa (2013:251–290) who posits that the practice was developed within a family structure of social organisation where members of the same lineage group became organised into labour teams for ploughing, planting, weeding and other related field duties. bourdillon (1976:74) concurs with this line of thought when he states, ‘[l]arger groups of kin may cooperate for larger tasks such as ploughing or reaping’. this practice is usually practised in rural communal areas. this practice strengthens the sense of belonging within the communities (murisa 2013:251–290). generally, nhimbe refers to residents in a community working together to help each other in daily life. thus, a family can hire labour from neighbours. as bourdillon (1976) puts it, nhimbe is: a more traditional means of obtaining help, which is still the practice in some areas, is to hold a work party: the land-holder brews a quantity of millet beer and invites friends and neighbours to help with his work (which apart from agricultural work may involve such tasks as building or roofing a house) for which they can enjoy the beer, which lasts considerably longer than the work. (p. 74) it is a practice that is known by different names amongst shona ethnic groups. some communities call it nhimbe, whilst others refer to it as humwe, jangano or jakwara. according to tavuyanago, mutami and mbenene (2010:1–8), nhimbe is synonymous with jakwara or jangano. however, there is a thin line between nhimbe and jakwara or jangano. mostly nhimbe is viewed as a beer party centred on work. mawere and awuah-nyamekye (2015) contend that nhimbe is a shona word, meaning ‘to help one another’. in addition, the word nhimbe is embedded in the shona cultural and anthropological belief system. it entails that people come and work together in order to achieve a common goal (mawere & awuah-nyamekye 2015:12). it is a socio-economic practice that is undertaken during ploughing, weeding and harvesting periods. however, nhimbe is not limited to these. there are other forms of nhimbe that are realised at rituals and ceremonies that include marriage and funeral. for marriage, it is usually a practice amongst the shona that roora rinoitwa muonera pamwe [marriage is a communal event] through kupemberera. members of the same family make contributions in cash or kind when one of them pays lobola [bridal price]. the communal element is realised in that a sahwira [family friend] is called to play a mediatory role between the groom’s and bride’s families during the negotiating process of the lobola. furthermore, the nhimbe practice is realised at funeral rites of passage. when a member of a community dies, community members contribute by providing various forms of help from the moment of a member’s death to the burial. the community pays chema [bereavement fund], collects mealie-meal and relish as a way of showing solidarity and oneness. men will help erect a musasa [temporary shelter] and help dig the grave. collaborative ministry is therefore realised amongst the shona of zimbabwe. generally, nhimbe entails people working together towards a common goal. it enables people from different villages to work together to uplift the condition of another person. as a result, it cuts down labour costs by enhancing efficiency and effectiveness. it has a powerful social effect through its interactive nature. cooperation in a community is a prerequisite for the common good. hence, it promotes the fundamental right of an individual. it is worth noting that this is still being practised in most areas within the masvingo and midlands provinces. because of the scourge of human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (hiv and aids) and massive exodus of energetic youth force to south africa, neighbouring countries and elsewhere around the globe, nhimbe is a strategy of mobilising labour forces in social, economic and political activities. in other words, nhimbe provides villagers with labour force. it actually prompts relatives and neighbours from other villages to participate in the farming and social activities which rotate in a special area from one field to another (daneel 1971:35). as such, ‘[e]ven for those who have sufficient means to become economically independent, the nhimbe parties remain of great importance’ (daneel 1971:35). the gist of nhimbe is that the community collaborates collectively in economic, religious, social and political activities. it can be celebrated with a meal, beer or mild beer (maheu or muchaiwa). this is in contrast to the view of gukurume (2013), mudavanhu and chitsika (2013) and wrolson (2009:1–129) who hold the view that nhimbe is only a beer party. the beer for nhimbe is announced to the public in advance. daneel (1971:35) says, ‘[a]s such it is an integral part of shona social life but with distinctly economic implications’. in other words, nhimbe is a way of disaster risk management strategies amongst the shona. beer is a promise of economic and social interdependence of farmers who rely mostly on subsistence farming. nhimbe becomes a certain way of getting communal assistance. in the following sections, the authors briefly explain the concepts of jakwara and jangano which are closely linked to nhimbe. equivalents of nhimbe amongst the shona the nhimbe concept has other shona equivalents. differences are either dialectical or occasional.2 according to tavuyanago, mutami and mbenene (2010:6), ‘work parties were of two different, but closely related forms’. humwe the first of these was humwe [beer work parties]. ‘humwe’ was invariably known as hoka, nhimbe or jakwara. in humwe, an individual seeking to get the assistance of others in his or her work brews some beer and prepares some food for the workers. humwe makes the work process a social event akin to a feast in which the workers rejoice (and make merry) at the same time as they carry out serious work business. although humwe could be called for other work processes, such as the thatching of huts or fencing of homesteads, it was largely an approach used in the production of grain crops (tavuyanago, mutami & mbenene 2010:6). humwe could be called for all the stages in the circle of grain production, from cutting down trees, digging the land, sowing the crops and weeding the crops, to harvesting the crops. according to bhila (1982), humwe was also called for such work as the threshing of the harvested crops and with the winnowing of the threshed crops. majangano the second of the work processes in the production of traditional grain crops was majangano [non-beer work parties] (gombe 1998). majangano operated as a simple labour exchange programme in which members took to the work of each household in turn without the host having to prepare beer (and in some cases, even food). a generous host could, however, still make some provisions for his or her guests. although majangano could be used in all the stages of grain production, much like humwe, the work process tended to find favour with the last stages of production involving threshing and winnowing of grains. the two stages marking the end of the farming season required the farmers to remove their crops from the temporary holding places (usually bare rock on which threshing took place) to the more durable granaries before livestock could be allowed to roam freely in the fields during the dry season. majangano, which did not involve the cumbersome process of preparing beer, thus enabled for speedy removal of crops from insecure temporary holding places to which even thieves could wreak havoc if the crops were not quickly removed to secured places. the two work processes, humwe and majangano, not merely brought people together in the production of food, but also accorded the people the opportunity to socialise on a wide range of issues concerning their society. bhila (1982) argues that humwes and majanganos, for example, accorded members of the community the opportunity to share jokes and to tease each other at the same time as the people worked. jokes and teases were all hallmarks of a sharing – and peace-loving society. locating nhimbe within the wider african context in dealing with this topic, it is noted that nhimbe has its equivalents around africa. there are hybrid terms that are akin to it. examples are: ujamaa of julius kambarage nyerere and harambee of mzee jomo kenyatta. ujamaa ujamaa is a kiswahili word for the traditional kinship communalism existing in rural communities in africa (boesen et al. 1977:11). the literal translation of the term is familyhood. the argument is that members of the community lived and worked together consciously or unconsciously. this is how life was understood. ujamaa reinforced each other against difficulties (eds. minogue & moloy 1974:87). members of the community thought of themselves as one because of culture and language. the person’s identity was established in terms of relationship, this is why sense of belonging is vital amongst the shona people. ujamaa produced the sense of joint labour whereby the property belongs to all people. therefore, ujamaa is when people live in an organised way without exploiting one another. thus, people are urged to secure their needs cooperatively. the underlining factor of ujamaa is the knitting of spirits (mwoleka & healey 1976:9). this concept is about educating people’s attitudes in a way that make them brothers and sisters. it is a community where members deliberately organise themselves as living parts of the same organism without exploiting one another. the heavy emphasis of ujamaa is gradual rural development. in ujamaa everyone has a corresponding duty to cooperate and contribute for development. harambee harambee is attributed to jomo kenyatta, which means pulling together or collective effort (getui 2009:184). furthermore, harambee is guided by the principle of collective good and mutual social responsibility. another feature of harambee is self-reliance based on grass-root projects that the people identify with. in addition, kenyatta (1982) said: it is good to be together, but to be together for a purpose is even better. our national purpose is to develop the resources of our land so that all our people may lead a happier life. (p. 123) harambee is used for economic and social development (mbithi & rasmusson 1977:13). it is self-help that aims to contribute to development. according to mbithi and rasmusson (1977:13), ‘harambee as a concept, means collective effort, i.e. pull together’. this concept embodies mutual assistance, joint effort, mutual social responsibility and community self-reliance (mbithi & rasmusson 1977): it is applied in day-to-day life in such ways as collective neighbourhood house-building, weeding, bush clearing, irrigation, harvesting and fund-raising. the term harambee has its equivalence in their kenyan tribal languages. it is applied to activities of a village. (p. 13) the critical issue is to support rural poor people to organise themselves to participate in economic and sustainable development. this ensures equitable share of the benefits. harambee is a financial support and projects initiation by a family or community. as alluded to above, the concept of nhimbe implies collaborative ministry that finds resonance in the shona way of life. collaboration, as defined by sofield and juliano (1987:11), is the identification, release and union of the gifts of all people. the basic assumption is that every person is gifted and called to do something, that is, collaboration. the concept of giftedness is central to an understanding and implementation of collaborative ministry. developmental praxis of nhimbe there are several ways of practising nhimbe. the traditional procedure for nhimbe is that the host seeks permission or simply informs the village head or headman of his or her intentions, date and venue to have a nhimbe. this will entail the nature of work to be done. the duration of notice depends on the community; some can notify a week before, whilst others can do it 1 month or 2 weeks before the day of doing the work. as dhodho (2015:51) observes, ‘[i]nvitations are also send [sic] out to various village-heads and even the local headman so that he/she also graces the ceremony’. on the very day of nhimbe, people arrive early in the morning so that they can start working whilst it is cool. all the participants bring their different expertise. these involve collective agricultural activities such as sowing, ploughing, weeding and reaping (daneel 1971:34). although a family can work on the land allocated to it, but whenever it is overwhelmed by labour, a nhimbe is organised. during the harvesting period, there is usually nhimbe of cutting zviyo [red millet], sorghum and rapoko in most villages. it is a celebration of nhimbe that brings people together where they work as a community. almost everyone from around the village comes along to the nhimbe with a knife or a basket to place the millet. nhimbe becomes a community ownership. it is a community development and empowerment approach. this is because a community works together. people work together and share proceeds. however, this also should be enhanced with new technical methods of communal empowerment that come with donors and local government. people can work together because of their locality and sense of belonging. as nzenza (2017:n.p.) states, ‘[w]e could work together in one big group because we are a community with the same beliefs and values of hard work’. it is a system whereby one individual calls those within the same community to come and help him or her to sow, plough, weed or harvest. but nhimbe can also include moulding bricks, thatching, fencing and digging and spreading manure in the fields. hence, nzenza writes, at nhimbe ‘[e]ach person brought a working tool and the owner of nhimbe provided food and drink’. normally on this occasion, people enjoy the privilege of eating meat and drinking which are difficult to get in rural areas. the widows, orphans and the aged without labour and source of income would benefit from nhimbe and the chief benefits immensely. nhimbe would assist the poor in the society. as mawere and awuah-nyamekye (2015) argue: the communalistic nature of the shona society embedded within their ethical and societal values and mores enabled them to see to it that the welfare and plight of the disadvantaged and vulnerable members were promoted and looked after by the entire community. (p. 1) the shona community catered for the less privileged through nhimbe. this was a social security mechanism to support the landless, orphans, the old and widows. for agricultural purposes, nhimbe is called at the beginning of the rainy season. people assist others with ploughing and weeding the fields. however, ‘[t]he heavy work on the fields must be done by men’ (bourdillon 1976:73). the heavy work includes clearing of a field, cutting small trees, digging manure and moulding bricks. but, women can also partake in planting, weeding, reaping and threshing. generally, women do not take up strenuous tasks. this attracts people from the whole community who come with working tools. even people without any of the required tools just come and assist those with them. as dhodho (2015:50) states, ‘[t]hese activities are characterized by equal partnership and task-orientation; no one looks at the sophistication of another’s equipment, all is required is execution of the task at hand’. thus, no one can fail to provide something. a person without cattle, plough or hoe can provide an axe to cut down trees or even relieve the old men. this means that any failure to cooperate during this period renders one a social misfit. amongst the shona, such a person is dead. in addition, participation in the nhimbe system is a matter of social urgency because anyone who for one reason or another keeps himself or herself and the family away from this activity is cut off from communal life. just in the same thought of nzenza, on the day of nhimbe, men and women start very early in the morning to do work like ploughing in the fields, harvesting, digging manure, moulding bricks or fencing. when it is around 10:00 or 11:00, people are served with something to drink. after working for about almost 3 h, people go for a short break called chikumura mambhachi. the participants are served with breakfast which is usually in the form of light beer (muchaiwa) or mageu. in this contemporary period, people can have tea, home-made bread (chimupoto chwai), sweet potatoes or maize. this is called chikumura mabhachi or chirovamatsa [traditional tea break]. it is presumed that people have worked and need to be re-energised. mostly, young people either drink something non-alcoholic but elders can take a sizeable quantity of beer. the moral principle is that people should not get drunk early until they finish the work to be done. but later people can drink to their fill in order for them to work harder. after breakfast, people are expected to work again before they are served with lunch (dhodho 2015:52). lunch is usually served with sadza, rice, meat and traditional beer. if the host can afford other luxuries, he or she can give out to the participants. beer is served at intervals. dhodho (2015:52) states, ‘[i]t is after beer has been served that participants can start singing relevant songs’. some of the songs teach or reprimand immoral behaviour. chiwome (1992) and wrolson (2009) add that such songs and their messages could not be repeated in any other social setting and neither could that be taken to implicate any person involved in immoral activities. this is confirmed by mudavanhu and chitsika (2013) who argue that as people work they are served with beer. this makes them work the whole day without realising the amount of time they have spent working. this is affirmed by daneel (1971) who argues: much beer (doro) is brewed for the occasion, because beer is a tangible form of compensation (not as payment in the strict sense of the word, but in recognition of the principle of reciprocity) given to the village members who offer their services on the appointed day. (p. 35) hence, beer brewed for nhimbe is a symbol of economic and social interdependence. it is a reliable way of obtaining the required assistance at the rightful moment. this is why a person who wilfully fails to participate in nhimbe is considered a social misfit. in other instances, people eat and drink at lunchtime. when people get drunk, they even ask for more work to be done. when people are excited, this is accompanied by dancing and singing. wrolson (2009) argues that traditionally participants are urged to sing out any immoral denunciations but they should not show anger against anyone. as people work, they sing so that they are motivated to work and complete the task easily. ‘the songs also assisted to synchronize the movement of whatever tools so that participants kept the same tempo and pace’ (dhodho 2015:51). this can go on until evening. some people would have their supper and sleep at the same place. it is an occasion of celebrating good community work. the nhimbe becomes an occasion for people to meet and discuss. it is therefore understandable that membership of christian church that strictly forbids any form of beer drinking would, if taken seriously by a villager, have far-reaching social and economic implications for itself. there is a mistaken notion amongst some believers that nhimbe beer is associated with ancestral spirits and evil deeds. in order to avoid economic implications, these types of churches have allowed their members to prepare mangisi [unmalted sweet beer] so that they can get labour force. but sometimes this can make people get drunk if it has been kept for a long time before it is drunk. at times, elders do not go to such a nhimbe and send youngsters. in addition, another nhimbe would be announced before people depart. nhimbe is organised in such a way that it does not collide with the traditional sabbath (chisi) or sunday. usually, these two days are reserved for people to pray and attend meetings. thus, people honour the ancestors and god so that they continue to receive good rains and enjoy good harvest. this is the common practice since most people have become christians. after harvesting, people engage in the form of nhimbe called jakwara. this is done during the dry season. it is when people perform threshing and winnowing rapoko, millet or sorghum. (jangano: taking turns to look after livestock) nzenza (2017:n.p.) opines, ‘[d]uring the jakwara ceremony, the vakuwasha or sons-in-law, went out into the bush to find thin long sticks, mupuro from the mutondo trees’. however, these can also be cut from any tree depending on the locality or availability of trees. but there are some sacred trees that cannot be cut or pruned. on this occasion, women bring winnowing baskets. all the millet or sorghum is placed on the flat hard rock wherein they are thrashed either by cattle or later finished by men. women support men by ululating and singing to thrash thoroughly. nzenza (2017) stipulates that some village secrets are shared through the medium of the song. based on the above sensitivity, children are not allowed to attend jakwara. this is because adults see this occasion as the forum to voice out old grievances. they tell some secrets and make sexual references to an incident of adultery. jakwara is a moral occasion to reprimand one another. according to nzenza (2017:n.p.), ‘[t]he adults danced, laughed and spoke with much laughter’. like a seal of confession, the secrets shared remain at jakwara. thus, to share something of jakwara is tantamount to being immoral and the person even deserves to be severely punished or excommunicated from society. developmental outcomes of nhimbe nhimbe guarantees community development the solution to the problem of development requires cooperation amongst individual communities. individuals condition one another and can affirm that everyone can succeed in development. it develops the integral person. the shona people are committed to the nhimbe. this enhances people to engage in developmental activities that change their life situation. people wish each one to succeed in his or her project. nhimbe is a community activity. for instance, in agriculture, nhimbe ensured good farmers to have sufficient food for their needs and the society. it was a skilful way of preparing for impeding droughts by successfully producing enough food. nhimbe provides techniques to store grains so that nothing is put to waste. in other words, it cushions the impacts of natural disaster and possible starvation. moreover, nhimbe makes people increase their production and trade their surplus (beach 1995:41). the collective capacity to respond and engage influences others to change attitude. thus, people are united and share life experiences within the same area. people of the same community participate in nhimbe. the intended result is for economic, social and political development. because communities have many resources within and outside, they can engage people to respond to develop themselves. the resources that exist in the culture of people can bring change if people work when united. an individual does not solve the challenges. nhimbe participation tends to result in the mobilisation of resources and accomplishment of more tasks with the same or less budget. this enhances efficiency in resource use for development. moreover, nhimbe enhances self-reliance and development in an area. the culture to work and skills bring holistic personal transformation. in addition, the system of nhimbe strengthens the social, religious and moral fibre of the community because relatives and neighbours have time to participate in different activities. according to daneel (1971:35), ‘[e]ven for those who have sufficient means to become economically independent, the nhimbe parties remain of great social importance’. thus, nhimbe is an occasion when people meet in large numbers to make work easier. education education is highly valued amongst the shona. this is regarded as a solution to get rid of poverty. hence, people respect people who are educated. education is not an individual effort but of community. it is the responsibility of the community that children go to school. the community supports those who are lacking resources through donations. this is a form of nhimbe. thus, nhimbe teaches people to have a sense of community. the place and dignity of an individual are benchmarked by one’s contribution to the community. thus, a person has to be sensitive to the needs of others in the community. the catholic social teaching of the catholic church (cst) no. 376 states: faced with the rapid advancement of technological and economic progress, and with the equally rapid transformation of the processes of production and consumption, the magisterium senses the need to propose a great deal of educational and cultural formation. (n.p.) thus, a great deal of educational and cultural work is highly important. this includes the role of education in preparing responsible citizens. this should bring out the sense of responsibility amongst people when consuming information and substances. education forms a person in the fullness of human dignity in the image of god. economy in zimbabwe, foreign-owned industries have collapsed. as a result, many people have been left unemployed. even the agricultural production has been affected adversely. de facto, since the implementation of land reform in 2000, agricultural production has decreased by 52% (stevenson 2008). currently, the country suffers from cash crisis. hence, employees cannot receive salaries, pay school fees or medical costs. in this economic environment, the nhimbe approach is needed to resuscitate the economy. the black and white farmers should collaborate in farming skills. moreover, the local community should protect their resources and thereby shun greedy technocrats who move from one province to other for plundering resources. for instance, in marange, diamonds worth more than $2 billion went missing (chiketo 2013). housing shelter is a necessity. the homeless orphans and the elderly people should have access to houses or stands offered by the government. it is high time people own houses and not rent. people can assist each other in moulding bricks and clearing ground. in addition, people should have access to electricity, toilets and clean water. the disposal of garbage should be done in a way that is not hazardous to health. resources can be used to build houses for the homeless affected by floods. the community leader who chooses nhimbe approach in executing his or her duties becomes effective. the assumption is that shared responsibility and collaborative ministry serve as a foundation for the efforts to advance development in the world (hubbard 1998:20). nhimbe is the centre of community life. thus, a christian community serves by using talents. in other words, people exercise different roles in developing their standards of living. therefore, every person’s contribution is vitally needed in order to build up the community. hence, collaborative ministry is neither a luxury nor an option. it is rather a necessary dimension of community life. according to hubbard (1998:25), ‘[i]t demands interdependence and partnership …’ people work as a family without distinctions of roles. conclusion in this article, we have seen that nhimbe is a value that empowers people. it is manifested in engaging communities to sustain themselves economically, socially and politically. the individual effort is supported that it can be realised. it gives a person a sense of the community. both community and individual problems are approached and solved as our own. the talents of individuals are identified and cultivated. moreover, nhimbe is a mechanism used to manage natural calamities like drought and famine (mawere & awuah-nyamekye 2015): the communalistic nature of the shona society embedded within their ethical and societal values and mores enabled them to see to it that the welfare and plight of the disadvantaged and vulnerable members were promoted and looked after by the entire community. (p. 1) the traditional shona society catered for the orphans, the widowed and those who were visually and physically challenged. such benevolent measures ensured that nobody goes hungry and homeless. thus, people have compassion for others in need shown by caring acts of generosity or kindness. nhimbe shows the communal leadership style. thus, a good leader would encourage the community to show sympathy to the landless, hungry and the homeless. it is important to note that nhimbe is a social security mechanism, which supports the disadvantaged and vulnerable community members in the face of potential risks. to suggest that nhimbe is a viable sustainable development instrument is not an appeal to a fossil culture that is retrogressive. as argued by august (2010), there is something that traditional values, practices and institutions can offer today and in the future. it acknowledges that individual efforts have serious limitations and it is only a recognition of the giftedness of the other that the effort to collectively progress as a society is realised. this progress can be socio-economic, political and religious. acknowledgements this work has been possible through the assistance of prof. david kaulem. competing interests the authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. authors’ contributions t.m. and p.m. contributed equally to the writing of the article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references beach, d.n., 1995, zimbabwe before 1900, mambo press, gweru. bhila, h.h.k, 1982, trade and politics in a shona kingdom: the manyika and their portuguese and african neighbours, 1575–1902 (studies in zimbabwean history), longman, harlow. boesen, j., storgaard madsen, b. & moody, t., 1977, ujamaa socialism from above, scandinavian institute of african studies, uppsala. bourdillon, m.f., 1976, the shona peoples, mambo press, gwelo. catholic church, 1995, catechism of the catholic church, doubleday and company, new york, ny. catholic church, 2004, compendium of the social doctrine of the church, paulines publications, nairobi. chiketo, b., 2013, ‘zimbabwe: marange diamonds zanu-pf’s best friend?’ viewed n.d. from http://www.minesandcommunities.org/article.php?a=12136, http://thinkafricapress.com/zimbabwe/diamonds-marange-zanu-pfs-best-friend. chiwome, e.m., 1992, ‘traditional shona poetry and mental health’, zambezia 19(1). https://hdl.handle.net/10520/aja03790622_230. daneel, m.l., 1971, old and new in southern shona independent churches, vol. 1, mouton and company, the hague. dhodho, m., 2015, médecins sans frontières, southern africa medical unit, cape town. getui, m., 2009, the ethnicity factor in politics and religion, pauline publications, nairobi. gombe, j.m., 1998, tsika dzavashona, college press, harare. gukurume, s., 2013, ‘climate change, variability and sustainable agriculture in zimbabwe’s rural communities’, russian journal of agricultural and socio-economic sciences 2(2), 89–100. hubbard, e.j., 1998, fulfilling the vision, the crossroad publishing company, new york, ny. kenyatta, j., 1982, war, land and politics in kenya, palgrave macmillan, new york, ny. mawere, m. & awuah-nyamekye, s., 2015, harnessing cultural capital for sustainability: a pan africanist perspective, langaa research and publishing cig, mankon. mbithi, p. & rasmusson, r., 1977, self-reliance in kenya: the case of harambee, the scandinavian institute of african studies, uppsala. minogue, m. & moloy, j. (eds.), 1974, african aims and attitudes, cambridge university press, cambridge, ma. mudavanhu, c. & chitsika, t., 2013, ‘coping with and adapting to food shortages and adversities in semi-arid regions of zimbabwe: the case of chivi district’, international journal of innovative environmental studies research 1(2), 27–30. murisa, t., 2013, ‘social organization in the aftermath of fast track: analysis of emerging forms of local authority, platforms of mobilization and local cooperation’, in land and agrarian reform in zimbabwe: beyond white-settler capitalism, pp. 251–290, s and s pub. mwoleka, c. & healey, j., 1976, ujamaa and christian communities, gaba publications, eldotret. nzenza, s., 2017, ‘celebrating nhimbe, our traditional communal way of working together’, the herald, 31 may, anz publishers, harare. sofield, l. & juliano, c., 1987, collaborative ministry, ave maria press, notre dame, in. stevenson, t., 2008, ‘zimbabwe: background’, everycrsreport.com, viewed 19 december 2020, from https://www.everycrsreport.com/reports/rl32723.html. tavuyanago, b., mutami, b. & mbenene, k., 2010, ‘traditional grain crops in pre-colonial and colonial zimbabwe: a factor for food security and social cohesion among the shona people’, journal of sustainable development in africa 12(6), 1–8. vianni, w., 2016, ‘jomo kenyatta: war, land, and politics in kenya’, in e. obadare & w. adebanwi (eds.), governance and the crisis of rule in contemporary africa, african histories and modernities, palgrave macmillan, new york, ny. wrolson, j.l., 2009, ‘re-inventing memory and reforming performances: a genealogy of panic theatre in zimbabwe’, phd thesis, university of kansas. footnotes 1. jakwara and jangano are concepts closely linked to nhimbe. these concepts are elaborated on a section specifically dealing with nomenclature. 2. the shona language has various dialects that include zezuru (mashonaland west, east and central provinces), karanga (masvingo province), manyika (manicaland) and korekore (mashonaland west and central). it is also noted that some occasions assume a different name to nhimbe though essentially, the element of collaborative work is the domineering factor. an example is jakwara which is used for the threshing and winnowing of grains. abstract introduction reasons for rejection body movement as a language biblical view of the body movement in worship beware of drama conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) sonny e. zaluchu department of religion and theology, faculty of theology, sekolah tinggi teologi baptis indonesia (stbi), semarang, indonesia citation zaluchu, s.e., 2021, ‘dancing in praise of god: reinterpretation of theology in worship’, theologia viatorum 45(1), a86. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v45i1.86 original research dancing in praise of god: reinterpretation of theology in worship sonny e. zaluchu received: 05 oct. 2020; accepted: 01 dec. 2020; published: 20 jan. 2021 copyright: © 2021. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract in many religions, worshipping god whilst moving the body is part of worship. this article aims to explain and defend the position that worshipping god by moving the body in liturgy is biblical and has a theological foundation. the discussion is divided into three. firstly, the writer traces the origins of objections to bodily movements in liturgy and analyses them. secondly, it is explained that body movement is a language to god. a biblical argument about body movements, which should not be trapped in appearance and drama, is the third part. the article concludes that worship by gestures is biblically substantiated. the research contribution suggests that the church should be accommodating in its orthodoxy to accept this as truth. the church should deem it important to teach the congregation the concept of true worship and not worship that is trapped in appearances. the key finding is that the meaning of worship lies not in the direction but in the worshippers’ hearts. each church should have a unique way in their respective cultures. this article performs a theological reconstruction of worship theology and analyses it briefly through a literature review of several literature works such as books, articles and research findings. keywords: the theology of worship; gesture; body movement; the true worshipper; charismatic; pentecostal; practica. introduction worship has a significant role in religious practice (bayne & nagasawa 2006). adherents of religion find it a way to connect with god. not only seen in contemporary religious worship, durkheim (2011) states that worship is characteristic of human religious power, which can be traced to primitive worshipping rituals that feature specific body movements (mustaffa, awang & basir 2017). it can be inferred that worship, like the dhavamony theory that directs its followers to join the sanctuary, is an articulated rite of worship (dhavamony 2016:183). christianity is a religion that introduces the concept of expression in worship as part of worship to god (merrill 2000). as an expression of worship, nelson (2007) initially analysed that it was born from an emotional attitude, as revealed by his research in christian worship amongst african americans. however, this attitude is constructive in building religious identities that lead to an experience with god. geraghty’s (2007) explanation, which says that expression should occur in every christian’s worship because this action is part of the implementation of jesus’ command to worship him in spirit and truth, as revealed in the gospel of john 4:23 (wijaya 2017). in other words, worship and expression are inseparable parts of a christian rite. one of the expressive forms of worship in christian worship is the practice of body movement. according to setiawan (2012), complete and comprehensive worship in the full theological meaning only occurs if the human conscience is fully involved, and includes the body in worship. smith (2008) suggested that the body’s participation in worship is as consequential as that of emotional and intellectual involvement. therefore, only when there is a connection between body, mind and spirit in god’s worship is the real spiritual experience created. the problem is that not all churches have the same understanding of body movement in worship. theological reflection on body movement in worship is still strongly influenced by doctrinal views; whilst some agree, others disagree with this concept. although body movement has been a part of the trend in charismatic-pentecostal adoration, a psychological fear of being branded and rejected by the mainstream protestant churches could be at the source of abstaining. this is also inspired by thoughts that suggest that it is not necessary for body movement in worship; the emphasis being more on the role of worship in communion with god. thus, the church pays more attention to discuss the meaning of worship and its elements rather than discussing the attitudes and movements of the congregation’s body in worship, which at times actually focuses more on performance than essence. only when the congregation has true ecclesiology is the practice of worship more authentic (pruitt 2007). these differences of opinion divide the church’s attitude such that the veracity of the biblical interpretation becomes blurred. this situation poses one fundamental question that is based on this fact: does it uplift the body and the biblical truth, whilst praising god or praying? this can be justified by david dancing before god. we are asked, with all our might, to love him. one way is mentioned in romans 12:1, which states that offering the body as a living sacrifice strains the metaphor in order to present the sacrificial lifestyle in every christian worship (keener 2014:448). for this reason, i first explored the ideas of rejection. it then provides an analysis to defend the idea that moving the limbs during worship is a biblical language that emphasises hysteria and expression. god understands body language as an integral part of the liturgy of worship that communicates to him. the concluding section warns that it is far more essential to take heart and be motivated in worshipping god, than to indulge in drama for public appearances. the aim of the study is how to describe gestures in worship from a theological and biblical viewpoint. reasons for rejection the following are several reasons and arguments underlying the rejection of body movements in worship. the first reason can be traced to tertullian’s teachings: an influential latin church priest, regarding the human body. tertullian teaches that the body is the centre of lust and flesh causing man to fall into sin (uzukwu 1997). this view forms the basis for the church’s assumption that the portals to sinfulness will be left wide open when the body is involved in the worship of god’s holiness. the nature of the body, considered unclean and dirty, must be suppressed in such a way. this is a contradictory view of tertullian’s teachings regarding the theology of christ, wherein the ‘flesh’ or humanity of christ is a worthy instrument of god’s presence (fergusson, wright & packer 1988:676). in other words, the church’s doctrinal interpretation of the body as the centre of lust in worship needs to be reviewed. the second argument can be seen in the concept of dualism in christian theology, which is heavily influenced by greek philosophy (korak 2012). human beings are believed to consist of a spiritual aspect (soul or spirit) and a physical aspect (body) in the dualism perspective. the soul or spirit is associated with positive things like purity and goodness, whilst the body is associated with negative things such as impurity and defilement (jacobson, hall & anderson 2013; vidal 2016). this view firmly draws a line between body and spirit; the two being unrelated (fergusson et al. 1988:211). in this view, body movement does not directly influence the act of worship initiated by the spiritual aspects (soul and spirit). in view of the dichotomy, body movement becomes insignificant. this view is contrary to the psychological approach that regards human beings as the united entity of spirit and body (walach 2007). for example, paul’s emphasis in his letter to rome’s worshipers (rm 8) is not a dualism between flesh and spirit. however, it concerns priorities and emphasis that the christian life is no longer led by the flesh but by the spirit. the flesh remains, but the power of the spirit has control over the body as a whole (wasserman 2008). the implication is that when the body moves in spirit-led worship, the body is being led into the spiritual dimension. the argument of rationalism developed in the 15th century helped shape the theological rejection of body movement. rationalism emphasises humans as ‘thinking being’, thus the cognitive aspect is of prime importance. with rationalism, unrestrained expression of human faith through body movement in worship is considered unnecessary. zwingli supports the idea of rationalism in the extreme in his church. various spiritual symbols and icons are revealed so that the church space becomes empty. the use of musical instruments is prohibited during worship, including body movement. for zwingli, all expressions of faith in material form (art, symbols and unwarranted movements) do not show faith; rather, it can be a barrier to faith, and therefore does not need to be practised (browne 2005). it is enough to have faith in jesus christ, the king, and saviour, so all will go well. body movement as a language the body is a medium in the sociology of religious view. from primitive times to right up to its contemporary form, religions have ritualised worship in three aspects: continuous worship, sacraments and ceremonies (whaling 2002:325). all aspects involve physical activity. primitive religious rites show dance movements, both regular and irregular, in the way they worship. some stories in the old testament (ot) can be used as a reference. during the race ‘fire from heaven’ between the prophet elijah and baal’s priests, a performance of body movements was shown. the author of the book of kings describes the following: they take the bull given to them, process it and call the name of baal from morning till noon, they said: ‘o baal, answer us!’ but there was no voice, no one answered. meanwhile, they tiptoed around the altar they had made. (2 ki 18:26) one purpose of using the hebrew word ‘pasach’ there is to describe a dance involving irregular movements by jumping around (ed. renn 2010:584). turner (2012:441) states that religious behaviour (one of which can be observed through body movements in rituals) is intended as an answer to a human existential problem. in comparison, religious belief attempts to understand the world by referring to sacred reality. turner’s thought provides a sociological foundation for the emergence of religious behaviour amongst religious communities. praying, singing, dancing, clapping and fasting, are a part of worship. furthermore, in religious life, turner (2012:363–366) said there is a transcendent reality, an awareness that can only be humanly owned. this view explains that through the expression of body movement human consciousness seeks to reach and enter a transcendent reality. manifestations such as dancing, raising hands, clapping, crying, or trance in worship, become an immanent personal experience of a transcendent god. in addition to immanent expressions, it can be concluded that gestures can guide human efforts to develop supernatural communication to a transcendent god (russell 2001). facial expressions and body movements represent the condition of the human heart to god in a non-verbal way (chomaria 2018:110). in his book on body sociology, raditya sees the body as part of social conventions. the body can ‘talk’ unfettered by its physical limitations, expressing itself in social relations through signs, meanings, symbols, or semiotics (raditya 2014:xvi). therefore it can be concluded that bodily activities in worship are not merely movements without meaning but are expressions of the human desire to build supernatural (non-verbal) communication with god. biblical view of the body movement in worship the declaration of faith addressed to israel in deuteronomy 6:5 states the law of love towards god (pawson 2015:188). ‘love the lord god, with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your strength’. the manuscripts in mark 12:30 and luke 10:27 add the phrase ‘mind’. the text shows the absolute unity between body, soul, spirit and mind to the love of god. the word ‘strength’ in that sentence comes from the greek word ἰσχύς which refers to physical strength or power (strong 1986:49). worship as a way of loving god provides space not only as an expression of spirit, soul and mind, but encompasses the involvement of the body as a language. jewish liturgies that involve the movement of bodies are a part of worship (idelsohn 1932; mackie 2017; olson & weinfeld 2006). a complementary view of the bible with regard to israeli worship rituals during ot times can be an additional reference, wherein a body dedicated to the lord is constituent of the liturgy. for example: an act of kneeling (is 45:23), standing (ps 122:2; ps 135:2), raising hands (ps 63:4), or raising hands and making gestures with the hands (ps 143:6). a momentous thing happened when david moved the ark of god from obed-edom to jerusalem. the bible reports, david danced with joy (2 sm 6:14) in the holy procession and did it with all his might. several verses in the nt narrate how he prostrated himself in order to worship god. one of the most powerful narratives can be found in the book of revelations, wherein it describes the worship of god by prostrating the body (rv 15:4). even in his epistle to the church at ephesus, the apostle paul enlivened his prostration in worship (eph 3:14). mitchell supports the opinion that the synergy of body movements within the church liturgy is biblical. the manifestation of human actions to worship god can be seen through a person’s liturgical movements and goes on to explain how body worship becomes more important than churches, holy places, books or other items (mitchell 2006). it is through worship involving the body that awareness of god is built up. sheil said movements as simple as opening a hand and raising it can increase one’s awareness of god’s presence. sheil (2006) realised that visual gestures are more important than verbal explanations. thus it can be concluded that body movements and the liturgy form a complementary relationship. where there is liturgy, body movements occur, and vice versa. mattes (2016) elaborates that it is almost impossible to imagine a liturgy without body movements because it shows the symbiotic movement between god and man. zephaniah 3:17 states god sings to his people and alludes to movement to save sinful people, and human beings respond to god’s work of salvation with rejoicing (chrisholm 2002:450). this dialogue underlies the overall liturgical view that there is indeed a real correspondence between the body and theology (jacobson et al. 2013; ross 2008). keeping this in mind, let us now analyse how drama fits in this pattern of body movements. beware of drama as a movement integrated with the liturgy, there needs to be a principle of harmony that is not excessive in its expression. horne and davies (2006) warned that the danger of exaggerated movements in worship would have a direct impact by altering the form of worship into one of entertainment, hollow rituals, eroticism and the loss of its transcendent aspects. vondey (2010:117), a modern pentecostal theologian, agrees with the above statement. although a theology of body movement can be accepted as something biblical in church liturgy, the drama trap is all too real. indications of worship movements that only emphasise performance has made worship in the services lose its essence. vondey’s fears and warnings from davies and horne exist for good reasons. many church liturgies are trapped in actions and attractions that only emphasise emotion and psychology. whilst on the other hand, the actions’ and attractions’ main essence become vague, and even disappear. as an immanent reflection on a transcendent god, the body’s movement is replaced by a strong desire to be seen spiritually in public. perhaps, a very wide and deep gap between the two schools of theology (protestant and charismatic-pentecostal) appears because of instances like this. hence, both have opposing beliefs with regard to body movements in worship. conclusion body movements in worship are biblical and have substantial theological grounds. the problem is not only in the aspect of theological values but also with the church’s decisions and attitudes: whether to accept or reject this theology as a part of the liturgy. this is not a goal, but the means to a human endeavour to express his love of god. acknowledging that gestures are neither prohibited nor misleading should encourage the church to be more liberal than to adhere to a strictly orthodox view. it is essential to provide the congregation with education about the spiritual significance of body movements in worship. this education offers a spiritual view of the bible so that the culture is not hindered by adding value to public appearances. although culture and orthodoxy also influence the congregation’s attitudes in worship, the worshipping style prevalent in africa of praising god can be used as an inspiration: that such a model of practice is a reality in the contemporary church. the church is said to grow when the services held in the church inspire. schwarz (1996:31), a church growth expert, said that inspiring worship occurs through the presence of the holy spirit. its presence has a significant effect on how worship is carried out, including the entire atmosphere of worship: when people living in such an atmosphere show enthusiasm and profess that worship is fun. in other words, the involvement of all human elements, namely spirit, soul, mind and strength (body) in worshipping god in harmony is the goal of loving god and the actual practice of worship. acknowledgements special thanks to dr. robinson rimun, m.th, president of the indonesia baptist theological seminary, for extending his moral support to this research. competing interests the author declares that no competing interest exists and no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article. author’s contributions the author declares that he is the sole author of this research article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research funding came from the sekolah tinggi teologi baptis indonesia (stbi) semarang as my institution. derived from lecturer research budgets and are independent, not for commercial interests. there is no conflict of interest between the institution and me in terms of funding and research material. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect 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(ed.), 2010, expository dictionary of bible words, 4th edn., hendrickson publishers, inc, peabody, ma. ross, s.a., 2008, ‘the body in liturgy’, liturgy 24(1), 1–2. https://doi.org/10.1080/04580630802418115 russell, d.s., 2001, ‘body language in worship and prayer’, expository times 112(4), 123–125. https://doi.org/10.1177/001452460111200406 schwarz, c., 1996, pertumbuhan gereja yang alamiah [the natural church growth], metanoia, jakarta. setiawan, j., 2012, ‘menggagas signifikansi gestur tubuh dalam ibadah korporat gereja gereja protestan [initiating the significance of body gesture in corporate protestant church worship]’, veritas 13(1), 99–120. https://doi.org/10.36421/veritas.v13i1.251 sheil, k., 2006, ‘body, dance, and worship’, mcmaster journal of theology and ministry 7, 23–32, viewed 24 april 2019, from https://www.mcmaster.ca/mjtm/pdfs/vol7/mjtm_7-2_sheil.pdf. smith, j.k.a., 2008, ‘teaching a calvinist to dance’, christianity today 52(5), 42–45, viewed 14 september 2020, from https://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2008/may/25.42.html. strong, j., 1986, ‘a concise dictionary of the words in the greek/new testament with their renderings in the king james version’, in strong’s exhaustive concordance of the bible, p. 49, world bible publishers, iowa falls, ia. turner, k.s., 2012, ‘“and we shall learn through the dance”: liturgical dance as religious education’, proquest dissertations and thesis, viewed 04 october 2020, from https://pqdtopen.proquest.com/doc/1318534157.html?fmt=abs. uzukwu, e.e., 1997, worship as body language: introduction to christian worship: an african orientation, the liturgital press, collegeville, mn. vidal, f., 2016, ‘dualisms of body and soul: historiographical challenges to a stereotype’, metascience 25(1), 111–114. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11016-015-0050-9 vondey, w., 2010, beyond pentecostalism, eerdmans publishing co., grand rapids, mi. walach, h., 2007, ‘mind – body – spirituality’, imprint academic 5(2), 215–240. wasserman, e., 2008, ‘paul among the philosophers: the case of sin in romans 6–8’, journal for the study of the new testament 30(4), 387–415. https://doi.org/10.1177/0142064x08091441 whaling, f., 2002, ‘pendekatan teologis [theological approach]’, in p. connolly (ed.), aneka pendekatan studi agama, 2nd edn., p. 325, lembaga kajian islam dan sosial lkis [islamic and social studies institute], yogyakarta. wijaya, h., 2017, ‘kajian teologis tentang penyembahan berdasarkan injil yohanes 4:24 [theological study of worship based on the gospel of john 4:24]’, jurnal jaffray 13(1), 77–96. https://doi.org/10.25278/jj.v13i1.112.77-96 abstract introduction the nature of the patriarchal narratives the marriage of hagar to abram (gn 16:1–4a) the sexual exploitation interpretation understanding the marriage of hagar to abram in its social context the hagar narrative in the context of the problem of childlessness in africa conclusion acknowledgement references footnotes about the author(s) solomon o. ademiluka department of biblical and ancient studies, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa kogi state university, anyigba, nigeria citation ademiluka, s.o., 2019, ‘sexual exploitation or legitimate surrogacy: reading the hagar narrative (gn 16:1–4a) in african context’, theologia viatorum 43(1), a2. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v43i1.2 original research sexual exploitation or legitimate surrogacy: reading the hagar narrative (gn 16:1–4a) in african context solomon o. ademiluka received: 28 sept. 2017; accepted: 11 mar. 2019; published: 30 july 2019 copyright: © 2019. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract barren and advanced in age, sarai proposed to abram to take her maid, hagar, as a wife so that they might have children through her. to some interpreters, this is sexual exploitation of hagar. using a reader-oriented approach, this article re-examines this mode of interpretation as well as assesses the perspectives in which the hagar narrative appeals to the african reader. we found out that, when studied against its social background, the abram–hagar union is better understood as legitimate surrogacy. the research also found out that the text appeals to the african reader in the contexts of the problem of childlessness and modern surrogacy. the childless african reader thus finds solace in this narrative as it is suggestive of surrogacy as a pragmatic solution to his or her problem. keywords: patriarchal narratives; childlessness; african culture; sexual exploitation; surrogacy. introduction in genesis 16:1–4a,1 sarai,2 advanced in age and barren, and apparently losing the hope of bearing a child by herself, proposes to abram, her husband, to take her maid, hagar, as a wife so that they may raise a family through her, an arrangement to which some scholars have given a sexual exploitation interpretation. using a reader-oriented approach, this article re-examines this mode of interpretation against the social context of the text. the work also assesses the perspectives in which the hagar narrative appeals to the african reader, sexually exploitative or otherwise. in order to properly situate our own approach in relation to current scholarship on the patriarchal narratives, the work begins with a review of the findings of the historical-critical method in that section of the old testament. subsequently, the essay examines the nature of hagar’s marriage to abram, the sexual exploitation claim, the narrative in its social context, and finally its relevance in african context. the nature of the patriarchal narratives the literary analysis of genesis can be approached in several ways. there is the תּוֹלְדוֹת formula that displays the structure possibly intended by the author of the final form of the text. the phraseתוֹלְדוֹת אֵלֶּה [usually translated as ‘these are the generations of’] occurs 11 times between 2:4 and 37:2. except in 2:4 where the phrase is followed by ‘the heavens and the earth’, in the other instances, it is followed by a personal name. longman and dillard opine that following this pattern the book has a prologue followed by 10 episodes (longman & dillard 2006:53). following the תּוֹלְדוֹת formula, birch et al. identify three basic sections in genesis 12–50, in which each section ‘is introduced by a genealogical formula, which may be found in genesis 11:27; 25:19; and 37:2’ (birch et al. 2005:62). the three names that appear in the formula are terah, isaac and jacob. similarly to longman and dillard, the authors also believe that ‘these markers provide evidence for the way in which the biblical authors and editors understood this material to be organized’ (birch et al. 2005:62). however, the translation of תּוֹלְדוֹת as ‘generations’ is rather misleading to the modern reader as it gives the impression that the final authors intended to give an account of 10 generations (i.e. eras) between adam and jacob (longman and dillard recognise ‘ten episodes’, as noted above). hence, gilchrist observes that the common translation of תּוֹלְדוֹת as ‘generations’ is not appropriate in terms of the modern meaning of the word (generation). in relation to people, the term refers to: [a]n entire group of people living at the same period of time, or the average length of time that such a group of people live … neither of these meanings fits the usage of תּוֹלְדוֹת. (1980:380) this point can be illustrated with how תּוֹלְדוֹת is used in each of the 11 cases in genesis. in each of them, the same term is used but not intending the same meaning in all the cases. the word ‘origin’ or ‘account’ would be an appropriate translation at 2:4; ‘account’ or ‘story’ would be suitable at 6:9; 25:19 and 37:2, but in each of 5:1; 10:1; 11:10 and 11:27 ‘genealogy’ is the most suitable word. some dictionaries (e.g. feyerabend 1959:368) rightly recognise the fact that the word תּוֹלְדוֹת is capable of several meanings, such as ‘origin’, ‘genealogy’, ‘family register’ and ‘lineage’. another approach to the literary analysis of genesis focusses on its content and genre. following this approach, scholars recognise two sections, namely 1:1–11:32 and 12:1–50:26. the former is the primeval history and covers the time between creation and the tower of babel whereas the second part is the so-called patriarchal narratives which focus on the stories about abraham and his descendants from the time he entered into canaan and the time of the death of joseph in egypt. the second part is further subdivided between the patriarchal narratives (12–36) and the joseph story (37–50) (birch et al. 2005:64; longman & dillard 2006:53; moore & kelle 2011:43). the patriarchal narratives record concerns dealing with private family affairs, as against public ones; issues such as ‘birth and death, family disputes, grazing and burial rights …’ (wenham 1994:54). this, according to wenham, proves that for the writer of genesis these individuals were real historical figures, and not personifications of clans or the products of his imagination as some scholars claim. perhaps viewing the narratives from this perspective, during the first half of the 20th century, there arose a scholarly consensus that placed ‘the ancestors of the israelites in a historical setting’ (matthews 2002:3). the albright school (particularly following albright’s 1961 article) tenaciously promoted the idea that ‘the patriarchal traditions contained substantial history’ (grabbe 2007:52). according to bright, for example, the patriarchal stories fit authentically in the milieu of the second millennium bce, between the 16th and 17th centuries, even though he affirmed lack of ‘evidence to fix the patriarchs in any particular centuries’ (bright 1981, cited by grabbe 2007:53). hence for many, the era of the so-called patriarchs was the logical place to begin the history of ancient israel (moore & kelle 2011:43). to this end, many introductions to the old testament and histories of ancient israel produced in the mid-20th century ‘routinely equated genesis 12–50 with a historical period, the so-called middle bronze age, ca. 1800–1600 bce’ (birch et al. 2005:61). to support this position, in the 19th and early 20th centuries, scholars sought extrabiblical evidence in the ancient near east (moore & kelle 2011:43). in this regard, the albright school claimed that the names of the patriarchs are names that were frequently used in the early second millennium bce. names such as jacob, isaac and ishmael were said to be found among the early amorites (c. 1800 bce). other names like serug, nahor and terah were also claimed to be attested in the area of haran, which would confirm that the patriarchs came from there as indicated in genesis 12 (bright 1981:77; wenham 1994:54). albright and his followers also argued that texts from the second millennium cultures at nuzi and mari reflected social customs and legal practices parallel with those in the patriarchal narratives (moore & kelle 2011:51; cf. bright 1981:79). for example, in the nuzi texts, these historians claimed to find adoptions of slaves by childless couples, which they said were a parallel to abraham’s adoption of eliezer (gen 15) (moore & kelle 2011:51). thus: by mid-twentieth century, virtually all historians, especially americans, held that archaeological data substantiated the general plotline of the biblical stories and events, and placed the patriarchs in the middle bronze age (2000–1500). (p. 49) however, beginning from the 1970s, critical scholarship started to re-examine this consensus, in which the works of two scholars are regarded notable, namely thomas l. thompson (1974) and john van seters (1975). in the first place, they affirmed that the only information preserved concerning the so-called patriarchal age was what could be found in the text of genesis; ‘there was no direct external confirmation, either epigraphic or literary’ (grabbe 2007:52). as matthews puts it, ‘to date, no extra biblical direct mention of any of the ancestors has come to light’ (2002:4). also rejected by scholars was the use of the names of abraham’s relatives to prove the historicity of the narratives, contending that names such as serug, nahor, terah, and haran were not names of individuals but those of ‘several villages and a city in the region of mesopotamia’ (noll 2013:6; cf. grabbe 2007:54). thompson (cited by moore & kelle 2011) argued against the antiquity and uniqueness of west semitic personal names in the patriarchal stories, stating that they are not limited to the middle bronze age but appear ‘all the way down into the neo-assyrian period of ancient history (ca. 900–612)’ (moore & kelle 2011:58). thompson and van seters (cited by moore & kelle 2011:56–63) particularly questioned the so-called parallels claimed to link the patriarchal narratives to the early second millennium, and their supposed affinity to ancient near eastern texts (moore & kelle 2011: 57). the majority of the social customs claimed to indicate a second millennium date for the patriarchal traditions appeared in many periods, including even the first millennium. for example, the practice of a barren wife providing a female slave to her husband (cf. gn 16) is said to appear ‘not only in nuzi texts from the middle bronze age but also in assyrian writings from the seventh century bce’ (moore & kelle 2011:59). grabbe contends that many of the nuzi customs are actually not parallel to those in genesis; the supporters of the parallel-customs hypothesis misunderstood or misrepresented either the nuzi text or the biblical text. for example, according to grabbe, the genesis version of the adoption of eliezer was contrary to the nuzi custom: in the end, none of the alleged customs demonstrating an early second millennium background for the patriarchal stories seems to have stood up … [hence] the biblical text is eliminated as having little to tell us about the second millennium bce … (grabbe 2007:55, 64). critics in the 20th century also pointed out a number of anachronisms in the patriarchal narratives which would witness against a background of early second millennium for these stories. among other things, the critics made reference to the mention of camels (gn 12:16; 24:10; 30:43), which were widely used in the ancient near east but only in the late second millennium (cf. gn 12:16; 24:10; 30:43) (moore & kelle 2011:60). in this way, critical scholarship concluded that the alleged pieces of evidence from the ancient near east could prove neither a second millennium date for the patriarchal narratives, nor the historicity of the text itself. this conclusion invited interpreters to seek alternative methods ‘of engaging the nature and function of the genesis stories’ (moore & kelle 2011:45). in the wake of wellhausen (1994), hermann gunkel (1901) and his followers identified a long, preliterary stage for the patriarchal stories during which they were transmitted orally as sagas (ademiluka 2007:273–282; birch et al. 2005:65; longman & dillard 2006:55; moore & kelle 2011:47). hence, ‘any historical elements of the patriarchal stories were hidden behind the legendary and literary character of the narratives’ (moore & kelle 2011:47). one logical outgrowth of the form-critical approach to genesis is tradition history, commonly associated with the works of martin noth (1950). noth argued that the individual stories in genesis were told at particular sites, such as beersheba and bethel, and later (birch et al 2005): [c]ollected and then developed into the literary configuration in which we currently have them … noth presumed that what were originally unrelated characters –abraham, isaac, and jacob – were later connected by means of a fictive genealogy. (p. 66) similarly, gertz et al. state that there is a consensus in scholarship that the originally individual traditions concerning the three patriarchs and the corresponding matriarchs ‘were only later assembled and connected with one another through genealogy and geography’ (2012:335). according to them, the purpose of this was to provide a justification for the existence of israel on the land. hence, the narratives reflect the relationships with the neighbouring nations such as moab, ammon, edom and aram. the genealogy and geography were theologised with the introduction of yahweh, who became the national deity of both judah and israel. therefore, as wellhausen (1994) had long noted: [i]t can be concluded that the ancestral stories generally narrate the history of israel’s origins from the perspective of the period of the nation’s existence …; [in other words, they] are in their core projections back from the period of national existence. (gertz et al. 2012:335) however, van seters, by reformulating wellhausen’s earlier sources of the pentateuch, argued that some of the patriarchal traditions, such as abraham in egypt (gn 12:10–20), hagar’s flight (16:1–12) and the birth of isaac (21), were formulated in the exilic period to encourage the exiles to have faith in the certainty of yahweh’s promises to his people (moore & kelle 2011:60). thus, albrecht alt (1966) and martin noth (1950) concluded that the patriarchal narratives may provide certain information on israel’s early ancestors, but ‘nothing specific could be known about the patriarchs as individuals, as we cannot get behind the various stages of oral and literary development in the texts’ (moore & kelle 2011:52). on account of these uncertainties, matthews (2002) expresses doubts if: [t]he patriarchs, as well as their wives and children, were real persons. they are shadowy figures as far as historians are concerned and may be composites of several persons or tribal leaders … (p. 3) on the basis of the foregoing survey, for many historians since the 1970s, ‘the patriarchal traditions originated in the iron age, and the patriarchs were best understood not as historical figures but as literary creations of this later period’ (moore & kelle 2011:61). however, the general rejection of the historicity of the patriarchal narratives has led some scholars to consider ‘how these texts may present truth in a way that is not bound to historicity and … continue to be meaningful for modern persons today’ (moore & kelle 2011:63). the relevance of the genesis narratives for the modern reader lies in the fact that ‘the stories involve fathers and mothers, sons and daughters, aunts and uncles – simply put, families’ (birch et al. 2005:62). that is to say, genesis 12–36 presents the story of a family: abraham, isaac, and jacob are grandfather, father, and son, respectively. the individual episodes relate familial fundamental issues such as ‘courtship and wedding (24, 29), the birth of sons (16, 21, 25, 29–30), as well as jealousy and conflict within the family (13, 16, 29–31), including confrontation about inheritance’ (gertz et al. 2012:333). hence, birch et al. (2005) rightly observe that: as in the case of the psalms and the primeval history, the authority of the text in these family stories does not derive from its role as reporter of either events or history. instead, the text presents poetry and prose that later religious communities have found not only useful but essential for thinking about their own lives. (p. 62) in this way, perspectives about the patriarchal narratives have broadened to embrace issues of daily life, because the 1970s scholars have investigated the various indicators of social life revealed in the stories, ‘recognizing … that they may still provide valuable insights into dimensions of communal, family, and personal life’ (moore & kelle 2011:69). according to longman and dillard, this interpretive style was developed particularly in the 1980s and 1990s in the so-called recent literary approach which reemphasises the literary quality of ‘the biblical narrative, and in particular the narratives of the book of genesis’, paying less attention to questions of historical reference (2006:40). in this regard, some scholars have called attention to the literary unity and artistic brilliance in the book of genesis irrespective of its historical importance. using this literary approach, some interpreters, according to moore and kelle (2011): [o]ffer a theological and reader-oriented engagement with the figures of the patriarchs as literary characters, seeking to explore the theological issues that centre around these characters. [others] have also fostered an increased awareness of the ways in which the patriarchal narratives portray family dynamics and relationships … among husbands, wives, fathers, mothers, and children. (pp. 73–74) hence, the present work is a reader-oriented engagement with the patriarchal narratives; it examines the problem of childlessness in the family of abram, exploring the perspectives from which the story of the marriage of hagar to abram would appeal to the african reader. however, interpreting the narrative in the african context in this way is the subject of a later part of the work; for now we shall have a close look at the text, beginning with an examination of the nature of the marriage between abram and hagar. the marriage of hagar to abram (gn 16:1–4a) sarai was barren, and desiring to have children, she offered to give hagar, her maid (שִׁפְחָה), to her husband abram so that she (sarai) ‘shall obtain children by her’ (v. 2, rsv). שִׁפְחָה means ‘maidservant’ or ‘maid’ but could also have a wider use of female slave. it is often used indistinguishably and interchangeably with אָמָה, which some english versions also translate as ‘maidservant’ or ‘female slave’ (cf. 1 sm 1:16, 18; gn 30:3–4). שִׁפְחָה was a slave who could be given as a gift to a daughter when she was being given out in marriage (gn 29:24, 29). she could as well be a gift presented to another person as pharaoh presented gifts to abram, including maidservants (austel 1980:946; scott 1980:49). abram agreed to the proposal and took hagar ‘as a wife. and he went in to hagar and she conceived …’ (vv. 3–4a). in verse 1, hagar is introduced as an egyptian (even though the name is semitic, not egyptian [webber 1994:206]). the narrator does not say how sarai came by her slave but some suggest that hagar might have been ‘one of those she obtained from egypt’ (jamieson 2018:online). it is possible that ‘hagar was sarai’s slave in pharaoh’s harem’ (roth 2016:online; cf. gn 12:16, 20). there are conjectures on the status of hagar, as to whether she was a wife or concubine to abram. in view of hagar’s status as a slave, a personal property to sarai, jamieson opines that the word ‘wife’ ‘is here used to describe an inferior … relation’ (jamieson 2018:online); hence hagar was abram’s secondary wife. similarly, roth views hagar as a ‘secondary wife or concubine’ to abram (roth 2016:online). it should be noted that the hebrew word used to describe hagar as wife (v. 3) is אִשָּׁה, which is the same word for ‘woman’ and ‘frequently used in the sense of wife’ in the old testament (mccomiskey 1980:60). adamo observes that a majority of the english versions use ‘wife’ in genesis 16:3, apart from a few such as the new american bible and the catholic study bible, which render it as ‘concubine’. he, however, notes that translating the word as concubine cannot be appropriate because there is another word for concubine, which is פִּילֶגֶשׁ, and would have been used if it was intended (adamo 2005:465). this position could be buttressed with the status of the levite’s concubine in judges 19. in judges 19:1, 27 the word אִשָּׁה is used for the concubine but immediately qualified with פִּילֶגֶשׁ. therefore, it does not seem that the author of genesis 16 thought of hagar as a concubine but as a wife in a polygamous3 setting. in that case, the view of hagar as a secondary wife would be correct. as earlier mentioned, part of the aim of this work is to reappraise the view of some interpreters that the marriage of hagar to abram is part of the sexual exploitation in the hebrew bible; hence in the next section, we shall examine this mode of interpretation. the sexual exploitation interpretation for some scholars, particularly feminists, the giving of hagar to abram for marriage, just like the cases of bilhah and zilpah (gn 30), is another instance of the sexual abuse of women in the hebrew bible. according to graybill (2018): [i]t is not only the explicit narratives of rape that represent rape culture in the biblical text. instead, rape culture as a category forces us to look beyond single events to larger conditions of culture. consider, for example, the theme of the ‘barren matriarchs’ in genesis. the use of slave women (hagar, zilpah, bilhah) for the matriarchs is often discussed as a kind of surrogacy. and yet it is equally possible to read these narratives as stories about the sexual exploitation of slaves. (online) in the opinion of joseph (2017), hagar and the other handmaids in genesis were used as sex slaves, and this highlights ‘the sexual values inherent in the hebrew bible. women had no control over their own sexuality; a woman’s sexuality belongs to the men in her life’ (joseph 2017:online). joseph sees the stories of hagar and the other handmaids as replicated in the hulu show titled ‘a handmaid’s tale’, which was based on margaret atwood’s novel of the same title, written in 1985. the show ‘depicts a dystopian society in which women are taken from their families and enslaved as handmaids to address an infertility problem in the united states’ (joseph 2017:online), thus sharing with genesis the motifs of barrenness and the use of slave-girls as birth surrogates. others maintain that hagar’s experience qualifies as rape in that she seems to have no choice as her voice is not heard at all. according to freyhauf (2012), for example: in hagar we have an egyptian slave woman … forced to engage into sex with her owner’s husband for producing an heir. by forcing hagar to have sexual intercourse with abram, sarai asserts ownership over hagar’s womb. hagar had no choice. she was powerless. she had to obey sarai. (freyhauf 2012:online) several others emphasise the fact that hagar’s consent was not sought in the decision to make her submit to abram for sex. weems (2005) points out that ‘the slave hagar was never asked her opinion’ (weems 2005:online). religious tolerance (2018) similarly states that in view of her status as a slave, the decision for abram to engage in sexual intercourse with hagar was taken presumably without her consent; in the society of the day ‘she was required to submit to multiple rapes at her owner’s command’ (religious tolerance 2018:online). god’s design – perth (2016) states categorically: let us make no bones about it – we would call this rape today. hagar’s situation did not give her the option of saying no, [which makes] her a victim of sexual exploitation. (god’s design – perth 2016:online) thus, like the other maids in genesis, hagar was simply ‘raped for the sake of nation-building’ (joseph 2017:online). abram’s progeny was more valuable to him than hagar’s abuse (freyhauf 2012). the fact that hagar became abram’s wife meant little in terms of her status as slave; ‘with the implication that her mistress’s husband will now begin having sex with her … [it was just] a transfer of property’ (mcgrath 2012:online), that is from sarai to abram. to god’s design – perth, perhaps hagar’s experience means more than rape: hagar’s situation meets the definition of sex trafficking. for an adult, the united nations definition of human trafficking is ‘the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring, or receipt of persons by improper means (such as force, abduction, fraud, or coercion) for an improper purpose including forced labour or sexual exploitation’. (god’s design – perth 2016:online) for the writer, this definition applies to hagar’s situation. hagar was a victim of human trafficking because she was a slave, received as a slave by abram ‘in egypt, transported out of egypt and harboured in his home as a slave’ (god’s design – perth 2016:online). hagar was required by her owner to have sex with her master, and there is no indication that her consent was sought for it; thus she was a victim of sex trafficking (god’s design – perth 2016). another author similarly empathises with hagar as one who suffered forced sex and slavery together: [although] slavery was – during that time – a perfectly legal and socially acceptable institution … for a woman to force another woman into sexual slavery in order to serve as her personal ‘human incubator’ seems cruel beyond belief. (sex, slavery and surrogacy 2009:online) thus, to these interpreters the marriage of hagar to abram was an avenue for sexual exploitation. as a reappraisal of this mode of interpretation of the text, in the following section we shall examine the social background of the hagar narrative with a view to getting an insight into the possible manner in which the story was understood by its immediate audience. understanding the marriage of hagar to abram in its social context we begin the section by examining closely the meaning of sarah’s action in giving hagar to her abram. as seen earlier, her hope was that ‘i may obtain children by her’. the hebrew phrase which several english versions thus translate is מִמֶּנָה אִבָּנֶה [lit., ‘i may be built from her’], the same expression used in respect of rachel in genesis 30:3. אִבָּנֶה [niph’al imperfect, 1cs] is from the verb בָּנָה [to build], usually used in reference to houses, cities, towers, altars, etc. it is also used idiomatically as in genesis 16:2 to mean ‘to bring about increase in offspring’ (waltke 1994:116). the idea being conveyed here therefore ‘is that of the building up of a house’ (i.e. household or family) (cambridge bible for schools and colleges, in bible hub on gn 16:2:online). in other words, it is by bearing children that a woman builds up a family (john gill, in bible hubon gn 16:2:online; cf. rt 4:11). thus, by giving her maid to abram, sarai hoped to raise children by her, thereby building a family. the wording of the verse seems to reflect the pain with which sarai took the decision to surrender her husband to another woman for a sexual relationship: ‘… the lord has prevented me from bearing children. go in to my servant; it may be that i shall obtain children by her’. sarai had lost all hope of bearing a child by herself; hence this decision was her last resort to get a child. and in those words the narrator reveals the emotional situation of a barren hebrew woman. this fact is buttressed in the benson commentary when it says that: [t]he hebrew women considered barrenness as one of the greatest misfortunes that could befall them, not only from a natural desire of children, but from their eager wishes to be the means of fulfilling the promise to abraham, and bringing forth that seed in which all the families of the earth were to be blessed. (in bible hub on gn 30:1:online) from this expression one gets further insight into sarai’s desperation, the desperation which also echoes from other barren women in the old testament. for example, ‘rachel preferred death to childlessness’ (encyclopaedia judaica 2008:online) when she demanded that jacob should ‘give me children, or else i die’ (gn 30:1). in its exposition on this verse, ellicott’s commentary informs that barrenness was a great affliction to a hebrew woman; in fact, ‘there is an oriental proverb that a childless person is as good as dead’ (in bible hub on gn 30:1:online). commenting on the same verse, jamieson asserts that being a mother ‘confers a high degree of honor in the east, and the want of that status is felt as a stigma and deplored as a grievous calamity’ (in bible hub on gn 30:1:online). another example is hannah who suffered provocation and upbraiding continually from her rival, peninnah, on account of her (hannah’s) barrenness (john gill in bible hub on 1 sm 1:6–7:online). the pulpit commentary states: hannah is so sorely vexed at the taunts of her rival that she weeps from sheer vexation. [for hannah], the husband really is not ‘better than ten sons’ [1 sam 1:8] for the joy of motherhood is quite distinct from that of conjugal affection, and especially to a hebrew woman, who had special hopes from which she was cut off by barrenness. (in bible hub on 1 sm 1:6–7:online) hence, contrary to the sexual exploitation view, abram and especially sarai were being driven by the desire to have children. it is noteworthy that there are a few cases of rape in the hebrew bible and none exhibits the desire of having a child on the part of the rapists as their motive. we may take, for example, dinah’s experience with shechem in genesis 34. although some see it as consensual premarital sex in which case her experience is ‘a doomed love story’ (graybill 2018:online), for klopper, dinah’s encounter with shechem is ‘a classic case of acquaintance, or date rape’ (2010:658). in the narrative of amnon and tamar (1 sm 13:1–22), amnon became infatuated towards tamar so much that he desired to have sex with her, and in connivance with jonadab developed a trick to get tamar. after raping his sister, amnon was disgusted with her, as it is sometimes characteristic of rapists to ‘become enraged after the act because they see their own weakness in their victims’ (mann 2011:203). thus, for amnon, tamar was nothing more than a sex object. in 2 samuel 16:21–22, absalom violated his father’s concubines as part of the power struggle between them, as in the ancient world ‘taking of the wives of the predecessor was a part of the succession’ (smith 2018:online). unlike the case of abram and hagar, in all of the cases just mentioned, the drive of the rapists was pleasure; none involves the issue of barrenness and the desire for children. moreover, by the standard of the ancient near eastern customs, the union of abram and hagar was a marriage properly constituted. in that society: in the code of hammurabi if a man’s wife was childless, he was allowed to take a concubine and bring her into his house, but he was not to place her upon an equal footing with the wife. or, the wife might give her husband a maidservant (amtu). (cambridge bible for schools and colleges, in bible hub on gn 16:2:online) many writers support the view that sarai and abram’s action was a common and acceptable practice ‘in ancient near eastern family law’ (fletcher 2006:online). as roth (2016) puts it, ‘sarai decided to follow the ancient near east custom of building a family through her husband and servant’ (roth 2016:online). in that custom, ‘if your wife cannot have children, you can have children by your wife’s slaves, and the child becomes yours’ (bach, cited by klein 2008:online). in the view of wenham, according to this custom, sarah’s action was a resort to surrogate marriage. he states: surrogate marriage was a well-recognised practice in the ancient near east for childless couples. a wife would supply her husband with a girl, perhaps one of her maids if she were wealthy, for her husband to have intercourse with. the child when born would count as the wife’s child. this practice is assumed in the story of sarah and hagar in genesis 16. (wenham 2006; cf. wenham 1994:72) from the foregoing, describing the marriage of hagar to abram as sexual exploitation fails to take due cognisance of the social context of the narrative; it may also have arisen from reading modern meanings to the story. hence, commenting on the hagar narrative as reflecting surrogacy, wenham further states that: [w]hat we really need to establish is whether these actions contravene biblical law on the one hand or the ethics of the narrator on the other. we must endeavour to avoid reading into the text our own prejudices, and let it speak for itself. (wenham 2006) thus, rather than sexual exploitation, the marriage of hagar to abram is better understood as a legitimate employment of surrogacy to solve the problem of childlessness. to the african reader, the story is relevant in the context of the dilemma of childlessness and the various ways of seeking solution to this problem. hence, in the section below, we examine the hagar narrative in light of the desire for children in african culture, and as a suggestion of surrogacy as a pragmatic solution to barrenness in africa. the hagar narrative in the context of the problem of childlessness in africa the hagar narrative in light of the desire for children in african culture as it was among the hebrews, in africa there is a strong desire for children, so much so that marriage is constituted primarily for the purpose of procreation. unlike in western society where marriage is person-oriented, ‘that is, the concept of marriage as companionship’, in the traditional african setting, marriage is fertility-oriented (emenusiobi 2013:online). it is the union of a man and a woman as husband and wife principally for procreation; hence, without children, marriage is incomplete (mbiti 1969:133). in africa ‘the sense of children … as a value to be desired – is so strong’ that it overrides other purposes of marriage such as compatibility (marriage and family in africa 1988:online). in fact, in the traditional setting: [t]he indissolubility of marriage is conditioned to its fruitfulness. practically speaking, the birth of a child marked the ‘consummation’ of the marriage. once a child has been born the marriage is indissoluble. … children became a real external sign of this indissoluble unity. (marriage and family 1988:online) in african culture, it is unthinkable for one to die without having children; it means to ‘be completely cut off from the human society, to become an outcast and to lose all links with mankind’ (mbiti 1969:133). among the igbo of southeastern nigeria, for example: for an igbo man to die childless or without a male child is a calamity; it is tantamount to a descent into oblivion, to be forgotten by both the living and the dead. he has left no one to pour libation for him. he is not admitted into the status of an igbo ancestor after his death, which requires one to have children. (abasili 2011:567) hence, in africa, marriage is not voluntary but mandatory; ‘everybody must get married and bear children: that is the greatest hope and expectation of the individual for himself and of the community for the individual’ (mbiti 1969:133). deliberate refusal to get married is an abomination; in some societies ‘he who does not participate in marriage is a curse to the community’ (emenusiobi 2013:online; cf. abasili 2011:558). this is why to date every african feels incomplete until he or she gets married and bears children (emenusiobi 2013:online). childlessness is oftentimes a woeful situation, especially for the woman. as was in ancient israel, it is the dream of every woman to become a mother. a woman’s inability to achieve this mother-status can be really calamitous, as it affects both her personality and social status. in many societies, such a woman is looked upon as a social misfit; ‘she is openly ridiculed and told that she is not a woman’ (abasili 2011:562). in some other places, ‘women often are ostracized as witches or social outcasts if they cannot have children’ (nbcnews 2018:online). in the past, it was as if a barren woman deliberately refused to: [g]ive her husband children, [so] she was considered to have failed him – and society – in the most serious way possible. and if he chose to consider his marriage null and send her back to her family, society – and the woman herself – would agree. (marriage and family 1988:online) even today, a woman faces the risk of divorce if she does not have children. where a couple has the challenge of childlessness and it is the husband that is (mbiti 1969): impotent or sterile, his ‘brother’ [i.e. kinsman] can perform the sexual duties and fertilize the wife for him … but if the wife has no children, or [bears] only daughters, it follows almost without exception that her husband will add another wife. (pp. 143, 145) thus, an african woman may lose her marriage not only for not having children but also if she has only female children (cf. abasili 2011:562; bvukutwa 2014:online). the traditional explanation for this attitude is that whereas the male child is looked upon as the sustainer of the lineage, girls are ‘perceived as expendable commodities who will eventually be married out to other families to procreate and ensure the survival of the spouses’ linage by bearing sons’ (igbelina-igbokwe 2013:online). igbelina-igbokwe (2013) further explains that: oftentimes, men sought to take second wives because of their first wife’s inability to bear an heir. therefore a woman with no sons is plagued with social insecurity as she lives in constant fear of losing her marriage and her homestead to another who may be brought in to correct her ‘inadequacies’. (online) from the foregoing, in the african context, contrary to the suggestion that hagar was a victim of rape or sex trafficking, she is understood as a second wife abram had to marry on account of sarai’s inability to bear him an heir. in africa, sarai’s suggestion to abram to go in to hagar is understood in the context of a barren wife suggesting to her husband to take a second wife. that really used to be the case in the traditional setting; the women were so used to a polygamous situation that at times the first wife would ask ‘her husband to take a second wife’ particularly as that would mean an additional hand in the family work such as farming (marriage and family:online; cf. mbiti 1969:134). thus, the easiest approach open to the traditional african man to arrest the problem of childlessness is the resort to polygamy. in the modern times, whereas barren women seek divine intervention in ‘prayer houses’ and ‘miracle centres’ or from traditional healers and orthodox practitioners, their husbands most often take other wives to remedy the problem of childlessness (abasili 2011:566). in this way, polygamy becomes a necessity in the context of the desire for children. it is important to mention that, apart from solving the problem of childlessness, in the traditional african society, polygamy was also ‘esteemed because it ensured a large progeny … [as] children meant wealth, prestige and the blessings of god and the ancestors’ (emenusiobi 2013:online).similar to marrying several wives, the desire for children also manifests in other forms of unions, although most of them are no longer common in view of christianity and western civilisation. in this regard, there used to be levirate marriage whereby a man ‘produced’ children for his late kinsman by marrying the latter’s widow (ademiluka 2003:138; emenusiobi 2013:online; mbiti 1969:134). some societies had surrogate marriages where a man married one of the sisters of his late wife who died without children (mbiti 1969:144; oshadare et al. 2005:78). however, the modern african reader of the bible gets an insight from the story of hagar that a man need not accumulate women to get children. as mentioned earlier, the hagar experience is better understood as an employment of surrogacy rather than as sexual exploitation. hence, in the following section, we examine the hagar narrative as a suggestion of surrogacy in africa. the hagar narrative as a suggestion of surrogacy in africa according to umeora et al. (2014), the term ‘surrogacy’ derived from the latin word subrogare, which means ‘to substitute’. surrogacy is defined as ‘a method or agreement whereby a woman agrees to carry a pregnancy for another person or persons, who will become the newborn child’s parent(s) after birth’ (wikipedia contributors 2018:online). as umeora et al. put it: surrogacy refers to a situation whereby a third party female elects or is commissioned to carry a pregnancy on behalf of another couple, delivers a baby and hands the child over to the commissioning parents at birth. (umeora et al 2014:online) certain conditions can make a couple to seek a surrogacy arrangement, such as when pregnancy fails to happen for whatever reasons, or when it constitutes a risk for the intended mother. it may also be the man that is infertile or impotent (wikipedia contributors 2018:online). surrogacy is commercial if the surrogate receives money for carrying a pregnancy; it is altruistic ‘if she receives no compensation beyond reimbursement of medical and other reasonable expenses’ (wikipedia contributors 2018:online). there are two forms of surrogacy, namely traditional surrogacy and gestational surrogacy. traditional surrogacy is the type in which the ‘surrogate mother is inseminated with the semen of the commissioning father or donor sperm’, in which case she is biologically the mother of the baby (umeora et al. 2014:online). gestational surrogacy is that in which the surrogate mother makes no genetic contribution to the foetus. in this case, pregnancy is the result of in vitro fertilisation (ivf), which ‘literally means the fertilization of eggs with sperm in glass, which translates to fertilization outside of the body in the laboratory’ (dominion fertility 2018:online). to put it in another way, in traditional surrogacy: [f]ertilization occurs inside the woman [whereas] for ivf test-tube babies are developed from an egg that was fertilized outside the body, and then implanted in the uterus of the biological or surrogate mother. (best fertility clinics:online) hence, in a way, ‘traditional surrogacy’ has been correctly used by some writers to describe hagar’s function in genesis 16, possibly ‘one of the earliest recorded cases of surrogacy’ (lyons 1987; cf. information on surrogacy 2016:online). hagar performed the role of a surrogate mother in using ‘her own egg in the child she’s carrying for intended parents’ (surrogate.com 2009:online). that is to say that in modern times, sarai need not have shared her husband sexually with hagar; rather the latter would simply have been artificially inseminated with abram’s semen, and she would carry the pregnancy for him and sarai and deliver the baby to the couple at birth. in this way, a childless african couple finds solace in the hagar narrative with the suggestion of surrogacy as a pragmatic solution to their problem. in view of the ancient near eastern customs earlier discussed, hagar was only one of the many cases of surrogacy in antiquity, but this form of: [t]raditional surrogacy remained a taboo topic up until the twentieth century … [because, among other stigmas] surrogate pregnancies would have been conceived naturally – which would be shameful for married couples’; hence, the need for the development of modern surrogacy. (surrogate.com 2009:online; cf. information on surrogacy 2016:online) several ‘developments in medicine, social customs, and legal proceedings worldwide paved the way for modern surrogacy’, particularly in the 1970s (wikipedia contributors 2018:online). in 1978 louise brown, the first ‘test-tube baby’, was born in england, ‘the product of the first successful ivf procedure’ (wikipedia contributors 2018:online; cf. surrogate.com 2009:online). traditional surrogacy came to a head in 1984–1986 with the case of baby m in the state of new jersey, us. in this controversy: bill and betsy stern hired mary beth whitehead to be their surrogate in 1984, agreeing to pay her $10 000. whitehead’s eggs were used in the artificial insemination process, making her the biological mother of the child. when the baby was born and it was time for whitehead to sign over her parental rights, she refused and took custody of baby melissa stern (‘baby m.’) – starting a long custody battle in 1986. … [at the end] the new jersey supreme court ruled that the surrogacy agreement between whitehead and the sterns was illegal and, therefore, restored whitehead’s parental rights. custody was granted to bill stern, with whitehead receiving visitation rights. (surrogate.com 2009:online; cf. umeora et al. 2014:online) at present, worldwide: [p]oor regulatory frameworks are still the norms, with only 71 nations having any surrogacy laws whatsoever … only a handful of countries around the world have laws legalizing commercial surrogacy, which are essentially a requirement for surrogacy agencies to set up shop. (glaser 2016:online) in the us, for example, ‘legislation and legality of surrogacy varies from state to state’ (umeora et al. 2014:online; wikipedia contributors 2018:online). in england it ‘is banned by the surrogate amendment act of 1985’. it is also illegal in sweden, finland, japan, saudi arabia, and china (umeora et al. 2014:online). in ‘the developing nations, surrogacy-related regulatory structures are messy if they exist at all’ (glaser 2016:online; cf. wikipedia contributors 2018:online). in the african continent, it is only south africa that has laws governing commercial surrogacy (wikipedia contributors 2018:online); in other countries, none exists at all, to the best of our knowledge. in nigeria, for instance, after the birth of the first test tube baby in 1989, ‘there was no follow-up in this field until a few years ago with the establishment of some private ivf clinics’ mostly in the southwestern commercial city of lagos. and, it is important to mention that there are no regulatory bodies at all that license or monitor the activities of these fertility clinics (omo 2018:online). however, even when it is legally regulated, commercial surrogacy will still face many challenges in africa, particularly from the perspective of cultural traditions relating to pregnancy, childbirth and blood relationship. in many parts of africa pregnancy and childbirth are highly celebrated. a pregnant woman moves about with joy with her protruded tummy, and the whole community awaits her day of delivery. in commercial surrogacy where a surrogate has to be hired to carry pregnancy, this enthusiasm of openly carrying pregnancy and joyfully awaiting delivery is absent for the intended parents; hence even when the surrogate mother delivers the baby to them, rather than being joyful they may, in fact, feel ashamed because of suddenly having children when no one saw pregnancy. hence, the intended parents still feel unfulfilled, and do not really see themselves as real parents. moreover, to many around the globe, not only in africa, ‘the idea of paying a woman to carry a child seems abhorrent,’ not only to the intended parents but especially to the surrogate mother (glaser 2016:online). hence, in most parts of africa today, surrogate mothers would still be seen by many as child sellers, and ‘… may be culturally and socially stigmatized … [and] may be forced into social isolation’ (umeora et al. 2014:online). the concept of blood relationship is very strong in africa in which there is: [a] vertical conception of family that dates back to ancestry and projects into the future … [comprising] ancestors, the present generation and the unborn, all blood related in an unbroken sequence. (umeora et al. 2014:online) this conception of lineage does not envisage surrogate children; hence a child born via commercial surrogacy may suffer segregation not only by the other children in the family but, in fact, by the members of the lineage and the community at large. as umeora et al. (2014) put it: commercial surrogacy threatens the sanctity of this lineage and changes the way children are valued, from being loved and valued by their parents and others to being used as the case may be, as an object of commercial profit-making. (umeora et al. 2014:online) another problem with commercial surrogacy is the cost, especially for those africans of low social economic status, who of course are in the large majority. philpott (2013) states that ‘the costs for surrogacy range from $40,000 to $140,000’ (philpott 2013:online), whereas mcbrian (2015) puts it at $100 000 to $150 000. yet, surrogacy would have several benefits for african couples who cannot have their own children by themselves. ‘the world health organization reports that one in five couples in the world have infertility’ (fertility hub nigeria 2017:online), while experts say ‘that more than 30 percent of women [in africa] are unable to have children’ (nbcnews 2018:online). as earlier mentioned, for those with ‘infertility and those with medical conditions that make pregnancy unsafe, surrogacy is often the answer to years of unsuccessful attempts to create a family’ (southern surrogacy 2018:online). for example, ‘surrogacy is often perceived as the only option when women have a damaged uterus, or have lost their uterus to diseases such as cancer’ (health24 2012:online). as umeora et al. (2014) rightly conclude: surrogacy arrangement is deemed by many as advantageous given the dearth of children available for adoption and complexity of qualifying as adoptive parents. it may represent the only hope for some infertile couple to raise a family. (online) conclusion this research acknowledged the findings of the historical-critical method on the patriarchal narratives, but employed a reader-oriented approach to study the marriage of hagar to abram. some scholars have given this text a sexual exploitation interpretation, describing hagar as a victim of rape or sex trafficking. reappraising this view against the social background of the text, we found out that, rather the abram–hagar union is better understood as legitimate surrogacy. the research also found out that the desire for children is as strong in african culture as it was in ancient israel; hence, as against the claim of sexual abuse, the text appeals to the african reader in the context of the problem of childlessness. in the traditional african context, hagar is understood as a second wife whom abram had to marry on account of sarai’s barrenness. in modern times, she can be seen as a surrogate engaged by the abram family; hence the childless african couple also finds the hagar narrative as suggestive of surrogacy for their problem. although surrogate motherhood would find some challenges in african culture in the areas of pregnancy, childbirth and blood relationship, it still can be the means by which certain african couples may raise their own families. unfortunately, today in the whole of africa it is only south africa that has laws governing surrogacy. however, in view of its enormous benefits for many who are being denied the joy of parenthood owing to sterility, other countries are enjoined to make regulations that would allow and monitor the activities of competent individuals or groups to operate the business of surrogate motherhood. acknowledgement competing interest the author has declared that no competing interests exist. author contributions i declare that i am the sole author of this research article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references abasili, a.i., 2011, ‘seeing tamar through the prism of african woman: a contextual reading of genesis 38’, old testament essays 24(3), 555–573. adamo, d.t., 2005, ‘the african wife of abraham’, old testament essays 18(3), 455–471. ademiluka, s.o., 2003, ‘the impact of christian missionary activity on the socio-cultural heritage of the okun yoruba’, in a. olukoju, z.o. apata & o. akinwumi (eds.), northeast yorubaland: studies in the history and culture of a frontier zone, pp. 134–142. rex charles, ibadan. ademiluka, s.o., 2007, ‘a study of the patriarchal narratives (genesis 12–50) in an african setting’, old testament essays 20(2), 273–282. albright, w.f., 1961, ‘abraham the hebrew: a new archaeological interpretation’, basor 163(1961), 36–54. https://doi.org/10.2307/1355773 alt, a., 1966, ‘the god of the fathers’, in a. alt (ed.), essays on old testament history and religion, pp. 50–93. eng. trans, blackwell, oxford. austel, h.j., 1980, שִׁפְחָה, in r.l. harris, l.a. gleason jr. & b.k. waltke (eds.), theological wordbook of the old testament, 2 vols, p. 946. moody publisher, chicago, il. best fertility clinics and costs of ivf in nigeria, viewed 21 june 2018, from https://www.bukasblog.com.ng. bible hub 2004–2017a, commentary on genesis 16:2, viewed 04 june 2018, from http://biblehub.com/commentaries/genesis/16-2.htm. bible hub 2004–2017b, commentary on genesis 30:1, viewed 03 june 2018, from http://biblehub.com/commentaries/genesis/30-1.htm. bible hub 2004–2017c, commentary on 1 samuel 1:6–7, viewed 03 june 2018, from http://biblehub.com/commentaries/1_samuel/1-6.htm. birch, b.c., brueggemann, w.f., terence, e. & petersen, d.l. 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historical abraham, de gruyter, berlin. umeora, o.j., umeora, m.c., emma-echiegu, n.b. & chukwuneke, f.n., 2014, ‘surrogacy in nigeria: legal, ethical, socio cultural, psychological and religious musings’, african journal of medical and health sciences, viewed 10 june 2018, from http://www.ajmhs.org/article.asp?issn=2384-5589;year=2014;volume=13;issue=2;spage=105;epage=109;aulast=umeora. van seters, j., 1975, abraham in history and tradition, yale university press, new haven, ct. waltke, b.k., 1980, בָּנָה, in r.l. harris, l.a. gleason jr. & b.k. waltke (eds), theological wordbook of the old testament, 2 vols, pp. 116–118, moody publisher, chicago, il. webber, c.p., 1980, הָגָר, in r.l. harris, l.a. gleason jr. & b.k. waltke (eds.), theological wordbook of the old testament, 2 vols, p. 206. moody publisher, chicago, il. weems, r.j., 2005, a mistress, a maid and no mercy: understanding the timeless connection between women of today and women in the bible, warner books, new york, viewed 10 may 2018, from https://subrosa09.wordpress.com/2009/05/21/sex-slavery-and-surrogacy-the-story-of-hagar/. wellhausen, j., 1994, ‘israel’, in prolegomena to the history of israel, pp. 429–548, scholars, atlanta, ga. wenham, g.j., 1994, ‘genesis’, in d.a. carson, g.j. wenham, j.a. motyer & r.t. france (eds.), new bible commentary, 4th edn., pp. 54–91, ivp, nottingham. wenham, g.j., 2006, sex and violence in genesis, viewed 10 may 2018, from http://www.jubilee-centre.org/sex-violence-genesis-gordon-wenham/. wikipedia contributors, 2018, surrogacy, viewed 18 june 2018, from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/surrogacy. footnotes 1. only verses 1–4a are relevant for this work because its focus is on the issue of the marriage of hagar to abram. 2. ‘sarai’ and ‘abram’ are used as in the text, not ‘sarah’ and ‘abraham’ as the matriarch and patriarch are respectively known subsequently. 3. technically the term ‘polygamy’ means marrying ‘many’ (wives, husbands or times). in this work, it is used in the popular usage of the state of marriage in which there is one husband and two or more wives, which should strictly be ‘polygyny’, as against ‘polyandry’, which refers to a state of one woman marrying two or more husbands (mbiti 1969:142). abstract introduction problem statement methodology faith, ritual and healing in the bible the missionary church and african cultural practices african traditional medicine and the position of the church pentecostalism and faith-based healing in zimbabwe conclusions acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) temba rugwiji biblical and ancient studies, faculty of theology, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation rugwiji, t., 2019, ‘faith-based healing and african traditional medicine in zimbabwe: a postcolonial perspective’, theologia viatorum 43(1), a25. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v43i1.25 original research faith-based healing and african traditional medicine in zimbabwe: a postcolonial perspective temba rugwiji received: 27 may 2019; accepted: 23 nov. 2019; published: 13 dec. 2019 copyright: © 2019. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the missionary church in africa had its own challenges regarding the missionary enterprise itself and the local african communities to which the gospel was preached. various opinions on the missionary enterprise in africa have been advanced. the main argument raised by most scholars is primarily premised on the negative impact of colonialism, citing the vilification of african cultural practices and discouraging converts to the christian faith from using african traditional medicine (atm). the latter view constitutes the main problem that the present discourse intends to grapple with. the present study will engage the existing scholarly literature on the argument that the missionary churches did not familiarise themselves with cultural practices of the local indigenous african peoples prior to convincing them about switching to god who is presented in the hebrew bible (hb). it has been established that according to the hb and christian teachings, the use of atm is an abomination. in this study, faith-based healing (fbh) and other methods of healing in africa in general and zimbabwe in particular are also discussed. this study utilises a postcolonial approach in an attempt to explain ancient israelite cultural practices and fbh in the modern post-biblical context. the purpose of this study is twofold: (1) to explain for the readership the critical role played by the missionary churches among african communities and (2) to present the research findings for further research on the authenticity (or myth) of fbh claims. keywords: the missionary church; pentecostal movements; faith-based healing; african traditional religion; atm. introduction numerous contributions have been published to date about the impact of colonialism on africa and african culture. however, very few (or none) have succeeded in interrogating the biblical view of healing from a postcolonial perspective, with a particular focus on promoting african traditional medicine (atm) in zimbabwe. with reference to the old testament (ot), it is depicted that the colonists would deny the people whose land they have invaded the right to maintain their cultures and their traditional belief systems (stephanson 1995:6–7). thus, kwok (1995) opined that: the condemnation of cultures, religions, and peoples in canaan can be seen as a forerunner of discrimination against peoples who do not share the beliefs of jews or christians. the canaanites were portrayed as worshipping idols, as promiscuous, and as having lower moral standards. (p. 108) the present study attempts to demonstrate that this trajectory of mortifying cultural practices of people of the invaded territory has also been exported through the missionary church to our contemporary world, particularly the african continent. hence, ngwabi bhebe (1979:28) remarked that ‘[t]he lms missionaries had by the 1880’s come to the conclusion that the ndebele political system must be overthrown to pave the way for christianity’. the missionaries1 who were believed to be preachers of the gospel of christ to the ‘unborn world’ also assimilated biblical teachings, which disregarded cultures and traditional practices of the indigenous people2 (cf. mofokeng 1988:34; mudimbe 1977:44; west 1997:322–342). as rugwiji (2013:59) remarked, ‘[a] known culture or tradition of a people remains their identity marker’ (see also ratheiser 2007:460). this is one of the arguments raised by virtually the majority of africans in general, and african scholars in particular, that the missionary church was part of the superseding agenda of colonisation because the missionaries are believed to have brought the concept of god to africa (cox 2014). thus, mishra and hodge (1994:288) have argued that ‘[c]olonialism was accomplished through christian mission in africa’. the above view supports rugwiji’s (2008:100) argument that to conquer a people effectively, subjugation is done through the use of ideas. thus, a racial protest has continued among africans that when missionaries came to sub-saharan africa they subjugated black people under white administration because ‘white’ is regarded as civilised, good, beautiful, intelligent and rational (holderness 1985:5). the culture of the african people, their rituals and traditional ceremonies were perverse. cultural names of local people who were convinced to join the church were changed because local shona names were considered to be carrying curse connotations. however, this study does not suggest the renaming of all colonial names in zimbabwe. but, one would consider that ‘[f]or black people, the past and its ineffaceable and haunting marks of dehumanisation are not something with which they can easily reconcile’ (nyambi & mangena 2016:6). african traditional medicine and local herbs to cure illnesses and other health complications were discouraged. even the modern generation of christians has accepted the church’s condemnation that atm is satanic. this is why african ways of healing ailments using local concoctions and traditional herbs are almost extinct. the modern church has firmly adopted and adapted to the missionary church’s teachings and ideology against african cultural belief systems. four fundamental themes will be explored in this discourse: (1) faith, ritual and healing in the bible, (2) the missionary church and african cultures, (3) atm and the position of the church and (4) pentecostalism and faith-based healing (fbh) in zimbabwe. the present study utilises a postcolonial approach that examines the era after colonialism (castle 2001:508; hall 1996:260). in adopting the above approach, the project is organised into two main objectives. firstly, the study attempts to illustrate for the readership in general that experiences of oppression, injustice and discrimination against africans during the colonial era have had a negative impact on african communal life and cultural practices. having said that, the church3 and its contribution in subjugating africans cannot be exonerated entirely. thus, banana (1991:35) remarked that ‘africans were to a large extent, not regarded as humans; their status is analogous to or lesser still in importance to that of a pet like a dog’. secondly, scholarship stands to benefit from this contribution because there are significant variances envisaged in this particular discourse which have not been explored implicitly elsewhere. these variances include, for instance, a discussion that a conventional medical practitioner should recommend some patients with health complications to seek the help of a traditional healer and/or solicit atm in spite of the argument that atms ‘are not laboratory tested’ (ndlovu 2016:50). nevertheless, as bodibe and sodi (1997, cited in ndlovu 2016:20) observed, ‘[s]everal studies have maintained that people would rather consult a traditional healer than any other care or treatment option’. problem statement the present discussion has identified three main problems that have motivated an informed dialogue with the biblical text, scholarly literature and material on culture and traditional medicines among africans in zimbabwe. firstly, postcolonial literature on the role of the missionary church in africa has not explored in detail the critical functions played by the sacred institutions towards the provision of social services, such as food security, education and healthcare to local communities which the present study does. the readership can be guaranteed of a balanced debate on the missionary enterprise and its crucial role in africa. secondly, the study attempts to sensitise the readership among faith-based organisations (fbos) and culturally entrenched communities to foster a breakthrough towards acceptability of modern conventional precautionary measures against viruses and diseases which can easily overtake congregants, especially the young ones. recommending hospital treatment is not asking too much. in the same vein, conventional medical practitioners should recommend patients with health complications to a traditional healer or for the use of atm. thirdly, it has been noted that both past and most recent postcolonial studies on the colonisation of africa and african peoples have tended to be reactionary and revolutionary in character. however, the present study attempts to create a platform for a conjectural dialogue towards appreciation for a new world order that necessitates an appreciation of cultural variances. methodology as discussed previously, this study adopted a postcolonial approach (postcolonial theory4). snyman (2002:63–88) describes ‘postcolonial’ as a ‘condition where serious questions are asked about the continuing effect of the former colonial and apartheid ideological structures’. in addition to snyman’s position on postcoloniality, sugirtharajah (2002) explains postcolonialism as follows: [t]o term the former colonised countries of asia and africa, the caribbean and the pacific as postcolonial as they become self-governing states. recently there has been a development and shift in the meaning of the term. it has moved from a fairly common understanding as a linear chronological sequence to a much more catholic and more diverse sense, as an index of historical and cultural changes. despite the formal withdrawal of european nations, the term ‘postcolonial’ is thought to be an appropriate one because of the persistence of newer forms of economic and cultural colonialism which keep a number of newly independent states in check and constrain their freedom. the term as it is now used, whether referring to textual practices or psychological conditions, or historical processes, depends on who uses it and what purpose it serves. (p. 2) in this article, both precolonial and colonial literature about african cultures (including african indigenous knowledge systems5), missionary churches and how they established health and learning institutions are interrogated in dialogue with postcolonial findings that emerged as an inquiry into the legitimacy of place, space and identity of african peoples and their cultures. in addition to secondary sources used in developing this argument, themes drawn from biblical narratives will also be explored. scholars who have employed biblical passages as their bases for engagement as well as postcoloniality also comprise an essential component of the data pool for the present discourse. faith, ritual and healing in the bible during ancient biblical times (both the ot and new testament [nt]), like in a modern post-biblical world, health was an important subject. this investigation on health commences by tracing themes of health and healing in the ot. this approach is an attempt to demonstrate that in the hebrew bible (which is regarded as historical by both jews and modern christians), health matters were as critical as they are among modern post-biblical societies. in addition, the inclusion of ot narratives about healing in a postcolonial discourse is in order, not only because of its relevance but also because of its consistency with the question of health from the standpoint of the bible. hence, commencing with the bible, which both the jews and christians make reference to frequently, informs the present study from a postcolonial perspective. in the book of exodus, yahweh declares himself as a healer where he says, ‘i, the lord, am your healer’ (ex 15:26b). one would also want to appreciate the legitimacy of hasel’s (1983:197) affirmation when he claims that the lord of the covenant is perceived as the ‘healer’ in the prevention of the diseases which afflicted the egyptians. hasel (1983) further revealed that obedience to the lord would prevent yahweh from bringing diseases upon the covenant people (ex l5:26a). the practice of ritual cleansing or healing ritual was also performed during ot times. a few examples are noteworthy: in exodus 4:24, we read that yahweh intended to kill moses. the biblical text does not present the readers with some clarity as to why yahweh wanted to kill the agent whom he had assigned to bring liberation of the israelites from egyptian bondage. it is conceivable that yahweh intended to kill moses because he had disobeyed yahweh by not circumcising his son. nevertheless, it appears moses became very ill and it was his wife zipporah who saved his life. zipporah performed a ritual in which she ‘took a sharp stone, and cut off the foreskin of her son, and cast it at his feet …’ (ex 4:24–26; allen 1996: 259–269). this circumcision ritual healed moses. leviticus 13 depicts leprosy as a dreadful disease. according to leviticus, a person suffering from leprosy had to be kept away from the rest of the communities until such a time when the priest pronounced them clean. in leviticus 14, we read of a ritual of cleansing (healing) lepers which is performed by a priest (lv 14:3), in which ‘two birds alive and clean, and cedar wood, and scarlet, and hyssop’ (lv 14:4) would be brought to the priest. one of the birds is killed in an earthen vessel over running water (lv 14:5). the ritual is concluded by sprinkling the blood of the killed bird on the leper (lv 14:6). the prophet elisha raised the son of a shunammite woman from the dead. he laid: [u]pon the child, and put his mouth upon his mouth, and his eyes upon his eyes, and his hands upon his hands: and he stretched himself upon the child; and the flesh of the child waxed warm. (2 ki 4:34) likewise, the prophet elisha orders naaman, the leper, (2 ki 5:1) to wash himself in the jordan river seven times after which naaman was healed of his leprosy (2 ki 5:14). in the realisation that yahweh is a healer, moses cried to yahweh to heal his leprous sister miriam (nm 12:13). in the song of moses, yahweh is personified as one who kills, wounds and heals and that ‘neither is there any that can deliver out of my hand’ (dt 32:39), a ramification which we also find in job 5:18. however, job was cured from his disease and has enjoyed a long and happy life together with his family (spronk 2004:989). it is envisaged that dietary precautions were critical among the covenant people. swindoll (1988:326) has furnished us with cases of pregnant women such as samson’s mother and elizabeth who were subjected to special diets and home confinement to ensure a healthy full-term delivery (jdg 13:4–5; lk 1:24). following the prevalence of drought and the barrenness in the land which consequently brought death among people, the prophet elisha performed a ritual of healing the: [s]pring of the waters, and cast the salt in there, and said, ‘thus saith the lord, i have healed these waters; there shall not be from thence any more death or barren land.’ (2 ki 2:21–22) in the book of second chronicles, we read that hezekiah prayed for the sick and yahweh healed israel (2 chr 30:20). in 2 chronicles 7:14, yahweh’s requirement as a condition for healing the land was humility, prayer, seeking yahweh’s face, and turning away from wickedness. yahweh’s mercies are also demonstrated by his ability to ‘healeth the broken in heart, and bindeth up their wounds’ (ps 147:3). it is noted that trusting in the lord will bring ‘health to thy navel, and marrow to thy bones’ (pr 3:8). in the fourth servant song (is 53:5), the audience is assured that ‘with his stripes we are healed’ (see also 1 pt 2:24). although the position of the modern church is that this particular song referred to jesus christ who was bruised and nailed to the cross for the salvation of the human race, the majority of scholars hold the view that the servant was among the suffering jews in captivity in babylonia, during which time jesus had not yet been born. another important example of sickness and healing in the ot is king hezekiah (isaiah 38). according to isaiah 38:1–6, hezekiah’s health was restored because of the intervention of the prophet isaiah and king hezekiah’s contribution through prayer. thus, it reads: in those days hezekiah was sick unto death. and isaiah the prophet the son of amoz came unto him, and said unto him, ‘thus saith the lord, “set thine house in order: for thou shalt die, and not live”’. then hezekiah turned his face toward the wall, and prayed unto the lord. then came the word of the lord to isaiah, saying, ‘go, and say to hezekiah, “thus saith the lord, the god of david thy father, i have heard thy prayer, i have seen thy tears: behold, i will add unto thy days fifteen years”’. (is 38:1–6) jeremiah also complained to yahweh about a continued state of suffering among the people, to which he added that, ‘is there no balm in gilead; is there no physician there? why then is not the health of the daughter of my people recovered?’ (jr 8:22). the prophet jeremiah, who was probably sick himself, cried to yahweh: ‘heal me, o lord, and i shall be healed; save me, and i shall be saved: for thou art my praise’ (jr 17:14). added to that we read in jeremiah 30:17 that yahweh promised the exiles that he would ‘restore health unto thee, and i will heal thee of thy wounds’ in psalms 6:2, david prays to yahweh to ‘have mercy upon me, o lord; for i am weak: o lord, heal me; for my bones are vexed’. apparently, god could also strike people’s sickness, for example, the child that bathsheba bore to david (see 2 sm 19:37). when zechariah says: for i am going to raise up a shepherd over the land who will not care for the lost, or seek the young, or heal the injured, or feed the healthy, but will eat the meat of the choice sheep, tearing off their hoofs. (zch 11:16) he might have been referring to the post-exilic leadership among the judeans who did not care for the welfare of communities. the book of malachi informs us of the healing that would prevail if the judeans revered yahweh. the following statement portrays someone who has been healed who now leaps with joy because they are released from the bondage of illness: but for you who revere my name, the sun of righteousness will rise with healing in its wings. and you will go out and leap like calves released from the stall. (ml 4:2) the beginning of psalm 41 speaks about the spiritual and physical solace in times of trouble that comes from serving others (especially ps 41:4; freeman & abrams 1999:3). because of back pain someone complains that ‘there is no health in my body’ (ps 38:7), while others ‘have no struggles; their bodies are healthy and strong’ (ps 73:4). yahweh is also perceived as one ‘who pardons all your iniquities; who heals all your diseases’ (ps 103:3). proverbs 2:13 echoes with the fear of the lord and the shunning of evil ‘will bring health to your body and nourishment to your bones’. in addition, is the teaching of proverbs 12:18 that a person who is wise should promote and enhance life by using one’s tongue to speak health. isaiah 58:8 also gives hope to those who are sick when he says, ‘then your light will break forth like dawn; and your healing will quickly appear’. the book of job is also illuminating in its revelation of yahweh as the provider and sustainer of health and good life. klopper (1992) expresses the same view explicitly in the following statement: those who lived in harmony with yahweh’s will enjoy his blessing of good health, prosperity and contentment. it was not a condition of being saved unto life hereafter. to die in good old age, an old man, and full of years (job 42:17) was to have reached a point which yahweh had measured and now completed. (p. 200) the nt also depicts that health and healing of sicknesses were critical. hence, hasel (1983:191) remarks that healing, forgiveness and salvation are not (and cannot be) separated in scripture. a few examples of healing in the nt will suffice. jesus healed the leper by touching him (mt 8:3); he touched the mother of peter’s wife who had fever (mt 8:14–15); jesus touched the eyes of two blind men, and they were healed (mt 20:34). sometimes jesus would heal sick people by verbal commands for healing to prevail: for example, the paralytic (mt 9:2) and the two blind men (mt 9:27–30). we also read that ‘[a] blind man came to jesus beseeching him to heal him’ (mk 8:22). jesus also understood very well what was common in terms of health matters during his life time because he acknowledged that ‘[t]hey that are whole need not a physician, but they that are sick’ (mt 9:12), and that ‘[p]hysician, heal thyself’ (lk 4:23). individuals who were demon-possessed also received their healing. for example, in luke 8:36 we read that ‘[t]hose who had seen it, told the people how the demon-possessed man had been cured’. although evidence of his curing sick people is not apparent in the biblical text, luke was also a medical doctor whom paul describes as a ‘beloved physician’ (col 4:14). it is also possible that luke the physician attended to paul’s health problems, such as: [t]here was given to me a thorn in the flesh, the messenger of satan to buffet me, lest i would be exalted above measure. for this thing i besought the lord thrice, that it might depart from me. (2 cor 12:7–8) sometimes jesus would use a ritual to heal his patients, for example, in his healing of the man born blind, jesus ‘spat on the ground, and made clay of the spittle, and he anointed the eyes of the blind man with the clay’ (jn 9:6). he then commanded the blind man to go and wash in the pool of siloam and the man came back seeing (jn 9:7). the above examples demonstrate that during ancient biblical times there were various ways of dealing with ailments. buthelezi (2011:70) opines that ‘[t]o israel the restoration to health was salvation from all types of sickness’. thus, salvation is about ‘finding protection from the threats of witchcraft and healing from sickness’ (buthelezi 2011:75). buthelezi (2011:18) further states that ‘christ went around preaching the gospel, healing the sick, feeding the hungry, and setting free those who were demon-possessed’. buthelezi (2011) has pointed out that: church members find themselves in a dilemma of relating with christian dogma when threatened by sickness, death, misfortunes and a cataphony of tragedies. the members are inclined to resort to ancestral spirits for answers to their plight. (p. 4) hence, buthelezi (2011:44) remarked that ‘[t]he whole ministry was about recovery, restoration and deliverance from all forms of sickness and demonic bondage’. nonetheless, wilkinson (1998:22) was right to state that ‘[t]he significant point is that both shalom and hugies coincide in expressing the idea of soundness or wholeness of a person’s being which the essence of health is’. the missionary church and african cultural practices this study now delves into discussing health and healing from a postcolonial perspective. frankenberg and mani (1993:301, cited in rugwiji 2013:99) define ‘postcolonial’ as different ways of staging the encounters between the colonising societies and their other, ‘though not always in the same way or to the same degree’. hadjor (1992:150–152) describes postcolonial formation as a state thought to be at least institutionally free of foreign control, and one now possessing a greater measure of political autonomy than it did under colonialism. when fanon (1991:230) maintains that ‘i am not the slave of the slavery that dehumanized my ancestors’, he was not unaware of the trajectories surrounding postcolonial mordancy which not only disfranchised africans but also dehumanised them as a second category of human species. thus, my personal experience during colonial times6 tends to agree with fanon’s statement by further arguing that during colonialism an african was remembered for a rise only for convenience sake or as an afterthought in order to present a superficial characterisation of fairness. it is essential to discuss culture in ancient near east (ane) in relation to the patriarchal tradition. the family of the hebrew patriarchs (abraham, isaac and jacob) is depicted in the bible as having had its chief seat in the northern mesopotamian town of harran (mid-2nd millennium bce) belonging to the hurrian kingdom of mitanni. the hebrew people were semi-nomadic herdsmen and occasionally farmers, ranging close to towns and living in houses as well as tents (see gn 37:12–17; ex 12:32, 38; nm 11:22; 20:4, 8, 11; see also novacek 2011:66). according to genesis 12:1–9, god instructs abram to ‘[l]eave your country, your people and your father’s household and go to a country i will show you’. to abraham, this moving towards a promise was a step of faith in yahweh. from there abraham migrated to the canaan region (comprising roughly the region of modern israel and lebanon) throughout the vortex of west asian, egyptian and east mediterranean ethno-culture. if the story of abraham’s nomadic itinerary is anything to go by and that the forebears of the hebrews once lived in the land of canaan and even possessed the land (long 1997:25), it follows then that the patriarchs might have borrowed lifestyles or religious tenets from cultures of the people whose land they occupied because canaan was not an empty land (ex 13:5). having given the above background of the hebrews and the sojourning of the patriarchs, one is almost convinced that when one gets into contact with a culture outside his or her own, one is likely to be influenced by that culture. one example of the influence of culture is the learning and adoption of a foreign language such as english (from england) because imperialism was established through both the church and the english department of schools (ngugi 1986:9–18). language can affect both the mind and culture of an individual (rugwiji 2008:99). it is the imposition of the foreign literature on a colonised nation to convert it to the culture of imperial powers, and that is assimilation or colonisation of the mind (achebe 1989:1–20). perhaps klímová (2007) was right when she critiqued english as ‘a language of oppression’. (p. 8) during the colonial period, the missionary churches misrepresented local communities they were trying to preach to in a number of ways. one such way is the culture debate and african cultural practices. for example, the question of polygamy among the local people in rhodesia was problematic (see zvobgo 1986:44). hence, machoko (2013:6) reaffirmed that polygamy – which was part of zimbabwean culture – was condemned by the missionaries. however, polygamy was not condemned in the bible, for a king like solomon was a polygamist (1 ki 11:3). reading the bible in a postcolonial context, the leadership of the johanne masowe apostolic church (jmac) has vehemently reacted to the perception that the bible was written 2000 years ago in a palestinian culture which was different from the zimbabwean culture (machoko 2013:7). machoko further stated that the bible addressed palestinian existential problems which were different from zimbabwean problems. hence, it is irrelevant to the needs of contemporary zimbabwe. during colonialism in rhodesia, africans, african cultures and belief systems were considered primitive. kato (1975:23) reaffirms the above view when he defines the term ‘primitive’ as deriving from the latin word primus, which means ‘first’, which can further be segmented to mean ‘elemental’ or ‘natural’, or ‘relating to a relatively simple people or culture’, ‘self-taught’, or ‘unschooled’. these are but derogatory and insulting terms formulated and used by people who assumed unquestioned superiority and authority. the assertion that the bible is so close to the african peoples because of the many items in common between their cultural life and the cultural life of the jewish people as observed by mbiti (1970:220) contradicts the missionary church’s stance against african belief systems. dickson (1975), who supports the notion of the universality of yahweh, also maintains that: we believe that the yahweh and father of our lord jesus christ, creator of heaven and earth, lord of history, has been dealing with humankind at all times and in all parts of the world. it is with this conviction that we study the rich heritage of our african peoples, and have evidence that they know of him and worship him. (p. 13) in concurrence with dickson, stephanson (1995) is also right when he observes that: the colonizers talk of themselves as exceptionally chosen beings, while they also construct tales of derogation against their targeted victims, human beings who deserve to be invaded, dispossessed, subjugated, and annihilated if need be. (pp. 6–7) stephanson’s (1995) opinion clearly explains how naïve the missionary church was towards african cultures, including the ritual of renaming those who joined the church. african names were also discouraged once an individual joined the church, at mission school or in the village. african names were considered pagan (rugwiji 2008:101). dropping their african name was seen as a sign that one had abandoned his or her heathenism and savagery. the so-called christian names such as amos, benedict, caleb, david and jacob replaced the shona names like muchada, rangarirai, mandida, rumbidzai, tonderai and tsungi, to name but a few (rugwiji 2008:101). when one becomes ill, the church tends to interpret such illness to the demon attached to the cultural or ancestral name. the healing process would therefore begin by dropping the cultural or ancestral name, following by casting out the demon. this explains why shona naming practices were deeply affected by the coming of christianity, colonialism and education (chitando 2001:146). chitando’s (2001) observation is in solidarity with phillips’ (1993:26) assertion which states that the moment of imperialism is also the moment of education, as education was the central strategy of colonising in modern imperialism. one cannot understand fully what goes on in a particular cultural context unless one is part of that cultural practice. barton (2003) admits that: we cannot explain the presuppositions of another culture to ourselves without some translation into terms and categories which did not have exact linguistic equivalents in the culture in question. (p. 141) for example, in a shona african culture, the name of a person bears some attachment to the family’s lifestyle or tribal history. to replace that person’s name is to detach them from the other family members in the larger cultural or traditional set-up. when chitando (2001:144) states that ‘in most societies across the world, considerable care is taken in naming a newly born child’, he is assertive of an african culture in which the name of a child has a deeper meaning because ‘religious and cultural concerns feature prominently in the selection of names; personal names serve, in fact, to preserve religious and social identity’ (chitando 2001:144). some have advanced the opinion that there was a need for africa to be colonised; otherwise civilisation would not have been established as we have it in modern-day africa. blaut’s (1993) opinion seems to develop this idea. blaut (1993:1–43) says that those who control distant and inhabited lands should be well-deserving above their victims. it is in the same vein that when david livingston described this sub-saharan african region as a ‘dark continent’ (rugwiji 2008:86), he might have referred to both its people who are dark-skinned and also that the inhabitants were ignorant in terms of modern civilisation. it also emerged that economic exploits and gains resulting from colonisation of africa have been used for the construction and building of empires overseas. although it is generally viewed that the church is apolitical and that its role is confined to the pulpit, numerous other voices have argued that the sacred institution was associated with colonisation of africa in general, and zimbabwe in particular. the rhodesia catholic bishops conference (rcbc) (now zimbabwe catholic bishops conference [zcbc]) has advanced its opinion by confirming that when we speak of the church’s mission to permeate and elevate society, there is no question of entering into the field of politics (rcbc 1970:1). the argument becomes more concrete when research by various critical scholars also shows that political and social factors in europe, and importantly the economic factor, were the basic motivating force for imperialism on the part of most of those who colonised africa (abraham 1982:10; blaut 1993; ngugi 1986). the following section examines faith, ritual and healing in the church. african traditional medicine and the position of the church although the lack of africanisation in the leadership of missionary churches is believed by some to have provided fertile ground for the formation of african initiated churches (aics) (cf. machoko 2013:3), african indigenous churches (aics) or african instituted churches (aics) – as they are sometimes called – do not necessarily and openly practise african traditional religion as what machoko and others would want to portray. poverty-stricken conditions remain major causes that destabilise good health. these include hunger, lack of food or lack of quality food, poor health, inadequate medical care, brain damages as a result of lack of proteinous food for babies, illiteracy, poor living condition, lack of housing or lack of good housing and so on (ashate 2000:18). because of the collapse of the health delivery system in zimbabwe, the escalation of complications and the increase in incurable illnesses such as hiv and aids and cancer, people suffering from various illnesses have opted to visit traditional healers. christians who cannot get assistance either from modern and traditional health establishments or from ‘miracle healing’ of the church also nicodimously7 seek the services of a traditional healer. it is therefore ostensible that because of persistence of illness, christians also go to consult the traditional healer (mafico 1986:400–409). admittedly, temba mafico sees the majority of african christians as protesting against the missionary church’s failure to deal with their spiritual, social or family problems as reasons for their deviation. however, this ‘protest’ is not openly expressed by african christians as a legitimate basis for consulting the traditional healer. this clandestine behaviour by christians is motivated by the teaching of the church, which prohibits its adherents – the bulk of whom are black africans – to use african herbs in curing health complications. african traditional herbs and the african way of dealing with ailments are perceived as evil and satanic (rugwiji 2008:102). the myth of regarding atm as evil and satanic is in direct contrast with the finding that traditional medicine before colonial rule at the end of 19th century was a very prestigious enterprise (chavunduka 1994:1). not only were traditional healers regarded as the only medical specialists, but they were expected to deal with a wide range of social problems as well. although the role of a traditional healer is ridiculed and regarded by some as primitive, chavunduka (1994:1) beckons that ‘[i]n addition to being a medical practitioner, the traditional healer was a religious consultant, a legal and political advisor, a marriage counsellor, a police detective and a social worker’. it is not unusual that african cultural belief systems have not been given a fair treatment by the missionary church. rugwiji (2008:102) shared the disillusionment of many culturally entrenched africans that western medicine, introduced by colonial governments and missionaries, witnessed the discouragement and denigration of traditional medicine as an effective way of curing many forms of african illnesses. traditional healers were perceived as ‘rogues and deceivers’ in a context where modern medicine chests brought by missionaries, primarily for their own use, could not be accessed by the majority of zimbabweans, as chavunduka (1994:5) posits. the later centuries witnessed some amount of tolerance in the trend of western perception about african cultures. african peoples, their cultures and religions, began to be regarded by missionaries and anthropologists as primitive, heathen and pagan (see rugwiji 2008:102). pentecostalism and faith-based healing in zimbabwe togarasei (2016:1) could not have said it better to affirm that ‘[t]he current picture of zimbabwean christianity is heavily influenced by pentecostalism in mainline churches, african initiated churches (aics) and the various pentecostal movements’. despite the impact of political turbulence and alleged human rights crises in zimbabwe (see davidson & purohit 2004:108–131; rugwiji 2012), there is freedom of worship in the southern african country which comprises the so-called mainline churches, islam8, pentecostal, apostolic and aics. almost all apostolic religious communities (arcs) or aics are pentecostal movements (pms) and charismatic in character (maxwell 2006). gundani (2001:135) has opined that african christianity is witnessing an unprecedented interest in healing, especially since the first quarter of the 20th century, with the emergence of zionist and apostolic churches. this unprecedented interest in healing as gundani puts it has influenced the rise in numbers of faith healing practitioners as well as aics and pms. the holy spirit (mweya) plays a central role in the spiritual life, beliefs and faith healing of the arc (maguranyanga 2011:vii). african initiated churches believe in prophets, faith healing, speaking in tongues, cults of personalities, importance of charismatic leadership and praying for their members to get jobs in government and the private sector, and these have led many zimbabweans to convert to aics (machoko 2013:1). mweya is believed to foretell and forewarn about any impending disease outbreak, tragedy, complications as well as how to treat illnesses (maguranyanga 2011:vii). mweya works through prophets and church (spirit-filled) members and endows them with special healing and prophetic powers and gifts (maguranyanga 2011:vii). gundani (2001:135) also reiterated that scholars have coined the epithet ‘healing churches’ to designate those churches where healing in its broadest sense plays a pivotal role, informing doctrine, pastoral practice and the recruitment of members. oduro (2006), who concurs with both gundani (2001) and machoko (2013), also presupposes aics as: congregations and/or denominations planted, led, administered, supported, propagated, motivated, and funded by africans for the purpose of proclaiming the gospel of jesus christ and worshipping the triune god in the context and worldview of africa and africans. (p. 2) it appears aics were all established by african initiatives rather than by foreign missionary agenda (oduro 2006:1; see also machoko 2013:1). examples of aics include, but not limited to, jmac, johanne marange pentecostal church (jmpc), johane masowe chishanu apostolic church (jmcac), zion christian church (zcc) and africa apostolic church (aac), to name but a few. various sources support the view that aics emerged as a protest against the missionary church’s stance both in belief and in practice (machoko 2013:6). concrete reasons for the emergence of aics are divergent. for example, jmac saw white missionaries as insincere. johanne masowe apostolic church attested that white people and their book were not trustworthy, for missionaries said one thing, while the bible said another (angelke 2007:5). the other reason is the alleged failure by the missionary church to provide therapeutic solutions to ailments affecting congregants. johanne marange pentecostal church members generally believe that prophecy, faith and prayer will heal illness. also, it is reported that members of jmac are discouraged to use western medication but to rely on faith healing (musoni 2013:78). although it has been noted that most aics have deviated over the years from their original agenda to a focus on the gospel of prosperity, jmcac is one such aic that has remained faithful to its original agenda (dodo, banda & dodo 2014:1–2). african initiated churches’ agenda largely comprises faith healing as opposed to other modernised and evangelistic ministries whose main thrust is to attract ‘those who are seeking both success and prosperity in life’ (togarasei 2005:355). examples of prosperity churches include zimbabwe assemblies of god africa (zaoga), family of god (fog) and hear the word ministries (hwm) (togarasei 2005:355), among numerous others. in most cases, prosperity churches are dominated by the affluent and those smartly dressed. those seeking wealth and success find their way into prosperity church doctrines. although healing is part of worship in zaoga, fog and/or hwm, sermons and teaching on prosperity, giving and tithing are prioritised. african initiated churches are non-evangelistic. however, they are more into prophetism and healing. among visitors with health complications seeking assistance from aics – both believers from other denominations and non-believers – most of them would be seeking prophetic annunciation and healing. most of the people who visit these ‘prophets’ at aics have what i call hermeneutics of assumptions which they want the faith healer to confirm. the process of healing begins with prophetic utterances which are usually commensurate with some idea about what the consultee already has. however, others have special needs such as wealth and well-being as well as job opportunities. dodo et al. (2014:9) have reiterated that poverty is generally believed and known to be one of the causes of unrest in the world. they further noted that eliminating poverty requires employment so that basic needs are met. it is also said that in zimbabwe, especially following the devastating economic crisis that started in 1999, prospects of securing employment have become very difficult. dodo et al. (2014:9) have pointed out that jmcac, through its prophecy, has played a role in helping people secure jobs for decent lives. besides prophetic and faith healing services, aics also play other roles, such as counselling and therapy to hiv and aids patients, visiting diseased individuals at their home and offering information, prayers and salvation (burchardt, hardon & de klerk 2009:40). it is further noted that aics have also begun recommending anti-retroviral treatment (art) to people living with aids (plwa) when they come for ritual treatment by referring them to clinic. generally, members of aics neither visit a medical doctor nor go to modern healthcare centres when they are sick. despite the criticism that faith healing and strict adherence to church beliefs and practices undermine modern healthcare-seeking (maguranyanga 2011:vi), aics and/or pms command a very large following in terms of congregants who converge at the designated shrine for faith healing. most of the complications (e.g. diabetes, loss of sight, loss of blood, cancer, persistent headaches, stomach aches and diarrhoea, paralysis, etc.) that africans experience are usually believed to be caused by witchcraft, bad omens or curses. mufunda, albin and hjelm (2012:123) have concurred that to a higher extent, the causes of diabetes are attributed to supernatural factors (e.g. punishment from god and witchcraft). it is also affirmed that people with various health complications such as the ones noted above also search for information from self-help groups and help outside the professional health sector (mufunda et al. 2012:123). even in instances where serious need is real and modern medical assistance may be needed, some aics, arcs and pms still emphasise faith and adherence to church doctrine and practices (maguranyanga 2011:6). however, claims by aics, arcs and pms for faith healing have been widely criticised by experts within the modern and formal healthcare establishments who argue for modern medical methods of curing illnesses. early diagnosis of ailment, prevention through immunisation and/or treatment and other healthcare offerings are recommended. these healthcare services can only be administered at conventional and organised medical facilities. albeit efforts by the zimbabwean ministry of health and child care towards combating vaccine-preventable diseases, such as polio, through immunisation (maguranyanga 2011:vii), aics, arcs and pms have neither been cooperating nor reciprocating by presenting babies or children for clinical attention. in my view, freedom of worship in zimbabwe does not imply neglecting the essential services earmarked for prevention against humanitarian crises, such as cholera and various other waterborne diseases. conclusions this article has explored that health and healing were central in the bible. it was shown that prophets and priests (and jesus himself) performed rituals to heal the sick. it was argued that before the emergence of the missionary church in zimbabwe, culturally entrenched africans were accustomed to consult the traditional healer in order to soothe ailments. the article showed that although few people still visit african traditional healers for health and/or other social solutions, others have switched to faith healing practitioners, such as prophets from aics. it does not appear as though aics such as jmac, jmpc, jmcac, zcc and aac, among others, are responding positively to utilise conventional methods of healthcare such as those offered by modern clinics, hospitals and/or other professional medical practitioners. in the final analysis, one would therefore conclude that the continuous ceremonial visits by individuals for faith healing at decentralised centres of worship by aics where they are not coerced serve to confirm in a way that people with health complications and/or other social needs are getting assistance. if that is not the case, then karl marx’ assertion is practical when he noted that ‘[r]eligion is the opium of the people’ (cox 1992:4). in my view, it is not feasible for people to continue visiting either a traditional healer for atm or aics for fbh when services offered are not meeting the demands of their health complications. acknowledgements competing interests the author has declared that no competing interests exist. authors’ contribution i declare that i am the sole author of this research article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for a research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any 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example, makunike (1998) and mofokeng (1988:34). 2. although the missionary hermeneutical perspective cannot be identified categorically (because they came at different times and with different approach), it is well documented that the presence of missionaries in rhodesia (zimbabwe was previously known as ‘rhodesia’) was a mixed bag. while others were devoted to purely interpreting and preaching the gospel, numerous others had some political ambitions. 3. the term ‘church’ is used here to denote a sacred institution in general, and not a particular religious denomination. 4. see rukundwa and van aarde (2007:1171–1194). in addition, readers can familiarise themselves with the following representative examples: sugirtharajah (2002), castle (2001), young (2001), ashcroft, griffiths and tiffin (2000), bhabha (1994), said (1993), frankenberg and mani (1993), fanon (1991) and spivak (1988), among others. 5. for african indigenous knowledge systems (aikss), see, for example, dondolo (2005:112) who opines that indigenous people practise and protect a total sum of knowledge and skills constitutive of their meaning, belief systems, livelihood constructions and expression that distinguish them from other groups. 6. i worked for a company in chinhoyi (zimbabwe) for 10 years (1988–1998) whose management was predominantly white. i was the highly educated employee in the company, yet the lowly paid one. white people were hired for managerial (senior) positions, while i only received the title of a ‘senior buyer’, without a significant remuneration. when the once colonised people raise postcolonial questions, reference is made to such practices. 7. the term is used to denote ‘sneaking out’, making sure that one is not seen by either the pastor or anyone from the church. church members usually visit a sangoma [traditional healer] during the night or far away from their places of residence to avoid being spotted. they do so in order to evade some castigation because they may still want to belong to a particular church for fellowship and worship services. 8. the present study has deliberately left out the discussion on islam and other non-christian faiths for a future project. abstract introduction meanings attached to the initiation ritual features of the initiation rite perceptions of the varemba about the role of circumcision and initiation ritual on human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) onias matumbu department of religion, classics and philosophy, school of religion and social transformation, university of kwazulu-natal, durban, south africa department of family religion and moral education, faculty of humanities, morgan zintec college, harare, zimbabwe vengesai chimininge department of politics, philosophy and religion, lancaster university, lancaster, united kingdom department of religious studies and philosophy, faculty of arts, culture and heritage studies, zimbabwe open university, harare, zimbabwe citation matumbu, o. & chimininge, v., 2019, ‘voluntary medical male circumcision versus religio-cultural circumcision and initiation rites: the case of varemba of mwenezi district in response to the prevention of human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome in zimbabwe’, theologia viatorum 43(1), a3. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v43i1.3 original research voluntary medical male circumcision versus religio-cultural circumcision and initiation rites: the case of varemba of mwenezi district in response to the prevention of human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome in zimbabwe onias matumbu, vengesai chimininge received: 03 june 2018; accepted: 24 may 2019; published: 31 oct. 2019 copyright: © 2019. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract male circumcision has long been associated with religious or cultural rituals which bestow culturally valuable status. in some communities, circumcision is believed to provide concomitant access to economic and spiritual resources such as land and the ability to communicate with the ancestors. however, the recent promotion of voluntary medical male circumcision (vmmc) in 2009 as an additional dimension for reducing the spread of human immunodeficiency virus (hiv) was received with mixed feelings by different people in zimbabwe. the resistance was more pronounced in those districts where male circumcision was a traditional norm. it is considering this background where this article examines whether vmmc and religio-cultural male circumcision are distant cousins or siamese twins. this is performed by taking a leaf from the varemba of mwenezi district in zimbabwe. data collection was performed between may and october 2017 using in-depth individual interviews within the context of the hermeneutics paradigm which emphasises the existence of multiple realities across time and culture. our analysis of data shows that the varemba of mwenezi district does not believe in the efficacy of vmmc because it is void of the ritualistic cultural–spiritual dimension that usually accompanies male circumcision. the study recommended that vmmc should contextualise the cultural value to achieve set targets for hiv prevention. keywords: voluntary medical male circumcision; religio-cultural male circumcision; hiv and aids; varemba; zimbabwe. introduction the new knowledge we possess today about the relationship between religious traditions and human immunodeficiency virus (hiv) and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (aids) prescribes the urgency to look at the theme of hiv and aids from a new perspective that is harnessing and redefining useful traditional rites in the fight against the pandemic in zimbabwe. this is so because some societies like shangani in chiredzi have opted to withdraw from hiv and aids programmes like voluntary counselling and testing that accuse their religion of fuelling the spread of the pandemic (gono 2015:1).the thrust of this article therefore is to examine the attitude of the varemba of mwenezi district towards voluntary medical male circumcision (vmmc) as a strategy of fighting hiv and aids in zimbabwe. the article is divided into three sections. the first part is a situation analysis of hiv and aids in zimbabwe. this is followed by a brief literature review on male circumcision as a strategy of hiv and aids prevention. lastly, the article presents and analyses the perceptions of the varemba on vmmc in their society. situation analysis of human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome in zimbabwe demographic statistics have shown the effects of the prevalence of hiv and aids in zimbabwe. the ministry of health and child welfare (2008) established that out of 12 million people in zimbabwe, 1.1 million were living with hiv and aids. of the total population, 932 000 were people in the age group of 15–49. although hiv and aids prevalence between 1981 and 1987 increased from 12 048 to 1 438 456, it declined in 2008 to 914 614 and a further decline to 911 143 was noted in 2009 (hiv and aids in zimbabwe 2017). the decline in hiv and aids prevalence during this period was attributed to different strategies implemented by the government, such as campaigns on the use and distribution of condoms, reduction in casual sex, campaigns on abstinence as well as increased counselling and testing (hiv and aids, zimbabwe 2013). however, whilst there was a general decline of hiv and aids prevalence in the ages 15–49, the prevalence rate in the age groups 15–29 continued to increase from 3.2% in 2009 to 3.3% in 2010 and 3.6% in 2015 (hiv and aids, zimbabwe 2013). some of the reasons suggested for the increase were high sexual risk behaviours and widespread unprotected sex. male circumcision as a strategy to human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome prevention ‘male circumcision has been identified in research as a protective cultural factor against hiv and aids’ (bailey et al. 2007:644–650; moses 2009:629). about 400 ethnic groups in west africa and in muslim countries have been practising the ritual of circumcision for over 500 years (bongaarts et al. 1989; weiss et al. 2000:64). research has established ‘that circumcision might provide some degree of protection’ to hiv (moses 2009:629-634). the view that circumcision may protect human beings against hiv infection was introduced and developed by professor valiere alcena in north america (morris 1999:630).the theory was promoted by fink (1986:1167) who argued that the removal of the penis foreskin and the subsequent hardening of the lining known as keratinisation of the penis reduce the chances of hiv penetration. the underside of the foreskin consists of thin langerhans cells which are vulnerable to the hiv virus (ford 2006). thus, circumcision makes the penis to develop a new, hardened skin with fewer hiv target cells. according to auvert (2005:298) and rennie, muula and westreich (2007:357), ‘trials [carried out] in south africa, kenya and uganda prove that male circumcision’ was effective in reducing infection. welbourne and hoare (2008) concur that these findings substantiate the fact that circumcision provides some protection against the hiv virus. based on these findings, the world health organization (who) and the joint united nations programme on hiv/aids (unaids) transformed ‘a cultural practice into a [preventive] public health strategy (moses 2009:631)’. the suggestion was ‘that male circumcision [could] reduce’ heterosexual transmission of hiv and aids ‘by 60%’ (van houten 2007:168). therefore, countries were urged to practise it in medical institutions through vmmc (who/unaids 2015). however, according to recent statistics on hiv and aids, zimbabwe has the poorest coverage rate on circumcision ‘[d]espite […] being [listed as] [one of] unaids’ priority [countries] for the scale up of [v]oluntary [m]edical [m]ale [c]ircumcision […] [that was] listed [on] the country’s national combination prevention strategy’ (avert n.d.; hiv and aids in zimbabwe 2017). ‘by 2018, zimbabwe aims to reach 1.3 million men [who would have undergone] vmmc (80% of [thirteen to twenty-nine-year] olds). as of 2016, it [has reached] 46.3% of [the] target group’ (avert n.d.). it was surprising to note that hiv and aids prevalence is higher among men who are circumcised, 14% higher than those who are not (12%). recent statistics show that zimbabwe has the fifth highest hiv prevalence in sub-saharan africa, 14.7%. approximately 1.4 million people are living with hiv and aids, including 77 000 children (hiv and aids in zimbabwe 2017; moyo 2017). the findings obtained from these studies suggest that circumcision on its own as an effective strategy is a conjecture. at individual level, circumcision does not prevent hiv transmission reliably (mattson 2005:187). men who tend to have surgical immunity after circumcision increase their risk of contracting the hiv virus. the skewed statistics on hiv and aids in zimbabwe shows that circumcision on its own is not enough as a prevention strategy against hiv. hence, there is need for behaviour change after individuals have gone through voluntary male circumcision. auvert (2005:79) opines that the risk of hiv transmission remains real among circumcised men who could increase their exposure by engaging in unprotected sex and risky behaviour. circumcised persons may become promiscuous having learnt the benefits of circumcision in reducing the chances of contracting hiv and aids. another observation obtained from the statistics is that positive behaviour change after circumcision is crucial in militating against the spread of hiv and aids. gray et al. (2007:558-659) observed that cultural circumcision and initiation have been useful in most african countries in preventing hiv and aids. this study hinges upon the view that religion and the strong adherence to religious principles could protect people against hiv and aids transmission (agha et al. 2006:553). ‘circumcision [on its own] cannot prevent the spread of hiv’ (tarimo et al. 2012). after being circumcised, men need to go through initiation where they receive instruction necessary to mould their behaviours and assist them to develop positive and less risky attitudes towards issues of sex and sexuality. circumcision is a religious-cultural practice used in scientific circles to pursue the problem of hiv and aids in zimbabwe. the adoption of traditional male circumcision for use by medical institutions left out the initiation aspect and all the ritual elements. the fact that the ritual has been performed from time immemorial means that it is of religious significance and is influential to those who practise it. voluntary medical male circumcision is non-religious, non-obligatory and nothing compels the individual to undergo the ritual. ‘it has become increasingly important to focus research [on] the current role of initiation [rituals] and [their effects on] sexual behaviour and risk knowledge of the [youths]’ (malisha, maharaj & rogan 2008). varemba circumcision and initiation rite varemba or vamwenye are the shona speaking ethnic group indigenous to zimbabwe and south africa. according to parfitt (2002:42-43), other varemba minority groups are found in mozambique and malawi. ethnic groups in zimbabwe such as the tonga, the varemba, the shangani and the yao migrants perform initiation rites as puberty rituals of transition into adulthood (sibanda 2013:5). nevertheless, the religious beliefs and practices of the varemba people are similar to those of the jews and muslims (le roux 2003:221). ‘according to [varemba] tradition, their male ancestors were jews who left judea about 2500 years ago and settled in [yemen]’ (wikipedia n.d.:n.p). ‘most [varemba people] are members of the christian churches with some being muslims’ (parfitt 2002:43; wikipedia n.d.:n.p). the varemba are predominantly found in mberengwa districts of the midlands province and other parts of masvingo, for example gutu, chiredzi, neshuro, hwedza and buhera (mandivenga 1989:98). the varemba tribe has a long history of observing initiation of boys into manhood through practising traditional male circumcision among all their men folk. the varemba circumcision and initiation rites are the footstool of enriching lessons that equip the young men to be conscious about their lives. origin of the varemba circumcision and initiation rite the origin of the circumcision rite is controversial, but to some extent, its origin is attached to issues of sex and sexuality. the varemba people are believed to have acquired it from the jews and arabs to whom their ancestry and history is traced (parfitt 2002:43). circumcision is also interpreted to have ‘[originated] from […] fertility [rites] as a sacrifice to the gods in exchange for good harvest’ (dunsmuir & gordon 1999:7; who 2009:15). in the bungoma districts of kenya, circumcision takes place after harvest (bailey & egesah 2006:650). ‘among the [balande] in guinea-bissau and senegal circumcision ceremonies are […] performed in the rice fields [as] reverence to [the] ancestors and the [earth]’ (niang & boiro 2007:26; who 2009:15). circumcision is also seen as a distinguishing feature between god’s children and those who are not (popovsky 2010). traditional male circumcision [is practised] as a rite of passage [and it] is performed in pre-pubertal boys, [adolescents] or adults. the age [at which] circumcision [is practised] varies [from] country [to country as well as] ethnicity, ranging from [six] years [for example] in senegal and indonesia[,] to [thirty-five] years [in] zambia. (niang & boiro 2007:26; who 2009:11) in zimbabwe, the shangani circumcise their youth at the ages between 13 and 17, whilst the varemba circumcise from the age of 12 (evans 2015; sibanda 2013:3). the age group 15–29 is the most vulnerable group for new hiv and aids infection in zimbabwe (hiv and aids, zimbabwe 2013). the varemba and the bukusu in kenya circumcise their youth every year, whilst in south africa, it is performed twice, but the balante in guinea-bissau circumcise after every 4–6 years (bailey & egesah 2006:33, niang & boiro 2007:30). in most cases, the circumcision rituals coincide with physical maturation and that makes it very useful in the growth of the young people. bailey and egesah (2006:649) established that about ‘47.7% of the young men’ in kenya become sexually active before they are circumcised. sexual debut was estimated to be at the average of 14–15 years in those groups studied for traditional circumcision (bailey & egesah 2006:567–574). meanings attached to the initiation ritual the circumcision ritual has meanings both at individual and social and also at individual level as noted among the varemba people who believe that the circumcision ritual gives identity to the person (sibanda 2013:6). it distinguishes those that belong to the varemba culture and those that do not. generally, circumcision is equated to health and cleanliness among traditionally circumcising and non-circumcising groups (taljaard 2003:321). among the wolof of senegal, circumcision is related to cleanliness and the metaphor ‘to wash hands’ is used to signify male circumcision and ‘the child who has clean hands can eat with adults’, meaning that he can sit and share ideas with elders (niang & boiro 2007:24). belief in the disease protective role of male circumcision has been widespread among traditional healers (green et al. 1993:182-183). male circumcision is believed to have a protective effect against sexually transmitted infections by preventing the tearing of the foreskin and hence reducing the chances of contracting diseases (ngalande et al. 2006:384; taljaard et al. 2003:317). some possible links between circumcision and hiv control have been drawn from the ‘balante [tribe of] guinea-bissau [who had a belief that] circumcision [can] protect [people against a] terrible disease called pusoonu […][that had] symptoms […] similar to those of [hiv and] aids’ (niang & boiro 2007:28; who 2009:13). ‘however, [contrary to that, studies in some countries for example] nigeria […] do not [presume] disease protection as a reason [for circumcision]’ (caldwell et al. 1997; who 2009:13). the varemba people do not practise circumcision primarily for health reasons or as a measure to control diseases, but their reasons are purely cultural (evans 2015:266–279). at socio-cultural level, circumcision is of ‘significance [to most] traditionally circumcising communities because being circumcised is the only way of attaining manhood’ (who 2009:14). among the varemba people, an individual who is not circumcised is considered young and is not held accountable for his actions but his parents (evans 2015:267). ‘in xhosa culture, […] when a boy is not able to distinguish [between what] is right [or] wrong, [he is not held] responsible for [his actions]’ (vincent 2008a:431-446; who 2009:14). women deny proposals from uncircumcised individuals because they are considered young to start a family. uncircumcised individuals ‘are discriminated against in [many] ways, for example [they are] given menial tasks, […] called names [and rebuked for any trivial offences]’ (meissner & buso 2007:372; who 2009:14). the boys who participate in social aspects of life are those that are circumcised. in kenya, among the masai and the bukusu people, circumcised ‘[men] become warriors […] and [they] are referred to as elders [once] their children [are] circumcised’ (marck 1997:338; who 2009:14). male circumcision is seen as a condition of attaining full status in the society, for example among the meru in kenya and guinea-bissau and senegal (niang & boiro 2007:29). features of the initiation rite scholars like van gennep (1909) distinguished three phases of the circumcision rites such as preparation, seclusion and reintegration of ritual participants. preparation involves the initiate preparing his foreskin for easy retraction during circumcision. some ethnic groups slaughter animals for sacrificial purposes (bailey & egesah 2006:650). some prepare extensive feasts a night before the ritual (evans 2015:268). it was observed in this study that the varemba performed ritual bathes, to dedicate the initiate for spiritual protection. seclusion of the initiates constitutes the most important part of the circumcision ritual. time of seclusion varies from 2 weeks to 3 months, depending on the meaning attached to the ritual practice. the varemba people go up to 3 months in the bush during seclusion. in tanzania, traditional circumcisers perform circumcision but there is no seclusion after that (who 2006). the period spent in seclusion after circumcision can be viewed as a period of ‘incubation’ where new attitudes and behaviours are inculcated (niang & boiro 2007:27). it is the period when cultural knowledge is transmitted to the initiates (who 2006). during seclusion, the initiates are exposed to hardships and ordeals that are meant to toughen them in preparation for future life. the initiates often experience bullying, humiliation and starvation. education on issues of sex and sexuality constitute part of the education curriculum during seclusion, but it is not necessarily a general component of all initiation rituals (niang & boiro 2007:25). for example, in zambia, the essence of circumcision is to develop boys’ character but there is no sex education in the teaching after circumcision. in malawi, male circumcision is followed by education on matters of sexuality, hygiene and good behaviour (ngalande et al. 2006:383). in zimbabwe, among the varemba people, circumcision is followed by education on sex and sexuality issues and different moral values (sibanda 2013:5). however, studies from south africa in the eastern cape have shown that traditional education component of initiation ritual has waned (vincent 2008b:440). generally, messages transmitted to the initiates during seclusion focus on sexual reserve and control, sexual education and guidance on marriage and relationships. after the period of seclusion, festivals to welcome the initiates accompany reintegration. among the varemba in zimbabwe, reintegration takes 1 week, and it is accompanied by festivals and the offering of gifts (evans 2015:267). among the balante in guinea-bissau and senegal, […] reintegration takes six days and [it is accompanied by] ritual bathes and […] giving [of] new [names to the initiates]. […] [the initiates] are not allowed to have sex with their wives [for] the first six days [after initiation so that they demonstrate the newly learnt resistance to sexual attraction]. (niang & boiro 2007:26; who 2009:16) the bukusu in southern kenya burnt sleeping mats and spend nights seating around a very big fire where they are joined by young women (marck 1997:339). there are variances on the rite of circumcision concerning specific procedures. the varemba people circumcise the initiates traditionally, and they disregard initiates who get medical circumcision and they do not want to mix the two (evans 2015). some ethnic groups perform circumcision in a clinical setting before or after performing traditional initiation. initiates in some groups in botswana receive hospital circumcision, then after that, they go for an initiation ceremony at a traditional school (marck 1997:351). therefore, there is a strong feeling ‘that medical male circumcision should be linked [with] traditional initiation’ (kebaabetswe et al. 2003; who 2009:17). the yao of malawi perform traditional initiation in their communities after the young people receive circumcision at medical centres (ngalande et al. 2006:379). circumcision could be performed at health centres with initiation performed in the bush thereafter (niang & boiro 2007:27). the sotho and the pedi tribes in south africa practise traditional fragmentation of circumcision and initiation, where initiation takes place several years after medical circumcision (marck 1997:340). most of the people in the varemba tribe are not happy with this kind of fragmentation of the puberty ritual; they prefer circumcision to be performed at the same time with initiation because the two have some traditional influence valuable to the initiates (evans 2015:268). perceptions of the varemba about the role of circumcision and initiation ritual on human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome most participants for this research argued that the strength of initiation ritual in moulding behaviours towards the prevention of hiv and aids lies in its recurrence. participants who saw the initiation ceremony being beneficial pointed out that the ritual is repeated every year with similar processes, so it has the potential of emphasising key hiv and aids messages to the youth and the general population. human immunodeficiency virus and aids messages are passed on to the next generation together with the varemba traditional culture. the way their culture is preserved is the way important messages about hiv and aids could be preserved. boyde (participant, aged 23) revealed that the varemba initiation ritual could be a good platform to spread the message about hiv and aids. awareness campaigns can be held at the initiation camps and during ceremonies. the traditional education curriculum could be fused with absolute messages about hiv and aids prevention. cherry (participant, aged 31) affirms that the initiation leaders, mukanga and vadzabhi, could be used as resource persons to teach the initiates issues on hiv and aids. they are respected people in society that could make their lessons about hiv and aids acceptable. however, some traditional leaders had a different perspective about providing lessons to the initiates from the non-varemba groups. the reasons provided were the desire by these cultural leaders to preserve their culture that was under the threat of modernisation whose aim was to culturally uproot the africans consciously or unconsciously and immerse them in western culture (makuvaza 1996:373). takavarasha (village headman) retorts that they do not want to be used by those people whose aim is to destroy their cultural practices in the guise that they are bringing civilisation and enlightenment. this could be the reason why the varemba people were not comfortable with vmmc because participants like huni (aged 61) alleged that it produces cowards who run away from traditional culture to seek refuge in modernity, where circumcision without initiation is not enough to produce a real man. most of the ritual leaders showed that they do not have problems including in their initiation curriculum the subject of hiv and aids, but they indicated that what they do not want is to train cowards who run from traditional culture to seek refuge in modernity, where circumcision is not enough to produce a real man. michael (vadzabhi, aged 67) stipulated that they do not want to be drawn into training youths from medical institutions and come out half-baked. the responses from most participants give the implication that the varemba doubt the efficacy of vmmc because it does not expose the patients to lifetime lessons. perceptions of the varemba on the uptake of voluntary medical male circumcision most ritual elders pointed out that they are reluctant to take up voluntary medical circumcision because it does not meet their cultural expectations. initiation transforms the individual into becoming man. mombera joseph (aged 17, participant from matibi) acknowledged that individuals remain shuvuro after going through vmmc and they are good examples of cowards who run away from traditional circumcision in fear of pain. they would remain in the state of boys, who are looked down upon by their peers, who are laughed at and who are not trusted by anyone in society. mombera claimed that such individuals are not equipped with adequate knowledge that is relevant to protect themselves from diseases. some participants indicated that the varemba initiation ritual has prohibitions, which protects initiates from being vulnerable to sexually transmitted infections. it is a prerequisite that one who goes through the initiatory ritual should not mix or get into contact with women up to a period of 1 month after initiation. jacob (participant, aged 15) noted that with hospital circumcision, meeting with women is not avoidable because women are involved in circumcision at medical centres. the men from the varemba culture who received voluntary circumcision pointed that behaviour change after circumcision is the individuals’ responsibility. no strategies are in place so far to enforce further restrictive avoidance strategies. tendai gonese (aged 19) acknowledges that vmmc is not imperative; it has no mechanisms to make it obligatory for members to change behaviours. there are social cultural factors, which impede the uptake of vmmc. ‘zimbabwe [is recorded to have] the poorest vmmc coverage […] in subsaharan africa’ besides being listed as ‘one of the [unaids] priority countries for the scale up of [vmmc]’ (avrt n.d:n.p.). according to statistics from hiv and aids in zimbabwe (2017), zimbabwe’s target for 2018 aimed at 1.3 million men to be circumcised, but by 2016, it had managed to achieve 46.3% of that target. religious factors could have a contribution towards the low uptake of vmmc although other reasons like fear of pain and fear of being tested for hiv first. the varemba people feel that their cultural traditions are under threat and they discourage their members from attaining medical circumcision. implications of the varemba circumcision and initiation ritual on behaviour change, human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome prevention most people of the varemba culture who participated in this research did not accept that they perform the ritual to prevent hiv and aids but the performances are purely cultural and religious. the discussion focuses on the role of the varemba initiation ritual in the prevention of hiv and aids transmitted through heterosexual relations. the varemba people do not have any primary intention of having the ritual influence the exterior world (outside them) or outside their own experiences that is the reason why their initiation ritual is closed to outsiders. according to robertson smith, some unconscious forces shape behaviour (bell 2009). the implication is that it is not in all cases when believers are conscious of the main purpose of a ritual, the significance of a ritual could be different from what the believers believe. in the analysis of taboo, sigmund freud notes that the ritual is used to control internal psychic conflicts (spinelli 1989:34–38). the view that ritual exists in the individual psyche determines how ritual can influence individual behaviour towards hiv and aids mitigation processes, because behaviour change is intrinsically motivated. the varemba initiation ritual is composed of both the manifest and latent functions, which should be realised to determine the efficacy of the ritual in hiv and aids prevention. put in the context of hiv and aids the varemba initiation ritual, besides having manifest functions, has latent functions which are buried underneath; such functions if exposed could be useful in the prevention of hiv and aids. in freud’s view, the unconscious motive is the root for ritual but it guides the internal development of the individual, ritual thinking brings meaning to human beings in the face of emptiness and contradictions in their experiences (spinelli 1989:35). the varemba circumcision and initiation ritual is very significant in imparting a sense of unity in the people after the ritual. this could be useful in bringing them together in the fight against hiv and aids. moyo (participant, aged 21) points out that makudo ndimamwe musi wenjodzi anoonerana, meaning that baboons are the same, and on the day of trouble, they fight for each other. this has emphasis on unity of the people when reacting against issues causing despondency to the society. the implication is that the varemba initiation ritual instils a sense of communal solidarity towards problems that affect the community. collective solidarity is achieved in the initiation ritual through a mechanism which durkheim calls collective effervescence (durkheim 1912:52-53). this refers to the excitement that people produce during the enactment of a ritual. the effect of collective effervescence is that it contributes to the emergence of collective conscience that brings social solidarity as people participate in collective veneration of the sacred which binds the community together and brings meaning to individuals (greenwald 1973:157-158). therefore, collective performance can generate emotions that could transform individual psyches and channel them towards collective conscience (pickering 1984). the collective excitement induced by rituals ‘harness[es] people’s passions to [maintain] order [in] society (shilling & mellor 1998:196)’ (thorlindsson & bernburg 2004). through this solidarity the varemba people have shared values, they develop a sense of ‘no one owns it, it’s for us all’, kind of mentality. in the context of hiv and aids, the kind of mentality is useful in helping those individuals who are affected and infected by the disease. chandiwana (initiate aged 30) reinforced: chawana umwe hachisekanwi, seka urema wafa, meaning one’s problem should not induce laughter because tomorrow you will be in a similar problem. the kind of unity instilled by the ritual act makes it possible for the people to come together and help each other in the struggle against hiv and aids. the varemba initiation ritual encourages youths to delay in sexual debut and this according to the varemba initiation (koyana 1980) is a gateway to legitimate marriage and sex. it is crucial to note that the initiation does not only involve circumcision, but has an accompanying process of instruction which has an educational feature ‘aimed at building certain character traits [like chastity, fortitude and] forbearance’ necessary for the prevention of hiv and aids (vincent 2008b:436). in that ‘framework, sexual [behaviour] is shaped by personal experiences and influenced by cultural assumptions, expectations, roles and practices (boyce et al. 2007:26)’ (skinner et al. 2013). ‘[culture determines] not only which sexual relations are acceptable, but also at what times and under what circumstances are they appropriate’ (nkwi 2005:2135). this study established that the varemba initiates are taught how to make right choices at the appropriate time and are not encouraged to marry before they have gone through puberty rituals. marriage is permissible when one has gone through initiation. in the varemba culture, those recently initiated are not allowed to marry or engage in sexual relations up to a period of a year. those who are married are not allowed to have sex up to 1 month. the practice could protect individuals from early exposure to sexually transmitted infections. this is contrary to other ethnic groups, for example the nyau initiates of zambia and kikuyu of kenya ‘are encouraged to have sex soon after the [initiation] ceremony’ to prove their learnt sexual prowess (niang & boiro 2007:25; skinner et al. 2013). among the varemba of mwenezi, there is clear evidence that some participants changed their behaviour after going through initiation, to pursue safe sex habits. gonzo (aged 58), from rinnete village, confirmed that his son changed his attitude towards sex after initiation. the conditions outlined encouraged the initiates to delay marriage and sex. those not yet gone through initiation would maintain primary virginity, which is virginity for one who has never engaged in sex before. the married people who attended the initiation ritual having had engaged in sexual relations were forced into secondary virginity. after initiation, they were forbidden to engage in sexual relations up to a period of a month. such ideas could encourage the initiates to have delayed sexual debut that could be necessary in delaying risky chances of being exposed to contracting the hiv virus. studies have shown that vulnerability to hiv and aids risk increases with early sexual debut (ghebremichael, larsen & paintsil 2009:574; hallett et al. 2007:5). an early onset of sexual activity, in or outside marriage put the individual at risk ‘by extending the period of potential exposure to sexually transmitted pathogens [and immaturity] of the reproductive organs further [enhances the chances of the] individual’s biological susceptibility’ (ghebremichael et al. 2009:576). culture helps to determine the sexual relations that are acceptable and not (nkwi 2005:2135). mhosva regedzai (aged 82, from nikita) confirms that the initiates are forbidden to have sex for several months after initiation. if they intend to have sex, they are encouraged to get married. therefore, sex education obtained during the varemba initiation rituals is a useful tool for effective hiv and aids prevention because it encourages late sexual debut. mturi and hennink (2005)’s research on the initiation schools in south africa concluded ‘that the schools do not educate participants about safe sex [and] the dangers of hiv and aids, and may encourage risky sexual behaviour’ (malisha et al. 2008). these views only help to understand that the initiation schools’ curriculum about issues of hiv and aids is not manifest but latent. the varemba initiation school does not discuss issues of hiv and aids explicitly and it is not their agenda to discuss such issues. nevertheless, they provide lessons that are relevant towards change of behaviour in the youths whose benefit is lowering the risk of contracting hiv and aids and other sexually transmitted infections. a study of ‘38 countries in sub saharan africa [meant] to compare muslims in the population against the confirmed rate of hiv prevalence, found [that] muslims in national population correlates with lower hiv prevalence’ (gray 2004:1753). gray notes that most muslims circumcise and they appear to engage in less risky sexual behaviours. the varemba’s islamic link has a bearing in understanding the effectiveness of strong adherence to some cultural practices in hiv and aids prevention. as in islamic communities there is less risky behaviour, the perceived link helps to understand the varemba initiation ritual as effective. ‘male circumcision has been identified as protective cultural factor’ (auvert et al. 2005; moses 2009). prevalence of hiv and aids in african societies which traditionally circumcise has been discovered to be low particularly west africa and muslim countries (weiss et al. 2000:2366) ‘[d]ifferences in circumcision status [may help] to explain discrepancies in hiv prevalence’ (halperin & bailey 1990:1813-1814). it is not circumcision only which matters, but circumcision coupled with initiation that makes the varemba people distinct. the impact of the varemba circumcision and initiation ritual on hiv and aids prevention can be observed on statistics about the prevalence of hiv and aids in zimbabwe. skewed statistics on hiv and aids in zimbabwe show the need for behaviour change after individuals have gone through voluntary circumcision. it is of concern to notice that whilst the country is promoting circumcision as a measure to militate against the spread of hiv and aids, the prevalence rate in the circumcised population is increasing. some of the reasons for the twisted statistics could be in line with what the research gathered in the field survey, which points to uninformed risky compensation behaviours. according to doyle (2005), there is a need to work more directly on aspects of behaviour change in all ages and develop new cultural markers. circumcised persons may become promiscuous having learnt the benefits of circumcision in reducing chances of getting hiv and aids. the statistics could also mean that some groups of people do not accept medical circumcision which is why the coverage rate has been poor. parirenyatwa, former minister of health and child care in zimbabwe, made a similar observation at the launch of vmmc in marondera: ‘the uptake of male circumcision is still very low in the country although the service is offered for free at government institutions’ (taruvinga 2015:18). most of the varemba participants in this research in mwenezi show that they were against medical circumcision. however, traditional surgical practices have been identified as potential sources of hiv infection especially when performed in a group of people (feldman 1990:47). ‘[i]f […] serial use of [unsterilised] equipment features prominently’ it may well put the initiates at risk of hiv (ajuwon et al. 1995:380). during the varemba initiation ritual, the nyamukanga uses one knife, which they rinse in cold water after using it on each initiate. according to ajuwon et al. (1995:382), the process of using one knife during circumcision puts the initiates at the risk of contracting hiv. an unsterilised knife subsequently exposes initiates to the bodily fluids of the previous initiate (hardy 1987:101). the ritual leaders may spread the hiv virus if they are infected and have open wounds (feldman 1990:52). the findings of these researches should not necessarily ‘be construed as representative of [what transpires] in sub-saharan africa’. researchers have not established data that traditional surgical tools are vectors of transmission of hiv (ajuwon et al. 1995:383-384). packard and epstein (1991:776) argue that a small number of initiates underwent incisions sequentially. in the case of varemba initiation ritual, chikwaya mombe (aged 21, from matibi) pointed out that not more than three initiates are circumcised at each interval, in the morning, afternoon and in the evening. there is significant time lapse between initiates that makes transmission through unsterilised object very unlikely because the virus does not survive long after it has been exposed (ajuwon et al. 1995:382). based on the responses of gore hukwe (aged 26, participant from ndambi village under chief negare), during the varemba initiation ritual there is considerable time lapse for treating the wound and washing the knife before the next initiate is circumcised. gausset (2001) argues that most incisions are performed on adolescents who have lower prevalence of hiv and aids. razor blades for use during shaving seemed affordable and accessible because each initiate could manage to bring one for use during the varemba initiation ritual. according to brightman (1995:520), the initiation practice has low potency towards transmission of hiv virus and therefore has an insignificant contribution towards the spread of hiv virus. evidence gathered from the field shows that the varemba ritual elders and the initiates are aware of the risks of spreading hiv and aids and each one of them is encouraged to bring his razor blade, for use in shaving the head and the pubic hairs. the ordeals that the varemba initiates go through have a positive contribution towards instilling positive and less risky behaviours in the youth. asamoah (2001) laments the moral laxity of youth, and he thinks that the vulnerability of the youths to hiv and aids lies in their inability to control their sexual drive. culture is responsible for socialising the youth and imparts them with requisites of humanness (unhu/ubuntu). ntseane (2004:4) notes, ‘sex is culturally regulated, and accepted types of sexual behaviour are learnt through [socialisation]’. through song and dance, the youth are furnished with sexual advice and instruction expected of them by the society. the varemba initiation ritual offers a strategy and an opportunity of re-engagement and dialogue ‘with religious and ethnic groups in hiv [and aids] prevention’ (pelzer et al. 2007:660). researchers have a tendency of focusing on biological strategies for hiv and aids prevention. according to granich and mermin (2001), most discussions on issues of hiv and aids focus on biological interventions as the primary key towards hiv transmission (granich & mermin, 2001). nonetheless, such discussions circumvent the behavioural factors that have acted as impediments towards successful strategies. granich and mermin (2001) argue that biological technologies are at the top of the charts as treatment and prevention strategies, for example the use of highly active antiretroviral drugs and the use of condoms. all these require behaviour change. kippax et al. (2011:394) note that aids is a social disease, its causes, consequences and human responses to it are deeply embedded in socio-cultural processes. the varemba initiation ritual could be a valuable addition to the basket of strategies towards prevention of hiv and aids because it is culturally appropriate and locally relevant by targeting a specific group of people making them cognisant of their social context. the ritual strategy could have an idea over the type of behaviours to be changed for successful action. conclusion the conclusion that can be drawn in this article is that vmmc and the varemba circumcision and initiation rites should complement each other in fighting and reducing hiv and aids prevalence in the community under study. this is shown by the fact that the strength of the varemba initiation ritual in moulding positive behaviours towards hiv and aids lies in that it is not voluntary and solitary but obligatory and a group phenomenon. the divine sanctifies the behaviours of the youth and makes it imperative for everyone to accept and follow the moral virtues of the society without questioning. voluntary medical male circumcision is solitary and intentional; it removes the individual from the social, cultural and public domain, which stands as witness to the new person’s status in the community. the varemba initiation ritual is viewed as an event where the community is engaged in the processes which are transformative to the youth, and which provide transition to health. it provides vigorous lessons, which equip the initiate with skills of reflection and adjustment towards his behaviour. there is always public opinion over one’s behaviour. the varemba community of mwenezi agree in principle that anyone who violates sex and marriage regulations is treated as an outcast and such a person should be beaten severely and mortified in public. this is why they believe that the youths need a public eye to verify, certify and acclaim their entry into puberty. the public celebrations are therefore necessary in strengthening the bond of the community. acknowledgements the author would like to thank mr tomu adam who happened to be the link person and key informant during the research and data gathering. competing interests the authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article. authors’ contributions o.m. was very instrumental in the conceptualisation of idea, data collection and presentation. v.c. contributed towards the conceptualisation of idea, crafting methodology and data analysis. ethical considerations permission to carry out the study was sought through traditional leadership chiefs, headman and government health officials. participants completed informed consent forms during interviews and these forms are kept by dr matumbu at a secure place in a cabinet locker. funding the study was funded by the authors. data availability statement data sharing is 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(ed) hiv and aids. oxfam: oxford. pp xiii–xxiii. who/unaids, 2015, global aids response progress report, viewed 06 november 2016, from www.uniaids.org/sites. wikipedia, n.d., lemba people, viewed 27 may 2019, from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=90774. world health organisation (who), 2006, strategies and approaches for male circumcision programming, who meeting report: 5–6 december, geneva. who press. world health organisation (who), 2009, traditional male circumcision among young people: a public health perspective in the context of hiv prevention, viewed 27 may 2019, from https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/44247/9789241598910_eng.pdf;jsessionid=3f8505767ef19e8f39d18089fe308844?sequence=1. abstract introduction the background context of the study methodology results presentation discussion of the findings – what is community development and why should churches be involved? conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) patrick nanthambwe unit for reformed theology and development in south africa, faculty of theology, north-west university, potchefstroom, south africa citation nanthambwe, p., 2023, ‘a congregational view on church and community development in south africa: an empirical study’, theologia viatorum 47(1), a191. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v47i1.191 original research a congregational view on church and community development in south africa: an empirical study patrick nanthambwe received: 10 feb. 2023; accepted: 07 june 2023; published: 19 july 2023 copyright: © 2023. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract community development is defined differently depending on the perspective of those defining it. there is a chasm between how academics define community development and how the general public views it. this results in some confusion, particularly regarding the role of churches in addressing community challenges. fundamentally, community development is a human endeavor. therefore, churches must have a clear understanding of community development in order for their participation in community transformation to be effective. this requires a comprehension of what community development is at the grassroots level. this article sheds light on the comprehension of community development at the grassroots level. this article will provide answers to two fundamental concerns. what is grassroots community development in the first place? second, why is church participation in community development necessary? two methods will be used to respond to the queries provided. this article utilises empirical data collected from weltevreden chapel family bible church in weltevreden park and christ revival centre church in lenasia, johannesburg. the article compares the literature’s comprehension of community development to the grassroots perspective. contribution: this article examines the literature and empirical data collected from two congregations in johannesburg to better comprehend grassroots community development. the article will emphasise the significance of grasping what community development is so that churches can engage in the transformation of communities strategically. keywords: church; church and community; development; community development; grassroot perspective; church-driven development; community transformation. introduction there are many challenges that people face, which hamper their enjoyment of being a human (magezi 2022). these challenges are not unsurmountable. with the right intervention to addressing people’s challenges in communities, there is a greater chance that peoples’ situation change. for the change to happen, there is a need for the communities to participate to bring about the desired change. churches are part of civil society that people in communities depend on to address social issues (magezi 2017a:7). the fact that churches in communities are accessible in the spirit of their proximity and connection with community people, make them a suitable force to deal with peoples’ challenges. churches in communities can inspire, build, and promote long-term sustainable relationships and structures between church and community members (magezi 2017a:8). despite the fundamental influence that churches have in their communities, there is a staggering reality of their passiveness in addressing social issues (michael 2020:369). furthermore, most of the churches do not understand the dimension to which they are to be involved with social issues. one of the reasons that has contributed to the passiveness of churches to participate in community transformation is the misunderstanding of what community development is. this comes particularly in failing to comprehend the distinction between community service and community development. according to slack (2014), there is a difference between community development and community service. he explains that in community service churches are merely involved in helping with community needs. for example, slack (2014) mentions that churches participating in volunteering work, giving food to the hungry, helping with shelter for the homeless and many other things, are part of community service. another concept that needs to be taken into consideration is that of charity or relief. corbett and fikkert (2012:99–108) called this kind of involvement as charitable work or relief efforts. in a relief situation, urgent and temporary supply of emergency aid to lessen immediate suffering from a natural or man-made disaster is provided. charity and relief are necessary for certain situations, yet they do not bring about the desired transformation necessary for the people who are assisted to be able to stand on their own two feet and support themselves and their families. according to the findings of a study that was carried out by ferreira and groenewald (2010), mainline churches in africa, south africa in particular, are actively involved in the provision of immediate relief in a variety of forms, including the operation of soup kitchens, the distribution of clothing and blankets to the needy, and many other activities. how could such kind of interventions be a solution to the challenges people face and transform their lives? the mainline churches in africa are the churches that were founded by missionaries. examples of these in south africa include the catholics, presbyterians, anglicans, methodists etc. these churches have contributed a lot in the liberation of south africa and their involvement in the public (dube & molise 2018; hofmeyr 2004). however, while they have been involved in community engagement to transform peoples’ lives, their involvement has not been effective in many cases (magezi & nanthambwe 2022). the situation that necessitates the importance of grassroot understanding of development is alluded by cooper (2022) in his article ‘christianity threatens, promises, and challenges development practice: analyses from the global south’. cooper mentions that the world’s christian population resides in the so-called ‘developing countries’ (global south). however, north america and europe (global north) are frequently viewed as the source of the influence on the christian heritage. similarly, countries in the global south are the focus of development policies and practices, despite the fact that the north has traditionally dominated discussions about the appropriate forms of development. in the global south, the global north has established the policies, defined the budget allocations, and selected the parties with which to engage. in addition, conventional development programmes have been perceived as secular, focusing on economics and politics while excluding religion. in recent decades, however, there has been a shift towards recognising religion as fundamental to the lives of individuals in the global south. however, the global north retains the authority to assess if christian and development activities in countries in the global south are beneficial or destructive. instead, both within the christian tradition and in the field of development, decision-making should be located in the global south, among the most affected populations (cooper 2022:58). this is so because the people themselves are the ones who know better regarding how their problems can be solved than anyone else. it is in the situation described by cooper (2022) that this article sheds light on how community development, which is an aspect of development, is viewed among people in communities themselves. additional interventions are needed to support the government’s efforts to address societal concerns in order to address the problems that africa is experiencing. magezi (2020:61) highlights the significance of churches being involved with pressing social issues. churches have a public component because they are called and sent out into the world to be change agents. churches have a favourable influence on community development through their dedication to the common good. this occurs not only through their actions and words within the church but also by their involvement outside of its boundaries (nanthambwe & magezi 2022:2). the age, gender, education level, social status, race, caste, sexual preference, and ethnicity of churchgoers vary greatly. churchgoers nevertheless find a vital platform to discuss issues that affect their community as a whole within the church, despite such incredible diversity (lutheran world federation 2016:16). the central question that this study answers is how does the grassroot understanding of community development helps the church to come up with effective interventions to address people’s challenges? the article uses empirical information obtained from the weltevreden chapel family church in weltevreden, roodepoort and christ revival church in lenasia south johannesburg, respectively. the findings of this study should help churches in south africa to come up with proper interventions in the effort to transform their communities. the background context of the study south african communities face numerous challenges (world bank 2018). while community challenges are numerous and acute, there are five challenges that have been at the top of the list: the triple challenge of inequality, poverty, and unemployment; gender-based violence (gbv), and racism (south african government 2017). these five challenges have recently devastated south african communities to such an extent that the government has recognised them and initiated programmes and various plans to combat them (shava & thakhathi 2016:363; south african government 2017, 2022). as a result of their connection, south africa refers to the socio-economic problems of inequality, poverty, and unemployment as the ‘triple challenge’. triple dilemma requires immediate attention from decision-makers and authorities throughout south african society, according to all parties involved (south african government 2017:5). van der westhuizen and swart (2015:732) described south africa’s struggle with poverty, inequality, unemployment, and hunger, and the urgency with which these issues must be addressed. gender-based violence and racism have also become more severe obstacles for south africans. the president of south africa has identified gbv as one of the greatest concerns facing south african communities and he has signed legislation to strengthen efforts to combat it (south african government 2022). racism has also persistently demanded south africans’ attention despite the end of apartheid, as evidenced through social media and community experiences. it is imperative to address the growing escalation of racial conflict in the country. despite the end of apartheid and the advent of democracy in south africa in 1994, extreme inequality persists (kganyago 2018:5; makgetla 2020:4; nqwane et al. 2021:79; stats sa 2019:2). in fact, south africa is regarded as one of the world’s most unequal nations (francis & webster 2019:788; galal 2021; khan & pillay 2019:1206; leibbrandt et al. 2010; nqwane et al. 2021:79). a total of 10% of the population has 90% of all wealth and generates 60% of the nation’s revenue (webster, valodia & francis 2017). statistic south africa (2019) issued a frightening report indicating: in addition to being extremely high, south african inequality appears to be remarkably persistent. despite many efforts by government to reduce inequality since our democratic transition in 1994, progress has been limited (p. 2). according to ndebele (2022), in a recent african union summit that took place in ethiopia, south africa has been urged to deal with the issues paralysing the country and one of them being inequality. the co-existence of extreme poverty and extreme wealth is starkly visible in the country (chatterjee 2019:839; nqwane et al. 2021). this was also pinpointed by prof adam habib in his interview with radio 702.1 speaking to clement manyathela, habib pointed out the recent worsening of inequality in south africa compared with the time democracy came into the country in 1994. he accentuated on the failure of the african national congress (anc) government to address issues linked with inequality. the world bank (2018:xiv) identifies the tripartite of high poverty, inequality, and unemployment as major challenges that south africa is facing as a country. poverty is another severe problem for south african communities (eloff 2017:6; francis & webster 2019:788; leibbrandt et al. 2010). when the upper-bound national poverty standard of r992 per person per month was applied to 2015 prices, nearly half the population of south africa was categorised as chronically poor (world bank 2018:xviii). according to the most recent information released by statistics south africa in 2021, this has not altered (borgen project 2022; stats sa 2021a). while there has been progress in lowering the incidence of poverty in south africa, it has been slow and the poverty rate has increased, according to the national development agency (2019:8) (world bank 2018:10–11; zizzamia, schotte & leibbrandt 2019:2–3). francis and webster (2019:788) describe south africa as ‘something of paradox’. this is owing to the complexity of the relationship between the rich and the poor. according to the most recent data from statistics south africa (2017), poverty in the country has increased dramatically since 2011. the country’s economic growth has stalled and inflation remains high in comparison to the industrialised nations (francis & webster 2019:788). south africa has worked to combat poverty and inequality through a variety of measures for over two decades (world bank 2018:xiv). the statement made in the reconstruction and development programme (rdp) in 1994 and reiterated in the national development plan (2012), stated that: no political democracy can survive and flourish if the mass of our people remain in poverty, without land, without tangible prospects for a better life … attacking poverty and deprivation must therefore be the first priority of a democratic government. (p. 14) as poverty in the country continues to be the greatest problem of all challenges, there is no indication of when the aforementioned statement will be realised. in fact, zizzamia et al. (2019:1) showed that it is difficult to escape poverty in south africa because of the fact that it is a persistent rather than transient condition. the problem of unemployment is a big challenge in south africa (world bank 2018:3). the most recent official unemployment data for south africa, which were collected in 2021, indicate that unemployment has grown to 34.9%, the highest rate reported since the beginning of the quarterly labour force survey in 2008. (stats sa 2021b:2). compared with 2020, the number of unemployed increased by 17.0% or by 1.1 million individuals (stats sa 2021b:2). these statistics indicate that the rate of unemployment in south africa is a cause for concern. according to the world bank (2018:3), south africa’s high unemployment rate is the primary issue that the government must investigate. the world bank (2018:3) questioned the feasibility of the national development plan 2030, which projects the creation of 11m jobs by 2030. for the employment goal to be met, the economy must generate 600 000 jobs every year. however, the south african economy is so sluggish that it provides less than half of the necessary employment possibilities (world bank 2018:3). gender-based violence is one of south africa’s worst concerns. despite the country’s reputation for having one of the most progressive constitutions, the rise in gbv contradicts the perception that south africa has one of the most progressive constitutions. (sanni & ofana 2021:387). numerous cases of gbv in 2019 prompted women and girls to organise demonstrations, and there were protests against gbv in johannesburg and cape town. while 2019 was thought to be a bad year for gbv in south africa, 2020 was dubbed ‘another pandemic’ for gbv in south africa during the lockdown (sanni & ofana 2021). the lockdown resulted in the escalation of gbv, notably in south africa’s rural communities. racism has also been endemic throughout the nation. since the end of apartheid and the formation of democratic governance in 1994, the anc government has established concrete measures to ensure that all south africans live in a democratic and free nation. while it cannot be denied that there have been some improvements in racial relations, the bitter reality is that ‘race’ remains a persistent problem in south africa (phiri & matambo 2018:73; pillay 2017:4,6; vorster 2017:39). for instance, lujabe (2017) in her article said: 2017 started just like 2016, with racist rants on social media, mentions some hot racist comments that took place in the years 2016 and 2017. regarding south africa’s progress, the effects of hiv/aids and covid-19 cannot be neglected. south africa has the world’s greatest hiv epidemic to date (nuh 2021). according to stats sa (2021c:15), the estimated hiv prevalence rate among the population of south africa is approximately 13.7%. the predicted number of persons living with hiv in 2021 is 8.2 m out of a total population of 60.14 m. a total of 19.5% of adults aged 15 to 49 years are estimated to be hiv-positive (stats sa 2021c). despite a drop in aids-related mortality in south africa since 2007 because of the availability of antiretroviral therapy, aids remains a problem in the country. in 2007, there were 274 501 aids-related deaths registered. in 2020, there were 79,420 fewer aids-related fatalities. in 2021, there were 85,154 aids-related fatalities in the south africa (stats sa 2021c:14). the effect of the covid-19 pandemic is a problem not only in south africa but globally. the covid-19 epidemic has far-reaching effects not only on human health but also on the economy and labour market, which has exacerbated south africa’s socioeconomic predicament (naidu 2020:559; sekyere et al. 2020:1; stats sa 2020:9). the pandemic has devastating health and economic effects on african nations. in an economically unequal society, the majority of south africans reside in overcrowded multigenerational households below the poverty line. during the covid-19 pandemic, rates of depression, anxiety, gbv, and child abuse and neglect were elevated (naidu 2020:559). as a result of the difficulty of finding employment in south africa, the epidemic had a profound impact on the unemployed (stats sa 2020:11). while millions of individuals in south africa will be more impoverished as a result of covid-19, it should be underlined that covid-19 is not the reason of the country’s greater poverty rate (buffel 2021:178). the pandemic just aggravated the existing poverty (buffel 2021). it is in the context presented here that the intervention of churches is needed in order to help in addressing the issues faced by communities. the given challenges have affected south africans on one way or another. it is through community development that these issues can be effectively addressed, but how do churches understand community development? the empirical study presented here answers that question. methodology empirical research was conducted in weltevreden chapel family church in roodepoort and christ revival church in lenasia between 01 february and 10 april 2022 to understand how people in communities understand community development and to assess whether churches understand why they should be involved in community development. there are two reasons behind the selection of these churches. firstly, given that the purpose of this research was to determine what church leaders think about community development and why churches should be involved, it was necessary to obtain diverse opinions from churches that represent two contrasting south african lifestyles. secondly, these churches were selected based on their participation in community development programmes that they administer in their respective localities. for data collection, a qualitative approach employing structured interviews with 15 (male and female) participants from the aforementioned selected evangelical congregations in johannesburg, gauteng, south africa was adopted. richards (2021:17) highlights the value of qualitative research by stating that it is the most effective approach for researching people and their social worlds, in which people’s perceptions of their circumstances and explanations for their behaviour are thoroughly investigated. five male church officials from weltevreden chapel family bible church, including the pastor, and 10 church leaders including the pastor from christian revival centre and one female leader make up the group of 15. as a result of the size of their congregations and the number of their leaders, the number of participants were proportional. weltevreden chapel family bible church has a smaller congregation of 88 members and fewer leaders compared with christ revival centre church, which has a larger congregation of 200 members and more leaders. based on their religious background and leadership experience, these individuals were chosen to participate in the study. all the leaders chosen to participate were mature christians who have been in leadership for more than 5 years. secondly, because of their awareness and experience in holistic ministry. in a holistic ministry, people are viewed as full beings created by god to live in harmonious society. as a result, the church seeks to bring about wholeness at every level of society, including that of people, families, communities, nations, and the entire human family. thirdly, their interaction with or exposure to development specialists. this means that the participants either have participated in development programmes themselves or they have a wider knowledge concerning development. the researcher transcribed the responses of each participant to the planned interview questions. the transcription was performed through careful observation to the responses to the interview question that were written down in order to ensure that what the respondents presented was actually there rather than what was expected. to assure the analysis of the interview data, general qualitative data analysis principles, including coding and interpretation, were applied (richards 2021:121; thomas 2013:109, 239–242). the coding and interpretation were carried out manually. richards (2021:119) notes that coding in qualitative research accomplishes more than the classification of topics. it accumulates information for inquiry and strongly encourages the production of new ideas (richards 2021). constant comparison method-based data interpretation resulted in network analysis of themes and subthemes (braun & clarke 2006:92; thomas 2013:235–236). subthemes are, according to braun and clarke (2006:92), simply themes within a theme. ‘they can be beneficial for providing structure to a huge and complex topic, as well as for illustrating the hierarchy of meaning within the data’ (braun & clarke 2006). there is no name that is used for participant in this research for the purpose of ensuring privacy and confidentiality. this was done to establish trust between the researcher and the participants. this includes the preservation of their dignity, which promotes full participation as it reduces worry of being publicly known on the part of the participants. results presentation the purpose of the interviews was to determine whether or not church leaders understood what community development is and why churches should participate in community development. the following are the questions and the topics that arose from the questionnaire replies of the participants. what is your understanding of community development? there were various themes that arose from the church leaders’ responses on their understanding of community development. the questions, answers, and the major themes that emerged from the results of the interviews are as follows: community development as upliftment of community members forty per cent of the participants mentioned that community development, entails the betterment of people’s lives and their living conditions. this upliftment involves improved education, skills, health (mentally, physically, emotionally, and spiritually), jobs, infrastructures, and the implementation of poverty alleviation programmes. one leader explained community development in the following manner: community development involves improving of the standards of living of the community in the form of housing, electricity supply, infrastructure, schools, healthcare, safety or personal circumstances. upgrading the communities if form of giving training for skills, promoting good health (emotional as well as physical support from the members of the community, creating jobs to alleviate poverty (participant 1, male, christ revival church, 10 february 2022). a female participant from christ revival church further clarified that the upliftment might also be in the shape of the growth and progress of the people living in the same region, so that they are unified in addressing the issues they face as individuals and as a community. respondents emphasised that all of these should be the result of community members’ efforts and support. community development as relief twenty per cent of the participants elucidated that community development is providing aid to those in severe circumstances so they can escape them. this aid may be provided in the form of monetary assistance or material commodities such as food, clothing, etc. according to the interviewees, the south african poverty condition is ubiquitous. people are searching for methods to put food on the table for their families. community members have less opportunities to escape their dreadful circumstances. community development in south african communities would be greatly facilitated by providing aid to community members. nonetheless, this conception of community development creates a number of questions, such as how to approach places with low rates of poverty, such as sandton? do such communities still need community development? community development as poverty alleviation thirteen per cent of the respondents stated that community development comprises providing community people with a better education so they can escape poverty. this includes the creation of jobs, the finest education for children, business assistance, etc. one of the participants expressed regret that: ‘[…d]ue to the severity of problems like poverty and unemployment in south africa, many people are poor. as a result of this, any form of community development should prioritise poverty alleviation. if community development is concerned with other things than helping people to come out of poverty, then it becomes irrelevant.’ (participant 2, male, weltevreden chapel family church, 02 april 2022) community development as growth and progress in life according to 20% of the participants, community development entails overcoming the obstacles to human advancement for the residents of the same community. the leaders reported that: ‘progress of community members come about when people in the community come together (public, local business people, religious and other community-based organisations) to identify and address issues that are plaguing their communities. community members realise that they cannot be independent in dealing with challenges. so, they come together to address issues in their lives so that their lives may improve not as individuals but a community as a whole.’ (participant 3, female, from christ revival church, 10 february 2022; participant 4, male, from weltevreden chapel family church, 02 april 2022) the responders also highlighted the importance of spiritual health in the context of this growth and development. community development should centre on whether or not the community has accepted jesus christ as lord and saviour. the state of people’s souls in the community should be the development’s primary priority. where a person will spend eternity is far more significant than their present circumstances. community development as empowerment twenty per cent of the respondents indicated that community development involves empowering community members to tackle their own problems. according to one participant, this empowerment should take the shape of forming communities together, motivating, and empowering individuals to work towards a common objective of resolving their problems and addressing their bodily and spiritual needs. the leaders also emphasised that community development should entail community members solving their own problems, rather than relying solely on outside assistance. this was echoed by participant 5, who added: ‘[…b]ecause community development is a process the community members need to be part of the process and this can only happen when they are empowered to see their worthiness to deal with their own challenges.’ (participant 5, male, from christ revival church, 02 april 2022). community development as being relevant in addressing people’s challenges seven per cent participants mentioned that community development is relevant in the lives of community members. they remarked that the manner in which churches assist their communities is irrelevant. therefore, according to the participants, community development from the standpoint of the church would entail identifying the issues communities face and addressing them properly. one participant provided an example of a community with a high unemployment rate. in this context, community development would entail finding ways for community members to find income-generating activities, thereby making them relevant. ignoring the needs of people and emphasising on peripheral things is unbecoming to community development. the study of the data indicates that community development is primarily viewed as the improvement of the lives of community members through the provision of necessities. community development is viewed as an improvement of people’s lives in alleviation, growth, and advancement. community development as poverty reduction and relevance in meeting people’s needs are the least understood aspects of community development. this investigation demonstrates the difficulty of defining the idea of development, as several conceptions of community development were offered by community leaders. what is the biblical and any other reasons for churches’ involvement in community development? to determine whether church leaders comprehend the mandate that churches have towards the development of their communities from a biblical and other perspectives, the following themes and responses emerged from the participants’ comments: the teachings and ministry of jesus sixty per cent of the participants indicated that churches should be involved in the development of their communities based on what jesus taught and did regarding the church. participants pointed to matthew 5:13–16, in which believers are described to being salt and light of the world. this indicates that churches are to assist their communities in becoming the communities god wishes them to be. jesus was associated with people in his ministry through offering healing, food, and compassion, among other things. in other words, during his ministry, jesus carried the burdens of humanity. therefore, the church is commanded to imitate their lord through imitating jesus in their respective communities. if the church is a steward of jesus’ teachings, then it must participate in comprehensive service in the same way that jesus did. the teachings of the old testament twenty-seven per cent of the participants also identified the teachings of the old testament as a basis for the church’s involvement in the development of their communities. as examples, passages from jeremiah 29:7, psalms 89:14, leviticus 19:18, and deuteronomy 15:11 were used to encourage churches to participate in the lives of the people in their communities. participants observed that the church serves as a beacon for the lost and guides individuals as they live on earth. mr. reuben, referring to the old testament, observed that churches are obligated to bring about the transformation of communities, just as god expected the jews in the old testament to bring about the transformation of the nations (is 49:6). the teachings of the new testament sixty per cent of the participants stated that the teachings of the new testament inspire the church to be involved not only in the lives of its members but also in the larger community. most participants identified the emphasis on love for one another in the teachings of the new testament as the reason for church involvement in the lives of their communities. the following are some of the new testament texts that were mentioned by the participants, which churches can use as a direction for their community involvement: galatians 6:2 ‘carry each other’s burdens so that you will fulfil the law of christ’. hebrews 13:16 ‘don’t forget to do good and to share what you have because god is pleased with these kinds of sacrifices’. john 15:2 ‘this is my commandment: love each other just as i have loved you’. romans 12:13 ‘contribute to the needs of god’s people, and welcome strangers into your home’. participants were essentially unanimous regarding the teachings of the bible, emphasising that both the old and new testaments encourage the church to participate in the lives of their societies. the participants made the following interesting observation: ‘the bible is clear that we are to be involved and impact the world by being the salt and light. we don’t have access to the world, but we can impact our immediate surroundings which are our communities with the love of god. galatians 6:2 says, ‘carry each other’s burdens, and in this way, you will fulfil the law of christ’. as christ is our burden bearer, we are blessed to be a blessing to others. in this way we fulfil the law of christ and become more like him… the church should be the light of the community, help with the struggles of others and love every person as god did.’ (participant 3, female, from christ revival church, 10 february 2022; participant 6, male, from weltevreden chapel family bible church, 02 april 2022) the participants identified love of one’s neighbour as the central theme of both the old and new testaments. the bible emphasises on ‘love your neighbour as you love yourself’. god’s word makes it very plain that his people must live in fellowship and encourage one another in every way. one participant pointed out that what the early church did by selling their possessions and helping the poor in their town is not merely a story, but rather a lesson for churches on how to love those who are incapable of achieving success in life. while the story does not teach that church members must sell their things to help the less fortunate in their communities, the moral remains that churches should not shirk their responsibilities to help improve the lives of their neighbours. discussion of the findings – what is community development and why should churches be involved? the study had two objectives: firstly, to determine whether church leaders comprehend community development, and secondly, to determine whether church leaders comprehend the biblical mandate for church involvement in community development. participants’ definition of community development the results demonstrated that community development is considered by participants to mean different things. while the results demonstrated that participants had some awareness of what community development entails, the results also indicate that there are significant gaps in their comprehension. this is evidenced by the fact that only 40% of respondents understood community development to be the improvement of community members’ lives. this improved existence includes obtaining a better education, developing diverse talents, and enjoying good health (mentally, physically, emotionally, and spiritually). while some participants’ understandings of community development contain certain parts of development principles, they lack a comprehensive component of what community development entails. according to phillips and pittman (2009:3), community development has become a field of interest to both practitioners and academics over the past several decades. despite the evolution of community development, phillips and pittman (2009:3) observed that community development is characterised in numerous ways. for instance, the majority of practitioners view community development as the betterment of the community’s physical, social, and economic conditions. academics consider community development as a process characterised by the ability of communities to act constructively and its improvement. understanding the concept of community development is essential to the conception of community development (mattessich & monsey 2004:56; sapkota & tharu 2015:67; vidal 2001:2). while community may also relate to other things (mattessich & monsey 2004), in the context of development, it simply refers to a specific group of people residing in a given locality with strong social-cultural ties and a sense of belonging (sapkota & tharu 2015:67). development, on the other hand, encompasses a comprehensive process of gradual alteration of human life and its other ambitions, such as environmental sustainability and security (sapkota & tharu 2015). community development can be regarded as a two-way interaction between people or community and development when the two terms are combined. in community development, individuals are equipped with the skills necessary to be change agents within their communities. therefore, in order for community growth to be feasible, broad social groupings with a shared agenda must be formed (sapkota & tharu 2015). in this context of development comprehension, magezi (2017b:9) claimed that ‘development is achieved by people and is for people’. understanding what community development comprises is crucial to the implementation of projects by churches to address people’s challenges. the manner in which churches connect with their communities throughout community development depends on how they interpret community development. in the case of leaders who perceive community development as relief, their community development programmes will be centred on giving humanitarian aid to their communities. it is hardly surprising that these leaders emphasised that their churches lacked the financial resources to support community development. as a result, community development becomes a one-sided activity. this is because, in their view, churches must provide community development to the community. this view of community development is consistent with the definitions provided by vidal (2001:2) and ferguson and dickinson (1999:1), who described community development as ‘asset building that improves the quality of life among residents of low to moderate income communities’. there are two crucial elements that must be avoided in the manner that community development is perceived. firstly, the assumption that community development is primarily a matter of economics. in this conception, development is limited to poor communities. while economic growth cannot be completely ruled out as a component of development, development is more multidimensional than just economic growth (todaro & smith 2012:16). when economic growth is emphasised as a component of community development, other concerns that are crucial to improving people’s lives are disregarded (anderson 2014:64; elliot 2014:68; klaasen 2019:1). instances include gbv and racism. people who engage in gbv and prejudice do not necessarily come from impoverished communities. if community development merely focuses on economic growth, gbv and racism are likely to go unrecognised in communities. todaro and smith (2012) provide an interesting perspective on what community development requires by stating: development must therefore be conceived of as a multidimensional process involving major changes in social structures, popular attitudes, and national institutions, as well as the acceleration of economic growth, the reduction of inequality, and eradication of poverty. development, in its essence must represent the whole gamut of change by which an entire social system, tuned to the diverse basic needs and evolving aspirations of individuals and social groups within that system, moves away from a condition of life widely perceived as unsatisfactory toward a situation or condition of life regarded as materially and spiritually better (p. 16). this statement encompasses the entire components of development, demonstrating that all areas of the human environment are to be improved. if the given definition of development is understood, it may imply that not only disadvantaged areas, but even wealthy communities require development. inadequate income and wealth are not the primary causes of underdevelopment in communities; a number of other factors also contribute. sen (1999:14) emphasised that economic expansion cannot be viewed as an end in and of itself. development must be more concerned with enhancing the quality of our lives and our freedom. magezi (2017b:9) echoed sen’s assertion that development is people-centred and the responsibility of the community as a whole. it is about growing people’s lives so that they can have a quality of life according to their own standards. secondly, the assumption that communities in need of development have no ability to contribute to their own development. this is subtle, yet a large number of development practitioners hold this attitude of superiority. when this happens, it makes development a one-sided transaction. the practitioners act as if they are the only ones with solutions to the community’s problems. in this strategy, individuals of the community are not consulted prior to the implementation of programmes. there is no contact between practitioners and community members. the disrespectful treatment of community members hampers their participation in the answers to their problems (fields 2014:1). when individuals are only beneficiaries of development and not participants, they are rendered helpless. the belief that individuals are worthwhile and able to contribute to the society and control their own futures, regardless of their socioeconomic level, is fostered when community members assume responsibility for their own problems (voorhies 2009:605; yoms 2015:52). however, there were a few interviewees who correctly interpreted community development as the empowerment of community members. community empowerment, according to the world health organization (who) (2009), is the process of granting communities greater control over their lives. the who (2009) argues that communities may or may not be spatially connected, but consist of individuals who share shared interests, concerns, or identities. the who (2009) adds that the process of empowering entails the enhancement of assets and traits and the development of the capacity to gain access, partners, networks, and/or a voice in order to assume control. while there is some external influence on empowerment, labonte and laverack (2008:30) noticed that people are their own assets and that the purpose of the external force is to catalyse, facilitate, or ‘accompany’ the community in the process of attaining power. this indicates that the most valuable assets in community development are the community members themselves. an interesting discussion on the link between relief and development has been presented by larry minear and thomas weiss (1993) in the book titled humanitarian action in times of war: a handbook for practitioners. traditionally, as presented by corbett and fikkert (2012:99), relief is defined as the urgent and temporary provision of emergency aid to reduce immediate suffering. for example, if there is a drought in malawi and people did not have enough harvest to sustain their lives. in such situation, people are nearly or completely helpless and experience tumbling economic conditions. it is in this kind of situation where relief comes to stop people’s suffering. corbett and fikkert (2012:100) stated that the key feature of relief is a provider–receiver dynamic in which the provider gives assistance – often material – to the receiver, who is largely incapable of helping himself at that time. however, according to minear and weiss (1993), humanitarian aid encompasses a broader meaning than its usual definition. relief also requires a long-term commitment to certain projects that promote the humanity and self-respect of individuals. using afghanistan as an example, minear and weiss (1993) highlighted that humanitarian aid would not be limited to the provision of food and medicine. nonetheless, in this situation, relief would require restoring infrastructures and psychologically assisting individuals wounded by the violence, such as rape victims. in this conception of relief, participation in relief programmes is intended not only to alleviate the suffering of people but also to repair the destruction in their lives and environments. in this sense, alleviation is applicable to the growth of communities. while the survey indicates that some church leaders understand what community development entails, there is a need to educate these leaders on community development’s expansive meaning. how would this education be beneficial? firstly, this education will enable church leaders to view community development as part of their churches’ communal obligations, rather than as a peculiar phenomenon. secondly, assisting church leaders in comprehending what community development entails will aid their churches in developing pertinent initiatives to address community issues. thirdly, understanding community development will help churches recognise the need of collaborating with other churches and non-religious organisations, as they will realise that serving communities requires several participants, including non-religious organisations. the proper understanding of community development is essential for churches to effectively handle community concerns. participants’ understanding of biblical rationale or justification and other reasons for churches involvement in community development from the results of the study, three reasons from the bible that are the teachings of jesus and his ministry, the teachings of the old and new testaments were submitted by church leaders as the reasons for churches intervention in the development of communities. the participants observed that churches intervene in the development of communities in accordance with jesus’ teachings and ministry. what did jesus teach regarding social change? mathews and raymond (2020:1) argue that jesus is a ‘social activist’ and bemoan the fact that this is often overlooked because of the popularity of the divine traits that the gospel authors give to him. but a careful examination of his life and teachings reveals that jesus was a radical social activist who battled for justice and challenged the prevailing social institutions (mathews & raymond 2020). there are a variety of topics that can be linked to jesus’ teaching on social reform, however the participants mentioned just the following four. firstly, the participants mentioned jesus’ teaching on the kingdom of god as a basis for social intervention. jesus’ public proclamation was centred on the central theme of the kingdom of god. mark 1:15 summarises very well jesus’ teaching saying, ‘the time is fulfilled, and the kingdom of god has come near, repent and believe in the good news’. jesus’ proclamation of the kingdom of god was the development of an alternative consciousness to the one presently offered by the imperial forces of roman government. contrary to the kingdom of roman empire who was incapable of solving people’s challenges, the one that jesus was presenting was to make sense to the israel context by solving local problems (malina 2001:40–57; mathews & raymond 2020:2). churches as representatives of jesus and the kingdom of god have a role to play in bringing the transformation in communities. and this was emphasised by jesus’ teaching on prayer where his followers are to petition god for his kingdom to be a reality in communities of people. secondly, the participants mentioned about jesus’ teaching on love as a motivation to intervene in addressing community issues. jesus emphasised that love should be paramount virtue of every person in the kingdom of god. this special significance of love is shown in the double commandment to love the lord god with one’s whole being and the neighbour as oneself. jesus taught that love is the greatest of all commandments and where all the law and prophets are centred upon (mt 22:37–40). jesus taught categorically that love towards god should always being accompanied by love towards fellow human beings. jesus substantiated this teaching with a parable of the good samaritan where he challenged his followers to employ the love that generates compassion to a neighbour. the participant remarked that the church is called to demonstrate this kind of love to the world, hence its involvement in the development of communities. thirdly, jesus’ teaching on righteousness and justice. in matthews 6:33, jesus taught that his followers must strive first for the kingdom of god and his righteousness and all the material blessing (food, shelter, and clothing) shall be given to them as well. the word righteousness is a translation of hebrew root ṣdq or the greek dikaioun, and can be rendered as (1) a quality or state of being righteous, upright, in the right, or just; or (2) that which is in conformity with a standard or in a state of acceptability to god (mathews & raymond 2020:4). jesus was critical of unjust social structures. he attacked the very circumstances that led to economic disadvantage, political domination, and cultural, religious, ideological oppression. this is demonstrated by his attack on the temple as the economic, political and religious centre of palestinian society (mk 11:15–19, jn 2:1316). jesus expressed his disapproval for religious systems that accepted the abandonment of the aged [such as through korban2 (mk 7:11)] and oppressing the unfortunate. jesus was captious of the neglect of weightier matter of law-justice, faithfulness and mercy (mt 23:23). participants reported that it is by following the teaching of jesus on righteousness and justice that churches are required to be agents of community development. lastly, jesus’ teaching on the poor. at the beginning of his public life while in the synagogue in nazareth, jesus summarises his primary concern when he applies to himself the words, which he has read from the book of isaiah: the spirit of the lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. he has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty those who are oppressed, to proclaim the acceptable year of the lord. (lk 4:18f) the words for poor in the new testament designate persons and groups lacking [totally or in some degree] the basic necessities of life such as food, drink, clothing, shelter, health, land, employment, freedom, dignity and honour, etc. (kunhiyop 2008:146; magezi 2007:47; scheffler 2013:3). poverty may be concretely indicated by these specific manifestations (hungry, thirsty, naked, homeless, unemployed, despised). jesus was therefore putting himself on the side of the poor, prisoners and the blind, and teaching his followers to do the same. it is by the inspiration of jesus’ teaching on the poor that the participants mentioned churches follow suit taking care of people who are marginalised in society and help them to overcome their shame and disgrace. participants also mentioned that churches’ intervention in the development of communities is based on the ministry of jesus. how did jesus conduct his ministry? jesus’ ministry was holistic, in the sense that he ministered to the whole person in their contexts and refuses to isolate proclamation from social involvement. in his ministry, jesus both preached the gospel and reached out to the needs of the people. all these things were central to his ministry (ac 10:38). churches’ intervention in social issues is motivated by the ministry of jesus who was also concerned not only with spiritual issues but also social issues. it was also hinted by the participants that both the old and new testaments have passages that encourage god’s people to be active in their communities. different passages were quoted by the participants in order to show that churches have responsibilities for the development of their communities. for example, some of the passages from the bible that were quoted were: jeremiah 29:7: god’s people were told to pray for the peace of the places where god brought them into, as these places prosper, they will also prosper. this passage shows that god’s people prosper together with their communities. exodus 21–23: this passage shows a strong concern for social justice. it has laws regulating property, the use of land, and the treatment of other people, hence controlling violations of human dignity and ensure justice. john 15:2: jesus in john command his followers to love one another. this love is meant to be extended to outside the walls of the building. jesus loved all people and churches are to love all people the same way jesus did. galatians 6:2: this passage echoes the command to love where god’s people are commanded to carry one another’s burden so that they can fulfil the commandment to love one another. the burden in this passage comprises physical, spiritual, and emotional burden, hence the new testament encourages the holistic approach to care. principally, the study revealed that church leaders are familiar with the biblical mandate for churches to engage in community development. the old and new testaments, as well as the teachings and ministry of jesus, motivate churches to engage in community development. while all of them are accurate, the descriptions of the causes lack certain details. no one stated that the engagement of churches in community development is founded on creation stories. wright (2006:398) observed that genesis 1–2 declares god’s labour to be excellent, which includes all he created, including man, animals, nature, birds, and everything we observe in the splendour of creation. because of this, god values his creation. after creating man, god placed him in command of all he had made (gn 1:28). the creation narratives show god’s plan for his creation, which is a world teeming with healthy, vibrant creatures living in secure, just, participatory, welcoming, and egalitarian communities while being lovingly engaged with god (baptist world aid n.d:1). sadly, when man failed to live as god commanded, relationships with god, among communities, and with the world broke down. violence, injustice, poverty, exclusion, oppression, avarice, and false worship have become part of the human condition. however, god did not abandon his creation but sets about redeeming and restoring it. the whole bible is about the story of god redeeming and restoring his creation and it is climaxed definitively in the life, death, and resurrection of jesus. through jesus, god has set about overturning injustice, violence, poverty and exclusion and creates communities of faith, justice inclusion, hope and peace. in another way, god has re-established shalom in communities of people and this work begins now on this earth. scripture calls churches to be agents of shalom that god is bringing to all creation, which includes bringing human beings into right relationship with god, one another, and the creation. while the restoration of right relationship between god and humankind is achieved through the life, death and resurrection of christ to which the church bears witness, god’s wider mission to communities and creation is accomplished through a variety of agents, such as the earth itself, government, households, individuals, and the church (see gn 8:21–22; ps 104; mt 5:45; rm 13; pr 31:1–9). it is in this calling of bringing shalom in communities that require churches to be agents of community development. the baptist world aid (n.d.) usefully elucidated that: in promoting development, the church should never surrender its unique role as witness to christ and the centrality of this role in the restoration of right relationship between god and human beings. no other agent can fulfil this role. nor should the church forget that when pursuing the wider developmental vision of scripture (right relationships within communities and with the creation) the church is but one of many agents god uses. the church’s knowledge of god allows it to champion a vision of an inclusive, equitable, just and peaceful world, while the reality that it is one of many agents for bringing such a world into being should see it partnering with individuals, households, communities and governments to realise that vision (p. 3). the concept of churches being one of the agents of bringing shalom in communities is further expounded by magezi (2017b) in his article ‘making community development at grassroots a reality: church-driven development approach in zimbabwe’s context of severe poverty’. magezi (2017b:9) submitted that churches are a subsystem of a community and society that people live in. while magezi (2017b) is not concerned with discussing why churches are required to be agents of community development, it emerges from this article that as part of a community, churches have a role to play in society. the way how communities are designed, each organisation within a community has a role to play. for example, police are called to offer protection to the citizens. likewise, in their calling, as part of community, churches have been called to contribute to the well-being of the community members. as discussed earlier, this well-being involves being sure that people’s spiritual, physical and emotional life are taken care of. this is the responsibility of the church in communities. from this discussion, two reasons for churches to be participating in development of their communities are given. firstly, the bible is clear that churches need to intervene in things happening in society. secondly, churches are part of communities and by the virtue of being part of communities, they have a role to play for the well-being of communities. the crucial question to explore is what role do churches play in the transformation of communities? in response, the general assembly of the united nations unanimously adopted the resolution ‘transforming our world: the 2013 agenda for sustainable development’ (un 2015). achievement of the agenda represents a fundamental shift and demands new ways of thinking about development issues. in essence, this implies a reconfiguration not only of who or what development applies to and how it might be executed but also of what development entails (öhlmann et al. 2022:4). this process, according to parry (2007), involves not only proper policies but also dramatic paradigm shifts and profoundly altered perspectives. as religion has the capacity to impact social and cultural norms and alter worldviews, churches that serve as stewards of religion have a key role in paradigm shifts of this nature. churches play a crucial role in the transformation of communities because of their transformative power and the establishment of new motives (bowers du toit 2019; öhlmann et al. 2022; öhlmann, gräb & frost 2020), hence, they are crucial to community development (clarke 2011). implications of proper understanding of community development by churches churches’ relevance in their involvement with public issues, and in this regard, community development, depends significantly on their understanding of what constitutes community development. there are three major implications that this study suggests concerning the understanding of community development. firstly, proper understanding of community development leads to effective involvement of churches in their communities. a study conducted by ferreira and groenewald (2010) pointed out the weaknesses that churches have in reaching out to communities in south africa. the authors found out that most churches in south africa are involved in relief projects than in community development that result in transformation of people’s lives. why is this the case? it is because churches are not involved in meaningful approaches because of not having a comprehensive understanding of what community development necessitates. therefore, if churches are to be relevant in their approaches for community transformation, proper education of what community development demands is a must (nanthambwe 2020:82; nanthambwe 2022:138; magezi 2017b:10). secondly, understanding what community development is necessitates churches to prioritise it in their efforts of transforming communities. the misunderstanding of community development may lead to churches excluding this vital ministry in reaching out to communities. sider (2010) alluded to this pointing out that churches lose their value in communities when they exclude social involvement in sharing of the gospel. the same concern is shared by chester (2013:67–80) and stearns (2009:181–189). they both bemoaned the tendency of making the gospel irrelevant when one aspect of it is much emphasised than the other. it is in this kind of misunderstanding that yamamori (1996:1) advised that both evangelism and community involvement should be the priority of churches in reaching out to communities. he argues for a holistic ministry as the best approach in serving communities. it is in the understanding of community development that churches begin to see it not as a strange thing but as part of the gospel mandate. lastly, understanding what community development is will lead churches to combine their effort in reaching out to communities. being involved in community development, moves churches to realise that it is a combined effort, and it is not about making a name for their denominations. magezi (2017b:10) noticed the tendency of churches to use community development as an avenue to acquire more members. this leads to congregations not to collaborate in their efforts to reaching communities as the focus is not people per se but their denominations. once churches understand that community development is about making people’s lives and their environment better, the issue of denominationalism vanishes. this leads to churches working together and even join their efforts with government and other non-religious development organisations (magezi & nanthambwe 2022:7, 8). conclusion the understanding of what community development entails is essential to churches’ involvement in the transformation of communities. do churches know what community development is? this article has shown how community development is perceived at the grassroot based on the findings of research that was conducted at two churches in johannesburg. the article has shown some deficiencies in the understanding of community development by leaders and suggested education about community development in churches as a practical way of dealing with the problem. biblical and other reasons for churches participating in community development have also been discussed in this article. churches as agents for transformation have a huge role to play in their communities. the article closes with a discussion on the implications of proper understanding of community development. acknowledgements some parts of this article are reworked from author’s phd dissertation under prof. v. magezi’s supervision. competing interests the author declares that no financial or personal relationships inappropriately influenced the writing of this article. author’s contributions p.n., is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the north-west university, theology research ethics committee (no. nwu-00793-21-a7). funding information the research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author, and the publisher references anderson, t., 2014, ‘human development, the state and participation’, development studies research 1(1), 64–67. https://doi.org/10.1080/21665095.2014.933080 baptist world aid, n.d., a theology of development, baptist world aid, sydney, nsw. borgen project, 2020, 5 facts about poverty in south africa, viewed 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(eds.), serving with the poor in africa, pp. 1–11, marc, california. yoms, e., 2015, ‘transformational development as theological challenge: an evaluation of the ecwa people-oriented development programmes’, phd thesis, stellenbosch university, cape town. zizzamia, r., schotte, s. & leibbrandt, m., 2019, snakes and ladders and loaded dice: poverty dynamics and inequality in south africa, 2008–2017, wider working paper, no. 2019/25, the united nations university world institute for development economics research (unu-wider), helenski. footnotes 1. the interview of prof adam habib with radio 702 is available on: https://www.702.co.za/articles/438082/inequality-in-sa-now-is-worse-than-it-was-in-1994-adam-habib 2. according to mark 7:11, korban was a gift that the jews offered to god especially in fulfillment of a vow. by not honouring their parents and using the gift to give to god as an excuse, jews were dishonouring god with their practices. abstract introduction the colonial heritage of the doctrine of ordination in the methodist church of southern africa the places of incongruity between the tradition of the methodist church of southern africa and its african context what would happen if nothing changes? some suggestions conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) donald m. williams department of philosophy, practical and systematic theology, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa wessel bentley college of human sciences, research institute for theology and religion, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation williams, d.m. & bentley w., 2020, ‘the need for continued decolonisation and africanisation of ordination in the methodist church of southern africa’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a50. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.50 original research the need for continued decolonisation and africanisation of ordination in the methodist church of southern africa donald m. williams, wessel bentley received: 14 jan. 2020; accepted: 28 feb. 2020; published: 02 sept. 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract being the church in africa requires a continuous self-assessment by christian denominations, asking whether it is sufficiently contextualised both in its doctrines and practices. this self-critique is essential so as to not perpetuate negative colonial influences in the way churches operate. the methodist church of southern africa (mcsa) has a rich history of challenging itself to become truly instrumental in working towards ‘a christ-healed africa for the healing of the nations’. this article explores the history of the mcsa’s engagement with its doctrine and practices of ordination, its journey of decolonisation and its presentation of an emerging africanised theology of the presbytery. keywords: africanisation; decolonisation; ordination; methodist church of southern africa; presbytery; wesleyan theology. introduction the methodist church of southern africa (mcsa) traces its origins to the mission work of the wesleyan methodist church of the early 19th century in the cape region of what is now known as the republic of south africa. although there was already a methodist presence in the form of british soldiers like sergeant john kendrick (a local preacher who arranged meetings for the methodist soldiers in the cape) (millard-jackson 2008:31), its work formally took shape with the arrival of missionaries like rev. barnabas shaw in 1816, and later rev. william shaw (not related), who pioneered the establishment of methodist mission stations throughout the cape. needless to say, the christianity proclaimed by the methodist missionaries carried a deeply colonial world view, and hence, its doctrines and practices reflected those of its ‘mother’ denomination. this article will reflect on the denomination’s colonial heritage, its active engaging with decolonial processes and the journey of forming a unique africanised doctrine, and practice of the ordination to word and sacraments. the colonial heritage of the doctrine of ordination in the methodist church of southern africa the methodist work in southern africa was initiated by the wesleyan methodist church in england through the wesleyan methodist missionary society in the early 1800s among the british settlers and the indigenous people of this region. the missionaries were ordained presbyters who were accountable to the conference of the wesleyan methodist church in england for their discipline, conduct, doctrine and their stationing to a circuit and ‘were expected to transplant english methodism in alien soil’ (cragg 2011:25). the ecclesiology, doctrine of ordination, procedures from candidature to ordination, accountability of presbyters to the conference and the practices and liturgy relating to ordination replicated those of the wesleyan methodist church in england. these were formally adopted into the southern african connexion with the holding of the first conference of the wesleyan methodist church of south africa in 1883 and continued until 1927 when the south african conference ‘became an independent and autonomous body’ (methodist church of south africa 1946:312). the essential elements of the methodist understanding of the doctrine of ordination include that god chooses some within the priesthood of all believers to be set apart and ordained to the presbyteral ministry of word and sacraments, a call that needs to be tested, recognised and affirmed by the conference. acceptance as a probationer minister is followed by a time of formation and training that culminates in their acceptance into full connexion and entering into a covenantal relationship with the conference. being in full connexion determines the relationship between the presbyter and the conference with the ordinands holding themselves accountable to the authority, doctrine and discipline of the conference which annually appoints presbyters to their station or circuit on the understanding that methodist presbyters participate in an itinerant system of stationing. being in full connexion also provides accountability, support and collegiality with the other presbyters in the connexion (methodist church of southern africa 2016:37). it is the conference that authorises the presiding bishop and other previously ordained presbyters to conduct the ordination of the presbyter by the laying on of hands, the prayer of invocation to the holy spirit and the presentation of a bible and certificate of ordination. ordination sets the presbyter apart to the full-time ministry of the word and sacraments, with ordination being ‘the act by which christians are authorised by the church to act in its name and on its behalf in certain ways’ (methodist church of southern africa 2016:20). ordination confers authority on the presbyter to minister within the church of christ under the direction of and accountability to the annual conference. significantly, these elements inherited from the church of england and the wesleyan methodist church in england continue to be the foundation on which is built the doctrine of ordination in the mcsa today. together with the colonial ecclesiology and doctrine of ordination arose practices that impacted the ministry of the methodist denomination in southern africa. the prevailing narrative during the early years of this denomination was of the dominance of western culture over african culture. the indigenous people were regarded as heathen together with many of their traditional values, religious beliefs and cultural practices being rejected. the colonial narrative was compounded by racism and sexism expressed in a reticence to ordain both black (initially) and women preachers. the colonial narrative resulted in the creation of parallel structures based on ethnicity that was often perceived and experienced as discriminatory. these included racially separated ministerial training and formation, separated synod sessions and ordination services, differentiated stipends and the marginalisation of black and women presbyters who were denied the opportunity to serve in the positions of leadership. the more insidious and damaging consequences of colonialism were the negative and enslaving impact on the worth, thinking and being of black persons and black presbyters serving in the church. colonialism ‘made them a conquered people and empty shells that accepted everything coming their way’ (lephakga 2015:146). in response to these measures and the demands for a decolonised and africanised methodist church to be relevant in the southern african context, a number of adaptations took place. these were a continuous process over an extended period of time to adapt from a colonial missionary context to an established denomination on the african continent. the inclusion of women as presbyters and the introduction of the annual presbyters’ convocation (mcsa 2018a:93) that meets prior to the annual synods and reports to the synod are significant amendments to the doctrine of ordination. the practices associated with ordination have also been extensively modified in the past two centuries. these include the following: the change from a reluctance to ordain black persons to an acceptance of preachers of all cultural and racial origins. the change from holding racially separated black and white ministerial sessions of synod to joint ministerial sessions. the change from racially determined stipend and benefits received by presbyters to equity-based stipends and benefits across the board the change from racially defined ordination services to one common ordination service per annum the change from only methodist presbyters being involved in the ordination service to the acceptance of presbyters from other denominations to participate in the laying on of hands at ordination presbyters being the only ones to officiate at an ordination service to the inclusion of the lay president in the liturgy of the service of ordination. the change from racially segregated training and formation to the combining of ministerial training and formation at a common institution. the boundaries of ethnicity have also been crossed by acknowledging black presbyters with their appointments into leadership positions at circuit, district or synod and connexional level. black presbyters have served as the presidents of conference or presiding bishops from 1987 to the present and will continue to do so with the rev. purity malinga (the first woman to occupy this post) being elected in 2019 to serve in this capacity for the next 5 years. the cross-cultural formation, training and stationing of probationer ministers and presbyters are now accepted practices of the denomination. another example of where adaptations have been made relates to the assessment of probationer ministers in their formation and readiness for ordination. while the annual synod will recommend their advancement in probation and their readiness for ordination by means of a democratic vote, the final decision is made by committees accountable to the education, ministry and mission unit. in these committees, a more congruent methodology of ‘consensus decision-making’ that is more congruent with the african context of consultation, deliberation and consensus-seeking is practised (broodryk 2010:39). specific amendments relating to the ecclesiology and the incorporation of the ministry of the laity and their relationship with the presbyteral ministry have also been introduced. the journey to the new land convocation in 1993 was a significant step in the transformation of the church, especially from the perspective of the laity. the convocation introduced more participatory, consultative and inclusive processes; re-emphasised the doctrine of the priesthood of all believers ‘to value and enhance the gifts and ministry of all god’s people–women and men, laity and clergy, young and old’ (methodist church of southern africa 1993:374); and introduced the office of a lay president of conference ‘to give recognition to the importance of the laity’ (methodist church of southern africa 1995:310). the convocation also led to the transformation of the separate clergy and lay sessions of synod and conference to a combined session where the laity could participate in decision-making relating to not only the functioning of the church but also the training and ordination of its clergy. some changes to the ordination service have also been made to celebrate its african context. the liturgical changes include that hymns and bible readings are multilingual, songs in the vernacular are supported by african rhythm and musical accompaniment, and the african sense of community is celebrated in sharing the peace with one another in song and dancing. other additions are the inclusion of the liturgies relating to the recognition of common ministry and reaffirmation of baptism, declaring that: ministry is the work of god, done by the people of god. through baptism all christians are made part of the priesthood of all believers, the church, christ’s body, made visible in the world. (methodist church of southern africa 2019b:6) in evaluating the colonial heritage of the doctrine and practices of ordination, and in spite of the adaptations that have taken place over the centuries, certain conclusions can be drawn. in reality, the essential elements to the doctrine of ordination remain closely aligned with the colonial theology adopted from the wesleyan methodist church in england in 1882. these similarities extend to the polity and processes from a person’s call to their ordination, their acceptance into full connexion, the authorisation by the conference for the presbyter to be ordained and the act of ordination by previously ordained presbyters that includes the laying on of hands and the prayer to the holy spirit. a comparison of the liturgy of the 2019 ordination service of the mcsa (methodist church of southern africa 2019b:1–16) with that of the methodist church in great britain1 highlights that the doctrines and practices recorded in the 2019 liturgy remain very british and colonial. in addition, the dominant ethos, narrative and culture of the mcsa remain european and western. the conclusions to be drawn are that not only was the mcsa very english in the past but also it remains very english in its doctrine and practices. while ordination is now, theoretically, free of ethnic and gender exclusivity, white domination and patriarchy and is inclusive of the complementary role and ministry of the laity, there is a blurring of the lines between doctrine and practices and between intention and practices. the mcsa has not adequately adapted either the doctrine or the practices of ordination from our colonial past. significant aspects of african culture and spirituality are not sufficiently incorporated into or evident in our present theology and practices. the places of incongruity between the tradition of the methodist church of southern africa and its african context a closer examination of the southern african context reveals that some incongruities are evident between the present tradition of the mcsa and practices in ministerial formation and ordination and the african context. these will now be examined. the culture of calling and dress the first example of incongruity is in the selection and discernment processes relating to candidates for the ordained ministry when expressing their call by god to the district synod. when considering what may be deemed to be acceptable criteria to be included in sharing one’s call, some candidates fear that ‘things like visions and dreams may not be accepted as valid in articulating their call’ (v.g. nyobole [past general secretary of the mcsa and presently serving as the president of the seth mokitimi methodist seminary] pers. comm., 02 october 2018). when interviewed on 16 october 2018, similar sentiments were expressed by i.m. abrahams, past presiding bishop of the mcsa and presently serving as the general secretary of the world methodist council, noting that: … [w]e have black candidates for the ministry talking about dreams and being called, but they stop short in saying this is the ancestors speaking to them. they dress it up in more respectable language. (i.m. abrahams pers. comm., 16 october 2018) furthermore, the lack of an african cultural influence on the dress code of presbyters and preachers is evident in the prescribed wearing of suits or cassocks and stoles by presbyters, all of which are a heritage of the colonial era (attwell 2004:1–4; methodist church of southern africa 2018b:5). during the ordination service, there is little of the dress code of african people and their cultures in evidence either on the stage or in the congregation. the fact that the ordinands are required to wear a black cassock is in keeping with the dress requirements while at seth mokitimi methodist seminary (smms) for formal occasions, at the community monthly communion service and when fulfilling their preaching appointments in the surrounding churches (l.g. sifo [dean of the chapel and head of formation at the seth mokitimi methodist seminary] pers. comm., 19 october 2018). the attire of the bishops is also consistent with their dress code when performing their formal functions as the bishop of a synod, dressed in white cassocks and stoles. the stationing and remuneration of presbyters the significance of the role of inclusiveness in african culture is not sufficiently incorporated with setiloane (1986) drawing our attention to the premise that ‘a primary characteristic of african “being” is its inclusiveness’ (setiloane 1986:37). the mcsa remains colonial in its stationing practices where the practice was to station presbyters to their various circuits according to the ethnicity of the presbyter and of the circuit to which they were appointed. while this practice is not as prevalent as it used to be, it remains the exception for a white presbyter, for instance, to be stationed in a predominantly black context when many black presbyters are stationed in a predominantly white context. in addition, the ability of a circuit to afford the appointment of a presbyter results in an inequitable distribution of ministry favouring richer urban circuits to the detriment of those members in rural and poorer areas. in an attempt to rectify this practice, the conference of 2019 resolved that ‘the mcsa is to station agency as per the need for such agency instead of the current approach which is largely informed by affordability’ (methodist church of southern africa 2020). a further consequence of black presbyters being appointed to the rural and poorer circuits is that many of those presbyters do not receive a regular monthly stipend or additional benefits as compared to their white colleagues in the urban and more affluent appointments. in practical terms (mtshiselwa 2015): … [i]t means that in terms of the stationing system of the mcsa, white ministers are immune to being placed in a context of poverty where they could possibly leave without a source of income. (p. 7) consequently, many black presbyters have suffered financially, both during their time of ministry in those poorer circuits and on their retirement with decreased pension benefits. questions are also being raised as to the suitability and congruence of the colonial practice of the itinerant stationing of presbyters within a connexional model, with rev. morgan stating: there is nothing african about itinerancy. the idea of having to move and be a stranger every three or five years in a new community is very disruptive and you cause disruption and dissatisfaction in a community. (c. morgan [general secretary of the mcsa] pers. comm., 23 november 2018) she speculates on the impact the church could have in a community where the obvious successor had to rise up from within the community, be trained, ordained and then lead the community as someone who was known to and trusted by them (c. morgan [general secretary of the mcsa] pers. comm., 23 november). while the colonial itinerant stationing processes of presbyters by the conference were applicable in the times of rev. wesley, for southern africans, it is a practice reminiscent of the migrant labour system of the past in south africa and the one that is not conducive to the well-being of the clergy family.2 ceremonies and celebration of events the significance of ceremonies and the manner in which african culture celebrates events with the inclusion of ritual, symbolism, dance and song are not sufficiently incorporated into the present theology and practices of ordination. edet (2010:305–315) notes that: ritual is a means by which humanity controls, constructs, orders, fashions, or creates a way to be fully human. indeed, it gives meaning to the world, renews, and makes this right. it saves, heals, and makes whole again. hence, ritual is necessary in our lives. (p. 306) ng’weshemi (2002) endorses the importance of ritual and rites of passage associated with the life cycle of a person from one stage to another, as they also define ‘the relationship of the community to an individual’s changing place in the community’ (ng’weshemi 2002:19). the importance of ritual is that: ‘for africans, one is not human simply by birth. rather, one becomes human through a progressive process of integration in society’ (2002:19). ritual and celebration are important elements in creating and celebrating holism, vitalism and communalism as they provide a coming together of people with opportunities for the community to bond and to support one another. forms of ritual are present in the ordination service such as the processional entry into the service, the dress code of those on the stage, movement and dancing while singing, the laying on of hands, the opportunity for family and friends of each ordinand to stand during the ordination of those known to them and the celebration of the sacrament of holy communion. however, there is an incongruity between the intention and experience of the ordination service that is not discernibly african in character as there is a paucity of southern african ritual, symbolism and celebration evidenced in the service of ordination. in the words of rev. v.g. nyobole [past general secretary of the mcsa and presently serving as the president of the seth mokitimi methodist seminary] pers. comm., 02 october 2018): ‘[t]here is not much of an african vibe in it’. significant questions are raised by rev. mntambo asking: if i had to conduct our ordination service in london, would the people ask: what do they mean by that? why is that in there? i don’t think they will because it is a straightforward english [western] service. (t.v. mntambo [bishop of the limpopo synod of the mcsa] pers. comm., 23 november 2018) connectedness the southern african concept of the connectedness of people with each other is encapsulated in the methodist concept of connexionalism. however, neither the depth of the african concept of connectedness emphasising a deeper and broader significance than a personalised experience for the individual nor the relationship of the living dead to the present community is incorporated into our present formulations and liturgy. this understanding is readily accepted in african culture with the rev. w.m. molo ([methodist presbyter and chairman of the black methodist consultation of the mcsa], pers. comm., 25 october 2018) explaining: at the core of african spirituality is the idea of connectedness … when i get ordained i am not starting something new. i am joining millions of people who came before me and who have been serving god … ordination is being set aside. because we are being set aside, we need to connect with the departed. that’s what we do with the laying on of hands so that people are set aside. we can create a liturgy which allows us to connect with those who have come before us, those who have been ordained. the significance and meaning of connectedness in african culture, together with the significant role that women fulfil in the life of the community and home, continues not to be the experience of women presbyters. during the colonial dispensation, women presbyters plead for an end to discrimination and patriarchy and for justice, recognition and a rightful place in the leadership of the church. these pleas are being made by african feminist authors, both within and outside of the mcsa.3 the concept of connectedness in the relationship between the ministries of the clergy and the laity, as captured in the doctrine of the priesthood of all believers (methodist church of southern africa 2016:12), is not being experienced as the ‘co-equal and mutually dependent role of lay and ordained ministers’ (forster 2007:2) but has led to clergy elitism. it must be borne in mind, however, that the colonial foundation of clergy elitism is compounded by traditional african cultural practices of african kingship and the sacralising of human authority. this practice is borne out by the statement of magezi (2015) that: african kingship conveys on the ruler sovereignty, power, authority and supremacy over people under one’s jurisdiction … consciously or unconsciously, church leaders tend to embrace the african kingship approach to leadership and to a lesser extent biblical servant leadership. (pp. 1–9) the conclusion to be drawn is that, in spite of the historical adaptations that have taken place to the doctrine and practices of ordination, it appears very difficult for the mcsa to rid itself of the prevalent colonial western narrative and to incorporate an african epistemology. the fact that the mcsa is ministering in an african context is not clearly reflected in our theology and practices. we have remained colonial in our practices, and our institutional culture remains eurocentric and paternalistic. the depth of meaning in african culture and african spirituality is not sufficiently incorporated into our present theology and practices, including an insufficient emphasis on the concepts of inclusiveness, connectedness, the relevance of the living dead (ancestors) and the richness of african celebrations of significant events. there is a dissonance between the declared intention of the mcsa to be ‘an authentic african church’ (methodist church of southern africa 1994:376) and for ‘our theology and practices to be homebrewed – cooked in african pots’ (methodist church of southern africa 2006:15) and the experience of presbyters and the formulations, practices, structures and the dominant narrative which remain very western and colonial. while the vision of the mcsa is ‘a christ-healed africa for the healing of nations’ (methodist church of southern africa 2019a:2), this is not the reality experienced and expressed optimally within the southern african connexion. however, it is important to note that, associated with the detrimental colonial influences, patriarchy and sexism also have a damaging impact on the doctrine and practices of the church and therefore need to be examined. what would happen if nothing changes? in the light of the analysis in ‘introduction’ and ‘the colonial heritage of the doctrine of ordination in the methodist church of southern africa’ sections, the appeal for the doctrine and practices of ordination to not only be decolonised but also africanised is justified and appropriate. the decolonisation of the mcsa and the stripping of the systemic issues arising from colonialism must extend to the africanisation of the mcsa. this shift must include the adoption and inculcation of an african epistemology to inform the very being and practices of the church and permeate the ecclesiology and doctrine of ordination. is such a process permissible in the mcsa? a historical analysis of the processes in england as well as the southern african connexion records that the theology, polity and practices of ordination in the methodist church are not static and have evolved and adapted to meet the needs of people when circumstances change. however, those calling for the africanisation of the mcsa believe that the church has not adapted sufficiently to the african context and missional needs and that the outdated and discredited colonial narrative continues to influence the ecclesiology and doctrine of ordination as it is presently constituted. but what could that mean for the mcsa? some of the implications and consequences should significant changes not be made to the present doctrine and practices will now be considered. the overarching consequence is that unless our doctrines and practices are ‘homebrewed … cooked in african pots’ (methodist church of southern africa 2006:15), it is impossible for the mcsa to be ‘an authentic african church’ (methodist church of southern africa 1994:376) and will result in the methodist witness within the church of christ in southern africa being diminished and ineffective. in addition, the mcsa will not be able to fulfil its mission statement that ‘god calls the methodist people to proclaim the gospel of jesus christ for healing and transformation’ (methodist church of southern africa 2019a:2) nor implement the vision statement of ‘a christ-healed africa for the healing of nations’ (2019a:2). the mcsa will also be denying the declaration of the 1958 conference, meeting in a time of political upheaval and discrimination in south africa and applying wesley’s teaching on christian perfection to the south african context,4 pronouncing the methodist church to be ‘one and undivided’ (methodist church of south africa 1958:202). it was the 1958 declaration that added an impetus and credibility to the witness of the methodist denomination during the years of the apartheid struggle and into the new political dispensation post-1994. that impetus could be lost and the mcsa could well be irrelevant in future engagements relating to race, the concepts of blackness and whiteness and the relationship of each to the other. being black and being african is neither being anti-white, exclusionary of white persons and their culture nor being intimidated or placed under the subjection of a white narrative. as mtshiselwa (2016) comments: worthy of note also is the point that the ethos of blackness does not reject whiteness per se, but white supremacy which places black people at the periphery. (p. 5) while written from a dutch reformed church perspective, but equally valid in the context of the mcsa, van wyngaard (2014:157–170) warns that unless white christians ‘enter into a deeper reflection on their own identity’, they will not be able ‘to develop a theology that can engage with critical issues of “race” in a postapartheid south africa’ (van wyngaard 2014:158). an additional implication is that the mcsa will be the poorer for the loss of the thinking and influence of black theology, black theologians, black feminist theologians and the rich contribution of african culture and spirituality. also lacking will be the loss of a black epistemology underpinning the life and ministry of the church, remembering that ‘african christianity is about a way of being christian that takes dialogue and context seriously’ (maluleke 2010:377) and the constant challenge to the reform presented by the black methodist consultation of the mcsa (bmc): … [t]hat exists for the transformation of the mcsa into a truly african church (in character, doctrine, ethos, identity and practice) by challenging and equipping black methodists to contribute meaningfully, actively and intelligently in the mcsa given the context of africans. (black methodist consultation 2015:2) importantly, changes are required not only to deal with the consequences of the colonial narrative but also to deal with the negative impact of aspects drawn from african culture and traditions that could reinforce the toxic aspects of the ‘old’ attitudes and practices associated with colonialism. mokhoathi (2017:1–14) cautions us not to fall into the trap of ‘adiaphora’ (mokhoathi 2017:1–6) that accentuates the positive while rejecting the negative aspects of african culture. it is also salutary to remember that doggedly adhering to traditionalism can entrap one ‘in intellectual infertility’ (mbetwa 2018:151). specific concerns raised by authors relating to an african narrative include the ‘sacralisation of power … the tendency to deify figures of power … and to legitimate a status quo of authoritarian rule’ (muller 2015:3–4). gititi (2014:66, 69) warns of runaway dictatorship and the sense of ‘inherited entitlement’ and calls for accountability and restraints of power.5 the role of tribalism and ethnicity has also been raised within and outside of the mcsa. writing in the november 2016 edition of new dimension, kamogelo monoametsi raises the matter of tribalism and ethnicity in south african society by asking, ‘is the mcsa a united kingdom or a divided one? do we see ourselves as representatives of the kingdom of god or our ethnic and tribal kingdoms?’ (monoametsi 2016:13). a similar concern was raised by the conference of 2006 with ‘race, gender, language and tribal identity’ (methodist church of southern africa 2007:7) being cited as factors in the stationing of presbyters. authors also highlight a possible negative impact of communalism in african culture where ‘the harmony of the group logically means that the individual’s insights, needs and autonomy are of lesser importance; they are subsumed to the needs of the collective’ (kretzschmar 2008:86). the danger that communalism ‘thinks for you, plans for you and decides for you under the façade of benevolent oversight’ (mbetwa 2018:55) is important in the context of an africanised doctrine. a timeous warning by storey (2014) is that: … wherever the church is too ready to uncritically validate the culture around it, whether in europe, the americas, australasia or in africa, theology is subsumed and culture prevails. christ becomes diluted and theology is hijacked by not just the virtues but also the sins of the culture. (pp. 75–88) a significant reason for further adaptations is to deal with the difficulty experienced by african people, including methodist presbyters, of having to live in two worlds − traditional and ‘christian’ – as explained by setiloane (1986) when he states: ‘what has been happening in africa is that african christians have been living at two levels: their traditional african world view level and the western cultural level’ (setiloane 1986:31). the challenge of grassow (2015) is: we still need to engage the split spiritual personality of our members who are methodist by day, and african initiated church by night. this includes the way we use traditional cultural practices at home, but hide them from our methodist community as if being african was not acceptable in the methodist church. (pp. 1–3) some suggestions as further adaptations and changes are essential, some suggestions in order to further africanise the doctrine and practices of ordination and to inculcate a dominant southern african epistemology will now follow. greater community participation in processes relating to ordination greater community participation based on an african narrative in the processes relating to ordination would help in the transformation process. there needs to be an increased role of the local community, using an african epistemology and methodology, in the screening and selection of candidates for the ministry of word and sacraments. there must be a clearer understanding of the criteria and methodology, from an african perspective, for the screening, selection and acceptance of candidates who are presently very western. in the words of rev. nyobole: …[t]he mcsa needs to determine the kind of instruments we want to use to test that call. we need to determine what it is that we are looking for and whether that will be determined by our western or african ideas,… remembering that in our western way, things like visions and dreams are not seen as valid in articulating that call. (v.g. nyobole [past general secretary of the mcsa and presently serving as the president of the seth mokitimi methodist seminary] pers. comm., 02 october 2018) a further proposal is that the role and voice of the greater community also need to be heard in declaring ordinands ‘worthy’ of being ordained. in a similar manner that the community affirms the call of persons to become traditional healers, particularly as a sangoma, the synod needs to hear how the local community affirms the personal call of a candidate for the ministry and their worthiness to be ordained. ‘the voice of the people needs to be heard and synod needs to assess how the community have affirmed that call’ (t.v. mntambo [bishop of the limpopo synod of the mcsa] pers. comm., 23 november 2018). the formation of presbyters prior to and following their ordination for an effective ministry into the future, the formation of presbyters at the smms in pietermaritzburg must be increasingly africanised, and the seminarians must be formed in accordance with an african narrative to meet the needs of the southern african context. presently, presbyters formed at smms still have to engage mostly western sources as a consequence of the paucity of published material from an african perspective. in the words of rev. nyobole: we are still too western. one of the problems is that we have few african writers who are writing about african religion. we have the mbiti’s and setiloane’s but we don’t have new african writers coming in and writing. (v.g. nyobole [past general secretary of the mcsa and presently serving as the president of the seth mokitimi methodist seminary] pers. comm., 02 october 2018) the mcsa needs to, as a matter of urgency and importance, encourage black theologians to publish material to be used in developing an african epistemology during the formation of our presbyters. in addition, smms is encouraged to investigate and propagate african philosophies, african ways of thinking theologically and african ways of teaching. the challenge of naidoo (2016) is that: …the dominant eurocentric universality claim must continue to be challenged and dismantled in order to make room for other theological traditions to become included as partners in an authentic and mutual dialogue. (pp. 1–8) this perception is an important one for the mcsa in the training and formation at smms and in post-ordination training through the continuation ministerial formation programme (methodist church of southern africa 2018a:94), remembering that the ‘western menu is not free of salmonella’ (mbetwa 2018:187). the understanding of entering into full connexion is to be expanded the concept of being received into full connexion with the conference and other presbyters in the order of presbyters would be enriched by the understanding of african culture that: community has to do with our relationship to other human beings. it is in community that our umunthu is actualized as an inseparable and yet individuated munthu. therefore, human identity has a communal dimension. (musopole 1998:28) the concept of relationships within a community is supported by ketshabile (2012) when he states: western christian theology lays much more emphasis on individual conversion and accountability before god and the theology of a new people of god (or the church). in african traditional religion, particularly batswana religion, the emphasis is on community and not the individual. the implication of this is that the individual cannot exist outside the community and in turn community does not refer to the living only, irrespective of whether they are christian or not. it refers to both those in the present life and those who have departed. (ketshabile 2012:187) the implications for the doctrine of being accepted into full connexion are twofold. the first is that adopting an african understanding of being received into full connexion could be expanded by a portion of liturgy: … [i]ndicating that the ordination of the presbyter links them with those who have gone before who, having passed away, are present and celebrating with you much in the same way as invoking the hebrew notion of a cloud of witnesses that is very african. (w.m. molo [methodist presbyter and chairman of the black methodist consultation of the mcsa], pers. comm., 25 october 2018) the suggestion is that a presbyter of long standing in the denomination is called upon to recall the heritage of ordination, even recalling the names of some of the ‘methodist church fathers and mothers’, to both inspire and challenge the ordinands to remember their heritage in christ’s service, in much the same way as an imbongi in african culture. the second is a challenge of forster (2019:1–20) that presbyters are required to accept the implications of their responsibility of being in connexion with one another, bound together in a shared humanity. his premise is that our theological conviction in a shared humanity presents us with an ethical responsibility: ‘because we share one another’s humanity, we are not only to recognize it, but also to work towards re-humanizing others, and in turn also re-humanizing ourselves’ (forster 2019:14–15). africanising the ordination service with the ordination service continuing to be very western, there are numerous ways to enhance the service into an african experience while remaining true to methodist doctrine. some of the possible adaptations include the call for ‘a multilingual liturgy that is celebratory of the various languages of south africa’ (n.p. malinga [director of the education for ministry and mission unit of the mcsa] pers. comm., 24 october 2018) but one that is contextualised ‘using the correct metaphors and not just translated from english’ (w.m. molo [methodist presbyter and chairman of the black methodist consultation of the mcsa], pers. comm., 25 october 2018). n.p. malinga ([director of the education for ministry and mission unit of the mcsa] pers. comm., 24 october 2018) also suggests that the liturgy of the ordination service is non-participatory by nature with the presiding bishop, general secretary and director of education for ministry and mission unit (emmu) being the dominant persons, making ‘everybody else a spectator. it is not celebratory’. in addition, more opportunities for the community to celebrate in song in the traditional african manner need to be incorporated, as described by ketshabile (2012): their rhythmic melody propels a systematic stamping of the feet, the beating of the drum or generally a small cushion that looks like a small pillow called biti — ‘the beat.’ it plays the role of the african drum and facilitates the harmonious stamping of the feet and movement of the singers. (p. 247) such opportunities for celebration in song are provided during the ordination service. however, these opportunities need to be increased in order to change the ambience of the service to one that is less western and more african, ‘while singing, some people cry, pray, and dance, following the rhythms and lyrics of the various songs’ (butticci 2014:121). the role and meaning of ritual and symbolism are to be increased. ritual plays a central role in african society and is incorporated, for example, in celebrating the rites of passage for women at puberty, childbirth, marriage and widowhood and for men during their rites of passage to manhood. ritual also plays a significant role in african independent religions and african spirituality. the statement that ‘rituals are the sacramental self-realization of the individual or the church and are thus indispensable’ (edet 2010:313) supports this premise. the concern, from the perspective of african culture and spirituality, is that the present acts of ritual incorporated into the ordination service do not sufficiently express ‘symbolic meanings in addition to the physical drama and impact’ (mbiti 1969:121). neither do they reflect the changed relationship of the presbyter with the community nor the acceptance by the community of that newly ordained presbyter. the incorporation of an additional rite from southern african culture would enhance the africanisation of ordination in keeping with the practices of southern african culture of welcoming men and women home following their rites of initiation and on marriage (mbiti 1969:121–122; van der wiel 2012:27–29). similarly, the significance of symbols and the use of symbols need to be enhanced. each symbol incorporated into the service, for example, the bread and the wine in the sacrament of the lord’s supper, needs to be presented to the congregation and their significance explained in a similar manner to which a mother presents her child to the family and community (edet 2010:310–311), remembering that ‘to show something ceremonially, whether a sign, an object, or a person, is to declare a sacred presence, to acclaim the miracle of a hierophany’ (edet 2010:311). the introduction of symbols associated with traditional healing in african culture should also be incorporated in the light of the mission statement of the mcsa that ‘god calls the methodist people to proclaim the gospel of jesus christ for healing and transformation’ (methodist church of southern africa 2019a:2). rev. i.m. abrahams (pers. comm., 16 october 2018) suggests ‘the burning of imphepho, white sage, in much the same way as incense is used in the anglican and catholic traditions’ (abrahams 2018). the final proposal is that, in terms of methodist tradition, the elements of bread and wine are represented at the sacrament of holy communion by wafers on a platter and non-alcoholic grape juice in small communion glasses. in order to africanise this practice, a suggestion is that, instead of wafers, the ‘bread be cooked and distributed in a black pot, a symbol known to african people with the knowledge that these are the things of god’ (l.g. sifo [dean of the chapel and head of formation at the seth mokitimi methodist seminary] pers. comm., 19 october 2018). the dress code of presbyters to be more african the style and nature of the dress code of all presbyters during the service of ordination certainly requires attention in order to become more appropriate and relevant to the african context. the colonial dress code of the bishops and presbyters gives the impression that the service is taking place in europe and not in africa, with everyone similarly attired in cassocks, clerical collars and with the bishops wearing stoles. a very large proportion of the congregation also dresses in their uniforms of either their organisations or as clergy persons. there is little of the dress code of african people and their cultures in evidence either on the stage or in the congregation. it is wise to remember that the style of dressing is also a statement relating to status and power. grassow (2015) reminds us of this dilemma when he states: the mcsa is captive in many parts to a western, materialist theology that is driven by wealth and glamour… and we want to see our leaders dressed in the garments of the powerful. (p. 1) in doing so, we would do well to heed the words of rev. wesley: i have advised you not to be comfortable to the world herein; to lay aside all needless ornaments; to avoid all needless expense; to be patterns of plainness to all that are around you…. are you all exemplary plain in your apparel? (outler 1986:382) an africanised doctrine of ordination must not allow an elaborate dress code by presbyters to give the impression of power and superior status. introducing a ‘coming home celebration’ following the ordination service a suggestion to be considered in an africanised model was made by the general secretary of the mcsa, rev. c. morgan (pers. comm., 23 november 2018), proposing that a ‘coming home celebration’ be held that would allow for the ordination of the presbyter to be recognised and celebrated by either the circuit from which the ordinand proceeded to the conference or the ‘home’ community who helped raise and form the person spiritually up to the time of their candidature for the ministry. the provision of such a service may assist in reducing the numbers of people attending the ordination service, often at great expense; provide an opportunity for celebration for those not able to attend the conference; as well as provide a time of celebration appropriate to african culture. reviewing doctrinal aspects relating to ordination there are two further adaptations to be considered. the first relates to the re-introduction of the participation by the lay president in the laying on of hands at the ordination of presbyters in keeping with the doctrine of the priesthood of all believers, the inclusive nature of southern african society and a commitment that the ministry of a presbyter is not superior to that of the laity. in the early 2000s, circa 2001–2003, the lay president participated in the laying on of hands in keeping with the decision of the conference of 2001 that: ‘because ordination is an act of the whole church it is important that the ordaining presbyters (elders) include both lay and ordained persons’ (mcsa 2002:13). the practice was, however, discontinued soon thereafter as ‘there was a lot of resistance from the clergy and it was silently done away with because the bishops did not find a plausible theological rationale’ (nyobole 2018a). the second is that while the mcsa does not discriminate as to who can be ordained or the grounds of their gender or sexual orientation, the conference limits the authority granted to presbyters to fulfil their pastoral responsibilities to persons in a same-sex relationship. the mcsa prohibits a clergy person from conducting civil unions of members from the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (lgbtiq) community and does not permit its presbyters to enter into a civil union. amendments to the doctrine in both instances would significantly adapt the doctrine to our southern african context. both these adaptations need to be discussed in greater detail and will not be addressed comprehensively in this article, but will be addressed in the continuation of this research project. conclusion stemming from a british colonial history, the mcsa, for obvious reasons, finds itself having inherited understandings and practices that are largely western in nature. the process of decolonisation is part of the church individuating, finding its own identity. this individuating needs to be accompanied by africanisation of its understanding and practices so that the mcsa can truly and authentically be an african church in africa, for africa. this process is ongoing and requires the mcsa to be conscious of its need to be true to its calling to be a christian church in the african context. this consciousness brings along an intentionality to constructively discern god’s will and minister in a language that its context understands. acknowledgements this article stems from a doctoral study conducted by rev. donald m. williams at the university of south africa. competing interests the authors declare that no competing interest exists.. authors’ contributions both the authors contributed equally to this work. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding 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(ed.), 1986, the works of john wesley, volume 3, sermons iii, pp. 71–114, abingdon press, nashville, tn. setiloane, g.b., 1986, african theology: an introduction, skotaville publishers, johannesburg. storey, p., 2014, ‘the quest for identity in the methodist church of southern africa’, in e.m. conradie & j. klaasen (eds.), the quest for identity in so-called mainline churches in south africa, pp. 75–88, ecumenical foundation of southern africa, stellenbosch. van der wiel, r., 2012, the african cultures of south africa: the xhosa people, awareness publishing group, johannesburg. van wyngaard, c., 2014, ‘the language of “diversity” in reconstructing whiteness in the dutch reformed church’, in r. smith, w. ackah & a.g. reddie (eds.), churches, blackness, and contested multiculturalism: europe, africa, and north america, pp. 157–170, palgrave macmillan, new york, ny. wesley, j., 1788, the sunday service of the methodists, with other occasional services, london, viewed 17 june 2017, from https://archive.org/stream/soccaofm00wesl#page/26/mode/2up. whitby, f., 2016, ‘confronting racism and sexism in the church’, in paper presented at the mission congress of the methodist church of southern africa, seth mokitimi methodist seminary, november 24–27, pp. 1–10. williams, d. & bentley, w., 2016, ‘the covenantal relationship between the methodist church of southern africa and her ministers: an ethical appraisal’, studia historiae ecclesiasticae 42(2), 14–29. https://doi.org/10.17159/2412-4265/2016/1219 footnotes 1. comparisons were made with the sunday service of the methodists, with other occasional services (wesley 1788:285–296), the book of offices (methodist church 1936:134–154), the 1999 methodist worship book (methodist church 1999:298–312) and the ordination service 2017 of the british conference (methodist church 2017:1–22). 2. see williams and bentley (2016:23–25) for a fuller description of the implications of presbyters being in a covenant relationship with the mcsa and how that impacts their well-being. 3. authors include lebaka-ketshabile (2016:1–7), masenya (ngwan’a mphahlele) (2012:205–216), mkhwanazi (2014), mudimeli (2011) and whitby (2016:1–10). 4. for a detailed description of the relationship between the 1958 conference statement and wesley’s doctrine of christian perfection, see forster (2008:418–421). 5. see also ndĩgĩrĩgĩ (2014:187–188). abstract introduction virginity: a definitional challenge a brief review of manche masemola jane furse and manche: virginal bodies and discursive urgency death and absence asceticism and martyrdom? conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) sekgothe mokgoatšana department of cultural and political studies, school of social sciences, faculty of humanities, university of limpopo, sovenga, south africa citation mokgoatšana, s., 2020, ‘of jane and manche: bodies and virginity as agency for narrative discourse’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a56. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.56 review article of jane and manche: bodies and virginity as agency for narrative discourse sekgothe mokgoatšana received: 04 feb. 2020; accepted: 22 may 2020; published: 23 sept. 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract spivak’s rhetorical question ‘can the subaltern speak?’ finds true expression in the story of jane furse and similarly manche masemola dying at the same age as jane. two marginal girls are the subject of my discussion, namely jane furse and manche masemola. the two girls’ bodies are employed as agencies to (re)create a religious narrative of proselytising. both girls do not speak in their voices, but through other bodies who reconstruct the narrative to achieve particular goals. the virgin body is essential to elevate the narrative to a myth. i will argue that the two girls’ virginal condition was necessary to construct a discourse that would shape anglican historiography in the northern transvaal. also, i argue that their marginal condition, subjects them to competing for hermeneutics: firstly, the power of virginity; secondly, the role of the young body to preserve sanctity and transmogrification; and lastly, to begin a debate on the role of young people, especially girls to construct alternative history. i invoke the question of subalternity whether these young people had the power to speak for themselves or they merely become agencies of discourse. i begin my discussion with the anglican church’s narrative of jane and then proceed to the story of manche masemola to explain how her marginal body was a fit instrument of creating martyrdom and urgency. this discussion is a product of critical inquiry into an oral historical narratives that continues to shape feminine discourse in respect of power, race and inter-subjectivity. keywords: virginity; martyrdom; asceticism; narrative discourse; jane furse; manche masemola; missions; children in missions; subalternity. introduction many years ago when i was a teacher at st marks college in jane furse, i stayed in the priory, an old building that monumentally tells the story of the anglican mission in sekhukhuneland. the buildings that had laid abandoned for a long time before 1985 are a constant reminder of the church’s failure to penetrate the local community except for those working in the hospital. here, the story of manche masemola and the ‘gift of the church’ was told with fond memories. i had the opportunity to interact with the late canon tsebe, married to manche’s cousin. his impeccable command of english, as well as his sublime narratives on manche, left a lasting memory in my mind. i have since begun a journey through conference papers and publications to explore various aspects of these narratives: from orality, archival records and of late the multiplicity of digital records mushrooming every day. in this article, i draw inspiration from spivak’s rhetorical question ‘can the subaltern speak?’ which finds true expression in the story of jane furse, a young girl who dies at the age of 14, and similarly manche masemola who died ca. 1928 at the same age as jane. two marginal girls are the subject of my discussion, namely jane furse and manche masemola. the two girls’ bodies are employed as agencies to create and recreate a religious narrative of proselytising. both girls do not speak in their voices, but through other bodies who create and reconstruct the narrative to achieve particular goals. they are used as discursive agencies to tell a story plausible in the hands of the narrator. instead of listening to their voice, we hear the voice of the narrator who chooses to speak for and represent the girls in a manner that befits the historical time and mission. the narrators deliberately choose a feminine body that has to be a virgin to construct this narrative. the virgin body is essential to elevate the narrative to a myth, that is, a story told to be believed. by telling it as a religious tale, the story becomes sacrosanct and masquerades itself into a historical narrative. i will argue that the two girls’ virginal condition was necessary to construct a discourse that would shape anglican historiography in the northern transvaal. besides, i argue that their marginal condition, as young girls, subjects them to competing for hermeneutics: firstly, the power of virginity; secondly, the role of the young body to preserve sanctity and transmogrification; and lastly, to begin a debate on the role of young people, especially girls to construct alternative history. i also invoke the question of autonomy and subalternity as (re)presented by the two figures, whether these young people had the power to speak for themselves or they merely became agencies of discourse. i will begin my discussion with the anglican church’s narrative of jane furse to pave a way to penetrate sekhukhuneland and to leave a lasting memory for both the church and the empire. i will then proceed to the story of manche masemola as a second narrative developed to create a presence in the sekhukhuneland country and to explain how her marginal body was a fit instrument of creating martyrdom and urgency. this discussion is a product of critical inquiry into an oral historical narratives that continue to shape feminine discourse in respect of power, race and inter-subjectivity. virginity: a definitional challenge the institution of virginity is held highly in almost all societies of the world. traditionally, it involved sexual abstinence before marriage, thus valourising the virginity of the bride as the ideal state to be achieved and maintained at all times. nagpal and sathyanarayana (2016:1) explain that hindu marriage ceremony centres around the kanyādāna [gift of a maiden] ritual which is seen as the gift of a virgin by a father of the maiden through which hindus believe they gain greatest spiritual merit. because of the value attached to virginity, sexual vigilance often replaces sexual responsiveness. the right and will of the individual are often subordinated to the demands of the girl who is guarded and controlled to remain a virgin. breaking the social code of virginity is abhorred and brings scorn to both the girl who is considered to have committed a sexual offence and her family. the actual male perpetrator is left off the hook and allowed to dupe more virgins into breaking the social code. these social restrictions wear heavily on the female body than on the male body. virginity, therefore, illuminates the historical and social contexts of the girl’s upbringing. a brief review of manche masemola the manche narrative was first collected by an anglican preacher and teacher augustine moeka; however, his notes could not be found in the archives. it is believed that the greatest part of the story is shaped by his notes (goedhals 2002:101; masenya 2017:17). undeniably, moeka has shaped the discourse around manche because other than hearing the story from her, and lucia, he was responsible for translating lucia’s version to bishop wilfred parker in 1937. one central figure who captured the narrative is mrs moffat who recorded manche’s death in her diary (mokgoatšana 2019:15) and in the cowley evangelist magazine (moffat 1928). in this article, mrs moffat argues that manche’s trial was very short, and her death was fit to be considered a case of murder; however, the church needed to see her as a victim of a murder to declare her a martyr. she goes further to suggest that manche’s death could have been as a result of illness, because she was hospitalised before her death, and her sister mabule died a few days later. bishop parker’s interview with lucia is a dominant primary source that has shaped the masemola narrative (parker 1937). all others parody the same work, and at times read into it, for example, the baptism by blood oftentimes is not derived from this source, but a detour which is found favourable to mention as a fact. goedhals (1998, 2000) sketches manche’s hagiography contextualising it on the political environment that shaped it. she eloquently points at the friction between the church and the bapedi world as a result of fresh memories of the last bapedi wars with the british. her work is a ground-breaking study on the life of a martyr who was eventually sanctified and consecrated as a saint. kuzwayo (2013), a relative of manche masemola completed a dissertation exploring how ritual, baptism and koma [initiation] interact and are used to construct manche’s identity. mokgoatšana (2019) examines the manche narrative as a myth based on a prophecy that manche would be baptised in her blood. the article uses william bascom’s definition of a myth, a technical definition in folklore studies, to refer to a story told to be believed. these texts explore manche’s life and narrative from contrasting ideologies that shaped the gaze and construction of meaning. jane furse and manche: virginal bodies and discursive urgency jane’s (virgin) body this section purports to explain how jane’s body is used as an instrument to continue missionary work and expound how her virginity assumed or constructed was also relevant as an important urgency to mediate discourse. in 1921, a missionary hospital was opened in sekhukhuneland where the seeds of anglicanism were sown. we are told that the hospital work began in 1921 (humphries 1980; jane furse memorial hospital 1971) with mud huts and 18 beds (waldmann 1980:48). according to humphries (1980:144), the hospital opened with 12 patients, and when he visited the hospital again in 1966–67, it had 414 beds and 100 mats for floor patients. at the time of his visit (humphries 1980:144), the hospital was advanced to train 100 nurses and 12 midwives all with junior certificate (equivalent to grade 10 today) with english endorsement. the jane furse memorial hospital report goes on to explain that: inspiration to found the hospital arose from the life, the only child of bishop michael furse and francis, his wife. a life terminated here on earth in death from scarlet fever on 3rd august 1918, just as jane’s birthday was approaching. but the love and concern she engendered lives on. throughout the years the hospital has grown and its usefulness increased, despite setbacks, now until now it has 416 authorised beds, 100 sleeping mats and a large outpatient and clinical commitments. (jane furse memorial hospital 1921–1971:7) figure 1: michael bolton furse. this extract derives from the 50 years’ celebration of the existence of jane furse memorial hospital in 1971. ‘jane’ became a central focus of the memorialisation. this hospital was named jane furse memorial hospital in honour of the bishop’s daughter, jane. jane diana furse was an only child of bishop michael bolton furse of oxford in the united kingdom and frances furse from the united states (http://historicalpapers-atom.wits.ac.za/c1-1-3). michael bolton furse was the archdeacon of johannesburg (1903–1909 and later the bishop of pretoria (1909–1920). bishop micahel bolton furse was born on 12 october 1870 at the end of the franco-prussian war in staines, middlesex, united kingdom. he was the son of reverand canbon charles wellington furse and jane diana johnson furse. he had several brothers and sisters including john henry monsell furse and elizabeth dia maud. in 1903, he moved to south africa and was consecrated as the bishop of pretoria in 1909. michael bolton furse and his wife were buried in a churchyard at cuddesdon just outside oxford. jane was born on 19 august 1904 and died of scarlet fever in 1918. she is buried in the cemetery at irene, gauteng (http://historicalpapers-atom.wits.ac.za/c1-1-3; http://www.historicalpapers.wits.ac.za/?inventory/u/collections&c=ab3168/r/7665). when her father was consecrated the bishop of the diocese of pretoria, she would accompany him on his trips. it is at these trips that she became sorrowfully aware of the squalor and abject poverty of the hinterland. jane died at the end of the first world war when britain made a call to all young men to respond to their country’s needs for the army, and young women also were ready to offer their services as nurses in the army (watson 1997). watson (1997) further quotes an interaction of the beale family where the sisters argue that there is nothing a woman could help her country more in doing than to mending its men. this view was considered right at the time as nursing was considered an innate gift of a woman than it is viewed today. surely, views about women in this era were very negative about women, and their possible participation in such professions as nursing and medicine. watson (2002:489) clearly puts it that medical women had to prove their competence in a male-dominated field to a gender-divided society and ironically found an opportunity to do so in a period dominated by images of masculinity. furthermore, nurses had to prove that their craft was professional. had jane not died at this time, young as she was, she would have joined the medical mission in jane furse where her father’s bishophry extended. here it would be inevitable not to join the daughters of mary who occupied the epicentre of mission operations and education at the time. figure 2: jane furse. when the anglican church established the hospital in the 1920s, it was named in her memory as jane furse memorial hospital. jane furse is in the centre of sekhukhune municipality, which had always been the heartland of sekhukhuneland, which served as the nerve cord of bapedi polity in gelukslokasie. my interest in this matter is how the anglican church claims and renames topographical space as a marker for political authority, claiming space for the british empire. descending from oxford, he found it fit to expand the horizons of the imperial centre. naming the hospital into jane is consonant with anglican practices of intercessions connected with the virgin mary. although kuzwayo (2013:57) claims saints and important figures in the church were not worshipped, her assertion that it is also our prerogative to state that they are honoured as notable members of the christian family as christian ancestors with whom there is still unity through a living fellowship with christ suggests that as ancestors they are connected with the living, invoked in times of need. this matter she further accentuates by quoting tlhagale (2000:2) laboriously that these individuals are elevated to the spiritual realm, possessing spiritual power, believed to derive them from their close communion with god. with her name immortalised through memorial discourse, jane’s name is invoked inside and outside church circles. this has become apparent since the new hospital was opened, leaving the old buildings to the church’s control. what is worrisome, however, is the possible loss of historical memory connected with the old jane furse memorial hospital. firstly, the concept of ‘memorial’ seems to be lost in the naming of the hospital as can be seen on the signboards, and secondly, the names of wards such as lugsden, blake, st manche, darras and many of these historical names are nowhere to be found in the ‘new’ hospital. interestingly, the revamped hospital is popularly called the new hospital, which finds expression in the seminal loss of its roots and identity from the old hospital as i outlined. jane’s narrative is imbued with a philanthropic zealousness. this is what is described in the 1971 jubilee as ‘love and concern’. her body has become the first vehicle to explain the salvation escapade and triumph over darkness. her story is an eschatological exposition of the coming of a new, and the destruction of an african world characterised by what the west describes as primitive, animistic and backward. her body represents the ‘new light’ and the very incarnation of the story of salvation and civilisation. her short life is extended through memory to tell a story of salvation and relief. she is used as an inspiration to help the poor and the needy through the medical mission. the tale of a ‘white girl’ drawn to convert african souls seemed incomprehensible to the intended audience. first, she was unknown and would not inspire confidence and the vital force to attract bapedi communities into the new faith. i also think the whole memorialisation of jane furse was an attempt to deal with the loss of a daughter. having buried her daughter, within 2 years the bishop was entrusted with a new task of establishing a medical mission hospital in sekhukhuneland. the memory of her fallen daughter was fresh and too much to bear. naming became an easy route to ‘immortalise’ and re-locate her spirit in a manner that it would be transmogrified and live forever in a boundless world populated by anglican subjects. from the onset, the institution was seen as a memorial site. as a memorial site, the hospital became a site for defining imperial order and an instrument for laying the ground for missionary work in sekhukhuneland. the church deliberately chose jane’s body as an instrument to evangelise and rally support for missionary work outside england. it was important to choose a blameless, virgin body to project a zeal to do philanthropic work. the virginal condition has a social, political and theological function in christian circles. virginal discourse should be understood for its fluidity and flexibility. the virgin body is a site of defining not only social honour but an aspired condition to be pursued. a virgin body is a representation of the ideal, a condition that needs to be attained and fought for. it is a battle between bodily desires and the spirit the feminine body is regulated to keep it pure. this desire for purity is rooted in christian history. a virgin is an ideal woman, a figure that represents a victory against passion. whether jane’s virginity was constructed or merely a product of chance remains debateable; however, the condition was important in the era when the daughters of mary were required to serve as models for the catechumens. upon establishing the hospital and the chapel, young maidens were recruited to join the daughters of mary, coming through the wayfarers, to which manche was also attracted. jane’s body has become synonymous with the hospital. in most writings, reference is made of jane, when actually, they referred to the hospital. jane, therefore, has become the metaphor to expand memory and reference. the jane furse memorial hospital report of the sekhukhuniland missions of the period 01 april 1954 to 31 march 1955 in the foreword by robert pretor dedicates a special memory to the death of bishop furse, jane’s father, with these words (jane furse memorial hospital 1971:3): for though ‘jane’ was started after bishop furse left pretoria, it was largely his enthusiasm and the funds which he raised through some long lean years which have maintained it. so jane furse hospital witnesses not only as a memorial to his daughter but also to a great bishop. in terms of this view, jane’s death was played forward in recognition of her father’s missionary work in the northern transvaal. jane’s memory is invoked to present her father’s legendary work, and sacrifice to work against the odds in the difficult environmental conditions of sekhukhuneland. this memory was used not only to raise funds for the medical mission hospital but also to continue philanthropic work which is explained briefly by prof erasmus quoting jane – a memoir: ‘in a letter to a friend, written from sabie a few weeks before she died, jane said that she had been trying to think out why there was so much sickness and suffering in the world, and she had come to the conclusion that it was not god’s will, and that it need not be, and that we ought to do all we could to fight it. therefore she had decided to do her part by becoming a doctor’. her desire to rid the world of suffering and sickness is noble and well-meaning; however, most of the suffering was a result of imperialist dehumanisation of the world through plundering the economies of the colonised states. this is adumbrated by nkomazana and setume (2016:51) who opine: the export economy established by europeans meant that africans extracted raw materials while europeans returned manufactured goods. the trade, which was oriented toward the west, advantaged europeans at the expense of the indigenous populations. the devastation of the colonised lives was a planned colonial enterprise, and it was furthered in the same vein during the apartheid years. the jane furse hospital was not immune from the apartheid segregationist policies of inferiorisation. at the 50th anniversary of the hospital, mr viljoen, speaking on behalf of the department of bantu administration (jane furse memorial hospital 1971:16) without mincing his words tells the organisers of the event that: in as far as the progress of the bantu is concerned, i feel that you have had great success. it was pointed to me that you employ 290 bantu in various posts while only 15 whites are employed. as you know it is the policy of the government that the bantu should serve his people. to achieve this, the bantu must be trained to fulfill a task. this is not an easy task because bantu with the necessary qualifications not always forthcoming. i must point out, however, that every effort should be made to find suitably qualified for appointment in the various posts so that hospitals will eventually be manned by bantu exclusively. although the hospital was established by the church, lack of funds pushed it towards the segregationist apartheid government for support. the right reverend e. knapp-fischer, bishop of pretoria attributes the growth and development of the hospital to jane’s memory (jane furse memorial hospital 1971:13): we look back with thanksgiving to the blessings so abundantly bestowed on jane furse in the fifty years. we look back with deep gratitude to our founder bishop michael furse, and to his only daughter who gave her name to this hospital. jane lived but a short time in this world. the bishop goes on to appeal to the audience not to ‘sorrow for her premature passing’ but ‘rejoice in faith of the risen christ’, because ‘jane continues her great work and witness which only began during her short earthly life’ (jane furse memorial hospital 1971:13). in this celebration, speaker after speaker, jane’s short life is employed as a narrative urgency to express thanks to the father’s dedication to the bishopric work. her spirit is linked with the growth and development of the hospital. her short life compares squarely with that of manche masemola. manche died before the easter, a time earmarked for her baptism, whilst jane died a week before celebrating her birthday. manche’s deep desire to be baptised could not be achieved, although considered to be baptised by her desire. similarly, jane did not live to see her vision as the matron of the jane furse hospital explains in 1956: hanging in the entrance hall is a beautiful portrait of ‘jane’ which will be a continual reminder to the staff and visitors of the true purpose and dedication of the hospital, ‘to serve the african peoples’, as was once her childhood vision. (jane furse memorial hospital 1956:11) her hanging picture is a constant reminder of her vision and visual representation to instil discipline amongst staff and the christian community of the burning desire to help the poor, thus inspiring confidence and commitment. that she was an only child is important to consider in the recontextualisation of the jane furse story. like many special children in the bible like isaac and jesus, jane is chosen as an allegory to explain offering and sacrifice. she is the only daughter of bishop furse who could not live to see the missionary dreams of her father. she is described as a ‘blessing’ that had given her name to the hospital. the hospital is therefore seen as an incarnation of her spirit. it is no surprise therefore that it is affectionately described and referred affectionately as ‘jane’ in most correspondences and deictic references. having succumbed to scarlet fever, she is still considered a philanthropist, whose work would continue to inspire those coming after her. in his concluding remarks, bishop knapp-fisher (jane furse memorial hospital 1971:14) maintains that: [t]he work and witness of jane will go forward and continue to grow provided that those who are serving it now with such dedication are succeeded by men and women who are prepared to follow in their footsteps. jane has thus become not only a torchbearer for future work at jane furse memorial hospital but the springboard on which future medical missions should grow. this monopoly, of responsible ministry to suffering, was solely in the hands of the church in the time in question. as reverend selby-taylor, the archbishop of cape town puts it, ‘the christian church was the sole instrument of active and informed compassion in the context of human misery, disease, and squalor’ (jane furse memorial hospital 1971:18). that jane died of scarlet fever gave impetus to the hospital’s pursuit of the medical mission, as a result, ‘jane’s influence spreads far and wide’ as noted by reverend selby-taylor in 1971. the jane story was used as a rallying voice to attract support from england and other parts of the world to finance the course of the church. jane’s name could not succeed to influence local communities into accepting her philanthropic enthusiasm. as a result, a new ploy was necessary to conquer the difficult bapedi country and their cosmologies. manche’s virgin body manche masemola was born ca. 1913 in gamarishane, about 15 km, away from the anglican priory, in jane furse, sekhukhuneland. in 1919, augustine moeka, an african priest of the anglican church established the st peters church in this village. manche and her peers were attracted to the church and started attending catechumen classes to be baptised. manche, like most local children, received resistance from her parents because of the diametrically different religious worldviews, namely that of the bapedi and the church (representing english values). the latter was seen by her parents as being antithetical to the traditional religious beliefs they so dearly upheld and practiced. the tensions between the english and bapedi had not been fully settled following the sekhukhune wars. the church’s perceived condescending attitude towards african beliefs and rituals also increased the tension. in terms of her culture, manche was to marry her cousin. to do this, she had to undergo an initiation (koma), which is central to bapedi nurturing and socialising boys and girls to adulthood. when manche rejected the prospect of marriage with her cousin, as a demonstration of her devotion to the anglican teachings, her parents felt they had lost their child to strangers. so, further beatings happened which may have possibly led to her death. kuzwayo (2013:iii) explains why there was tension between manche, here symbolising the church, and her parents, representing bapedi culture: according to pedi custom, a girl was supposed to eventually get married after she had been proclaimed marriageable. manche’s parents were not happy when she joined the church, as there were nuns in the village, who had made vows of remaining celibate and only be married to jesus christ. the presence of nuns suggested to them that manche might want to be one of them … kuzwayo (2013:43) extends this opinion by proving that the local community was threatened by the missionaries, who advised against circumcision and marriage to convert the girls to become nuns, whilst their parents wanted marriage and lobola. the same idea is expressed by goedhals (1998:37) who proclaims that manche’s mother may have feared that manche would ultimately join a celibate sisterhood. first cousin marriages are desirable and preferred amongst the bapedi. following this custom, manche was engaged to her cousin who was working in the town. in an interview with parker (1937:2), lucia explains that manche would not wait for the ‘boy’ to come home; unfortunately, when he came, she was already dead. it is evident from this interview that had she lived to be baptised, she would not have married her cousin, whose name is not mentioned in the interview. this would not necessarily be manche’s choice, but the church’s will to destroy african customs and traditions as explained before. manche, who died at the age of 14, had contact with the church for only a year, 1927–1928. her attraction to the church and her exploits to resist renouncing her culture is a story that the church treats fleetingly. the power of her story lies in her death which is graphically described to graft a martyr out of her body. interestingly, both girls have their stories told after their death. we are denied the full context of their calling, and how they would have reacted to the stories if they had lived enough to witness the renditions of their lives as texts. death of the body is used as a medium to explain deeper religious convictions and dreams. this article will, therefore, use the stories of jane furse and manche masemola as sites of defining religious martyrdom, and as a proxy for anglican beliefs for salvation and religious imperialism. it is jane’s soul and body that the anglican church first uses to follow a ‘dream’ to build a lasting memory in sekhukhuneland. then, is the body of manche masemola that is subjected to violent, brutal attacks and persecution that is used to create a model for accepting faith and pay the ultimate price. both jane and manche died at the age of 14 under difficult circumstances. jane was overcome by scarlet fever whilst manche suffers persecution and dies in the hands of her parents. the two teenagers lived lives of an ascetic. as ascetics, their stories pursue hagiographical fervour to re-create a symbol of ideal christian perfection and angelic life. the two virginal narratives centralise asceticism and renunciation as common themes. castelli (1986:61) contends that feminists explain asceticism and renunciation as a paradoxical renunciation of the world constraining women’s social and political power, and experiencing a sense of worth outside the traditional setting of marriage. in essence, a christian virgin is considered engaged and married to god. this interpretation of virginity is defined better in mariology. following the biblical mary’s virginity as a symbol, virginity is seen in the context of salvation. to follow mary is to pursue salvation and to be accorded special status in the kingdom of god. because of their virginity, both manche and jane are ‘highly exalted’, considered above all women and the entire human race (pigg 1999:111). their lives influenced commentary and liturgical services. the two girls: manche and jane furse have become the subject of anglican historiography and pilgrimage. their virgin bodies are figures of veneration. in marian thought, the body is privileged as a material site. in terms of that view, the virgin mary’s body is a site of generation, a body from which jesus grew. this semiology works better to ensure that both jane and manche achieve sexual and spiritual purity. whereas jane is not consciously and purposefully celebrated like manche is, she is continually memorialised through toponymy. the name of the hospital and by extension the area around the hospital have become synonymous with her. today jane furse is not only bishop furse’s daughter, or the memorial hospital, but extended to include a collection of villages further away from the hospital. besides, jane furse has become a fast developing town in makhuduthamaga municipality. jane’s virgin body is an instrument to narrativise and construct a discourse to negotiate entry into sekhukhuneland. it speaks of the coming of a new faith in a foreign land, and this exploration is metaphorised in her death. jane became a symbol of religious purity and the pursuit of a perfect relationship with her maker. as soon as the hospital was established, a chapel was opened in the hospital. here, jane’s spirit and a dream were realised by sowing the seeds of the daughters of mary who became visible markers of episcopal prestige. she was a product of the bishop’s ascetic agenda to craft a portrait of christian followers. she is used as a pawn to re-enact and embody ‘baptism’ and confession. she is used as a proxy for her father’s commitment to missionary work. jane’s body localises the power of the father and the church. through its virginal condition, the church continues its missionary work to save the poor and ultimately convert them. the jane furse memorial hospital is established to fulfill that mission through medical service. her life is deliberately constructed to fulfill this role. to do this well, she has to be prepared to enter the league of the daughters of mary. daughters of mary took an oath of celibacy and renunciation. as explained elsewhere in this article, had jane survived the fever, she would have lived with the father in the priory where the daughters of mary found a home too. here, their focus was to use the wayfarers as instruments to attract young girls into the ministry. it was their presence and teachings of the time that threatened manche’s parents to the extent that they would not allow her to be lost to the church. death and absence death is a common narrative for commemoration. in this article, manche and jane are remembered using death as a trope to recover and reconnect with their lives. jane, whose body and spirit are connected to jane furse memorial hospital, became a symbol for the hardships that the church would face in the new environment. she represents a journey, a battle to conquer african cosmologies and replace them with christian, anglican theology. it is not surprising that manche is celebrated and memorialised. she suffered brutal persecution that led to her eventual death. her life is celebrated annually. her grave has become a shrine where congregants meet to mourn, celebrate and pay homage to a heroine whose life paid an ultimate price. her absence is a marker for the loss and epistolary journey of a christian martyr. manche and jane furse’s bodies are celebrated and commemorated to promote imperial and religious interests. jane’s body is memorialised and re-membered. this is first done by naming the hospital after her. her story is a narrative of bodily suffering. jane’s body succumbed to scarlet fever and buried her dreams. this invocation of her psyche is foregrounded to strengthen the missionary zeal of her father and the church in general. her dream of helping the poor became an anchor to support the church’s exploits and adventures into the unknown, unsafe territories. in this uncharted and ‘uncivilised’ world, the church needed to plant the seeds of salvation. her commemorated spirit becomes a driving force to encourage the weary and strengthen missionary work in sekhukhuneland. besides, her spirit would fill new converts and expand philanthropic work. in the words of the right reverend e. knapp-fisher who was the bishop of pretoria during the 50th celebration of the hospital’s existence, he says: we share the sure hope of resurrection. in the life and growth of this hospital, we can see that jane continues the great work and witness which began during her short earthly life. as a ‘witness’, jane’s life is fit to be an exemplary model for self-sacrifice and dedication to the life of the poor. the growth of the hospital was understood as a metaphorical representation of jane’s life embodied in the concept of ‘resurrection’ which features prominently during the celebration. besides, the mission hospital expanded its medical mission through the establishment of clinics. it was the staff from jane furse memorial hospital who went on to build and consecrate new clinics as dr c.s. harrison did at manganeng. in his speech, the most reverend r selby-taylor, the archbishop of cape town acknowledges the expanse of the mission (jane furse memorial hospital 1971:18). her virginal status is constructed and imposed. her condition is relevant to spread the word in africa and to use her as a model to follow. like most hagiographies, her chronicle is defined according to patronymics or matronymics. she is no ordinary girl from an english background, but the daughter of the renowned bishop michael bolton furse, an eminent anglican bishop in the first half of the 20th century. furse was the fourth son of ven. charles furse, archdeacon of westminster, and jane diana monsell, second daughter of john samuel bewley monsell, vicar of egham. jane’s name invokes the history and ancestry of the furse family together with the exploits of the anglican church in the northern transvaal. asceticism and martyrdom? asceticism is a lifestyle characterised by abstinence from sensual pleasures, often to pursue spiritual goals. the highest prize of asceticism is oftentimes martyrdom, an institution highly held in the church. mokgoatšana (2019:3) tellingly describes a martyr in this way: the greek word refers to a witness, a testimony, yet in christian mythology like in the new testament, it acquired a new shade of meaning to refer to the testimony about jesus. the english word is considered a transliteration of the greek concept. a martyr henceforth refers to someone who suffers a penalty for his or her faith and has to be a witness until his or her death. martyrs suffer persecution and death for advocating, renouncing, refusing to renounce, or refusing to advocate a belief or cause as demanded by an external party, including society at large. to be a martyr, therefore, one has to profess a faith and defend it even if it means paying a heavy price – death. there is a strong relationship between martyrdom and asceticism. martyrdom was a great feature of the early persecution of christians, where people committed to their faith would pay an ultimate price in defence of their faith. once the prosecution of christians declined, a new form of martyrdom emerged in the form of asceticism. it is for this reason that castelli (1986:66) opines that martyrdom precedes asceticism. he traces how the ideology of asceticism made it possible for the faithful to follow christ and achieve perfection during persecution without being martyrs. asceticism became elevated and honoured than martyrdom. in this way, new notions of the ‘non-bloody’ martyrdom of renunciation were developed. this era ushered in the special status of virgins, a new narrative that proclaims that ‘marriage is good, but virginity is better’ (castelli 1986). this explains better how the pains of marriage subjugate the subjectivity of the individual, thus undermining virginity. virginity, therefore, becomes defined about concerning marriage other than in the personal choice of an individual to abstain and renounce desire. unlike jane, manche’s marriage was destined to happen in terms of cultural protocol. she was supposed to marry her cousin. the church fought fiercely to stop her from following her cultural rituals such as koma and marrying her cousin. this should be understood against its pursuit to destroy african cosmologies and replacement by european belief systems and culture. she has to renounce her culture in favour of outsider culture. the marriage with the cousin would interfere with her virginity, something that as a conscript for the virgin mary she would have to renounce. in the eyes of the church, manche needed to preserve her chastity because she would be married to christ. hodgson (2003:145) notes this tension when writing about the challenge of interpreting manche’s martyrdom: the concept of a virgin martyr is problematic. the cult of virginity reflects the judaeo-christian understanding of sexuality that, in both protestantism and catholicism, fails to discern the fine line between carnal and incarnational, thus equating sex with sin. this stance excludes a major component of african spirituality: namely the celebration of the body, feelings, and relationships as fitting contexts for encounter with god. the church however privileges the notion of virginity in representing manche’s martyrdom. her virginity receives prominences, such that her martyrdom become elevated and accentuated. her body becomes the site of struggle to protect her autonomy to make decisions about her faith and culture. her commitment to african culture and values is silenced, and renunciation of own culture is inscribed and exaggerated. incredibly, a 14-year-old can be prepared to die for a set of belief systems of a foreign nation which she has had contact with, for just a year or less. manche’s life, therefore, represents the tension between two worlds, and the african world and the imperial western world. she is a captive of the foreign religion whose aim is to completely erase her african life. like all palimpsests, the tissue of african life can never be completely erased or glossed over. it is for this reason that manche refuses to baptise in foreign clothing and declare that she will be baptised in her blood (mokgoatšana 2019). this expression is twisted and juxtaposed as a statement of faith, a commitment to the new religion. commentators choose to ignore manche’s determination to stick to her culture, keeping true to it. i need to quote from the original here to show that baptism in ‘own blood’ though said by manche should be understood in the context of her argument with moeka: the priest said to manche ‘should i not baptize you?’ (manche had been in the hearer’s classes for about a year). she said ‘i shall be baptized in my own blood’[sic]. (parker 1937) the same evidence is advanced by kuzwayo (2013:52), when she says: manche retorted to the idea of western clothing citing her wish to stick to her traditional pedi dress. that was when moeka openly told her that she would not be baptised, to which she answered, ‘then i will be baptised with my own blood!’. i find that this dialogue is interpreted out of context, asserting that manche’s response was to her parents who barred her from becoming a christian. manche creates a platform for us to consider religious pluralism when faced with a choice of a multiplicity of religious choices. commentators construct the manche narrative as a story of a martyr who is subjected to inhumane terror and persecution (goedhals 2000; kuzwayo 2013; moffat 1928; parker 1937). her mother is the devil incarnation who brandishes very dangerous weapons and fire to subject her to submission of authority. in contrast, manche is portrayed as a model for salvation whose death represents a victory against evil. that parents and the whole community could be so cruel and become accomplices in such gruesome acts is difficult to fathom. her body is a theatre of conflicting epistemologies and theology. on the one hand, she is an africanist who resists foreign domination, whilst on the other hand, she is seen as a victim of community and family pressure. the manche and jane narrative has interesting coincidences that seem to suggest that the narrative is a seamless text woven together to construct a particular discourse. firstly, it is the fact that both girls die prematurely at the age of 14; secondly, that each dies some days before birthday celebration or baptism and/or easter; thirdly, that both girls die before their dreams are realised; and finally, that there is a coincidence in terms of celebrating manche’s life in august, the month on which jane furse died. whilst it is believed that manche died on 04 february 1928 (goedhals 1998, 2000, 2002; kuzwayo 2013; moffat 1928; mokgoatšana 2019), her pilgrimage is only celebrated in august, coincidentally a few days before jane furse’s date of death. the church seems to wield its power in controlling the memory of both girls, determining who to memorialise, how to commemorate and when such a commemoration should happen. lifshitz (1996:30) speaks at length of how those who have power memory can determine how memory is remembered, and use that power to generate power of the shrine as a source of political power: human behavior and decisions are often heavily influenced by beliefs concerning what has happened in the ‘past’. therefore, control over representations of the past can be a source of great influence in society. furthermore, when the medium for representation of the past is the shrine tomb of a deceased saint, the person who controls the monument benefits from an additional source of power, in that holy corpses have been widely perceived as instrumental in the production of miracles. the church uses the ‘shrine tomb’ of the deceased saint; manche masemola to control the monument and the celebrations. by right, manche’s life should be celebrated either on her date of birth or death. that her death is shrouded in mystery, at least her date of death has a consensus in the church. my further concern is why is jane seemingly celebrated indirectly by using manche’s life and yet invoking jane’s persona by connecting with her date of death. it follows on my assumption that the jane and manche story is a seamless narrative to conquer the bapedi world and religion. there is no formal justification why the pilgrimage and commemoration happen in august and not february, although mr. chosahane’s view is that the commemoration is ‘usually held in august instead of february, because of wet weather conditions in limpopo’ (kuzwayo 2013). conclusion the masculine speaks for the feminine and constructs meaning using the female body, thus locating women as passive participants in the historical narrative they create. they are denied a voice and have to contend with historical representations of time and voice through death and absence. the jane furse and manche masemola narratives are discursive agencies to plant the seeds of christianity in sekhukhuneland. both tales are employed as a proxy for the colonial hand that wished to recognise through religion, dominate and subvert local cultures. the jane narrative fails to have the power to convert africans, despite its extension in using the medical mission. jane furse memorial hospital was part of the grand scheme of converting people into christianity. it was in the hospital where all mission services were conducted. it began with a chapel that punctuates the religious philosophy guiding the medical mission, the training school for nurses, children’s wards which doubled up as an elementary school, especially st nicholas and st manche wards. the manche narrative of resistance and martyrdom was an alibi of the failed narrative of jane. following this analysis, manche masemola seems to be an extension of jane furse, thus becoming jane’s alter ego. because virginity is an instrument to create and shape discourse, both girls happened to be virgins to explain better the mission story of evangelising traditional communities. of interest is how beyond virginity, the female body was a necessary instrument to name and invoke to expand the church’s power of influence. even after a century, mmashadi, a popular indigenous name is dominated by the public memory of jane than manche. manche’s narrative is less known in jane furse outside the church. i do not find the coincidences of age, celebration and vision of the two girls coincidental but part of the grand plan of a civilising mission. manche’s celebrations in august happen exactly in the week when jane died. is it by coincidence that manche is not celebrated in february, coinciding with her death date, but august? as explained, this seemed to be part of that strategy not to forget the jane visioning escapades. this study proposes that future study directions into mission history should begin to understand the role of children in crafting historical discourse. such studies would inevitably account for how children’s stories are told and represented, and explore how such narrations liberate or stifle their voices in the moment of rendition and interpretation. in addition, future studies may out of interest, examine how memories of the past are plausible in the hands of those who create such memories and later beneficiaries of memory. acknowledgements the author thanks the university of limpopo faculty spring lectures for providing staff retreat for the completion of this work. competing interests the author has declared that no competing interest exists. authors’ contributions s.m is the sole author of this article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references castelli, e., 1986, ‘virginity and it’s meaning for women’s sexuality in early christianity’, journal of feminist studies in religion 2(1), 63. goedhals, m., 1998, ‘imperialism, mission, and conversion: manche masemola of sekhukhuneland’, in a. chandler (ed.), terrible alternative: christian martyrdom in the 20th century, continuum international publishing group, limited. goedhals, m., 2000, ‘colonialism, culture, christianity and the struggle for selfhood: manche masemola of sekhukhuneland, c.1913–1928’, alternation 7(2), 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they are making a request to buy a goat, or, more frequently, for a donation of one. those requests puzzled me, as i live in the town, and although there is an acre of land attached to the house, i do not have any goats. eventually my wife asked somebody that she knew why we keep getting these requests; she was told that we must have some on our farm! this, we are told, is a little outside fort beaufort on the road to queenstown. then it made sense, for on the road there is a sign, "rev j william's grave". it is quite a disappointment to the goatwanters that despite the common surname, i do not own the farm, and indeed have no connection at all with the worthy of the past. joseph williams and pioneer missionary frustration. 65 although most people just drive by with hardly a second thought, many are intrigued by the sign, and not a few, including myself, have tried to find the grave, often unsuccessfully. it is actually not very far from the road, covered by a slab of marble raised about three feet off the ground. it was a common pattern of the day; another example in the area is on the hill just outside alice to mark the grave of james stewart, the founder of the university of fort hare. 2016 is the centenary of fort hare, and by a coincidence, two hundred years since joseph williams came as the first missionary to reside in the area, and the first resident with the xhosa. that fact itself is enough to remember him. his wife was the first white woman to live there as well (holt 1954:40); although boer women had accompanied their men on trek, they had never resided there. it was this second anniversary that inspired me to write this article, which i do for several reasons. firstly i feel that it is right to keep the memory of this man as part of the christian heritage and as particularly significant in this area, especially in this year. i am repeatedly struck by the fact that christianity has a long tradition. i am aware of places in my native uk where christ has been worshipped continually for over a millennium; this is not lightly put aside in a time of rapid change and innovation, especially of new religious ideas. if it was hard to find the grave, it was even harder to find out about this man who arrived even a comparatively short time ago, but who had enormous influence, particularly striking in the light of the fact that he settled in the area in july 15 1816, and died just over two years later on 23rd august 1818. despite legassick (2010:19), who says that williams was ineffectual, so great was his influence that the original name of fort beaufort up to the 1950s was actually williamstown (freeman, j j 1851, a tour in theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 66 south africa, cited in holt 1954:162). laing of burnshill, quoting from a report of 1823, recounts blessing which accompanied williams' work, a group of about a hundred meeting regularly for worship (opland 2008:56). much later, william shaw testified that there had been a decided benefit to the colony from williams' presence, and ntshatshu said that the word of god had made a big impression on the people at that time (holt 1954:160). secondly, hopefully without being guilty of any hagiography, i want to draw attention to some features of the life of joseph williams as an example of a missionary at the start of the modern missionary movement, and to some extent an ideal for the modern missionary. it was only a few years before williams that william carey wrote his influential 1792 pamphlet, "an enquiry into the obligation of christians to use means for the conversion of heathen", which is often seen as the start of the modern missionary movement. it must be said immediately here that the catholics had been active in mission for a very long time previously, and that the moravian church had been sending out missionaries since 1732. however they had not had much impact on england, and it was only after carey that there was any impetus to mission, a movement that caught up williams. who was joseph williams? those interested and diligent enough to find the grave can read the still very legible inscription on the marble. in memory of the reverend joseph williams who departed this life http://www.gutenberg.org/files/11449/11449-h/11449-h.htm http://www.gutenberg.org/files/11449/11449-h/11449-h.htm joseph williams and pioneer missionary frustration. 67 on 17th august 1818, aged 38 years, an agent of the london missionary society and the first missionary who with his family resided among the amoxose tribes and preached the gospel of christ to them. blessed are the dead who die in the lord from hence forth: yea saith the spirit, that they may rest from their labours; and their works do follow them. rev. xiv. 13. holt (1954:103) particularly points out that not only the spelling of amaxhosa is wrong, but also the date of death, which he says was actually 23rd august. interestingly his second record of the inscription on the tomb (1954:165) is slightly different, but more accurate. he cites a book of 1860 by william shaw, the story of my mission in south-eastern africa in support of the later date (holt 1954:163), and most importantly quotes a letter from mrs williams (1954:86); levine (2004:151) and philip (1981) also support that date, although opland (2008:62) the earlier; as his book dealt with isaac wauchope, it could then well be that he is the source of the error (holt 1954:153). it is likely that the error arose as the slab was only erected a long while later on the site identified by wauchope (holt 1954:151). holt (1954:164) cites holden's book of 1887, indicating that the lms provided the theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 68 slab "two years ago". moffatt in 1842 said there was no monument. the grave was restored in 1918, when the slab was put on a substantial platform. incidentally here, isaac wauchope, who was a congregational minister in fort beaufort around the start of the twentieth century, and died in 1916 in the mendes sinking, had as his middle name "williams", so also reflecting something of the importance of joseph. the first record of joseph williams was that of his birth in 1780, according to the lms register; there is however a baptismal record in 1775, which could be him (holt 1954:144). more clear was that on 27th january 1806 he offered himself to the lms (london missionary society) for overseas service. this society had been established, among several others at that time, in 1785; its secretary was the minister of the church in fetters lane, london, where joseph williams worshipped. he had a very limited education; this does reflect what paul says in 1 corinthians 1:26f, that wisdom is not essential for the gospel. perhaps appropriate for a very humble servant of god, there is no picture or portrait available of him. holt (1954) does include one of mrs robson, formerly williams, in her old age. peires (1981) also includes pictures of many of the early xhosa chiefs. williams went to a place vastly different from his native england; it may be remarked that this is also true of jesus who left the glories of heaven. the sacrifice that the williams' made must be put in context of the social situation that they left in england. he was, like his master, a carpenter, and so had a trade and income, so not just seeking an escape from the grinding poverty that was so common in the england of his day. he cannot really be accused, like so many, even joseph williams and pioneer missionary frustration. 69 today, of offering for mission for economic reasons, to get some livelihood. williams went to an obscure place, just as jesus did. i can relate to that as when i was offered the position at fort hare, i had to look on a map to see where it was! it was however a place that became influential; in the year that is also the centenary of fort hare, it should be remembered that it was christianity that provided the motivation for the establishment of the institution. the same is true for other things in the area, perhaps notably healdtown, where mandela received his schooling. the colonial government had always lamented the small amount of resources that williams had (holt 1954:146). it was necessary for williams to provide much of what he needed for bare survival. he was not just dependent on gifts from england. the lms did not provide adequately, expecting self-sufficiency (holt 1954:71). perhaps here there is a reminder of paul, who although he did receive gifts, also worked as a tentmaker. holt (1954:5f) records that the society took a long time to finally accept the candidate, repeatedly summoning him without making a decision. it was only in august 1814 that he went to gosport academy for formal training, which was a combination of the academic and also practical skills. such persistence on the part of williams shows that he was very determined in his ministry. he would seem to have received a clear divine call. this contrasts strongly with many missionaries since who seem to move frequently from one place and ministry to another, with consequent loss of effectiveness. it takes a long time to settle into a ministry and to win confidence, so say nothing of acquiring knowledge of customs and language. joseph williams' ministry was cut theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 70 short by death, but the fact that he dug furrows, and did many other things where he settled, suggests that he had had no intention of leaving in a hurry. most likely it was for him a lifetime commitment, not just to mission, but to a particular ministry. williams eventually arrived in cape town on 22nd may 1815, and proceeded to bethelsdorp near port elizabeth, which had been established by read and van der kemp, earlier workers with the lms. this had started as a refugee camp for khoi, and had about 450 there by 1812 (legassick 2010:8). it was there that he responded to a plea for a missionary among the xhosa, a plea that had become acceptable to the colonial authorities, who had previously resisted this. that plea had been influenced by previous work in the area by van der kemp, who had worked for about sixteen months near the keiskamma river, having to return to graaff reinet because of "the disturbed condition of the country" (holt 1954:16). he had worked exclusively with the khoisan (stanley 1990:93), although had yearned "for the conversion of the bantu" (holt 1954:16). he was called by them nyhengana (opland 2008:100). his converts included people who lived in xhosaland but were out of place there (peires 1981:77). like williams later, he experienced problems with the political authority in the cape colony, and specifically with the local landrost, colonel cuyler (martin [na]:188). dissenters were viewed with extreme suspicion by the anglicans until about 1810, suspected of being in league with french revolutionaries (legassick 2010:6). adding to his unpopularity with the colonial authorities had been that he had purchased and then married a fourteen year old slave girl from madagascar (legassick 2010:7). joseph williams and pioneer missionary frustration. 71 this action was commonly viewed as "immoral". some later missionaries were also accused of concubinage (holt 1954:72). brownlee eventually resigned in disgust at the situation, and even read was accused; he had also married a coloured and was charged of adultery with another woman. he was suspended for a while before his name was cleared after he confessed, and was forgiven by bethelsdorp (legassick 2010:18). in contrast, williams' morals would appear to have been exemplary. van der kemp had died in 1811 in cape town. although his ministry had been short, it had produced the desire for another missionary. on april 1st 1816, accompanied by rev read, who had succeeded van der kemp at bethelsdorp, williams left on an exploratory journey into the xhosa area. after a lot of visiting and discussion with local chiefs, they found the location at the mouth of the baddaford kloof north of the present fort beaufort, arriving back at bethelsdorp on may 16th. accompanying read and williams on that journey, among others, had been jan tshatshu, often referred to as tzatzoe. he is the subject of levine (2004). he was the son of a xhosa chief near where king william's town now is, but had been left at bethelsdorp by his father. it was there that he accepted christianity and was baptised (holt 1954:17). during the trip to locate a site for williams' ministry, he was very active in preaching, once to a thousand people at his father's kraal. it was no doubt because he used xhosa that he was very effective and influential; read also said that he was the first to pray publically in xhosa, it previously having been done only in dutch (holt 1954:32). shortly afterwards, on june 15th, mr and mrs williams left for their new location, arriving just a month later on july 15th theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 72 1816. they found nobody at the actual site, although there were a lot of xhosa and hottentots quite near, living on the banks of the river. before three days had passed, they had been joined by ten xhosa families. significantly, the kraal of ngqika, the local xhosa chief, was only about fifteen miles away. the first need was somewhere to live, and williams quickly built a small house of rushes. the work for which they had come quickly followed; on the sixth day after their arrival he opened a school, initially with about fifty adults and children, which soon grew to a hundred and twenty. mrs williams taught xhosa girls the technique of sewing, and they made bonnets from rushes. just as quickly, problems emerged. not only were his efforts at producing a garden frustrated by the ever-present twin difficulties of heat and drought, but he was increasingly affected by the political situation. stanley (1990) aptly titles his book on mission the bible and the flag, for mission was always embroiled in the politics of the area. it was because of a change in attitude of the british authorities that the work was even possible. until that time it had been forbidden, government policy being to prevent any contact with the xhosa (holt 1954:18), van der kemp therefore not having been allowed to work with the xhosa. bosch (1991:306) says that while commerce remained the primary purpose of britain, missionaries were not welcomed. the increasing frustration of joseph williams can probably be attributed to a shift in the attitude of government. there had become a growing consciousness among colonial officials of the value and significance of mission for empire (bosch 1991:304). on the whole, this was recognised by the misjoseph williams and pioneer missionary frustration. 73 sionaries; philip, of the london missionary society wrote in 1828 that missionary stations are the most efficient agents which can be employed to promote the internal strength of our colonies, and the cheapest and best military posts that a wise government can employ to defend its frontiers (in bosch 1991:305). in the second decade of the nineteenth century there was a change, and the colonial power consciously took responsibility for the welfare of the inhabitants of the colonies. "it was hoped that a missionary among the xhosa might be useful to the government as a means of contact with and a quieting influence upon that restless people" (holt 1954:19). interestingly legassick (2010:17) suggests three factors in this change. firstly a boer rebellion had sought alliance with the local xhosa chief, ngqika, and secondly the british garrison was being reduced, both indicating the need for a viable alliance. thirdly the anglican church in britain was becoming more favourably disposed to evangelicalism, with whom the lms would identify. the timing of williams' arrival could then hardly have been better. it was on february 14th 1816 that the government suddenly changed its policy (holt 1954:19). however, this came with a severe problem; while they became more respected, missions became increasingly compromised. holt (1954:41) writes, "so williams was to pay for his permission to be a missionary in xhosaland by serving, at the same time, as an unpaid agent of the government." he had authority to issue passes to enter the colony through an otherwise rigidly closed border, and to keep government informed. "he was to find this an embarrassing connection for theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 74 a missionary, as john brownlee, his successor, did after him" (holt 1954:41). that situation was because there had been unrest between boer and xhosa for the past forty years, with a succession of wars in the area, repeated cattle thefts, recoveries, retaliations, and a generally volatile situation. there was a feeling among the dutch farmers that the xhosa were merely animals with no souls, so could not be evangelised (levine 2004:56). williams' period of activity, 1816-8, was a short interlude between the fourth and fifth border wars. thus although williams' desire was a spiritual ministry, he got, frustratingly for him, embroiled in other matters. he "only reluctantly accepted this role as a mediator and spy" (legassick 2010:18). however, he realised that his mission was dependent on the political situation. he was then instrumental in facilitating a meeting between ngqika and lord charles somerset, as he was acceptable to both parties. this was of course with reservations, firstly to somerset as williams was a dissenter, and naturally to ngqika. this latter was overcome through tshatshu, williams' assistant and interpreter. somerset, the duke of beaufort, from whom fort beaufort became named, was the governor of the cape. williams had been required by the governor to invite ngqika to a consultation at the kat river mission. tshatshu helped williams to get a list of chiefs loyal to ngqika. this meeting was most significant as the chief of the gcaleka was always regarded as the paramount chief of the xhosa nation. at the same time, however, there was intense rivalry between him and his uncle, ndlambe, the other major chief in the area. ndlambe had been regent for ngqika from about 1782; in 1795 ngqika rebelled (legassick 2010:13). there was a spiritual dimension to this struggle in the perjoseph williams and pioneer missionary frustration. 75 son of makanda, also known as nxele. this man had been impressed by van der kemp and other missionaries (holt 1954:22), and became a powerful advocate for christianity, fiercely condemning practices such as polygamy and not keeping the sabbath. initially, his teachings were fairly orthodox (peires 2008:69), but later his doctrine became rather an "extravagant religious medley" (pringle, in levine 2004:70), combining christianity with traditional xhosa beliefs. most seriously he claimed to be a son of god, and that he had been raised up specifically to the xhosa. he started to feel that the world was a battleground between thixo, god of the whites, and mdalidiphu, god of the blacks. as such, read said that he was "deficient in a real knowledge of himself and of the gospel" (holt 1954:25). this assessment was repeated by ntsikana, who said that he was false, and was misleading the people (holt 1954:107). he claimed to have had a vision that christ, who he called tayi, had sent him to the xhosa (holt 1954:27). ngqika rejected his claims, and makanda then supported ndlambe, using his considerable influence to form a confederacy of chiefs against ngqika. he was also upset when williams did not want to settle with him, but close to ngqika. in the war of 1819, which he had been accused of formenting, makana was defeated and sent to robben island. an escape attempt was made in which some tried to get away by boat, but he was drowned in the surf (legassick 2010:19). the result of the defeat of ndlambe in that war was the supremacy of ngqika west of the kei. somerset arrived for the meeting on 1st may 1817, and ngqika, after some postponing, finally arrived, having previously sent a message to williams, requesting a visit as he was ill. he was no doubt intimidated by the show of force that the governor put on, including a hundred dragoons, a theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 76 detachment of three regiments, a detachment of artillery with two field pieces, and 350 armed and mounted burghers (holt 1954:60). levine (2004:131) writes that ngqika had had to be cajoled into attending the conference, but was feeling much happier when he saw williams. he was intimidated by the govemor’s overwhelming martial escort and by rumours that the colonists have come to revenge the death of a leading colonial official. the meeting did give a chance to lord somerset to address ngqika directly. he said that wished to renew the friendship between the colony and the "kaffre nations that had formerly existed" on the frontier before the current round of murders and depredations. he asserted his desire to appoint ngqika as the first chief among the xhosa. he would then be the chief with whom the colony would deal and who would be responsible for the actions of all the members of his nation. somerset held out the promise of a renewed bartering intercourse between the two nations, and the possibility that xhosa traders might come to grahamstown twice a year to dispose of their goods. but the govemor asked for several concessions in return. he said that ngqika would henceforth be held responsible for any stolen cattle, horses, or runaway slaves that remain in the country under his control, and he will need to punish the thieves. he would be accountable for the actions of the people to whom he gives his permission to enter the colony. most crucially, ngqika would have to allow the implementation of a new colonial regime whereby military and commando patrols who follow the tracks of stolen cattle or horses out of the colony and into xhosaland will be able to remove the requisite number of beasts from the first xhosa kraal to which the tracks lead them, even if the animals have been moved deeper into xhosaland and regardless of whether or not the inhabitants played a role in the original raid. somerset’s central goal in travelling so far was to appoint ngqika joseph williams and pioneer missionary frustration. 77 as the highest chief among the xhosa west of the kei river. the creation of a distinct hierarchy from among the scattered and ever shifting political allegiances of the xhosa had been a long-term goal of the colonial administrators (levine 2004:133). ngqika retained this until1825, when he lost sole recognition (legassick 2010:27). it was the constant tension between the chiefs ngqika and his uncle ndlambe that underpinned much of the unrest, and prompted somerset to intervene to get stability. legassick (2010:13f) and peires (1981:51f) document the interaction between the xhosa chiefs. apart from the political issues, ngqika had abducted thuthula, one of his uncle's wives, an action provoking open conflict, which however proved indecisive (peires 1981:57). it had only been a few years previously, in 1806, that britain had taken control of the cape colony back from holland in a military operation, and they wanted to consolidate the eastern frontier by reinforcing ngqika, so that they had to deal with only one authority and avoid the unrest due to their rivalry. ndlambe had tried, but failed, to make a separate agreement with the colony (legassick 2010:18). it was this that not only gave williams the opening into the area, but then undermined what he was trying to do. levine (2004:126) wrote, "williams is actively involved in tasks that are more political than ecclesiastical, more diplomatic than spiritual. the threats to his mission derive not from the resistance of faceless hordes to the disconcerting power of his teachings, but from the ongoing strife between xhosa chiefdoms that precedes his arrival in their midst." it may then be suggested that a major factor in williams' early death was the tension in the situation and the frustration at not being able to do what he felt that he had been sent to do. the lms was, however, far from ignoring political and social issues, which would seem to have been theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 78 the stand of the only other mission agency, the moravians, active in the area at the time (legassick 2010:7). van der kemp in particular had definitely sought to change society. he had taken up the cause of the khoi, which was consolidated at bethelsdorp, which he established with read, who had also come with the lms just a bit later. from there they repeatedly clashed with the local colonial authority in the person of colonel cuyler, landrost of uitenhage, over the colonial treatment of the khoi. it also ministered to some xhosa, and was instrumental in the conversion of tshatshu, williams' interpreter. however williams would seem to have wanted to concentrate on the spiritual, as the name that he was given, dyob'igazi "washed in the blood", would indicate. he was also called veledyama, a corruption of williams (opland 2008:56). legassick (2010:38) says that the xhosa are good at giving characteristic nicknames. williams' spirituality was seen in that he was a man of prayer, prudent and industrious, but at the same time seeking to improve the material side of life (holt 1954:111). williams was not happy about his involvement in this political activity, and was even less so when colonel cuyler, who was present, accused him of having stolen horses at the mission. he wrote, "at this unexpected and undeserved abuse, i was seized with astonishment, and cut to the heart to think that i had been a slave of the colonial authorities for the sake of peace, and that such was my reward" (holt 1954:65). he was even less happy when somerset then accused him of aiding desertion from the colony, and that he expected him to inform about all he knew. williams had already refuted these accusations, but "was a man of peace and meekly consented to do as he was asked" (holt 1954:67). the man was noted for his humility, which may be joseph williams and pioneer missionary frustration. 79 noted as a reflection of the kenōsis, self-limitation, of his lord (phil 2:7). the meeting was really a failure, and problems continued. within a month the xhosa made an intrusion into the colony and stole hottentot cattle, an incident that provoked immediate retaliation (holt 1954:74). the situation rapidly became critical, exacerbated by the removal of troops to india and ceylon, and their replacement by a new cape corps, comprised mainly of deserters and criminals (holt 1954:77). pillaging and murder followed, and the colonial authorities found it impossible to protect the border with such troops. opland (2008:60) then reports a battle between ndlambe and gaika (ngqika) in april 1818. the former pursued the latter beyond bedford, at which point they appealed to the colony, who dispersed the ndlambes and disarmed gaika's followers. this had a most significant result for the mission and particularly for its agent, "it must have pained him (williams) to see his work ruined". williams wrote in april 1818 of "fightings within and fears without" at the mission (holt 1954:79). "the missionary's heart sank and his health gave way" (opland 2008:57). williams died shortly after, in august 1818. john philip, secretary of the lms, died in 1831, his death "undoubtedly hastened" by the kat river rebellion, and james read senior in 1852 "broken-hearted also" (legassick 2010:99). as well as the actual date of his death, what actually happened is not clear. the body obviously had to be buried, and mrs williams had to deal with it. opland (2008:60) says that "the men were consulted about it, but they replied that according to kafir [sic] custom a stranger could not be buried unless some friend of his was present. they arranged therefore to send a messenger to somerset east to call mr. hart. on the third day mr. hart arrived on horseback to find mrs. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 80 williams digging the grave herself, which she had nearly completed!" again it could well be that wauchope was the source of this story. according to the journal kept by mrs. williams, there were no problems with the burial. mrs williams says that she guided some men in building a coffin and the burial was almost immediate. mr hart arrived some days later and left the next day with mrs williams. holt (1954:90) therefore discounts a tradition that lingers in the fort beaufort area that the xhosa were unhelpful, and that mrs williams made the coffin and buried her husband herself. it was only shortly afterwards that the government expelled all inhabitants between the great kei and keiskamma rivers to form a buffer zone, after the fifth border war of 1819. it was because of that expulsion that williams' widow could not stay on the station after his death, as it fell in the buffer zone. that proved to be the end of the work as the station fell in the buffer zone. the work had declined after the meeting between somerset and ngqika, with declining numbers at the mission (levine 2004:145). perhaps this was also partly because at the meeting between somerset and ngqika, jan tshatshu had allied himself with the xhosa royalty and not with williams and the colony. while jan had chosen the mission as the location of his christian work and had not attempted to assume the mantle of a xhosa prophet, the pull of his father’s people was strong (levine 2004:135). he then asked williams for permission to return to the colony, citing his wife’s unhappiness and her complaints about the food. holt (1954:83) indicates that the absence of joseph williams and pioneer missionary frustration. 81 his interpreter, who had then gone to the theopolis mission at the mouth of the kareiga, to assist rev barker, added to his stress. "bereft of his interpreter, williams struggled on for four months" (holt 1954:83, who says that his handwriting betrays the fact that he was already very sick). when brownlee, who had been sent to help williams (legassick 2010:20), arrived, having been redesignated from bechuanaland to help, it was too late. he then settled at gwali, a tributary of the tyumi, and founded "chumie" mission, having been joined by tshatshu. many who had been at the kat station also joined him. brownlee had a long ministry in the area; he was the first white resident of king williams town. williams had died without seeing any converts, which must have been a sore disappointment, but in fact it later emerged that there had been three (holt 1954:105), the first of whom was particularly significant as he carried on williams' work after his death. it is usually said that ntsikana first heard the gospel from van der kemp, and then eagerly met with williams on his exploratory trip to seek a site for the mission. once this was established, he used to visit regularly, taking up residence not very far away. while there, he had a dramatic vision, and immediately washed off the red ochre, signifying a break with the past (peires 1981:72, holt 1954:106f). interestingly, makanda had also had a vision; peires (1981:67) says that all diviners were called to their office by a mystical experience. he also notes that van der kemp's christianity was based on a spiritual experience (peires 1981:77). theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 82 after williams' death, ntsikana became the leader of the congregation. he is perhaps best known for his great hymn. holt (1954:122f) notes the enormous influence that he had. he died in 1821, being only the second to have a christian grave in xhosaland (holt 1954:127). interestingly, holt (1954:127n) says that makanda introduced the custom of burial, which quickly became general. whiteside here comments on two results of missionary effort, seen in makanda and ntsikana (otland 2008:56). peires (1981:73) says that ntsikana's theology developed in reaction to makanda, but that he was far from being simply political. "nxele was a wardoctor and his cosmology was one of a battle between good and evil. ntsikana was a man of peace and submission, and his cosmology was one of peace and submission" (peires 1981:73). it may well then be suggested that williams' death had then proved beneficial to his actual goal, as it was then through ntsikana that there was permanent effect. naturally, as a xhosa, he could better relate to his own people than williams, as a foreigner, could ever do. it was through him that ngqika was influenced to christianity (holt 1954:114), being called "ngqika's prophet" (holt 1954:36), naturally contrasting with makanda, the prophet of ndlambe. the conversion of noyi was facilitated by him with tshatshu (holt 1954:109). peires (1981:74) says that it was through the efforts of tiyo soga, son of one of ntsikana's converts, that christianity became well and truly planted among the xhosa. of course this must be seen in the context that ntsikana only received the opportunities through williams. in this case, perhaps it was also a good thing for the mission that mrs williams had been unable to stay at the mission as she had wanted to do. after the burial, she had gone to the mission at theopolis, and from there to cape town. it was joseph williams and pioneer missionary frustration. 83 there that in 1824 she married rev adam robson, who had arrived with the london missionary society in the previous year. after the marriage, they went to bethelsdorp, from which she had gone with williams to establish the kat river mission. some eight years later they moved to the growing centre of port elizabeth, where they had a fruitful ministry in a union church. she died in 1879 at the age of 91, eight years after her second husband. there is no record of her ever having gone back to the site of the kat river mission (holt 1954:128f). bibliography bosch, d j 1991. transforming mission: paradigm shifts in theology of mission. maryknoll, ny: orbis (american society of missiology series 16). holt, b, 1954. joseph williams and the pioneer mission to the southeastern bantu. [alice]: lovedale. legassick, m 2010. the struggle for the eastern cape 1800 1854: subjugation and the roots of south african democracy. johannesburg: kmm review. levine, r s 2004. sable son of africa: the many worlds of an african cultural intermediary on the eastern cape frontier of south africa, 1800-1848. a thesis presented to the faculty of the graduate school of yale university in candidacy for the degree of doctor of philosophy. martin, a d [na]. doctor vanderkemp. westminster: livingstone. opland, j 2008. isaac williams wauchope: selected writings 18741916: introduction and notes. cape town: van riebeeck society for the publication of southern african historical documents. peires, j b 1981. the house of phalo: a history of the xhosa people in the days of their independence. johannesburg: ravan. philip, p 1981. british residents at the cape 1795-1819: biography of records of 4800 pioneers. cape town: david philip. stanley, b 1990. the bible and the flag: protestant missions and british imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. leicester: apollos. abstract introduction definition of prosperity gospel conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) david t. adamo department of biblical and ancient studies, university of south africa, pretoria, south africa citation adamo, d.t., 2021, ‘the african background of the prosperity gospel’, theologia viatorum 45(1), a71. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v45i1.71 original research the african background of the prosperity gospel david t. adamo received: 15 may 2020; accepted: 21 sept. 2020; published: 21 apr. 2021 copyright: © 2021. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract prosperity gospel refers to the genre of preaching that emphasises positive confession, divine physical healing, divine material success as necessary gifts, and blessing from god. in other words, it is the spiritualisation of materiality and celebration of the abundance, which comes from god as a result of divine promise from him. the prosperity gospel is a form of pentecostalism. there are three ways in which the background of prosperity gospel can be traced to africa: (1) african traditional religious heritage; (2) african social–cultural heritage; and (3) historical heritage. this article seeks to examine these three ways in which the background of prosperity gospel can be traced to africa. this is supported by the fact that the black culture has not been lost in the lives of the slaves even when languages, family bondages, ethnic belongings were unscrupulously destroyed, and seymour, an african american, is the father of pentecostalism, from which prosperity gospel was born. keywords: africa; yoruba; african traditional religion; prosperity gospel; healing; pentecostalism. introduction the prosperity gospel is one of the most misunderstood brands of christianity (heuser 2015:16; 2016:3). in other words, the gospel reflects the theology and culture around it (bowler 2013:12). one of the reasons so many people misunderstand prosperity preachers is the diverse and loose affiliations amongst the preachers and churches (bowler 2013). it has been branded as a gospel of deceit that is deadly (piper 2007). it has been labelled as the modern gospel that is marketed to consumers and not proclaimed to penitent sinners (horton 1990:28). according to kahl (2007:21), the concepts entailed by prosperity preaching are incompatible with the teachings. various names have been attributed to prosperity gospel: ‘health and wealth gospel’, ‘gospel of success’ (niemandt 2017:203–219), ‘seed faith gospel’ and ‘capitalist dogma’ (thomas 2012:163–172). it has also been branded as ‘word of faith’, ‘positive confession’, ‘prosperity theology’, ‘the law of reciprocity’ (koch 2009:1; mumford 2012:1), ‘gospel of greed’ and ‘prosperity lite’ (koch 2009:1). it is also called ‘american gospel of pragmatism’, ‘individualism’, ‘upward mobility’ (bowler 2013:11), ‘commercialized gospel’ (ghotoe 2013:26) and ‘another form of pentecostalism’ (ceser & richard 2000:6; gbotoe & kgatla 2014:3). this article does not intend to get involved in whether prosperity gospel is right or wrong or to do a biblical evaluation of the prosperity and health gospel as many other people have done because theology and interpretation are contextual. for example, prosperity preachers have been criticised by saying that they take the bible texts out of context to make it say what they want; they stretch and distort the truth, and they teach as doctrines the commandments of men; and their claims are ludicrous and heretical; and their theology is self-centered spiritually (dada 2001:82–92; mende 2019:19–35; niemandt 2017:203–219; piper 2007 & others; thomas 2012:163–172). a claim to the absolute truth of the bible and its interpretation is doubtful (adamo 2008:575–592).1 one tends to agree with cox (1992:39–44) that a religious movement that has already encompassed nearly half a million people and is multiplying geometrically should not be outrightly be dismissed because every religious group and denomination has its good and bad side. cox (1992:44) also predicted that ‘by early next century, pentecostals in all their varieties (including prosperity gospel preachers) will outnumber both catholics and protestants’. according to hollenweger (1999:33–44), ‘pentecostals (including prosperity gospel) is already more important than any denomination in the protestant world and they are continuing to grow’. according to hoerschelman (1990:67–70), ‘pentecostal’s spirituality is the future’. the purpose of this article is to argue for the african background of the prosperity gospel base on other findings. to do that, this article attempts to define the various meaning of prosperity gospel according to different scholars, identifies some important african personalities of the prosperity gospel, and discuss the exact ways in which africa is the background of the prosperity gospel-by way of african traditional religious heritage, african social-cultural heritage-power of potent words, and historical heritage-african root of african american heritage. definition of prosperity gospel because the term prosperity gospel is not a monolithic theological system, any attempt to define it is bound to face the risk of distortion or oversimplification according to burgess (ed. 2006:393). to minimise such risk it is important to refer to some important sources that relate to pentecostal and charismatic christianity. according to oxford advanced learner’s dictionary, prosperity is ‘the state of being successful, especially in the accumulation of wealth’ (tumbull 2010:2331). according to the encyclopaedia of pentecostal and charismatic christianity, the prosperity gospel is: christian worldviews that emphasize an earthly life of health, wealth, and happiness as the divine, inalienable right of all who have faith in god and live in obedience to his commands. (ed. burgess 2006:393) the african chapter lausanne theology working group defines the prosperity gospel as: [t]he teaching that believers have a right to blessings of health and wealth and that they can obtain these blessings through positive confessions of faith and the sowing of seeds through the faithful payments of tithes and offerings. (viewed 03 may 2020, from http://www.lausanne.org/en/documents/all/twg/1099-a-statement-on-the-prosperitygospel.html)2 gifford (1998) also defines prosperity as: … [t]he faith gospel, god has met all the needs of human beings in suffering and death of christ and every christian should now share the victory of christ over sin, sickness, and poverty. a believer has the right to the blessings of health and wealth won by christ and he/she can obtain these blessings merely by a positive confession of faith. (p. 62) the prosperity gospel preachers claim that through the power of visualisation, power of minds and power of imagination, christians can bring to reality their needs by faith (gbote & kgatla 2014:1–14). according to asamoah-gyadu (2005): the underlying theory of the gospel of prosperity is that god rewards faithful christians with good health, financial success, and material wealth, according to his glorious riches in christ jesus (philippians 4:19). (p. 202) westerlund’s (2009:1) definition is similar to asamoah-gyadu when he says that prosperity gospel concerns itself primarily with the work of the holy spirit and the practice of spiritual gifts. according to coleman (2000:77), prosperity is the accumulation of wealth and good health based on one’s good work and the grace given by god. westerlund’s definition of the prosperity gospel is also interesting and instructive (westerlund 2009:1). magezi and manzanga (2016:4–5) listed what they consider to be the tenet of the prosperity gospel: faith, positive confession, seed faith principle and the deification of man as a ‘little god’. niemandt (2017:203–219) defines prosperity gospel as the spiritualisation of materiality and the celebration of the classic symbol of surplus or excess and consumerism. he goes further to see prosperity gospel as ‘a new form of colonialisation’ (2017:203–219) because of the emphasis on the material blessing, which represents the new form of the pentecostalism with certain phrases common to them: ‘sowing and reaping, naming and claiming it to create a world of reality in faith’. the movement preaches that god has empowered them to help believers get out of their liability and meet their financial needs (niemandt 2017:203–219). the prosperity gospel is considered another form of pentecostalism (hollenweger 1999:33–44; westerlund 2009:1).3 pentecostalism according to westerlund is a renewal movement within christianity that places special emphasis on direct personal experience with god through the baptism of the holy spirit (2009:1). according to koch, the prosperity gospel preachers are poor because of lack of faith, and poverty is the fault of the poor people themselves because god is very interested in the affairs of the believers’ financial status (koch 2009:1). christians should, therefore, deal with the faith of the poor, and not poverty (koch 2009:1). the prosperity gospel is another form of pentecostalism (gbotoe & kgatla 2014:3). like the african priests of african traditional religion (atr), the prosperity gospel preachers claim to have the ammunition and the necessary weapons to protect and deliver believers from all evil attacks (jenkins 2006:104–106). the above definitions appear interesting because some are negative and others are positive. for example, calling prosperity gospel ‘capital dogma’, ‘the gospel of greed’ and ‘commercialized gospel’ reflects critic’s bias towards prosperity gospel. it seems they cannot see anything good in prosperity preaching. however, weserlund’s, asamoah’s, mumford’s, bowler’s definitions are positive, wheras others like coleman’s, piper’s, gbote’s, kahl’s and thomas’ are negative as mentioned above. brief survey of some important personalities of prosperity preachers the prosperity gospel has spread throughout the world in different forms. it can be found in west and southern africa, north and south america, south korea and europe in different forms (coleman 2000:76).4 the following are some prosperity preachers: kenneth hagin, kenneth copeland, oral roberts (usa), matthew ashimolowo (london), j. d salinas (latin america), k shyan kishore and samuel patta (india), david oyedepo and benson idahosa (nigeria), keneth mbugua (nairobi), s bushiri and mboro bio (south africa), e. makandiwa (zimbabwe), a. bugingo (democratic republic of congo) and others. oral roberts was the first person to formulate prosperity gospel into a divine doctrine (koch 2009:6). as early as 1954, he was teaching his followers to expect a seven-fold return from their contributions to his ministry (harrell 1975). oral roberts is one of the key figures of prosperity gospel preaching with his ‘seed faith theology’. he popularised the notion of ‘the divine economy’, which is an economic system that believes that god wants to provide believers with material prosperity. his divine economy can be activated through faith in god and the law of sowing and reaping or seed-faith. the law of seed-faith is based on three main principles. (1) believers should turn their lives completely to god and recognise that god is the source of all their needs and if they bless any one person, they are not the source of the blessing but god. (2) the principle of sowing and reaping: according to him, whatever any believer gives freely to god will be returned to him or her in many folds. (3) the seed of anything, such as compassion, talent, time, love, money and kindness, will be received back from god (roberts 1970:37). kenneth hagin is considered the father of prosperity preaching in america (barron 1987; bruce 1990; hollinger 1991). he was born a sickly child in 1917 and went to school in mckinney, texas. soon after his divine healing, he started preaching (mumford 2012:365–379). he encouraged his followers not only to hope to receive the prosperity and healing that god promised in the bible but that they have received them already. hagin later moved to oklahoma and found kenneth e. hagin evangelistic association with a ‘word of faith’ magazine, thus establishing the word of faith movement (mumford 2012:365–379). in addition to his belief in divine healing and new thought he also introduced pentecostalism in the word of faith movement. kenneth hagin’s word-faith theology has two major components: divine healing and god’s desire to materially bless believers. he played a key role in the expansion of prosperity theology (olusuyi 2017:9). joel osteen denies that he is a prosperity preacher because he has never preached a sermon about money (king 2006). he said, ‘i don’t think i’ve ever preached a sermon about money’ (van biema & chu 2006:53). however, he has a book with a title, your best life now: 7 steps to living at your full potential, and with these words, ‘god wants to increase you financially …’ (osteen 2004:5): [a]nd the only place in the bible (malachi 3:12) where god tells us to prove him … which means to test him or check him out-is in the area of our finance. (p. 257) according to him, if you take a step of faith and honour god in your tithe he will begin to increase your supply in supernatural ways. ‘god will take that 90 percent you have leftover and he’ll cause it to go further than the 100 percent with which you started’. according to him (1989:34), he will promote you; he will deliver you from sickness, accidents and unnecessary expenses. one of the earliest african preachers of the prosperity gospel in africa was idahosa (anderson 2014:66; kwanteng-yeboah 2017:17). after his training in rhema bible college of kenneth hagin he established his own mission, church of god mission international where he trained many nigerians and west african pastors including archbishop nicholas duncan williams who is the founder of the first ghanian pentecostal church (anderson 2014:133; asamoah-gyadu 2013:64). idahosa, a nigerian, expresses the traditional african perception that wealth and success are a result of god’s blessing (hock 1995:59). he applied the pentecostal perspective with the authority to heal and to drive away evil spirits of witchcraft and wizard. his belief in african traditional perception that wealth and success are as a result of god’s blessing is what he reformed into prosperity gospel (hock 1995:59). according to lyons (1987:34), ‘idahosa’s theology was not a transplanted version of american pentecostalism’. it contains a firm belief in the african healing cults and an indigenous christian tradition which owes its content to west african religious belief (idahosa 1987:30; lyons 1987:104; olusuyi 2017:11). oyedepo is also another nigerian who is a popular prosperity preacher who founded ‘the living faith world outreach’ or winners chapel in lagos in 1983 (kwanteng-yeboah 2017:17). within 16 years his church spread like a wildfire to 38 african countries with the motto of the church, ‘i am a winner’ (ed. clarke 2006:5). according to oyedepo, that ‘motto gives you an identity … it gives you a sense of conviction, that you are heading for something positive’ (kwanteng-yeboah 2017:17; maier 2000:264). oyedepo believes and preaches that the abrahamic covenant of blessing is equally appropriate to christians today. according to oyedepo, as an ambassador of heaven here on earth, christians are to enjoy heavenly supplies and provisions, immunity from lack, and want (oyedepo 2006:40). oyedepo, basing his argument on 2 corinthians 8:9, linked his message of prosperity to the message of salvation. he thus sees salvation as a means to wealth or deliverance from economic poverty (oyedepo 2006:74). most of the nigerian and the ghanian preachers of the prosperity gospel, such as benson idahosa, david oyedepo and otabil, incorporate african worldview into their preaching of prosperity gospel because african religion and tradition are meant to ensure that the adherents have the blessing of fertility, abundance and longevity, wealth and success which are considered as signs of supernatural blessing from god through the divinities (kwateng-yeboa 2017:17–120). in africa, there is no separation between the sacred and the profane (du toit 2009:109). there is a spiritual cause for everything that happens (du toit 2009:109). chilongani says, ‘african religion is meant to ensure fertility, abundance and longevity, wealth, and success, and are perceived as signs of supernatural blessing’ (chilongani 2007:53). african background of prosperity gospel to understand the african background of the prosperity gospel, it is important to discuss the nature of the african worldview and the atr, and culture briefly. what is a worldview? according to chidester and du toit (du toit 1989:16, 20; chidester 2009:106), worldview is not simply ‘a way of seeing or thinking but a multidimensional network of strategies of negotiating person and place in a world of discourse, practice, and association’. african worldview means a totality of what it means to be human of which religion and culture take a greater aspect. in the african worldview nothing happens without spiritual cause because whatever happens on earth is related to whatever happens in the spiritual invisible world (nel 2019:1–10). it means a belief in a supreme being (god), divinities, spirits, ancestors and the practice of magic and medicine. kruger et al. (2009:36) name three categories in the spirit world of atr – ‘ancestral spirits, nature spirits, and deities’. though there is no clear-cut distinction between spirits and gods, some differences exist. whilst spirits roam around the earth gods are closer to the supreme being with a wider sphere of influence and activity with some divine characteristics (beyers 2010:1–19). according to turaki (1999:124), life is always understood spiritually and important questions in life revolve around the spiritual and not the physical. ‘moral principles in african worldview is the pursuit of cosmic harmony, the pursuit of spiritual meaning, the pursuit of mystical powers, and the pursuit of kinship community’ (turaki 1999:122). shona worldview has a three-tier structure that is closely linked together, the spiritual world, the human world and the natural world (sipeyiye 2015:128). whilst the natural world provides a place for the spirits and sends messages from the spiritual world to the human world, the spiritual world provides guidance, blessing and punishment to the human world (sipeyiye 2015:128) as the prosperity preachers believe that god sends blessings and guardian through the spirits to believers. african traditional religious heritage there is no unanimous agreement amongst scholars concerning whether atr as a title should be in the singular or plural. because each ethnic group in the continent of africa has her own religion without a single creed or orthodoxy that makes it possible to easily summarise all the belief systems into one, some scholars believe that it should be called atr in the plural (beyers 2010:1–19; kruger, lubbe & steyn 2009:35; mbiti 1990:1–3; sipeyiye 2015:127). however, other scholars believe that because there are many fundamental similarities in the structure of atr generally, it is better to talk of these many african religions as atr in the singular (kruger et al. 2009:35). mbiti later changed his mind. according to mbiti, even though there is much diversity of religious expressions and multiple identities in africa as malueke says (2001:3), the philosophy underlying religious life is singular.5 according to kruger et al. ‘religions of black africa are similar enough to talk of african religion in a generic sense. they also share a sufficient number of characteristics’ (kruger et al. 2009:35). according to magesa, despite the different thoughts of expressions, they remain as one belief (2002:17). according to atr, the supreme being (god) is the first and the highest in the hierarchy. the supreme being revealed himself to every ethnic group in every generation at some point in history (idowu 1991:140). according to idowu, before the arrival of missionaries, africans knew god and called him by various names (idowu 1991:140). that is why every ethnic group has a local name for god. for example, yoruba people named him olodumare. igbo called him chukwu. whilst the ashanti of ghana calls him nyame, the mende of sierra leone calls him ngewo (adamo 1983:62). whist the zambian calls him leza, the zulu of south africa calls him nnkuhinkulu (idowu 1991:150). to express their knowledge of god people all over africa bear theophoric proper names that are further evidences that god is real to africans. such names are ebere chukwu-god’s mercy (igbo), gatkworth-son of god (nuer). mawunyo-god is just or god is kind (ewe) (idowu 1991:150). apart from these names, africans are very rich in god’s attributes signifying to them that god is real and a living one who is ever-active, ever-present. mbiti lists and discusses the intrinsic attributes of god: omniscience, omnipresence, omnipotence, transcendence and immanence; eternal attribute of god as self-existence, pre-existence, alpha and omega, spirit, invisibility, incomprehensibility and misery, eternity, infinity, immutability, unity and plurality; moral attributes as pity, mercy and kindness, love, comfort, faithfulness, goodness, anger, justice, righteousness and holiness and others (1979:xiii). according to him, although the akan people refer to god as ‘he who knows all’, the zulu and banyarwanda refers to him as the wise one (mbiti 1979:3). the bacongo usually say ‘god knows all’, the barundi refer to god as the watcher of everything and the yoruba refers to him as arinurode olumoranokan: meaning the one who sees the inside and outside the heart of man (mbiti 1979:3). amongst the shona and ndebele people the same one god is conceived in the form of the trinity that is as ‘father, son, and mother’ (mbiti 1979:30). before the arrival of christianity, fertility, health and plenty to africans, according to the chagga, are a result of god’s blessing and this is recognised by making a sacrifice and reciting prayers of thanks (mbiti 1979:33). whilst the chagga believe that a person cannot be healed unless god permits it, the herero also believes that any recovery from any illness is from god (mbiti 1979:69). divinities africans believe that god created some beings referred to as divinities. in many african countries, these divinities are innumerable. for example, the yoruba people have more than 1700 divinities (mbiti 1979:120; awolalu 1979:19–20). because it is impossible to discuss all of them in this article, only a few of them who are venerated for power, healing and prosperity will be discussed to demonstrate that prosperity preaching is not strange to the african diaspora who was captured as slaves and forced across north america from where pentecostalism or charismatic or prosperity gospel spread across the world like wildfire. amongst some societies in africa the belief that god has delegated power, healing and prosperity to special divinities (mbiti 1979:64). for example, the banyoro have a divinity of health, the basoga has a divinity of healing and the edo has a divinity of medicine whose assistance is sought during sickness. the banyarwanda, burundi, chagga, lunda, yoruba, ila and possibly others believe that god helps and protects the poor and the weak and gives and takes material wealth through the divinities (mbiti 1979:83). the edo has the divinity of wealth, human fertility and the supply of children called oloku (mbiti 1979:118). the yoruba people of nigeria seem to have the most numerous divinities (1700) in africa and the majority of these divinities are worshipped for prosperity, good health, wealth and success (awolalu 1979:20). amongst these yoruba, divinities are obatala, the first to be created (arch-divinity), and are worshipped for power, prosperity, good health, money and great success (awolalu 1979:21–48; mbiti 1979:120). orunmila, the primordial divinity amongst the yoruba people, has all the wisdom and in charge of pleading for riches, good health, power and blessing for the worshippers (1979:21–28). osun, the yoruba goddess of wealth, has power and feminity (badejo 1996:73–82). she uses her wealth to restore wealth and riches for women. a close examination of african religion, tradition and culture, especially the religion of the yorubas, demonstrates that the gods, religion, tradition and culture teach divine prosperity in all dimensions, including good health, money, power and total well-being. spirits spirit, as is understood in atr, is apparitional entities which form a separate category of beings from divinities. although ancestors have their own spirits, idowu describes ancestor as domesticated spirits, but the category of spirits we are presently concerned with are often thought of as abstract powers, shades or vapours, which can take human shape but immaterial and incorporeal beings (idowu 1991:173–174). they can take any form if they wish to be seen. according to african belief, everything has a spirit of its own. spirit can inhabit any object such as trees, mountains, human beings, rivers, forests, rocks and anything they wish to inhabit or possessed (idowu 1991:174). although they may not have names they can be categorised. there are ghost spirits, which refer to the spirits of dead persons who died a sudden death or were not buried properly. such spirits wander around on earth, living aimlessly on earth. another category of spirits called abiku in yoruba language ogbanje in igbo. abiku means ‘born to die’. other spirits that africans have to reckon with painfully are spirits of witches.6 there are also guardian-spirits, which sometimes called men’s double (idowu 1991:177). the guardian spirits mean men’s spiritual counterparts who guide individual steps. such spirits can guard an individual through the path of riches. such can guide an individual towards the path of healing from diseases. they can protect and deliver individual from evil events (idowu 1991:177). ancestors one important divinity venerated throughout africa is an ancestor. belief in an ancestor is central to atr and it is a very essential pillar of religion practised in africa (beyers 2010:1–19; stinton 2004:133–134). according to talbot, no one can hope to appreciate the thoughts and feelings of the black man who does not realise that to him the dead are not dead but living (talbot 1926:298). they are sacred and have powers. there is a natural and special relationship between the ancestors and earthly descendants (beyers 2010:1–19). the ancestors do not only have natural relationships with the earthly descendants, but they also have sacred and supernatural status; they are exemplarity; they are companions on the journey of life; and they are mediators and guardians of traditions and symbols of continuity (beyers 2010:1–19).7 the vugusu believe that the supreme being has servants who are the spirits of the dead (ancestors) who acts as guardian of the families and individuals (mbiti 1979:122). the igbira people also believe that the departed are god’s humble servants. in the shona view, the spiritual world comprises the tutelary spirit called mwari, the territorial spirits and the family spirits (sipeyiye 2015:128). they are called the ‘living-dead’ (mbiti 1969:83). they are venerated all over africa. according to du toit, the veneration of ancestors is ‘the best known and most powerful feature of african religion and spirituality’, and the ancestor cults have a remarkable uniform structure (2009:107).8 amongst the yoruba (awolalu 1979:54) somebody’s father after death becomes the most important figure in the spirit world. the ancestors constitute the closest link between the world of men and the spirit world, and they are believed to be seriously interested in the welfare of their living descendants (awolalu 1979:63–68; idowu 1991:178–188). they exercise protective and disciplinary influences on their children (awolalu 1969:63–68; idowu 1991:178–188). according to the belief of the yoruba people, they can be of tremendous benefit for the living family who makes them happy by offering a gift to them (idowu 1991:178–188). by doing this, all will be well with the living family, including good health, riches and success in life, but if they disobeyed the ancestors, life could be a life of torment (idowu 1991:178–188). according to gehman, african ancestors usually punish a member of the society for the wrong behaviour and reward them with happiness, wealth, progress and good health if they do well (gehman 1989:152–154). this argument supports guma and milton’s observation that the blessings and happiness in human lives are not instantaneous but are the outcome of choices and decisions (1997:65–67). african social–cultural heritage in african social–cultural heritage spoken words are very important, powerful and mysterious amongst the yoruba people. they are powerful forces. words have spirit behind them in african. for example, the following are yoruba tradition’s potent words that can prevent diseases, deaths and poverty when they are memorised and recited over and over again (table 1). table 1: yoruba tradition’s potent words that can prevent diseases, deaths and poverty. in table 2 are examples of potent words ofo or ogede to get rich in yoruba tradition. table 2: potent words to get rich in yoruba. another ofo or ogede that makes one rich by mere pronouncement the way it supposes to be pronounced (table 3). table 3: potent words to make one rich by mere pronouncement in yoruba. seeking prosperity from god, divinities and ofo has been the practice of africans from the time immemorial. it is important to note that africans who were uprooted from their ancestral land grew up in the above traditional and religious belief in mysterious ways of obtaining riches, power, protection, total good health and success. because they have been soaked in such a belief, it seldom disappears even after so many years of absence from their ancestral land. in other words, languages, family bonds, names and other things may be destroyed from the african diaspora, but the element of african religious and cultural background heritage never disappear from them. that is probably the reason why a black man was the founder of pentecostalism and prosperity gospel in 1906 in america as will be discussed below (cerillo 1977:10; hollenweger 1999:31–44; oliver 1999:44–47). african historical heritage9 the history of prosperity gospel cannot be truly or correctly be interpreted without ‘the insight and attending reality of oppression, suffering and the history of colonialism by which millions of africans became enslaved or dehumanised in the name of christian nation’ (gerloff 1999:67–86). the forceful removal of ancient africans as slaves to other continents can be dated back to the classical antiquity (wood 1999:19). by the 15th and 16th centuries, the spaniards, the portuguese, the dutch, the english and the french were the main slave traders of africans. the portuguese explorer first arrived to trade in gold and spices at the island of sao tome. when the portuguese discovered that the island was good for growing sugar cane they started using the native africans for cultivation (adamo 2015:89–111). by the 1700s more than 100 million africans were exiled as slaves (karenga 1983:81). by the 17th to the 18th century, it was estimated that over 12 million africans more were enslaved and exiled to the new world (karenga 1983:81). about 22 million africans who were taken to america were christianised and eventually became cross-cultural missionaries (http://www.gosheninti.org/goshen/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=71&itemid=77). although the golden age of african american foreign mission was around the 1870s, african american and former slaves were missionaries as early as 1782 (wilmore 1986:98). before the official foreign african american missionary society, such persons as david george, amos williams and joseph paul had struggled to transplant their churches from south carolina and georgia in nova scotia to siera leone, jamaica and bahama (wilmore 1986:98). in 1820, the american colonization society (acs) supported about 88 african americans who organised an african methodist congregation and settled them in liberia. by 1815 when rev. lot carey was asked why he left his own comfortable home in the usa to an unknown danger of liberia, he replied: i am an african, and in this country, however meritorious my conduct and respectable my character, i cannot receive the credit due to either. i wish to go to a country where i shall be estimated by my merits, not by my complexion and i feel bound to labour for my suffering race. (wilmore 1986:99) after the partition of africa by the european powers in the 1880s the congress on africa, sponsored by stewart foundation for africa, was held in atlanta, georgia, 13–15 december 1895, with the theme, ‘africa and the american negro’ (adamo 2015:89–111). at the dawn of the 20th-century african american missionaries dominated the african mission field in africa (adamo 2015:89–111). the slogan, ‘africa for africans’ and ‘ethiopians stretching forth her hands unto god’ (ps 68:31), was interpreted as not only for ‘spiritual salvation alone but also political liberation as well’ (adamo 2015:89–111). seymour (1870–1922), a son of a former slave from africa who lived in centerville, louisiana, taught himself to read and write. seymour as a student of parham was only allowed to listen to the classroom lectures by standing outside the half-open door in parham bible school.11 despite the humiliation and discrimination suffered by seymour and his black brothers, he went ahead to develop a spirituality that in 1906 led to the revival in azusa street, los angeles, that most eminent historians believe was the cradle of pentecostalism from which prosperity gospel comes. seymour, one of the former students of parham, was credited as the father or the founder of pentecostalism, from which prosperity gospel was born. seymour therefore started a pentecostal church where he could freely preach the prosperity gospel. this great revival and the spiritual thirst in los angeles started the revival in the los angeles’ black community at 312 azuza street (cerillo 1977:10). the great manifestation of the power of god and the speaking in tongue at the azusa street revival started on 14 april 1906, as people who came fell and spoke in tongues under the power of god. one will be right to say that the origin of the famous azusa street revival, which gave pentecostalism a global fame, was not parham’s topeka revival but william seymour’s (african american) azusa revival. without doubt, the root of seymour’s spirituality (pentecostalism from which prosperity gospel originates) was from his black african heritage from which he introduced spirituals and music into the liturgy whilst it was considered inferior and unfit for christian worship. he steadfastly lived practically what he understood to be the meaning of pentecost (hollenberger 1999:31–44). according to his theology, pentecost means more than speaking in tongues, but also means loving the entire nation including those who hate and discriminate (hollenbeger 1999:31–44). according to seymour (in hollenbeger 1999:46–47), god empowered him to bridge the racial gap and integrate christians of different races, white and black, as one. seymour’s theology was demonstrated in azuza street by making blacks, mexican, whites, asians, men and women to be equal without discrimination (hollenberger 1999:31–44). here african spirituality of a sense of a community was demonstrated as his african heritage. controversies exist as to who is the founder or father of pentecostalism (seymour or parham?). although hollenweger believes very strongly that it must be seymour, fatokun thinks it must be parham (1873–1929) (2007:31–40). however, seymour is chosen as the pentecostal root of the azusa street revival and was so acknowledged by the north american assemblies of god denomination (richardson 1999:24). seymour was the first to establish the first pentecostal church as an autonomous denomination (oliver 1999:45–47). without seymour, the african american preacher, pentecostalism and prosperity gospel would have remained a local movement (fatokun 2007:30–40). ‘unquestionably, the growth of pentecostalism and prosperity gospel should be attributed to its black (african) oral roots’ (oliver 1999:45–47). seymour, the african american black leader whom god used mightily to lead the asuza street revival in los angeles, became the father of pentecostalism from which prosperity gospel came and not parham. the assemblies of god denomination logically and correctly argued in favour of seymour (oliver 1999:44–47). the early pentecostal from which prosperity gospel movement developed was the contribution of the african scene to the church universal (gerloff 1999:67–86). the churches of the africans in the diaspora have been the main forerunners of the modern pentecostal or charismatic movement through the use of the religion and music of the africans in the new world, which became the two areas in which the slave masters were not able to control or exploit or eradicate. they form the heart of the black church survival in the vibrations of spiritual, cultural and socio-political life (gerloff 1999:67–87). ‘pentecostalism from which prosperity gospel developed on the black scene became a contribution of the black heritage’ (gerloff 1999:67–86). ‘one is the discovery in black culture and black religion’ that the african religious, socio-cultural and historical heritage ‘has never been lost in the lives of the slaves even when languages, family bondages, ethnic belongings unscrupulously destroyed’ (dubois 1905). the reasons for the spread has to do with the african or black root of the ministry of the church of god. in nigeria, there is hardly any church, mainline or african indigenous churches without pentecostal or prosperity gospel traits (ed. fatokun 2007:31–40). the flexibility of the prosperity gospel in adapting to different denominations assisted in the spread. conclusion after the brief definition, this article has a brief survey of the prosperity preachers, most from africa and others from americas and asia. this article has demonstrated the african background of the prosperity preaching, by mentioning the strong elements of prosperity in the african worldview, the african indigenous religion and tradition, and culture. the african root of the prosperity gospel in america has also been demonstrated through the historical connection of the african diaspora with the african continent, especially through william seymour, who is regarded as the founder or father of pentecostalism from where prosperity gospel spread throughout the world. as an anonymous african diaspora said, the slave masters may be able to take them out of the african continent and strip them of their languages and family ties, but they could not take away the african culture and religion in them. despite the negative labels on the prosperity gospel, it is difficult to deny that prosperity gospel has given the message of christ’s salvation and hope to christians, especially the majority of african christians who are ravaged with diseases, death and poverty. in other words, the prosperity gospel is the good news of the christ’s death and resurrection, which include the good news of healing, prosperity and success. it has encouraged african christians to remain steadfast with faith in christ, which is powerful enough to deliver instead of seeking healing, wealth and success from the african traditional divinities because the power of god and christ is capable of delivering them from sickness, poverty and situations where there is no hope. the pentecostalism and prosperity gospel have many implications for african christians and the church in africa. prosperity gospel is transformative and comforting, and adaptable to contexts through the power of christ’s salvation.12 any gospel that does not adapt to context may not be properly understood and may not take root amongst african people. it encourages faith in christ that is transformative into a material reality in life, which is the potency of faith (niemandt 2017:203–219; koch 2009:v–vii). it also motivates african christians to demonstrate their faith in the god of israel to perform his miracle again as he did amongst ancient israelites. knowing the african background or african root of pentecostalism and prosperity gospel is gratifying for african christians because no nation’s heritage has been given to other nations like that of africa. it proves that christianity is not a foreign religion in africa as anti-colonialists have argued. the temptation to use religion as a business is not limited to pentecostals and prosperity preachers, but a habit that threatens all streams of christianity (kruger 2013:336). in other words, the problem of exaggeration and false claim in prosperity gospel preaching is not limited to the pentecostal or charismatic movement alone, but it is also in all other churches all over the world, and therefore should not be labelled as degradational and degenerated gospel from the orthodox doctrine because it teaches holistic well-being like atr (kruger 2013:336). the gospel of luke teaches categorically that jesus came to the world to proclaim good news to the poor, freedom for the captives, recovery of sight to the blind and freedom for the oppressed, and therefore prosperity gospel is not an irrelevant phenomenon (oliver 1999:44–47). africa needs the message of hope, which the accomplished work of christ on the cross of calvary can bring amidst the harsh socio-economic realities. finally, pentecostal and prosperity movements have responsibilities to rewrite their history to reflect accurately its black roots and to formally accept william joseph seymour as its founder (oliver 1999:45–47). acknowledgements i acknowledge the university of south africa and especially prof. madipoane masenya of the department of biblical and ancient studies for the motivation and sponsorship of this article. competing interests the author declares that no competing interest exists. authors’ contributions d.t.a. is the sole author of this research article. ethical considerations this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement the 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138–140. https://doi.org/10.1558/ptcs.33404 westerlund, d., 2009, global pentecostalism: encounters with other religious traditions, i.b. tauris, london. wilmore, g.s., 1986, ‘black americans in mission: setting the record straight’, international bulletin of missionary research 10(3), july, 98–103. wood, v., 1999, ‘the biblical jubilee: the african american experience’, in c. felder (eds.), the holy bible, african american jubilee edition, pp. 20–25, american bible society, new york. footnotes 1. a casual glance at the history of biblical interpretation will reveal that there has never been an interpretation that is without reference to or dependent on a particular cultural code, thought patterns or social location of the interpreter (mulrain 1999: 166–132). no individual who is completely detached from everything in his or her environment or experience and culture to be able to render 100 per cent objectivity in everything done. the fact is that every interpreter is biased in some ways (mulrain 1999:116–132). therefore, to talk of uniform, unconditional, universal and absolute interpretation or hermeneutics is unrealistic (adamo 2008:575–592). 2. one also appreciates the call of atibaia lausanne’s statement for a call to confession, action, ethics and wealth, generosity and blessings, justice and shalom, healing and compassion, and building of a relationship (https://www.lausanne.org/content/statement/atibaia-statement, 1–10). 3. it should not be misunderstood that it means prosperity gospel is equal to pentecostalism because there are pentecostals who are not prosperity gospel preachers. some pentecostals do distance themselves from prosperity preachers. 4. since there are so many prosperity preachers, it is therefore impossible to name or discuss all of them. i will mention and discuss a few prominent ones. 5. although mbiti said that it should be plural at first (atrs) in the first edition of his book african religion and philosophy, he later changed his mind for the use of atr in the singular in the preface of the second edition of the same book (1990:3–5). 6. according to idowu (1991:175), foreigners may deny the existence of witchcraft, but to africans, it is considered an urgent reality in africa. throughout africa, it is believed that there are guilds of witches that have regular meetings and ceremonies. africans believe that witches are sadistic ones and known to cause havoc in communities in africa. 7. the role of ancestors as mediators and guardians of tradition made african christians see jesus as the supreme ancestor (chidester 2009:107). 8. this has been well assimilated into christianity when it is said that christ is our supreme ancestor (du toit 2009:107). 9. ifa is a yoruba divination that reveals secrets. 10. orunmila is another yoruba divination and is the divinity of destiny and prophecy. 11. parham first established a bible school in topeka, kansas, which was originally ‘a divine healing home, teaching the justification by faith, the second blessing of sanctification doctrine, divine healing and the second coming of christ’ with only student faith as their tuition fees. 12. how 21 scholars including the editor of the book agreed to the fact that prosperity gospel is transformative. it could be called pentecostalisation and the africanization of christianity in africa (wariboko 2017:138–140). prosperity gospel in africa is seen as the africanisation of christianity in africa and it is multidirectionally interacting with african traditional religious and african ethos as articulated and experienced in specific communities in africa (wariboko 2017:138–140). abstract introduction descriptive task: corruption in south africa descriptive task: non-involvement of pentecostals in societal issues interpretative task: why pentecostals should become involved in prophetic politics normative task: some principles of prophetic politics strategic task: practical pointers for pentecostals when confronted with corruption conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) marius nel unit for reformed theology, faculty of theology, north-west university, potchefstroom, south africa citation nel, m., 2020, ‘the south african pentecostal ostrich of corruption’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a69. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.69 original research the south african pentecostal ostrich of corruption marius nel received: 08 may 2020; accepted: 23 june 2020; published: 27 aug. 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract corruption and corrupt practices in the public and private sector have become endemic to south african society, requiring the cooperation and participation of all citizens to uproot its evils. classical pentecostals are historically notoriously absent in confronting societal issues, and they represent as much as a third of the south african population. as a primitivist-restorationist movement, early pentecostals followed the early christian church in differentiating themselves from its social, cultural and political umwelt, acting like the proverbial ostrich that hides its head in the sand to ignore any threat of danger. why should and how can pentecostals be involved in confronting corruption? it is argued that pentecostals should reconsider their widespread lack of involvement in societal issues for historical, hermeneutical and evangelical reasons. by way of a comparative literature analysis, these reasons are discussed, and then, the principles of prophetic politics are developed in broad lines to make some suggestions for their application in south african society. keywords: separation; corruption; prophetic politics; community development; pentecostal; hermeneutics. introduction the problematics that corruption holds in for south africa cannot be addressed effectively by a one-dimensional and mono-disciplinary study or by only one agency. the challenge can not only be investigated on the surface but underlying and complicating factors should also be taken into account. everyone should participate in acknowledging the challenge that corruption holds in for the country, including christian churches. pentecostals represent as much as a third of the south african population (see research by centre for development and enterprise 2008). however, classical pentecostals are notorious for their lack of interest and participation in the development of any community issues. the article investigates reasons for this lack of interest as well as proposes some suggestions on how it can be addressed effectively to ensure that pentecostals in all walks of life will become involved in, inter alia, the combat of corruption in its many forms. the subject is vital in a country where corruption is threatening the economic survival of the poor because of its negative impact on the state income. in this study, a specific practical theological methodology is utilised in order to explain, understand and respond to the challenge, whilst a dialogue with other human sciences is kept open (see kruger & de klerk 2016:13). practical theology is concerned with what moves human beings into action in order to guide them in certain directions. it asks about the given of the situation in order to define what must be done to bring change to the situation. its descriptive task ends deliberately in a normative task that suggests how the world could and should be in terms of its theological point of departure. human actions (i.e. faith-praxis or lack of faith-praxis) are considered in light of the extent to which these actions are anchored in and reflect the creative, redemptive and consummating acts of the triune god (immink 2005:183). the actions are observed in order to design descriptive, interpretive and strategic theories for improving it, and it is done from a theological perspective, connecting human reality with divine reality (kruger & de klerk 2016:16). in other words, it measures human actions according to certain normative criteria found in compliance to god’s standard as it is revealed in the scripture (wolters 2005:7). amos yong (2014:263) remarks that most pentecostals in a typical revivalist fashion, with emphasis on simple biblical preaching in a fervent style that would elicit dramatic conversion experiences (marsden 1991:2), have for the most part neglected developing a theology of culture, that is, a theology of the arts, of politics and of economics. in some cases, they started devising strategies to rectify the situation. in africa, a slow political awakening started taking place a decade or two ago amongst some pentecostal groups; in some cases, it was forced on them by the dire political and economic straits that some african countries found themselves in. the article describes one aspect of the economic woes, the corruption that marks the politics and economics of some countries. the purpose is to consider strategies for pentecostals to become involved in combating corruption. before it can be done, it is necessary to understand their historical non-involvement. the research then looks at different reasons for this lack of involvement before their involvement is motivated in terms of historical, hermeneutical and ecumenical reasons, including the combat of corruption by political and economic leaders. lastly, some practical pointers will be developed as suggestions for a viable pentecostal praxis of involvement in societies. the central theoretical argument is that classical pentecostals need to rethink their restorationist urge in order to become effective and proactive resisters when confronted with corruption, in light of the urgency of this challenge that threatens south africa’s young democracy, with some civil and public officials as well as national and multinational enterprises and figures engaging in blatant advancement of their own self-interests to the detriment of the taxpayers and the poor. the argument is deployed in terms of osmer’s (2008:4–12) methodology. the descriptive task consists of describing in short the current situation in south africa with regard to corruption, asking: what is going on? a second descriptive task is concerned with the pentecostal restorationist sentiment that led to its apathetic and lethargic non-involvement in societal issues. next, the interpretative task attempts to explain why the restorationist urge rather necessitates pentecostals to become involved in prophetic politics by referring to the early church’s response to poverty as a defining societal issue. the next task is to formulate some normative principles using theological concepts to interpret the situation and context regarding corruption, utilising a specific pentecostal hermeneutics that developed in the 1980s amongst pentecostal scholars, in order to construct ethical norms to answer the question: what ought to be going on? finally, in the strategic or pragmatic task, some practical pointers will be suggested as strategies for action from normative viewpoints to follow when confronted with corruption in everyday lives and the world, in order to answer the question: how might and should we respond? normative elements follow on, and it is the result of the experience of a living faith relationship with jesus christ as a result of the work of the holy spirit in believers. they consequently bear christ’s frame of mind aimed at glorifying the father and doing god’s will (kruger & de klerk 2016:17). these four tasks are not to be performed independently from each other or in a strictly sequential way but should be seen as a cycle. the aim of the research is to highlight the challenges that corruption holds in for the south african society and discuss the potential impact when pentecostals get involved in its combat in practical and effective ways. to reach the aim, some objectives need to be met: the current state of research concerning corruption should be described in order to define the challenges that it holds in, the non-involvement of pentecostals in the societal issues needs to be analysed whilst their involvement in such challenges should be motivated in terms of a prophetic politics and some principles of this type of politics should be highlighted and applied in terms of a few practical pointers. descriptive task: corruption in south africa in 2017, south africa ranked 71 out of 180 countries that formed part of transparency international’s corruption perceptions index, scoring 43 out of 100.1 it followed the footsteps of several other african countries. the 2018 theme for the african union was fittingly, ‘winning the fight against corruption: a sustainable path to africa’s transformation’, illustrating sub-saharan africa’s reputation as the worst performing region as a whole in terms of corruption.2 corruption is defined for the purpose of this article as the misuse or abuse of a public office or a position of authority for private, material or social gain at the expense of other people (vorster 2012:1). this includes bribery that is constituted by the use of a reward to pervert the judgment of a person in a position of trust, nepotism, the bestowal of patronage for any inappropriate reason and misappropriation of public resources for private use (bauer 2000:218).3 the public service anti-corruption strategy (department of public service and administration 2002:7–8) explains the dimensions of corruption in terms of bribery, embezzlement, fraud, extortion, abuse of power, conflict of interest, insider trading and abuse of privileged information, favouritism and nepotism and concludes that degrees of intensity vary from the occasional acceptance of bribes to systemic corruption, where bribery has become an accepted way of ‘doing business’. the consequences of corruption include a financial drain on the state, leading to a rise in public expenditure and debt and resultant growing tax burden, capital flight and lower levels of domestic and foreign investment because of a lack of trust in the ruling political party’s abilities, a decline in trust from citizens in leadership, growing voter apathy (bull & newell 2003:242–243) and a spirit of despondency (kruger & de klerk 2016:11). the victims who are the most threatened by mismanagement of the state treasury are the poor who depend on state grants to survive4 and (especially) unemployed youth with little prospect of obtaining a job.5 tenderpreneurship has become an accepted corrupt practice that negatively impacts the south african economy because of nepotism prevalent in the government funding of projects directed at improving infrastructure, amongst others (ulimwengu 2012:1–2).6 corruption has become endemic to the south african society to such an extent that it permeates individual subconsciousness, workplace dynamics, societal norms and socialisation of the maturing youth, who is the lifeblood of the next generation workforce, and it also dictates future economic growth indicators within south africa (coetzer & snell 2013:30).7 the fact is that state corruption is financed by taxpayers, and illegal tax evasion and legal tax avoidance are at times justified as a legitimate response to such misappropriation of state resources. corruption weakens public service delivery and hinders administrative efficiency, with an accompanying inhibition of growth that is necessary to alleviate poverty and economic inequality.8 the estimated costs related to corruption in south africa, provided in 2013 by coetzer and snell (2013:32), include social grant fraud of r1.2 bn per annum, fraud in the land bank totalling r1.1 bn and fidentia fraud of r1.4 bn, with question marks related to figures linked to fraud within the private sector, the arms trade and price fixing on bread. the long-term impact of corruption on south african society is wide-ranging. one such list was compiled by van vuuren (2009:5) and includes the limitation of service delivery, the deepening of corrupt elite networks, delayed economic development and consequent growth in unemployment, the destabilisation of the liberal democracy and institutions, the undermining of constitutional rights, a higher crime rate and the development of a crime culture and political corruption that seemingly has become an accepted practice within some political parties. descriptive task: non-involvement of pentecostals in societal issues the early pentecostal movement justified its origin and existence as a primitivist-restorationist movement9 of the spirit that attempted to re-establish the early, pre-constantine church in the last days before the second coming of christ (anderson 1979:195–222; marsden 1991:62).10 the leaders and members of the early pentecostal movement came from the revivalist tradition of the evangelical awakenings, specifically the wesleyan-methodist movement, the holiness movement and the healing movement (dayton 1987:35–51; synan 1997:86). they represented the dispensationalist tradition with its separatist tendency, teaching the apostasy of the major churches of ‘christendom’ as part of a steady degeneration during the present ‘church age’ (marsden 1991:67). in time, early pentecostals followed the fundamentalist perspective that views believers as outsiders to the power centres of society, its politics and its cultural life. they posed themselves against all worldly powers and did not participate in economic or political life in leading capacity. like some fundamentalists, they warned of the destruction of the world that was to come and that could be seen in the growing strength of demonic forces (marsden 1991:110). these movements utilised the same primitivistic matrix defined by the supposition that it is possible and necessary for contemporary believers to deliberately replicate the ethics and values of the early church in a present-day context, with a distinct emphasis on holiness defined in terms of separateness from anything associated with the ‘world’ (dayton 1987:40–41). what they shared was the same goal and passion for holiness in order to differentiate themselves from the norms and standards associated with the surrounding ‘sinful, fallen’ world.11 their inspiration was what they perceived the pre-constantinian or pre-christendom church would have valued highly, that is, holy living and faithful witnessing borne by the power of the spirit (bruner 1970:35; hart 1978:12–13; nichol 1966:19). they argued that christians in the early church lived moral lives that attracted interested persons and witnessed to their faith with conviction because they believed that the spirit of god had been poured out upon the community (kreider 2005:59–67, especially 62; nock 1933:188).12 in times of persecution, they provided a sense of security, and to the poor, they provided material and spiritual care. believers knew that care would be taken of them in all circumstances during this life and also after life; the faith community would never leave them wholly to their own resources (nock 1933:242). the faith community took over the function of the extended family; in many cases, believers were disowned by their family when they turned to the christian faith. in contrast, in the ‘christendom’13 era, since the fourth century ce, all citizens were compelled to be members of the church and believers participated in all functions of the state and society. membership of the church became compulsory and worship was institutionalised by the cooperation between ecclesial and political powers (zimmerman 2012:90). in their primitivistic urge, most of the early pentecostal groups did not want to establish ‘churches’ but they rather designated themselves as a part of a ‘mission’ or ‘movement’ that was qualified by its relation to being in the ‘apostolic’ tradition, with the apostles serving as the eye-witnesses to jesus’ ministry and teaching.14 they deliberately associated themselves with the tradition of the apostles and their experience of the baptism with the spirit and power that characterised their ministry (asamoah-gyadu 2013:4; lake 1994:29).15 and their eschatological fervour also did not allow time to institutionalise the movement or require theological training from members who viewed themselves as called to take the good news of jesus’ sacrifice on the cross and the spirit’s empowerment on the day of pentecost to the ends of the earth. they also shared a concept of ‘holiness’ with the movements that preceded them, including the second awakening, holiness and divine healing movements, whereby christians were expected to separate themselves from any association with the ‘world’ of sin and fallenness. participation in politics was especially singled out as a dangerous enterprise that could endanger believers’ faith because it would take their eyes from their primary function, which consisted of preaching and teaching on repentance from sin (tfwala 2016:35). their primary focus was on evangelism, preaching a fourfold or fivefold ‘full gospel’ including salvation, sanctification, healing, spirit baptism and the imminent return of christ to judge the world (anderson 2007:9). with the early church as their role model, they taught that as the early church differentiated itself from its social, cultural and political environment with a view to live a holy life, they aspired to be ‘in the world but not of the world’. they became an alternative social mode and expression of power, an alternative to the ways the ‘roman empire’, that is, politics, existed and functioned. there is no room to argue the case to what extent pentecostals were successful in imitating the early church or whether it is possible at all to do so. what is relevant for the discussion is the effects of their restorationist and primitivist urge, one of which was that they separated themselves from the social, cultural and political polis in order to live ‘sanctified’ lives by withdrawing from involvement in the important issues that define contemporary south africa, including corruption, state plundering, nepotism, abuse of power, embezzlement and various forms of misappropriation, influence-peddling, prevarication, insider trading and abuse of the public purse (see olivier de sardan 1999:25–52, especially 27). what is true is that the early christians’ lifestyle included charity and compassion that went further than mere philanthropy when they devised strategies to enable the poor and needy in their midst to survive. the proof of their message was in the form of transformed lives dedicated to non-violence and forgiveness. they were willing to die for something that was worth living for (dodds 1965:132) and accepted all people without making gender, race, age or class distinctions. their distinctiveness and lifestyle of differentiation caused many in the roman empire to hate and persecute them but they also won the respect of others (sanders 2002:372), and it was probably their most effective way of demonstrating the message that they spread.16 when pentecostals argued that it also implied that the early church did not involve itself in politics or economics but concentrated on their missiological task to reach the world with the gospel, it ignored the fact that the early church was powerless in terms of the roman empire, representing a jewish sect without any influence or the necessary numbers to convince the state to listen to it. interpretative task: why pentecostals should become involved in prophetic politics it is argued that pentecostals should get involved in and even take co-responsibility for societal issues for at least three reasons. the first reason has to do with their historical restorationist urge that realised in ways that did not reflect the practice of the early church (as argued above). a second reason has to do with pentecostals’ unique hermeneutical angle, where the direction in the interpretation of the biblical text is from the current situation as defined by the work of the spirit in their midst, to the text and back. a third reason has to do with the distinctiveness of a unique magisterium, in the fouror fivefold ‘full gospel’ that defines pentecostalism. in their restorationist urge, pentecostals should be involved in the combat of corruption in its many shapes if it wants to do justice to the early church as a role model. most of the first followers of the ‘way of jesus christ’ were disenfranchised and marginalised (archer 2009:161). when confronted with poverty in their midst, the early church, even though it operated without any acknowledgement from state institutions and was powerless as a change agent in itself, involved itself with addressing the problem in various imaginative ways. in the agape feasts, for instance, members of a congregation shared their resource in a daily meal together where those without food were also fed, as a prelude to the communion meal. in the same vein, acts 2:44–45 explains that believers had all things in common, and when any have need, they would sell their possessions and goods and distribute the proceeds to all. acts 2:47 ascribes the goodwill of the general populace and the growth and extension of the early church directly to their involvement in societal issues. in a treatise by justin martyr (100–165 ce), addressed to antoninus pius and his associates with the intention of proving the unreasonableness of persecution, the church father describes the change produced in the lives of christians. whilst they formerly rejoiced in the uncleanness of a morally corrupt life, they now live in chastity. they used magic arts and loved money and possessions more than anything else but now they live their lives dedicated to god. they share what they have and give to everyone who is in need. formerly, they hated and killed one another and would not eat with people of another race. but now, because of the manifestation of christ in their lives, they have a common life together and pray for their enemies and try to win over those who hate them without any cause (nock 1933:215). justin marty in his anthology of precepts from the gospels also emphasises sexual purity, compassion and generosity, mercy towards others and freedom of thought for the morrow, refusing to bear ill towards anyone and helping all without anger, avoiding oaths and telling the truth and reverencing god and god only as the marks of the christian church (nock 1933:215). the emphasis on sharing in generosity with other people is clear. when it comes to a differentiated lifestyle, the most important markers of the early church seemed to be the compassion that existed between believers and unbelievers, and the early believers’ unwillingness to participate in anything that might compromise their high ethical and moral standards. hence, pentecostals did not embody the alternative social example that the early church set. their preoccupation with their own community, at the cost of cooperation with other christians and denominations, did not represent the leadership style of jesus as suffering servant, and their lack of involvement with social issues that determined the welfare of groups of people indicates that they did not represent the distinct lifestyle of early christians. they were so heavenly minded that they were earthly no good (piper 2014). it must be admitted that this is changing,17 especially amongst africa’s neo-pentecostal groups, illustrating the wide diversity represented by global pentecostalism.18 at first, pentecostalism was not institutionalised and did not develop any organisation that is essential for any organisation to exist in the society, in an attempt to free itself from the formalised institutionalism that marked the established mainline churches, as argued above. they did not have a professional pastorate but, as a realisation of their emphasis on the priesthood and prophethood of each believer, left room for democratic participation in all activities, in terms of the individual charismata that all believers had received. without any larger organisation that could have corporately become involved in societal issues, individual members focused on reaching as many people as possible with the gospel message before the imminent return of christ, as they expected, would interrupt their mission’s work. they did not find time to participate in politics or other societal matters. in time, when pentecostalism could not resist the process of institutionalism and routinisation, their nearly exclusive emphasis on the faith community and its extension by way of evangelism disqualified them from wider interests. a second reason why pentecostals should reconsider their lack of involvement in societal issues, and especially what may constitute the ‘politically incorrect’ and unpopular combat of corruption, is in their hermeneutical angle that differs from other traditions. instead of reading the bible and applying its interpretation on the current situation as far as possible, pentecostals read the bible from their encounters with the spirit and the revelation of the spirit in their lives, and they apply their interpretation only if they perceive that it represents the product of their illumination by the spirit. in living in a society where corruption has seemingly permeated and soaked almost every sector of society, the biblical message of the integrity of jesus and his disciples will motivate them to pursue political and economic changes, for the sake of the deprived and impoverished. these people are the biggest losers in the corruption game because south africa’s unequal economic structures cannot be addressed properly if state income is getting lost because of the corrupt practices of illegitimately awarded tenders and theft. pentecostals will also hold political leaders responsible for the trust endowed to them by the electorate and organise events when the trust is violated to raise public awareness. a last reason why pentecostals should become involved in an issue such as corruption is because of their ‘full gospel’ message of jesus as saviour, sanctifier, spirit baptiser, healer and coming king. in their evangelical zeal to proclaim the gospel, they cannot help but get involved in an issue such as corruption that inherently causes the fruit of the young south african democracy to rot. if they aspire to establish a society with jesus as king, their expectations of the moral standards of political and economic leaders will require them to engage with issues that harm and threaten people’s livelihood. normative task: some principles of prophetic politics it is suggested that what pentecostals need is the development of principles in the service of a prophetic politics that is informed by their spirituality and piety, which engages the public sphere boldly. it is precisely, as the church embodies, the ecclesial way of jesus that it provides a prophetic alternative to the world’s conventions of corruption, patronage and oligarchy (yong 2010:250). africa’s hierarchical patronage system ensures that each level is subservient to their benefactors at the higher level, so that corruption, bribery and favouritism are the rule rather than the exception, as was the case in the time when jesus lived. an engagement with prophetic politics will result in pentecostal communities purposefully engaging the broader political realities and providing forms of socio-political and economic solidarity with people who are the victims of corruption and the effects of whistle-blowing on corrupt practices that went wrong. in the process, pentecostals will be exposed to a biblical ethics where the spirit highlights its consequences for daily living, influencing citizens as well as members employed by state agencies in terms of sensitivity for corrupt practices. christ will then be their model of human conduct and attitude, and they would enhance the deeper meaning of honesty, fairness, responsibility, compassion, love and accountability (vorster 2012:145). in traditional africa, the community played a significant role. communal effort in daily tasks of life was taken for granted. hence, care of the elderly and frail and physically and mentally challenged were taken care of by the community. whilst western people worked mostly in selfish ways for their care and enrichment, in africa one worked in order to care for the larger family unit that consisted of all the members of the extended family. children took the responsibility for taking care of their elderly parents. it is suggested that pentecostals should reconnect to this value system by subordinating the believer’s self to solidarity with the community, including the larger community in which they live. instead of joining in neoliberal capitalism’s urge for personal enrichment and competition, they should bear one another’s burdens. their profits should be considered not as a provision only for their own family’s needs and old age but instead utilised in communal sharing, achievements and investments (yong 2010:313). according to yong (2010:239–242), a pentecostal prophetic politics also recognises and announces that allegiances to the state are secondary to allegiances to god and challenges the state to do what it is supposed to do, to uphold the law and encourage spirit-filled believers to explicitly witness in the public square, even and specifically in the ‘naked public square’, characterised by the absence of religion from both the political and civic arena (yong 2010:248). believers should deliberately not separate themselves from the world but live within the world as a counter-testimony to the watered-down moral values and standards of their societies. their hermeneutical angle, as argued above, propels pentecostals to read their current situation, in terms of their encounter with jesus through his spirit, into the equation that comprises the interpretation of scripture. a prominent societal issue such as corruption cannot be ignored by them because the bible is concerned with the actions of people, such as corruption, that impair other people. strategic task: practical pointers for pentecostals when confronted with corruption applying these principles requires that pentecostals involve themselves with societal issues, necessitating them to partake in institutions that write and implement policies as far as possible. their involvement may not only be limited to observing and commenting on worrying trends but requires them to take the lead where possible and necessary. it is true that previously pentecostal participation in politics at times yielded some bad fruit.19 prophetic politics in africa has in recent times actualised more successfully in pentecostal participation in politics. pentecostals, for instance, were involved in the establishment of several political parties in african states, and zambia has had two pentecostal presidents (anderson & pillay 1997:238).20 these pentecostals established close alliances with certain political leaders, creating the danger of compromising their ethos (burgess 2012:31). such involvement also developed over time in south africa. frahm-arp (2018), for instance, discusses several examples of south african megachurches that initially did not participate in politics but in the end became involved. for instance, jacob zuma as president of the african national congress (anc) invited ray mccauley of rhema bible church to head the national interfaith leadership council (nilc), and before the 2009 elections mccauley invited zuma to rhema to ‘preach’ to his congregation (frahm-arp 2018:1). grace bible church invited political officials from different affiliations to address their congregations in the build-up to the 2014 elections. they motivated it by stating that the congregation should be informed about political choices in order to elect christians into key political positions (frahm-arp 2018:5). other ways of prophetic politics successfully employed by pentecostals include their involvement in schools to sharpen students’ moral ability, raising public awareness on the dire problem of corruption and its effects on the south african society, influencing personal morality, nurturing civic responsibility, raising ethical awareness (vorster 2012:145) and advocating for peace and justice (yong 2010:248). kruger and de klerk (2016:290) emphasised that the whole community should develop awareness to the extent of corruption. churches can use their prophetic calling through teaching and preaching to enhance the alertness that corruption is wrong and that greed, nepotism, favouritism and careerism represent behaviour that is socially destructive and morally indefensible. the south african constitution (section 195) cites certain basic values and principles to regulate public administration. the most important of these values and principles are as follows: a high standard of professional ethics must be promoted and maintained; efficient, economic and effective use of resources must be promoted; public administration must be held accountable; and it must be broadly representative of the south african people, with staff management practices based on ability, objectivity and fairness (see theron & lotter 2012:97).21 it is proposed that pentecostals use these basic values and principles to evaluate and engage the public sector (as well as the private sector) and hold it accountable. the government’s strategy calls on civil society to play an active role in holding the public sector accountable for its ethical practices and allows for their integral participation. pentecostal churches should follow such routes to gain the necessary knowledge to enable their members to become involved in the prevention of corruption. according to vorster (2012:141), churches are ideally placed to act as moral ‘opinion makers’ in communities because they exist and are involved at the grassroots level of society. many pentecostals are also employed in the public sector and they need to be activated and empowered to impact and influence their workplace for good.22 what should believers’ responsibility be towards their employers in terms of corruption that has become endemic to the south african society and the public sector?23 with many public servants attending its worship services, the church should promote a culture of whistle-blowing amongst them, and they should be encouraged as believers to courageously report any wrongdoing that they are witness to. where necessary, the church should act as a ‘watchdog’ (vorster 2012:140) and engage state organs to highlight existing risks and problems of whistle-blowing in order to improve the system, serving as a stakeholder to establish professional ethical standards. the culture of silence must be tackled at grassroots level (theron & lotter 2012:109) by christians who act as salt and light in society (mt 5:13–16), by fighting corruption and moral decay that jeopardise justice and righteousness (theron & lotter 2008:301). christians should be equipped to confront corruption, by clearly distinguishing the ethical issues at stake, identifying the possible personal consequences if they should blow the whistle and consider any alternatives available to alleviate the risk and suggesting alternative ethical actions instead of questionable ones (arbogast 2008:23). on a personal level, the church should also encourage believers to beware of the temptations of personal enrichment by acting in corrupt ways (gal 6:1; 1 cor 10:12), whilst at the same time faithfully living out their testimonies as being children of god through grace.24 a significant element of a godly life is a new set of ethical values accompanied by the renewal of the mind (rm 12:2; eph 4:23; keener 2016:32). social behaviour is determined for christians by the golden rule, to do to others as they would have them do to them (mt 7:12); that should serve as the guide for daily life and contact with others (france 1985:149). the golden rule summarises jesus’ teaching in the sermon on the mount (as well as the law and prophets) by radically gearing believers to the well-being of the neighbour, including the enemy, calling for behaviour that is not focused on the self but on the other person (nolland 2005:330). it exposes greed and selfishness and promotes integrity and personal honesty in the lives of christians who are satisfied with their material position, because 1 timothy 6:6 teaches them that true godliness with contentment is itself great wealth. they purposefully and deliberately avoid the temptation of greed. a related problem is the mediocre salaries paid to some officials, which increases the possibility that they might be enticed into corrupt acts to provide for themselves by taking bribes or misusing funds, especially if the system has been shown to be corruptible by numerous others. it has been shown in research that corruption is much higher and more destructive in poor developing societies. such corruption is then justified as ‘self-remuneration’. pentecostals should strive for fair and sufficient salaries for officials to live a decent life and a caring economy that addresses the plight of the poor (vorster 2012:144). what south africa needs is a holistic and integrated approach to fighting corruption, with a balanced mixture of prevention, investigation, prosecution and public participation as the platform for the strategy. the state should be encouraged by the church and its leaders to treat corruption as the criminal acts they are and to act against its perpetrators according to the prevention and combating of corrupt activities act 12 of 2004 (act 12, 2004).25 it seems that a part of the problem is that the country’s highly regarded laws circumventing corruption are not necessarily applied effectively by the different law enforcements agencies.26 the church should engage where necessary with the necessary institutions that have anti-corruption functions, such as the national prosecuting authority (specifically the directorate of special operations and asset forfeiture unit), the public protector, the auditor general, the public service commission, the special investigation unit (siu), the south african police service (the commercial branch and the saps anticorruption unit), the national intelligence agency, the independent complaints directorate and the south african revenue services (public service anti-corruption strategy 2002:14). lastly, south african legislation is sufficient in increasing access to information, also with regard to corruption, as contained in inter alia, the promotion of access to information act 2000 (act 2 of 2000), the protected disclosures act 2000 (act 26 of 2000) and the administrative justice act 2000 (act 3 of 2000), although the protection of state information bill, 2011 undermines the accessibility of some of the relevant information.27 it is proposed that pentecostals should create agencies that actively access information about corrupt practices in cooperation with organisations with the same goal (see chetty & pillay 2017; hlongwane 2018) and engage the government and other state agencies to confront it openly in a transparent manner. conclusion by way of conclusion, pentecostalism in its primitivist-restorationist urge to follow the early church as its model separated and differentiated itself from its social, cultural and political umwelt, interpreting the call to holiness in terms of withdrawal from society as far as possible. they acted like the proverbial ostrich that hides its head in the sand to ignore any threat of danger. it is argued that pentecostals should reconsider their involvement in societal issues, including corruption, for several reasons. the early church, characterised by the powerlessness of their position as a jewish sect within the roman empire, did impact their society effectively by their involvement in society’s challenges. instead of withdrawing itself, pentecostalism’s restorationism serves as a good reason to get involved in societal ills. another reason is hermeneutical, that pentecostals in their interpretation of scripture begin with their experience of god’s heart for people through the spirit and a contemporary south african situation that is determined to a certain extent by corruption that plunders state resources and deters foreign and local investors. in reading the bible, the spirit enlightens their moral and ethical awareness and sensitivity and empowers them to become change agents in their societies. they need to be conscientised, which, according to yong (2006:281), consists of a process of catechism whereby individuals and whole communities come to understand christian faith not only in individualistic terms but also, as embracing, in a holistic sense, human embodiment within and responsibility for specific social, economic and political situations. a third reason is concerned with pentecostals’ emphasis on a ‘full gospel’ that emphasises jesus’ changing of the hearts of people and their mission to reach the world with the good news. some principles were developed for a prophetic politics that is informed by pentecostal spirituality and piety and engages the public sphere boldly and provides counter-conventional communities. the product will be in the form of believers who do not withdraw from the world but provide with their lifestyles a counter-testimony to moral values and standards of their societies. several suggestions were made for the application of prophetic politics in the south african society. pentecostals’ involvement should include observing and commenting on worrying trends and even taking the lead in confronting it where necessary. they should influence personal morality and nurture civic responsibility amongst their members and actively advocate for peace and justice. they should also evaluate the practices of the public sector in terms of the government’s own strategies and hold it accountable. pentecostals employed in the public sector need to be empowered to influence their workplace; a culture of silence must be replaced and whistle-blowers should be recognised, recommended and defended against persecution and discrimination. believers should be encouraged to guard against personal enrichment through corruption and to be content with what they have. and the church should encourage the state to prosecute corrupt officials and to act decisively against all perpetrators of corruption. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that no competing interest exists. authors’ contributions the author declares that he is the sole author of this research article. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors. references anderson, a.h., 2007, ‘spreading fires: the globalization of pentecostalism in the twentieth century’, international bulletin of missionary research 31(1), 8–14. https://doi.org/10.1177/239693930703100102 anderson, a.h. & pillay, g.j., 1997, ‘the segregated spirit: the pentecostals’, in r. elphick & r. davenport (eds.), christianity in south africa: a political, social, and cultural history, pp. 227–241, 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accessed 2018-08-22. by way of comparison, new zealand is in the first place with 89, denmark is in the second place with 88, whilst syria, south sudan and somalia rank lowest with scores of 14, 12 and 9, respectively. the best performing region is western europe with an average score of 66, whilst the worst performing regions are sub-saharan africa with an average score of 32 and eastern europe and central asia with an average score of 34. 2. although there were several countries like botswana, seychelles, cabo verde, rwanda and namibia that showed notable progress in combatting corruption (https://www.transparency.org/news/feature/a_redefining_moment_for_africa; accessed 2018-08-22). 3. max weber refers to ‘patrimonial authority’ to describe african postcolonial politics. in patrimonial political systems, the ruler ensures political survival by distributing material benefits to followers. they become his ‘clients’ and the public sphere is not clearly distinguished from the private sphere. today, some political scientists refer to neo-patrimonialism, a hybrid political system in which the ‘big man’, often a president for life, dominates the state apparatus and stands above its laws. relationships of loyalty and dependence permeate the formal political and administrative system. officials occupy bureaucratic positions more to acquire personal wealth than to perform public service. the ‘big men’ use patronage and clientelism in order to remain in power (theron 2013:2). 4. approximately half (49.2%) of the adult population were living below the upper-bound poverty line (ubpl), according to stats sa (article posted on 2019-04-04; http://www.statssa.gov.za/?p=12075; accessed 2020-04-30). the number of social grants in south africa has been increasing exponentially over the years, with an estimated 4 m in 1994 to 17,443,994 by october 2017. in recent years, a growing chorus of voices has warned that the numbers are not sustainable in the long term (https://africacheck.org/factsheets/separating-myth-from-reality-a-guide-to-social-grants-in-south-africa/; accessed 2020-05-04). 5. the unemployment rate for the youth aged between 15 and 24 years is 56.4%. out of a total of 10.3 m young people, the number who are not in employment, not in education and not in training is about 3.3 m (date of article: 2019-07-19; https://www.fin24.com/economy/just-in-sa-unemployment-rate-jumps-to-29-the-worst-since-2008-20190730; accessed 2020-04-30). 6. a related but important field of study concerns itself with differences between rule-based and relationship-based cultures, leading to different perceptions of what is corrupt in western and african perceptions (theron 2013). hooker (2009:252) refers to an example of a western purchasing agent that is expected to award contracts that are based on the quality of bids whilst comparing available financial information about the bidders. an agent who favours personal friends is viewed as corrupt, because cronyism subverts this transparency-based system. it creates a conflict of interest, with the agent and his or her cronies benefiting at the cost of the company. in africa, however, cronyism is a foundation for trust. a purchasing agent does business with friends because they are trustworthy, and they do not ask to see the company financial statements as this could insult the other’s honour. in such a system, it benefits the company when the agent reserves business to friends, and cronyism may therefore present no conflict of interest. in a prevalent african view, the basic unit of human existence is the community, and individuals do not distinguish their welfare from the collective welfare. economy is based on sharing of resources. incompatibility of this tradition with western practices and institutions accounts for much of the corruption (hooker 2009:265). 7. even during the critical period of the 2020 covid-19 crisis, for instance, the delivery of food parcels to the poor was scarred by various corrupt practices, to the detriment of the needy and destitute (https://www.iol.co.za/capeargus/news/covid-19-lockdown-politicians-handing-out-food-parcels-is-not-helping-crisis-46967664; accessed 2020-04-30). 8. south africa is the world’s most unequal society, according to the world inequality databases. the top 1% of south african earners take home almost 20% of all income generated in the country, whilst the top 10% take home 65% of the total income. the remaining 90% of south african earners get only 35% of the total income. a study by stellenbosch university economist anna orthofer shows that the wealthiest 10% own 67% of all the country’s wealth; the remaining 90% own a paltry 7% of the wealth (date of article: 2019-11019; https://mg.co.za/article/2019-11-19-why-sa-is-the-worlds-most-unequal-society/; accessed 2020-04-30). 9. the pentecostal movement started in the bible schools of charles parham and the azusa street revival of william seymour. ‘primitivistic’ is used in the sense of a belief in the superiority of an ancient, simple way of living idealised as the norm, here referring to the way of living exhibited by the early pre-constantine church (http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/primitivism; accessed 2019-11-24). any idea of realising the duplication of the early church in contemporary times is made impossible by a lack of sufficient information of what the essence of the early church was. 10. robert anderson provides an extensive description of the background and motivation. 11. ‘holiness’ is defined in terms of the hebrew qdš, referring to being pure and consecrated or dedicated to temple’s service in terms of objects and temple servants and to bring oneself into accord with the holy god in an ethical sense (müller 1997:3:1104–1105, 1116) and the greek hagios referring to superior moral qualities and possessing certain essentially divine qualities in contrast with what is human (louw & nida 1988:1:745). the implication is that being holy implies that the believer lives relatively differentiated from the surrounding world in faithfulness to divine ethical and moral requirements prescribed by the bible and religious community. 12. in this way, christians obeyed the injunction found in 1 peter 3:15–17 that states that one should always be ready to make a defense to anyone who demands from you an accounting for the hope that is in you. a.d. nock in his classic work emphasises that the early church acted from the basic conviction of their being spirit-filled. 13. ‘christendom’ is here used in the sense that hauerwas (1991:18, 39) utilises the terms to refer to the fourth-century church that yielded before the temptation of constantinian power in order to use that power to further the kingdom of god. 14. the earliest example of this trend was the group that initiated and established the azusa revival in los angeles in 1906, which referred to itself as the apostolic faith gospel movement (synan 1997:98). when john g. lake and thomas hezmalhalch’s missionary work led to the establishment of the first pentecostal church in south africa in 1908, they called it by the same name, the apostolic faith mission of south africa (burger & nel 2008:64; chandomba 2007:19; seymour & crawford 1906:1). 15. for example, john g. lake (1994:183–184) in a sermon entitled, the habitation of god, stated that the purpose of the gospel was that through christ, god’s son would have many sons begotten of god, in order that god may be all in all. a new community originated of people living in union with the divinity. this happened in the early church and resulted in the church being a demonstration of god’s power to change people and the pentecostal revival of the early twentieth century was in his view a continuation of the same phenomenon. 16. not all christians remained faithful during periods of persecution, leading to the divisive issue in the third century of how those should be treated who lapsed from the faith during persecutions. should they be re-baptised when they repent of their lapse and should implicated priests be allowed to serve the sacraments again? during the persecution and accompanying pogrom resulting during emperor decius’ reign in 250 ce, christians queued up all over the empire to comply with the law to offer sacrifice in order to receive a certificate of compliance. the overworked officials in charge of the sacrifices had to turn crowds away, telling them to come another day (duffy 2015:19–20). 17. one example will need to suffice. on 19 november 1999, the office bearers of the afm of sa read a testimony before the truth and reconciliation commission where they confessed the errors of the white apostolic faith mission of south africa’s (afm’s) ways before 1994 when white believers became ‘increasingly besotted by political and racial ideology, placing impediments on multiracial worship’, renting asunder the church into four race-based churches (burger & nel 2008:440–441). 18. a pew survey clearly demonstrates that some pentecostals are not apolitical anymore. with the growth that characterises the movement, it implies that its effects on the political terrain will become more and more pronounced (https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2007/jan/21/20070121-095840-4117r/; accessed 2018-08-21). 19. one such example is the case of gerrie wessels, elected vice-president of the afm in april 1943 when he was 30 years old, after successfully initiating organised welfare work with women members, establishing dorcas committees responsible for alleviating welfare needs in their local communities. the ruling national party asked him to stand for the senate in 1955 and he was elected as a senator in that same year. he managed to get a measure of recognition and acceptance for the afm in the ‘higher circles’ of society. his involvement in government politics eventually led to a schism in the afm in 1958, with many members dissatisfied with his prominence in advocating apartheid policies to the benefit of the ruling party (burger & nel 2008:130–131). before 1948, the ruling government political party – the united party – had many supporters in the afm (burger & nel 2008:152), partly explaining the reaction by some to wessels’ political participation. 20. president fredrick chiluba who controversially declared zambia a christian nation in 1991 and president edgar lungu who called the nation to prayer, fasting and reconciliation and proclaimed a ‘national day of prayer and fasting service’ in 2015 (http://www.times.co.zm/?p=66547; https://eliasmunshya.org/2015/10/15/after-we-have-said-amen-towards-a-pentecostal-theology-of-politics-in-zambia/; accessed 2018-07-19). a recurring problem is when christian believers using a christian platform to get elected in political positions do anything morally wrong that the press could use against them, which then casts shadows on their confession of belief. 21. http://info.gov.za/documents/constitution/1996/a108-96.pdf; accessed 2018-08-30. 22. south africa has an inordinate and unaffordable number of employees in the public sector. africa check reports on 16 october 2014 that according to its june 2014 quarterly employment statistics (qes) survey, south africa had 4,55,701 national government employees, a further 11,18,748 people worked for provincial authorities, 3,11,361 people were employed by local authorities and 2,75,851 employees worked for ‘other government institutions’ like libraries, parks, zoos and education and training authorities. this adds up to a grand total of 2161 m civil servants. between 2005 and 2012, the number of south african government employees increased by more than a quarter, leading to concerns about long-term sustainability. government spending on salaries was combined with widespread corrupt practices within the public service to threaten south africa’s sustainability (van der walt & theron 2014:3). by 2018, 2.7 m people worked in the public sector. they earned an average wage of r338,000 annually or r28,000 per month, a number that, according to the mid term budget speech of 2017, is r9000 higher than the average wage of non-agricultural workers (https://www.thesouthafrican.com/public-servants-pay-south-africa/; accessed 2018-09-05), with 35% of south africa’s r1.67 trillion budget used to pay their salaries. 23. the public sector is regulated by the public service anti-corruption strategy, formulated in 2002 (see https://www.gov.za/zu/anticorruption; accessed 2020-04-29; webb 2010). the strategy prescribes training and education of civil servants in ethical awareness and guidelines of conduct. its aim is to improve management policies and practices to ensure honest business and appropriate mechanisms to coordinate and integrate anti-corruption work, providing improved access to report wrongdoing and protection of whistle-blowers and witnesses and allowing for the increase in the institutional capacity of the courts and numerous watchdog agencies such as the national anti-corruption campaign and partnerships with the business and civil society sectors to curb corrupting practices (http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/cpsi/unpan025768.pdf; accessed 2018-09-03). 24. the culture created by the message of prosperity preached by some neo-pentecostal groups may contribute to unbridled consumerism, with members encouraged to yearn for a better life and expensive high-tech gadgets, etc., leading, in many cases, to unfulfilled dreams and shattered hopes (nel 2020). 25. http://www.justice.gov.za/legislation/acts/2004-012.pdf; accessed 2018-09-03. 26. vorster (2011:34) refers to the research of treisman (the causes of corruption: a cross-national study, 2000) and remarks that factors present in the south african society cause the legal culture not to be so robust as might be expected and the religious monitoring not as uncompromising as it should be. 27. https://pmg.org.za/bill/278/; accessed 2018-08-30. abstract introduction the development of the theory of the arab origin of the yoruba the contribution of oduduwa to the development of the theory of the arab origin of the yorubas the debates about the theory of the arab origin of the yorubas conclusion acknowledgements references footnotes about the author(s) jock m. agai school of religion, philosophy and classics, university of kwazulu-natal, pietermaritzburg, south africa citation agai, j.m., 2021, ‘reflection on the theory of the arab origin of the yoruba people’, theologia viatorum 45(1), a77. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v45i1.77 original research reflection on the theory of the arab origin of the yoruba people jock m. agai received: 25 july 2020; accepted: 12 nov. 2020; published: 22 feb. 2021 copyright: © 2021. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the theory of the arab origin of the yoruba people is seemingly the oldest amongst other theories of their origins. this is because the original yoruba oral tradition pertaining to their origin subscribes to the ‘east’ as the location of their origin. the east is believed to be arabia or mecca. there are many reasons why scholars from the 19th to the 21st centuries dissociated themselves from the arab theory of the yoruba origin, yet some scholars uphold the theory in high esteem. the religions of christianity and islam might have influenced the interpretation of the arab theory of the yoruba origin. this research elucidates the arab theory of the yoruba origin pointing at the historical circumstances that might have led to the acceptance and the non-acceptance of the theory by various people who are interested in the writing of the yoruba history. the aim of the research was to highlight the discrepancies or the weaknesses of the theory to initiate further research on the subject. keywords: arabia; christians; coptic; east; egypt; islam; mecca; oduduwa; yorubaland. introduction the yoruba people are some of the most widely distributed ethnic groups across many parts of west africa. they are known to occupy some major parts of nigeria, togo and benin republic as indigenes. in nigeria alone, there are over 40 million yoruba-speaking people (ayandele 2004:121). the yorubas are distributed all over nigeria. officially, they are indigenes of the western parts of nigeria comprising lagos, ekiti, ogun, ondo and oyo states. they also share two states, kogi and kwara, in north-central parts of nigeria (aliogo 2012:20–26). other distinguishing features of the yorubas are: their religion is likely to have influenced many people in the caribbean and the north and south americas (awolalu 1979:xiii); they take pride in the acquisition of formal education (akintoye 2004:2–3; ayandele 2004:121); they are highly prolific and their history is the most researched one amongst all other ethnic groups in sub-saharan africa (lange 2011:39); and their history is one of the most well-preserved, institutionalised and widely taught amongst all the native ethnic groups (afolayan 1993:32; akintoye 2004:3). despite the progress the yorubas have made in preserving and documenting their history, the history of their origin remains one of the most contested and an obscure one (akintoye 2004:3; johnson 1921:3). different scholars have suggested the origins of the yoruba to be from different parts of the world, especially the ancient near east. in 1812, mohammed belo taught about the arab origin of the yorubas (muhammad 2013:19), whilst samuel johnson around the 1890s taught that the yorubas might have originated from amongst the coptic egyptians, or from nubia. he attempted to dissociate the yoruba origin from arabia or islam (johnson 1921:5). furthermore, around 1910 to 1912, leo frobenius taught that the yorubas and their culture might have been influenced or probably originated from etruria and north africa in what he described as the ‘atlantic’ theory of the yoruba origin (frobenius 1913:345). olumide lucas in 1948 suggested a pre-dynastic egyptian and a possibly christian origin of the yoruba (lucas 1948:352; olupona 1993:242), whilst samuel ajayi crowther and father j.j. williams associated the yoruba origin with israel (lucas 1970:382; oyebade 2004:51). agai suggested that the yorubas might have originated from within west africa or from nigeria itself in what he calls ‘the theory of the local origin of the yoruba’ (agai 2016:189–190). the first nigerian and non-yoruba known to have documented the history of the yoruba origin is mohammed belo. however, it is important to note that he did not invent the theory of the arab origin of the yorubas (muhammad 2013:19). the most prominent yoruba tradition that describes the history of their origin is that of the oduduwa as a migrant legend who is said to have originated from mecca and landed in ile ife (omolewa 2008:54–55). wesley mohammad, a scholar in islamic and near eastern studies, is adamant that the yorubas and strictly those of oyo descent, originated in arabia. he attempted to provide some extensive historical evidence towards his claim that the oyo yorubas are of arabian descent (muhammad 2013:3–34). even when the yoruba origin is associated with the kingdom of meroe in ancient sudan, the alleged arab influence on the yorubas cannot be excluded in this regard (folorunso 2003:87). this is one of the reasons why the arab theory of yoruba origin needs to be studied. moreover, samuel johnson is one of the first yoruba people who, despite not having a university degree, documented the yoruba oral history in its broader and most comprehensive form. his views on yoruba history are highly respected, is incontestable and regarded as sacred by many of the yorubas (akintoye 2004:3; falola 1999:33–34).1 he interviewed many yoruba leaders, elders and the royal bards or arokins who worked in the king’s palace especially in oyo. the arokins served the alaafin (king) of oyo as oral traditionalists, historians and musicians (johnson 1921:viii; muhammad 2013:5). johnson also said that at the palace of the oyo king, there were bards, the king’s drummers and cymbalists whom he relied upon to obtain information regarding the yoruba origin: ‘[i]t is on them we depend as far as possible for any reliable information we now possess’ (johnson 1921:3). johnson said that the yoruba oral tradition connected the yoruba origin with the ‘east’ and that many yoruba people especially those he interviewed thought that the east meant arabia or mecca: ‘[t]he yorubas are said to have sprung from lamurudu, one of the kings of mecca …’ (johnson 1921:3). however, johnson contested the general association of the east with mecca. he said that the east might have meant egypt and not mecca. he further expressed the view that the yorubas are not of arabian origin: ‘[t]he yorubas are certainly not of the arabian family, and could not have come from mecca…’ (johnson 1921:5). many other prominent writers of the yoruba history are mostly christians, such as olumide lucas, toyin falola, folorunso, leo frobenius and many others, and they seemed not to favour the mecca, or arab theory of the yoruba origin. olojede said that the arab theory of the yoruba is not favourable to many scholars. she quoted beier law who taught that the association of the yoruba origin with the east in connection with mecca is a fanciful way of associating the yoruba people with the civilisations of the east (olojede 2011:344). muhammad, on the other hand, blamed johnson for his christianisation of the yoruba history. he is of the view that the arokins johnson interviewed between 1887 and 1897 were neither christians nor muslims, and that the rise of islam in yorubaland in the 18th and 19th centuries did not directly affect the writing of the yoruba history the way johnson insinuated. in other words, muhammad believed that there is an arabian influence on the yorubas (muhammad 2013:9). the earliest records or oral tradition pertaining to the yoruba history noted by belo, johnson and adeyemi linked the yoruba origin with arabia (cf. muhammad 2013:11) despite which many other scholars recently refused to accept the arab theory of the yoruba origin. there is therefore a need to study the theory of the arab origin of the yoruba to ascertain the circumstances that led to the creation of the theory. this research is a study of the arab origin of the yoruba, and the probable circumstances that might have motivated scholars to associate and disassociate the yoruba origin from arabia. furthermore, in this research, there is a deliberate attempt to concentrate on the views of samuel johnson and those of wesley muhammad. this is important because the two authors give seemingly opposite views about the arab theory of the yoruba. my argument is that the theory of the arab origin of the yoruba is not absolute as claimed by some, but the theory is full of discrepancies, which i have questioned. my argument aims to initiate further debate and to inspire scholars who are interested in the subject to begin to or to continue to investigate the alleged migration routes, the chronological order and the cultural connectedness between the post-islamic arabians and the yorubas of nigeria. the development of the theory of the arab origin of the yoruba the yorubas have a tradition according to which there were arabs who migrated from arabia to live in yorubaland (olojede 2011:343–344). the tradition of associating the origin of the many west african people with arabia and the ancient near east has been an old tradition. in the 9th century, arab geographers such as al-yaˤqūbῑ and ibn qutayba, both of whom were iraqis, together with the 10th-century iraqi writer al-masˤūdῑ said that the people of west africa originated from arabia and the ancient near east (lange 2011:583). more so, al-yaˤqūbῑ in ta’rῑkh (history book) written in 873 associated the origins of the west african people with the ancient near east. some arabs like al-yaˤqūbῑ were of the view that ham, one of the sons of noah, was regarded as the ancestor of the african or black people, and whose descendants were cursed to serve as slaves (cf. hunwick n.d.:7–24; cf. gen. 9). lange (2011) quotes al-yaˤqūbῑ, who observed that the black people of west africa originated from the ancient near east through ham: the people of the progeny of hām, son of noah, left the country of babel, went to the west, crossed the euphrates, continued to egypt and thence moved to east and west africa of the nile the zaghawa settled in kanem [in northern nigeria], next the hausa (text: hwdn), then the kawkaw and finally the people of ghana. (p. 580). it is not known precisely when and how some arabs came to believe that west africans originated from arabia or the ancient near east, but it is assumed that the hamitic hypothesis may have influenced this line of thought. the hamitic myth or hypothesis is a view that human civilisation is not initiated by black people or people of african progenies. the myth posits a view that african innovations and technologies did not originate from africa but the hamites, a caucasian race. the myth creates a perception according to which africans did not originate in africa, but were from some regions of the ancient near east and descended from some people assumed to be of a superior race (agai 2016:201–202). similarly, the view of associating the origin of west african from some foreign places might have both local and foreign sources. for the moment, i am not denying the possibility that there could be historical facts relating to the people of west africa having originated from some foreign countries and yet, it is quite possible that they originated locally. dierk lange noted that al-yaˤqūbῑ, who wrote about the migration of the ancient near eastern peoples to west africa, learnt of this conviction from the west africans themselves: a belief that lange himself might not have been certain of, expressing his doubts in his observation. this is why it can be suggested that al-yaˤqūbῑ might have been influenced by the hamitic myth (lange 2011): as for al-yaˤqūbῑ, his brief account of the great migration of west african people started from babylon relies probably on west african oral traditions reported by arab traders, which in his time might have been more detailed than now. (p. 584) it might be recalled that mohammed belo, born on 03 november 1781, was a prominent islamic leader in northern nigeria (quadri 1986:53). his father uthman dan fodio was the first to islamise northern nigeria through islamic jihad. after the death of his father in 1817, belo took over the military operation of his father’s followers. he established more sharia courts within the sokoto caliphate and extended jihad to northern cameroun, mali, senegal and burkina faso (amy 2016:2). belo was brilliant and he studied various subjects including arabic, rhetoric and classical islamic systems. he was trained by abdullah fodio his uncle, muhammad saˤd his elder brother and uthman dan fodio his father (agai 2015:431). belo’s prominence enabled him to meet distinguished people who visited northern nigeria. for example, he met a british envoy to sokoto, captain hugh clapperton in 1824 to discuss the implementation of the abolition of trans-atlantic slave trade (clapperton, denham & oudney 1826:339; kolapo 2010:72). his interest in religion, trade, politics and history would have empowered him to meet people from arabia and other parts of the world who visited nigeria. it was a tradition amongst many african countries including nigeria that officials or people visiting a region of a country had to interact or meet the local chief or community head for approval, before embarking on their assignments. this might have accorded belo the opportunity to meet the arab and islamic preachers from the near east, mali and north africa who might or might not have influenced his thoughts on the arab origin of the yorubas (cf. omolewa 2008:90–93). before he died in wurno, sokoto in 1837 (quadri 1986:54), belo associated the yoruba origin with iraq. in infaqul-maysur published in 1812, lange (2011) quoted belo who said that the yoruba ancestors came from iraq, an arabian country: the yoruba were remnants of the canaanites of the tribe of nimūd who were expelled from iraq by yaˤub b. qahtān and who fled to the west before they proceeded via egypt and ethiopia until they came to yoruba. (p. 583) furthermore, in the same book infaqul-maysur, belo noted that the original yoruba ancestors were the canaanites, the descendants of nimrod who left arabia because of some internal conflicts that led to their persecution until they arrived at yorubaland (johnson 1921:5–6; cf. muhammad 2013:19). after belo, many more yorubas and writers of the yoruba history have continued to associate the yoruba origin with arabia. along with belo’s writings and the yoruba oral tradition that linked the yoruba origin with the east, it may be suggested that the presence of islamic preachers from north africa in nigeria and the writings of the early arabs who had contact with west africa in the 9th century, continued to influence the 18th-, 19thand the 21st-century writers of yoruba history (cf. falola & heaton 2010:29; omolewa 2008:90–93). it is therefore not surprising that geoffrey parrinder believed that the yoruba culture has some similarities with the customs of the arab people. he suggested that the yoruba culture might have originated from arabia and by implication the yoruba people as well (parrinder 1951:205–209). opeloye is of the view that the traditions surrounding yoruba marriages are similar to the one prescribed according to islamic injunctions. he believed that many yoruba customs are similar to those of islam (opeloye 2011:4–8). similarly, dr saburi oladeni biobaku believed that the yoruba culture could not be separated wholly from the culture of the arabians. he is of the view that it does not matter where the yorubas originated: whether egypt or israel or etruria or meroe or yemen, what is significant for him is that the arabs influenced the yoruba: ‘… the yoruba came under arab influences in their old home, and their subsequent migration was connected with arab movements’ (biobaku n.d.:63–64). yoruba people like biobaku do not support the theory of the local origin of the yoruba. he may have believed amongst others that the yorubas originated, and were presumably influenced by some superior races from the ancient near east, mainly the arabs. therefore, the arab theory of yoruba origin could have originated from anywhere within west africa or outside of west africa; a theory further disseminated by both west africans and non-west africans alike. the contribution of oduduwa to the development of the theory of the arab origin of the yorubas the yoruba oral tradition regarding their origin is centred on oduduwa, the alleged ancestor of all the yoruba people. there are two major categorisations of oduduwa: firstly, oduduwa has been described as a supernatural being said to have been banished from heaven by olodumare (god) and landed in ile ife with the help of an iron chain. he came along with a cock, soil and a palm kernel. he threw the soil onto the earth that was naturally full of water, and the soil became a landmass (ojo 1999:5). many yorubas including samuel johnson did not favour this tradition of the descending of oduduwa from heaven. samuel johnson rather emphasised the coptic and the christian, or the biblical view of the yoruba origin, which ascribed creation to god alone as narrated in the book of genesis (johnson 1921:5–7; cf. olupona 1993:242). the second categorisation of oduduwa pertained to his identity as a migrant legend that originated from the ‘east’ and came to ile ife, whilst his two children went westward to gogobiri and kukuwa in northern nigeria (ojo 1999:5–6). according to the legend, oduduwa, a prince and a son to the king of mecca called lamurudu, rejected islam that was his religion by birth and supported idolatry. he succeeded in converting one of the mosques in mecca to a place of idol worship. he had followers who revolted against some muslims in mecca, leading to the death of his father lamurudu. oduduwa together with his sons and a few followers were exiled from mecca (johnson 1921:4; ojo 1999:5). sahibu, an islamic loyalist from mecca, ran after oduduwa for revenge, and to destroy him for his apostasy. sahibu came armed with a copy of the koran from mecca, but was defeated by oduduwa and his soldiers, and the copy of the koran was taken from him and kept in a temple in ile ife (ojo 1999:5). furthermore, the koran taken from sahibu, now called idi (something tied up), was apparently worshipped in yorubaland up to the time of samuel johnson. oduduwa came to ile ife and met people there, including agbo-niregun (setilu) who was said to be the founder of ifá worship (johnson 1921:4). amongst other people from various tribes that oduduwa met in ile ife was the igbos (muhammad 2013:28). the names of kings such as opereti, enewe, awurebe and omogberaye are a reminder to yoruba historians that oduduwa met people living in yorubaland when he came, and he and his followers were kept in a place called ‘strangers’ quarters’ in ile ife (ayandele 2004:123). johnson (1846–1901) might have thought that belo (1781–1837) was the first person to propose the notion of connecting the ‘east’ with arabia regarding the yoruba origin (johnson 1921:5–6). johnson said oduduwa came from the east; that he lived, died and was deified in ile ife (johnson 1921:143). the east was associated with mecca in saudi arabia, or meroe in sudan. folorunso said that for the yorubas, ‘the east is mecca, and mecca is the east’ (folorunso 2003:85). johnson, who seemed to be one of the first yoruba indigenes to document the oduduwa oral tradition, was told that the yorubas originated from the east. he claimed to believe that the yorubas originated from the east but to him, the east did not mean mecca or arabia, but egypt. he said that the arabs did not have a history of migrating to reside in nigeria and that if they did, there was no record of such a migration: […t]hat the yorubas came originally from the east there cannot be the slightest doubt, as their habit, manners and customs, etc., all go to prove … the yorubas are certainly not of the arabian family, and could not have come from mecca universally known in history, and no such accounts as the above are to be found in the records of arabian writers of any kings of mecca…. (johnson, 1921:5) it is not known precisely why and when the yorubas began to associate the history of their origin with the east. many ethnic groups in nigeria also believed that they originated from the east. for example, the miship people of jibam, comprising over 10 000 people in north-central nigeria believed that the ancestor, mwankan, originated from the ‘east’. in popular belief amongst the miship people, east meant egypt.2 there could be many speculative reasons that might have prompted the yoruba people to associate the history of their origin with the east, quite like the miship people. major religions like islam, christianity and judaism all originated from the ancient near east and the west african people could have been attracted to the word ‘east’ because it is linked to these religions. even egypt itself is located in north-east africa still linked to the word ‘east’ (o’connor & reid 2003:11). the hamitic myth might also be another reason why some africans preferred to associate their origin with the east (cf. agai 2016:201). moreover, some christians are of the view that the messiah came from the east: ‘there is a generalization that the message of the messiah came from the east proclaimed by jewish individuals into egypt and africa’ (sundkler & steed 2000:7–9). they likely use the concept of the east where the sun rises, as a metaphor to describe their origin (agai 2016:198). in addition, there is the view according to which human civilisation started in the middle east or the near east (oates 1979:11; pate & hays 2003:21–22), which could be said to be synonymous with the arabian peninsula, or the region occupied by the arabs and their descendants also called the ‘middle east’ (united church of god 2007:4–5). it was generally felt that the yorubas took pride in linking their history to the east. the controversial aspect of this subject pertained to the specific meaning of ‘east’. initially, in the yoruba oral tradition, the east was regarded as mecca or arabia, and even the kingdom of meroe in sudan. in the process of investigating the arabs’ influence on yorubaland, scholars began to question the exact location of the east. johnson, folorunso and others thought that the east meant egypt, but belo and the arabs who came to yorubaland might have opined that the east meant mecca or arabia or iraq. moreover, there are two major points that need to be noted regarding the role of oduduwa in the development of the arab theory of yoruba origins: firstly, his identity or personality and secondly, his origin or the location from which he came. though samuel johnson described oduduwa as a human being who lived in ile ife, died and was buried there (johnson 1921:143), he appears to have downplayed the role of oduduwa as a literal human being. he might have referred to oduduwa as a human being because of the narrative style, or else he mistook the name as one referring to multiple people. he refers to oduduwa as a ‘mythical personage’ (johnson 1921:143), suggesting that oduduwa might not have been a real person, and even if he was, it would probably have been in a commonplace myth. also, johnson underplayed the yoruba myth that referred to oduduwa as a creator, and instead he promoted the biblical view that refers to god as the creator. his emphasis on the coptic origin of the yoruba is another reason why it can be argued that he downplayed the role of oduduwa as a person from whom the yoruba people descended: johnson failed to connect oduduwa with the coptic christians (johnson 1921:6–7). johnson’s christian background and the need for him to promote his christian faith overshadowed his interpretation of the yoruba origin, which led him to underplay oduduwa as a single ancestor of the yoruba people (agai 2016:137–143). wesley muhammad argued that oduduwa met the igbos and other ethnic groups that lived in yorubaland when he came, and that it was impossible for oduduwa to subdue the people he found in yorubaland. this led to a compromise that resulted in the formation of the ‘yoruba’ people. he further mentioned that the name ‘oduduwa’ is not of arabic origin, but a sudanese name. he believed that oduduwa might not have been the ancestor of the oyo-yoruba people. muhammad believed in the possible migration of the apostates (those that rebelled against islam in arabia in the 7th century) from arabia to yorubaland, but he argued that oduduwa was not amongst them: ‘[i]t is also the case, however, that “oduduwa” was not actually the name of the leader of the seventh century migration into yorubaland’ (muhammad 2013:28). ayandele also noted that the oduduwa legend should not be used to define the direct origin of the yoruba people. instead, the legend aims to emphasise that a prosperous kingdom reigned supreme in yorubaland during the time of oduduwa (ayandele 2004:123). the yoruba oral tradition that ascribes the yoruba or the oduduwa origin from mecca has also been questioned by several scholars who prefer not to singularise oduduwa but pluralise his personality. it thus suggests that a group of people, more numerous than just oduduwa and his sons, might have migrated to yorubaland from the near east, or from arabia. johnson’s emphasis was on a possibly sizable number of people – not just oduduwa and his sons – migrated to yorubaland and were the ancestors of the yoruba people by using the phrase ‘…that they sprung…’ and ‘…that they were…’ (johnson 1921:6–7). although mecca is in arabia, johnson underplayed the mecca theory of yoruba origin (johnson 1921:6–7). muhammad also said that the ancestors of the yorubas or oduduwa might not have hailed from mecca but a city near mecca called mondiana: a city famous for apostasy mentioned in the koran, called madyan (qur’an, 7:85–93; muhammad 2013:9). the conceptualisation of oduduwa in the writing of the yoruba origin has contributed to the search for the identity, the personality, the history and etymological connection with the yoruba people. this is important because other ethnic groups like the gas of ghana and the edo people of south-south nigeria have linked their origins to oduduwa as well (johnson 1921:15). it is therefore pertinent to discuss oduduwa’s role in the writing of yoruba history. historians are yet to conclude as to why the yoruba oral tradition categorised the east as mecca or arabia. could it be possible that the rise of islam in yorubaland since the 15th century played a role in their perception of the yoruba origin (cf. opeloye 2011:2)? why is oduduwa initially linked with islam and afterwards with idolatry? could it be possible that the 7th-century apostasy in mecca has a link to the migration of the yoruba ancestors to yorubaland? various views have linked the arab theory of yoruba origin with more questions that are unanswered. the debates about the theory of the arab origin of the yorubas the nature of arabia before the rise of islam is different from the nature of arabia after the rise of islam. in other words, islam has changed the geography, the people and the belief systems of the arabians and this continued to impact the entire world up to this day. before the coming of islam into the arab world, arabians lived in different feuding tribes and were apparently divided politically and ethnically (watt & cachia 2020:1). idolatry was practised amongst many arabs before the emergence of islam. their political unity came into existence sometime around 634 to 750 ad (watt & cachia 2020:1). the prophet mohammed who founded islam made no provision for a successor and after he died on 08 june 632 ad (united church of god 2007:29), many tribes in arabia debated amongst each other to support certain candidates that were to succeed the prophet. one of the contending candidates was ali ibn abi talib, who was the first cousin and adopted son of prophet mohammed. ali was also mohammed’s second convert after khadija, the prophet’s first wife. abu bakr, the father of mohammed’s favourite wife ayesha and one of the earliest converts of the prophet, was chosen to succeed mohammed (united church of god 2007:30) for many reasons, most notably his commitment to the paying of the arms-tax that was required of every muslim (patel 2001:4). furthermore, some tribal groups in mecca rebelled against the selection of abu bakr to succeed prophet mohammed. the quraysh tribe in mecca remained committed to abu bakr unlike the ghatafan, the hawazin and the tayy tribes from central, east and south arabia (muhammad 2013:7). patel said that their reason for pledging allegiance to abu bakr was for them to continue to exercise political control over mecca, a renowned economic and religious centre. others refused to pay the arms-tax whilst some claimed that their political allegiance was to the late prophet mohammed and not to abu bakr. those that rebelled against islam and against abu bakr, together with all those that initially rebelled against the prophet mohammed, were tagged ‘apostates’ (patel 2001:5). patel (2001) said that some of the apostates were massacred by the armies loyal to abu bakr, whilst many of them were chased out of mecca and out of arabia in what is referred to as the ‘ridda war’ (p. 5). some of the apostates included maslama, talhah, sajah bint al-harit, tulaya of banu assad and many more. in an effort to defend the theory of apossible migration of the arabs to yorubaland, muhammad said that al-harit originated from a sub-tribe of the arabs called the banu yarba and there is no proof that the name yarba could be associated with the yoruba people of west africa. he further said that maslama or musaylimah’s character could be compared with that of oduduwa, both of whom were skilled magicians who apostatised. muhammad states that abu bakr succeeded in reintegrating many apostatising tribes and integrated them into the muslim polity in mecca (muhammad 2013:8). however, patel (2001) noted that the apostatising tribes that left mecca were chased through bahrain, oman, yemen and all other parts of arabia converting its people to become muslims (p. 5). oduduwa is not clearly mentioned amongst those who left mecca or arabia as apostates. wesley muhammad is of the opinion that around the 7th and 9th centuries, some of the apostates mentioned and some unknown might have migrated to west africa and to oyo in particular. he did not support the oduduwa migration legend, but he is of the view that the historical reality of the ridda war does lend support to a possible migration of some arabs to oyo: ‘[d]espite some modern, scholarly cynicism, the basic story [ridda war] no doubt reflects real historical development [in connection with the yoruba migration from arabia]’3 (muhammad 2013:18). although he admits, there are no arab-muslim sources that support this conjecture (muhammad 2013:8). johnson (1921) also said that there is no arab record to support the theory of the migration of the arabs to yorubaland, shortly after the death of prophet mohammed (p. 5). the yorubas are mostly dark-skinned people, and they take pride in associating with the colour black, regarding it as a stamp of beauty. the word oduduwa originates from the yoruba word dudu which means black (ellis 1966:41–42). there were possibly black people in the arabian, pre-islamic period, most of whom might have originated from ethiopia (hunwick 2005:103; muhammad 2013:29). in fact, the first muezzin (someone who calls and leads to prayer in the mosques) in islam is an abyssinian freedman called bilal, whose freedom was negotiated for by prophet mohammed and abu bakr. moreover, because prophet mohammed had good relations with ethiopia, it is alleged that the emperor of ethiopia during the time of the prophet provided refuge to many muslims that were persecuted. the prophet had also called upon muslims not to discriminate against others because of their skin colour (hunwick n.d:1–2; kor’an, 33:50). distinguishing the yoruba ancestors amongst the apostate that left arabia from the 7th through the 9th centuries suggests that they could have been dark-skinned people. the question arises: were there arabs of african origin that migrated to yorubaland soon after the death of prophet mohammed? it is important to note that during and after the time of the prophet mohammed, the black people in arabia were mostly slaves: ‘[t]he arabs had black africans living among them from before the days of islam – mainly it would appear as slaves’ (hunwick n.d.:4). the hamitic myth had also contributed in making some arabs to equate the black-skinned with slavery (hunwick n.d.:1–2). the myth posits that the people or races from the ancient near east, including the arabs, are intellectually superior or more advanced than africans or dark-skinned people of african descent (sanders 1969:521). there is an ancient greek reflection shared amongst the people of the mediterranean according to which the world is divided north of the equator into seven latitudinal zones where it is postulated that the hotter the climate, the less civilised its people. africans are classified as being located in zone one, said to be the hottest area and thus, they are assumed to be intellectually weak for reasons of the hot climate (hunwick n.d:7–8). in addition, these negative perceptions about africans in ancient arabia suggest that their acceptance or non-acceptance of islam would not have been very significant to the muslim communities after the ridda. they would not have been pursued outside of arabia in the way oduduwa was followed to ile ife by sahibu. david siddhartha patel noted that the various civil conflicts amongst the arabs after the ridda did not lead to a mass exile of the arab people out of arabia. instead, the tribes fought over leadership and yet lived together: ‘…tribes did not revolt against islam and leave the muslim community; they only fought over the leadership of it’ (patel 2001:3). the perception of africans in arabia as inferior people suggests that they would not have rejected islam, the religion of their masters when it was preached to them. slaves were trained to obey their masters. moreover, the black arabian slaves would have preferably migrated to ethiopia or along the north african axis, and even if they came to ile ife, they would have easily been subdued by the people of ile ife. if oduduwa was a black person from arabia, how did he become a prince or his father lamurudu a king in a country or region that harboured stereotypes against black skin? oduduwa or the ancestors of the yorubas returned to idolatry in arabia, which makes it easy to speculate that mecca was known for idolatry in the pre-islamic period. hence, it may be postulated that the alleged yoruba ancestors could have been arabs and not people of african descent, as wesley muhammad had suggested (cf. muhammad 2013:29–30). wesley muhammad further noted that the bards or arokins johnson interviewed between 1887 and 1897 were neither muslims nor christians and yet they regarded oduduwa as an apostate from mecca. the 1988 arokins of oyo slightly changed the oduduwa myth and said that he was not an apostate, but had a confrontation with his brother and left arabia voluntarily for ile ife (muhammad 2013:9–10). considering the stereotype against africans in arabia just after the ridda, the alleged ancestors of the yoruba or oduduwa would have focussed on uniting himself with any of his relatives or family member, a common practice amongst the persecuted to unite and face their oppressor rather than to fight amongst themselves. this does not, however, preclude that all arabs perceived the black people as slaves: ‘arabs had no grounds for assuming that all black people were justifiably to be seen as slaves’ (hunwick n.d.:1). on the subject of culture, there are few similarities between the yoruba culture and those of the arabs. on the contrary, there are many differences. opeloye cited similarities in marriage between yoruba and the islamic injunctions (opeloye 2011:4–8), whilst agai noted that the extravagant yoruba burial rituals are incomparable to the islamic or arab simple funeral burial processions for the dead (agai 2015:444). adeyemi said that there are certain words in the yoruba language that have similarities in meaning and pronunciation with arabic and yet, there are more words that are different in the two languages. he observed that in the yoruba language it is difficult to vowelise all the arabic words and to stop on consonant words, citing the example of the arabic word for ‘qur’ān/koran’ and for the yoruba ‘kurāni’ (adeyemi 2016:221). adeyemi thought that certain similarities in meaning between two ethnic groups suggest that history might have connected the two at some point in time ‘the comparison of arabic and yoruba languages show that the diffusion of arabic to yoruba may be attributed to historical connections between the people of yoruba and the arab’ (adeyemi 2016:224). considering the similarities between two cultures, it is difficult to ascertain whether one of the cultures and its people might have originated from the other. olumide lucas has argued that the many similarities in the pronunciation and meanings of words in the language of the yorubas and the ancient egyptians suggest that the yorubas originated from egypt, or that the yorubas were influenced by the egyptians. he said the word ‘khu’ or ‘ku’ in ancient egyptian language meant ‘he or she dies’ (lucas 1948:261). although the word ‘khu’ or ‘ku’ also means ‘he or she dies’ in the language spoken by the berom people of north-central nigeria, as yet there has been no claim that the berom people originated from egypt (agai 2016:186). the existence of cognate words between the yoruba and arabic languages is not sufficient evidence to conclude that the yoruba originated from arabia. the effects of the ridda war, the contentions of the skin colour of the yorubas and those of the arabs and the arguments suggesting a link between the arabian culture and language with those of the yorubas foster more questions about the originality and the reliability of the view that the yorubas originated from arabia. conclusion it is not clearly known when islam found its way into yorubaland, as it was unplanned and unannounced (gbadamosi 1978:4). the arabs came to yorubaland in the 14th and 15th centuries for trade and for islamic evangelism, but their activities were not officially recorded until the 18th century when the hausa-fulani people from northern nigeria began to preach islam in yorubaland (opeloye 2011:2). there is little or no record that the arabs who initiated islam in yorubaland were dark-skinned people like the original yorubas were. the yorubas followed their traditional religions before the 14th century when islam allegedly arrived in yorubaland. there is no record that the ridda war in arabia had a direct and immediate impact on the yorubas in yorubaland around the 7th and 9th centuries when the alleged apostates began to leave mecca and arabia. the debatable identity, personality and character of oduduwa in connection with islam and idolatry suggest that oduduwa might not have promoted islam and by implication, nor does he promote the theory of an arab origin of the yorubas in yorubaland. whilst this research highlights a few weaknesses of the theory of the arab origin of the yorubas, it does not in any way argue in favour of an egyptian origin of the yorubas. archaeological evidence in support of a possible migration of arabs and egyptians to yorubaland are scant, or unavailable (cf. bowers 1985:2). at present, it has not been proven that the negro skeletal remains found in iwo eleru (yorubaland) in 1965, associated with the microlithic industry, is that of a yoruba person. moreover, no one is certain about the lineage of the remains, be it of arab, egyptian, nigerian origin, or somewhere else (clark 1970:165; falola & heaton 2010:19; omolewa 2008:15). although archaeologists have in the 1930s found some nubian artefacts and remains of a nubian monastery in sudan near the chadian border and the northern part of the lake chad, the findings did not connect the yoruba genealogy with the nubian or coptic christians. instead, the findings provide some information that christians came to borno and other parts of northern nigeria even before they came to southern nigeria in the 1540s (agai 2016:134–135; bowers 1985:4). in addition, the linguistic and other similarities in cultural beliefs and practices between the yorubas and the arabs or between the yorubas and the egyptians emphasised by lucas (1948:21–30, 36–36, 261), opeloye (2011:4–8) and johnson (1921:5–6) did not provide adequate evidence to propose or argue for an arab origin of the yoruba. more differences seemed to exist between these cultures (cf. agai 2015:444). these archaeological and anthropological weaknesses about the arab theory of the yoruba origin suggest that the theory might not be taken seriously until further investigation provides evidence to the contrary. it is not surprising that many scholars like johnson, frobenius, lucas, folorunso and others downplayed the theory of the arab origin of the yoruba. their perception of the ‘east’ might have been egypt or another region of the ancient world, but not arabia. acknowledgements i wish to appreciate the following scholars for the professional academic advice they provided during the writing of this research: eugene musa dido (department of history and international relations, plateau state university bokkos), peace danjuma (department of history and international relations, plateau state university bokkos) and chimkaodinaka david (department of archaeology and heritage studies, university of jos). the school of religion, philosophy and classics, university of kwazulu-natal sponsored this research, i thank you. competing interests the author declares that no competing interest exists. author’s contributions the author declares that he is the sole author of this research article. ethical consideration the article complied with all ethical standards without any intention to hurt any group or their belief systems. funding information this research has been funded by the school of religion, philosophy and classics, university of kwazulu-natal. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references adeyemi, k.a., 2016, ‘a study of the relationship between arabic and yoruba languages’, open journal of modern linguistics 6(3), 219–224. https://doi.org/10.4236/ojml.2016.63023 afolayan, f.o., 1993, reconstructing the past to reconstruct the present: the nineteen century wars and yoruba history, 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& cachai, p., 2020, who is an arab?, viewed 08 july 2020, from https://www.africa.upenn.edu/k-12/who_16629.html. footnotes 1. at this juncture, it may be relevant to point out that the first yoruba man with a university degree to have written the yoruba history is prince adeyemi, who in 1914 published iwe itan oyo-ile ati oyo isisiyi abi ago-d’ oyo ‘a history of the old and new oyo’. he obtained a bachelor of arts in the classics in 1911 from fourah bay college, sierra leone. wesley muhammad said that prince adeyemi believed that the yorubas of the oyo extraction originated from medina, in the east (muhammad 2013:11). 2. on 04 june 2020, some scholars travelled to jibam to interview the oldest people living in jibam and to trace the migration of mwankan, who is allegedly the original ancestor of the miship people from jibam. it would probably be the first time that the history of the jibam people was being officially written from historiographical perspectives. the research team was headed by dr agai m. jock (university of kwazulu-natal). other team members are eugene musa dido (plateau state university, bokkos), peace danjuma (plateau state university, bokkos) and chimkaodinaka david chiwem (university of jos). the jibam elders said that they originated from the east which to them meant egypt. they said that their ancestors came to lake chad from egypt and passed by maiduguri in borno state from where they finally migrated to jibam in plateau state of north-central nigeria (j.m. agai, 2020, interview on ‘the history of the miship people of jibam’, 04 june). 3. my emphasis. abstract introduction literature review monster constructed and defined eschatology (w)here is african eschatology(?) kgolomodumo: the story summarised the monster ‘kgolomodumo’ and eschatology conclusion acknowledgements references about the author(s) sekgothe mokgoatšana department of cultural and political studies, faculty of humanities, university of limpopo, sovenga, south africa citation mokgoatšana, s., 2020, ‘the monstrous and the grotesque: (de)scribing and unmasking eschatology in sepedi folktales’, theologia viatorum 44(1), a72. https://doi.org/10.4102/tv.v44i1.72 review article the monstrous and the grotesque: (de)scribing and unmasking eschatology in sepedi folktales sekgothe mokgoatšana received: 03 june 2020; accepted: 14 oct. 2020; published: 08 dec. 2020 copyright: © 2020. the author(s). licensee: aosis. this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. abstract the kgolomodumo story is becoming extinct in sepedi folklore with the risk of losing its deep structure and embedded meaning. very little, if any, has been performed to determine the relationship between the monsters and cosmology, also revealing how they are used to construct eschatology. in this article, i analyse the story of a monster and explain how monstrosity and the grotesque are used as a discourse to craft, uncover and (re)construct how bapedi interprets the teleological and eschatological from the tale; kgolomodumo. the tale is a source of explaining the metaphor of the devouring monster to describe the end of things and messianic eschatology in sepedi religious conceptions. the story was conveniently chosen from a folklore anthology, diphekotšabagologolo because it is a threatened textual construct. the interpretation of the tale is both afrocentric and hermeneutical relying largely on my knowledge of sepedi culture and folklore; drawing from my insider, self-reflexive engagement after teaching of folklore as indigenous knowledge for the past 30 years. the story is framed within the postcolonial discourse, selecting the afrocentric lens as a tool to explain and contextualise eschatology within african religion. keywords: kgolomodumo; monsters; eschatology; indigenous knowledge; myth of creation; cosmology and cosmogony; worlding; grotesque; sepedi. introduction south africa, like the rest of the world, is populated by stories of monstrous animals which shape the mythologies of the people who produce them. amongst the common narratives are the stories of tokoloshe (thokolosi) appearing predominantly amongst black communities. thokolosi, as known in sepedi, is a feared animal believed to be sent by witches to perform their whimsical wishes. next is the story of impundulo, a monstrous lightning bird as known amongst the nguni people. this is believed to be a shape-shifting creature, masquerading as a human being, or a momentous familiar that guards and protects a particular traditional healer or a witch. it is believed to have powers to summon lightning and thunderous storms. one breath-taking story is that of a gargantuan water creature called inkanyamba. inkanyama is sometimes described as a large water snake or an eel-like eerie creature that can control the weather. other than these narratives are stories of kholomodumo (kgolomodumo) told amongst the basotho, bapedi and batswana. other queer creatures are less reported such as sefirilokwane, kokolohute (a one-legged creature), mogorompša (dog-like creature with human features), mamokebe (mamogašwa [mermaid]) madimotsele (god-like creature that abducts children), but moselapšhe (seems to be the same animal as mogoropša; probably dialectical synonyms) in sepedi folklore. whilst eschatology has been studied in various religions, little has been in sepedi to account for how the bapedi construct their own eschatology. the narratives cited above, together with the story of kgolomodumo are constructed to interpret the world around them. people want answers to the wonders of the world, seeking to understand reality, and to give order to the world. no society in the world holds a monopoly on its vision about the future, and what they shall become after death. consequently, these visualisations about the end, and the hope of what life shall be after death is bound to differ from one culture to another. so, africans in their varied ethnicities, although insignificant or small, they have a futuristic concept, especially about where their souls shall be, and what they are likely to become after their death. in their interactions with the world, they want to establish the meaning of the living organisms inhabiting the world, and imagine what the world was like before them. most of these animals are used to explain queerness, oddity and otherness in the society that produces such animal characters. the interest of this article is in the story of kgolomodumo, which is a trope to explain bapedi constructions of the end and postulations about life in the hereafter. despite that previous studies were performed on the monster kgolomodumo as shall be seen in the literature section to follow, none of these works have shown the relationship between the monster and cosmology, as well as monster and eschatology. in this study, i will deal with the kgolomodumo narrative to explain how it is used to construct an indigenous eschatology amongst the bapedi, and illustrate how they describe their conceptions of cosmology and origins of the world. i will examine the monstrous creature chosen for this discussion and locate it within the eschatological discourse as a way of deconstructing indigenous ways of constructing knowledge about the world, and its creation. furthermore, the kgolomodumo narrative will be used to conjecture the possibility of a prehistoric world, a world on which later civilisations are rooted. i have conveniently chosen this narrative because it has become a dying narrative, yet abound in cosmological and mythological significance. in addition, there are insufficient oral versions available for oral transmission. i am aware of the various versions of the same tale, however, i have deliberately chosen the tale captured by stephen maje serudu in dipheko tša bagologolo (1999) because it will assist me to make my arguments on myth, eschatology and cosmology. although the common method of collecting stories is fieldwork, i have preferred to choose written stories for the analysis in this article for reasons advanced above. the method of collecting data, therefore, is archival, and the method of analysis is afrocentric and hermeneutical, with sepedi culture and heritage defining the axis of the lens. literature review myths as branches of sepedi folklore are an under-researched subject within folklore studies, unlike the folktale. prof phaka makgamatha can be considered a leading scholar, and the first to offer a critical analysis of the folktale tradition in sepedi. he wrote his master of arts on characteristics of the northern sotho folktales: their form and structure employing various narrative theories of structure to interpret the sepedi folktale. in his doctoral thesis, the nature of prose narrative in northern sotho: from orality to literacy (makgamatha 1990), he explored the various aspects of narratology from orality to literacy. the influence of walter ong on literacy and vladimir propp on the fabula and narrative is unquestionable. in both studies, makgamatha (1987, 1990) focussed squarely on the folktale, and later experimented with various structuralism theorists such as vladimir propp, levi-strauss and harold scheub on sepedi folktales. his interest was largely on the trickster tale, a study followed by him and cannonici in south africa. we together, developed the first and only postgraduate qualification course in folklore studies (ma by dissertation, ma by coursework and phd), departing from the common oral literature and traditional literature studies which regarded folklore as some kind of literature. whilst he taught the general principles of folklore studies, i taught papers related to myth, ritual and folk belief. in addition, we introduced a paper that argued that folklore was the people’s indigenous knowledge, as such even taught a paper that would assist students to understand folklore as an intellectual property. mokgoatšana (1999) used verbal expressions in sepedi to describe the myths of beginning. in that paper, he used the water symbol to explain the conception of the underworld, the metaphorical origins from the under-waters, the cosmic pools explained in sepedi as madibeng, sometimes as teng go sa boelwego (a world of no return. another figuration of the primeval origins is explained in his paper the phallic snake: a sepedi creation narrative (mokgoatšana 1999). furthermore, he explored the relationship between myth and ritual to determine religious conceptions amongst the bapedi. in this paper, mokgoatšana (1999) explains that myth represents a story of origins whilst ritual is the drama that symbolises the story of beginning. all what myths explain find expression in the dramaturgical representation epitomised in ritual. ùjvárá (2018:176) acknowledges the prevalence of mythological figures devouring humans dead or alive present in numerous mythological traditions. these figures sometimes appear as large water snakes, xenomorphic creatures, large terrestrial monsters, all of which are predators devouring humans and other animals in their environment. not all monsters are predatory, but have human-like qualities. makhov (2006) describes the motif of a sticking out tongue as an iconography potent with ambiguous semantics. it ranges from childish, puerile representation to demonic associations. in christian iconography, the tongue represents a dangerous part of the human body which is not necessarily sinful, but needs to be restrained. for makhov (2006), the tongue is associated with a plethora of meanings, gluttony, verbosity, the phallus, weapon, sin, fear, blasphemy to refer to a fear of the semantic associations. it is inconceivable that a monster may swallow without sticking out its tongue to entice and aid itself in the swallowing and digestion of the victim. the stuck out tongue, makhov (2006:58) argues, is connected with devouring – absorbing. he goes on to suggest that a sinner whilst being eaten, being drawn into the womb of the devil, becomes part of the devouring maw (one should remember that hell itself was often depicted as a maw). the tongue is, therefore, the sinner who sticks out of the devil’s mouth. the iconography of the tongue and the ‘monster’ is not always nefarious and evil, but defined in terms of the cultural context that produces it. this is consistent with suzanne lewis’s view that the definition of a monster inevitably depends on its epistemological function (lewis 2010:3). it shall be seen that the metaphor of the monster in sepedi does not automatically translate into evil, devil or demonic, but explains the apocalypse in a manner parallel to the commonplace christian demonology and eschatology. classifying setswana folktales, kganyago (2000:65) speaks of a category called supernatural adversities encompassing the kgolomodumo monster narrative. in his explanation, the monster usually has a huge size and extraordinary strength. in his opinion, these monsters have the capacity to swallow everything, and ‘they exist to be slained’ (kganyago 2000:65). the only connection between the monster and the people is the adversarial effect, with no explanations of how the tale relates to a set of beliefs. as for makgamatha (1999:7), the kgolomodumo narrative is a work of fantasy, suspending belief. motsamayi (2019:122) describes kgolomodumo as a mythical monster to which i subscribe too. he battles with the decolonisation of the text, whether to use it in a postcolonial sense or not, assuming sankatana liberated his people from the colonial system. his challenge is accounting for total liberation when the people were completely in the belly of the monster and the ravages of victimisation or colonisation are not completely shed off. motsamayi (2019) should, however, be lauded for trying to apply the postcolonial theory as a contextual liberating theory. i will, however, restrict the narrative to religion than politics in this discussion. interpreting the chosen monster in this discussion should be guided by sepedi conceptions of being; ontological, teleological and cosmological. the easiest temptation is to interpret indigenous eschatology in christian terms, especially that most writers on african religions and philosophies come from a christian background. lo liyong (1986) warns john s. mbiti about such interpretations in his essay entitled, ‘reverend, doctor john s. mbiti is a thief of our gods’; something that he calls the great spiritual heist; accusing mbiti’s efforts of africanising christianity as a ‘thief of our gods’. interpreting african religion from the prism of christianity denies africa of its original religious thought, subjecting indigenous religions to skewed interpretations by people who at some level condemn it as inferior to other religions. what it does is to seek validation from other religions whose ancestries may not be africa, and their orientation is imperial, wishing to dominate the world unlike african religion which is community based, at best restricted to family. boer (1986) risks the temptation to be labelled one of the cultural nihilists who propagates a view begun by mbiti that africans have no sense of a future. he cites his visit to some village in ghana in 1956 where some graves were ‘neglected’, a matter he interprets as a ‘future with oblivion’, a being ‘no longer’ (boer 1986:199). in his opinion, the passage of time into the past becomes disconnected with the future. what writers like boer miss is the disruption western cultures have caused on african culture and religions. the dead are usually not lumped into graveyards outside the homestead like dumping sites, but live in the compounds with the living. their bodies are in the cowsheds used daily as sacred sites, such that the practice of cleaning graves is a phenomenon growing out of western practices of visiting graveyards. africans do not visit graveyards,as the home and the grave site are fused into one establishment, making the dead ever-present in the lives of the living. the home is effectively a religious site, with the fireplaces as other shrines where families connect and share narratives that shape their lives. monster constructed and defined i have spent a great part of my life working as a sepedi language and culture interpreter, translator and advisor, especially as a culture expert before the high court. i became fascinated with the stories from creation, historic imagination and rituals and how these narratives shape and direct discourse. the manner in which the people construct monsters in their daily lives has intrigued me to excavate mythological monsters and how these stories shape the people’s religious views and interpretation of the world. in my experience as a teacher, i found a form of teacher assessment that was abused by the apartheid administration to catch out some teachers with a view of charging them, for those already permanent and to deny permanent appointment to those who were greenhorns, and probationary waiting to be declared permanent. the rise of teachers’ unions led to the temporary suspension of the school inspection system that used form et 481 to assess teachers’ classroom management, subject mastery, writing activities and community engagement. in the advent of democracy, these assessment tools were resuscitated with curriculum implementers sent for in-school support and monitoring. the sight of these officials was described as the return of the guerrilla. the inspectors and curriculum implementers were called guerrillas. teachers would run like school children in fear of the ‘guerrilla’. the education officials effectively were constructed as monsters to be avoided at all costs. what this experience has shown is that monsters in people’s lives are the things they fear, wishing to avoid. explaining the notion of a monster, weinstock (n.d.:275) uses the expression ‘it takes a village to make a monster’. this allegory well explains that every community constructs its own monsters out of their ‘fears, desires, anxieties and fantasies’ (weinstock s.a:275). his expression that ‘no one or nothing is intrinsically or naturally monstrous’ finds expression in what we fear, to the extent that we personify it to be a deadly figure that overcomes our lives. when the spanish army reached the halls of moctezuma in 1539, there were reports that indians ‘periodically ate human beings’ (carrasco 1995:429). carassco (op cit) goes on to suggest that these and other reports were partially based on ‘act’ but based also on the time honoured european interpretive framework, which since the time of herodotus turned the inhabitants living at the edge of the known world into one kind monstrosity or another. similarly, the greeks described the egyptians as monsters and marvels. in his work, carrasco (1995) focuses on the prominence of jaws, orifices, eating gestures and the rituals of eating human beings to explain the ‘underlying premises’ and ‘enduring arrangements of things and persons’. carrasco (1995:433) borrows these phrases from tambiah who uses them to define cosmology. in essence, the eating metaphors and devouring monsters are all underlying explanations of cosmologies and oddness. the matter of oddness and otherness is a subject of my other article, as a result, it will not receive fair treatment in this discussion; however, i will draw from my personal experience to demonstrate how monsters may be created. i will share one of my early experiences in the community when various monsters were created to ward off and admonish. one of the weirdest memories that stays with me was when jane furse hospital realised that tuberculosis (tb) and poliomyelitis patients were not undergoing regular check-ups in the late 1960s and early 1970s. the tension between the hospital as the metaphor of british colonialism is well documented by goedhals (1998, 2000; mokgoatšana 2019). as a result of this tension, the hospital has always been treated with suspicion, such that local people would rarely consult there. they would rather revert to traditional healing system than go to the hospital. one of the myths held in the community is that admission into a hospital would give the hospital an opportunity to eliminate them with their medicine (injecting them with a deadly poison). because of this tension, the hospital remained a monstrous institution. although the hospital wanted to reach out to eliminate the threat of poliomyelitis which was ravaging communities by vaccinating children in the community, the effort was treated as a menacing exercise. the outreach programme was to save people who had problems in reaching the hospital because of the distance by bringing services closer to the people, and also, supporting tb patients, as well as transporting those who needed transport to the hospital for the 6 months institutionalisation. because of these myths going around at the time, the sight of the hospital vehicles was a scare. there was a truck that delivered medical supplies to the clinic, and sedans were employed to go village to village to conduct vaccinations. these hospital officers found it very difficult to penetrate communities. the sight of these sedans sparked fear, people ran for ‘safety’. there were rumours that these officers are not connected with the hospital but murderers who would entice people to receive large sums of money and a blanket to bury the unsuspecting clients, playing with their lives. weisntock’s conception of a monster is not far removed from clasen’s (2014) thought that no one is evil in the world, as a result: nobody in the real world considers himself or herself evil. evil is a psychological artefact, a ‘false image’ that is projected onto an antagonistic out-group or a member of an antagonistic out-group, probably because characterising an opponent as evil tends to dissolve painful self-blame. in the perspective of social psychology, evil is a moralising and distorting concept that emerges from a psychological need to de-rationalise the behaviour of antagonistic others, attributing to them a pure and unmotivated desire to inflict suffering (p. 1). clasen’s view explains clearly how human beings construct the other as an intruder, an offender; a disruptive self who becomes an immediate menace. what is considered evil, or a threat is outside the self, thus selfhood declared a safe space than the other. the hospital narrative discussed in the preceding paragraphs is moulded on the same premise of the hospital as an outsider, something not to be trusted. in 1919, freud published a paper in which he characterises the ‘uncanny’ as that which ‘arouses dread and horror…certain things which lie within the class of what is frightening’ (haberstam 1995). can horror truly be defined in relation to terms of ‘uncanniness’ or ‘pain of circularity’? writing on the relationship between horror and monster narratives, carroll (1992) explains that the emotive response of characters to the monsters is important to note: within the context of the horror narrative, the monsters are identified to be impure and unclean. they are putrid or mouldering things, or they hail from oozing places, or they are made of dead or rotting flesh, or chemical waste, or are associated with vermin, disease or crawling things. they are not only lethal but they make one’s skin creep. characters regard them not only with fear but also with loathing, with a combination (sic) of terror and disgust. (p. 54) the horror narrative arouses feelings of fear, freezing the audience’s emotions, petrifying the character into a froze. why are people interested in telling or creating horror stories with so much monstrosity? schneider (1999) offers us a probable response following aristotle’s interpretation of tragedy: like tragedy, horror promotes emotional catharsis in audiences; like fantasy, it offers viewers an escape from the tedium of everyday life; like comedy, it provides a relatively safe (because relatively disguised/distorted) forum for the expression of socio-cultural fears. this cathartic effect alluded to allow the community that produces monsters to deal with fear, anxiety and their desires. in fantasy, they attain what they wish for, the removal and destruction of the unwanted stranger or behaviour, or the total eradication of a menacing situation. eschatology the concept ‘eschatology’ is derived from the latinised form of greek eskhatos ‘last, furthest, uttermost, extreme, most remote’ in time, space and degree (viewed 13 may 2020, from https://www.etymonline.com/word/eschatology). to understand eschatology in african culture takes into account two major issues, meaning and concept of time, as well as the presence of the afterlife. this contemplation about the end of life, and a possibility of life in the hereafter as exemplified by the return of ancestors in the world of the living is explained better by the concept of eschatology. aderibigbe (2020:unpaginated) begins his discussion on the term ‘eschatology’ by acknowledging two streams of thought on the definition; firstly, those concerned with the etymological definition, secondly, those keen on the functional value of eschatology. etymologically, the term is traced from eschatos and logos, referring to the teachings of the last things. the very concept of the ‘last things’ is captured in the term eschaton. these teachings focus on the end of times, death or any other event related to the end. in respect of the functionality of the concept, reference is made of the historical issues connected with the last things. aderibigbe settles with mayimbe’s definition which he quotes laboriously: generally speaking, eschatology is the theological doctrine of the ultimate things, of the last or final days, of the world to come, of life after death. it is a theological investigation or religious quest about the meaning of the destiny of the world and of human beings. in this sense, eschatology has a teleological dimension. it deals with expectation, with future. its relevance lies in the belief that not everything about human beings is over after death, that death is not the human being’s radical end or absolute destination and that there is something beyond. this explanation points to ‘hope’, the ‘future’ and how these are connected with people’s views about eventuality, and life after death. the original meaning of eschatology was confined to death, judgement and final destiny. eschatology refers to the doctrine of the last things, the last days or the end of times. the idea was originally used to describe jewish, muslim and christian beliefs, but has been extended by historians to use eschatology to refer to conceptions of the last things: immortality of the soul, rebirth, resurrection, migration of the soul and the end of time. richard landes goes on to explain for other religions, unlike in biblical religion; opines that eschatology does not necessarily refer to the end, but ‘rebirth’ and the ‘cyclic pattern of cosmic destruction’ (richard landes, n.d., encyclopaedia britannica). consequently, landes provides for historical and mythical eschatology. van wyk (2001:191) argues that eschatology does not merely pertain to the ending of time, but also to reality and the coming of the kingdom of god. he proposes three ways in which eschatological knowledge may be gleaned, namely, by speculative thought using astrology, scientific knowledge and knowledge of revelation. in african eschatology, two of van wyk’s premises may apply. first, the stars, the firmament and the environment are used to interpret the future, as well as revelation. most african priests and prophets’ knowledge is revealed to them in their dreams and visions. all these are speculative ways to ponder over the future, and what shall be. flowing from landes’ words, in mythical eschatology, the origin of the world is reproduced at the end of the world, that is, the process of creating order out of chaos that occurred at the beginning of time occurs again at the end of time (roland landes, n.d., encyclopaedia britannica). at the beginning, order and natural laws are established, and followed by a decay and degeneration. this represents an eternal struggle of chaos and order, thus leading to salvation. salvation redeems the world, and recovers the loss of order, security and sanity. the gods and spirits as well as rulers retain their seats, with things returning to the original balance of tranquillity. mythical eschatology refers to the myth of cosmic return. eschatology in sepedi may take two forms; messianic and apocalyptic. the messianic focuses on a redemptive figure who saves the world from the great catastrophe whilst apocalyptic eschatology explains the destruction of the world and replacement by a righteous order. although apocalyptic eschatology traditionally relates to the end of times, a tension between the old and the new; it also includes the revelation of mysteries. these old and new worlds are contemplated in mbiti’s notions of sasa and zamani coined from kiswahili concepts of time (kalumba 2005). these words help us understand the ‘past’, and the ‘now-ness’; temporal concepts which are not necessarily divorced from the future as some may argue. there is no past without the present, or even the present without the future. all these are intertwined into an interwoven knit unit, such that ancestors are not only in the past, but may appear in the future in the presence of the living. what this reveals in african thought is the centrality of immortality expressed in the cyclic nature of spirit and body. this explains the interconnectedness of the afterlife with the present, allowing the living dead to appear in the life of the living, closing the gap between the physical world and chthonic world. chukwuelobe (2013:85) speaks of the constant interactions between the dead and the living, between spirit-land, and the human and the world’. writing on igbo thananology, chukwuelobe (2013:85) foregrounds the presence of eschatology in africa by declaring that ‘for the igbo, death does not constitute an end’, rather ‘intimates an authentic being which expressly embodies eschatology’. bowens (2019) believes eschatology is concerned with time, ‘the end times or last things’ (daymond, ware & williams 2019:213). he further gives an elaborate definition explaining eschatology as teachings or discourse about the last things or the end of the age, ‘how god will orchestrate god’s supreme and final purposes for the world and creation’ (daymond et al. 2019:221). this argument clearly points out that eschatology is connected with teleology. the connection between myth and eschatology is so strong that oftentimes the terms are used interchangeably to mean the same thing; however, frost (1952:75) cautions that the meanings should be treated carefully adding: eschatological thought i take to be a form of expectation which is characterised by finality. the eschaton is the goal of the time-process that after which nothing further can occur: it is the climax of teleological history. it may itself possess the characteristics of time and continuity, but it cannot even in thought be superseded by a subsequent event. just as the child never questions what happens after the prince and princess marry and ‘live happy ever after’, and the marxist does not contemplate the future course of events once the classless society has been attained, so the eschatong is that beyond which the faithful never. whilst myth is about beginning, eschatology concerns with ‘finality’; ‘that after which nothing further can occur’. it represents the end of things, the beginning of the end. in this article, eschatology should be understood as a theological concept that cuts across all religions that express hope about the future, describing a vision of the end of time, the last times, how the end is envisaged. these ideas are not restricted to christology, as mayemba (2009:1) explains that it does not propose or require christology, and, ‘it is not an exclusively christian category’. mayemba (2009:1) goes further to suggest that eschatology does not have to be christocentric. it cannot be disputed that eschatology is debated largely in christian theology, however, it should be noted that the concept is a theological construct found in many world religions. i have great respect for all interpretations of eschatology in many religions; however, this article wishes to confine itself to african eschatology using sepedi as an entry into indigenous eschatology. in this article, eschatology should be understood as a discourse amongst bapedi to understand and interpret the end of times, the destruction of a world order and the creation of another as shall be seen with the devouring monster, and how the nation was saved from the mouth and belly of the monster. these configurations are philosophical constructions of being, and worlding, and how to be is defined and refined using cosmology and cosmogonic images. it is in the spirit of this article to locate the story of kgolomodumo within sepedi mythic knowledge which helps us understand indigenous constructions of epistemic thought about creation. this creation narrative allows us to penetrate a cosmic world populated by animals working as instruments to interpret noumena and phenomena as mokgoatšana (1999:34) would describe. it is important to recognise that dismissal of african religions, and their knowledge systems has significantly marginalised how africans interpret origins, and how they relate to that world order and its genesis. this article, therefore, is about repositioning the place of indigenous notions of eschatology amongst others, an exercise kgari – masondo (2014:117) calls the decolonising of mythologies because the colonial encounter recognised only the colonial masters to have a mythology worth pursuing. they denied the existence of religion amongst africans, or at best reduced to animism. to this end, mönnig (1967) who is considered an authority on bapedi cultural anthropology makes very worrying claims about the bapedi: modimo thus seems to have little or no bearing on the daily life of the pedi. they have no contact with him, nor he with them. he does not appear in dreams, or in any other way. … although he is the giver of rain, he is not prayed to, nor thanked for rain. to the pedi, modimo belongs to a hazy supra-natural sphere [my emphasis]. (pp. 47–48) such a misconception is part of a colonial mentality eradicating african thought and the existence of ancestral knowingness which can best be described from within. as an outsider, mönnig describes the bapedi world from a colonial slate. consequently, he first appropriates modimo the masculine gender characteristic of the christian notion of god as a father, whereas the sepedi modimo has an undifferentiated gender because modimo represents all, male and female, or any gender conceivable. sepedi language has no provision of gender articles and prefixes, but uses specific nominal and gender suffixes. in addition, the manner in which bapedi accord respect to the creator is misconstrued that only ancestors receive credit for the gifts of life when in effect they are messengers to the great god. finally, it is worth mentioning that the deliberate deletion of prefixes in anthropological literature is part of the dehumanising project by colonial scholars in africa. in sepedi language, pedi refers to a number, that is two (2), not any human being. human beings and objects have particular prefixes distinguishing them. in this case, the people are called bapedi, not bapedi, with the prefix ba(class 2) referring to human beings. the latter spelling is not consistent with sepedi writing and orthography. (w)here is african eschatology(?) i deliberately begin with the question ‘where is african eschatology?’ with its postcolonial reflection of positioning, attempting to respond with the paradoxical affirmation, [w]here is african eschatology. this question is a deliberate quest to seek intellectual space and to reposition muted discourses of previously marginalised communities, who continue to be subjected to intellectual and epistemological dominance by authoritative critiques framed from the west, with their universalist, essentialist propensity to [w]rite over, gloss over and erase bodies of knowledge produced from the colony. this article joins the debate that seeks to liberate africans, that they be released from academic bondage, and unleashed to interact and interlocute with other voices on an equal footing, not negotiating space through the voice of the other, but in their own terms. to do so requires that african myths should be understood as sacred texts on their own, de-scribing the teleological, locational, cosmological, epistemological, metaphysical as well as the axiological. i posit that african eschatology is a branch of learning that restores and settles the debate whether africans have their own eschatology or not. in a book entitled african eschatology: igbo perspective, ezeoba tackles the question of eschatology in african religions, providing the igbo experience as a linchpin to unsettle colonial misappropriations of eschatology which claim africa is devoid of eschatology. in his foreword, he proclaims the variability of eschatology from one culture to the other (serudu 1990:78): eschatology is the study of end things – death and what lies beyond. nearly all religions tackle the topic in one way or another. theologians debate the different concepts of death, interment rituals, funeral rituals, final judgment, and the afterlife. traditional african religions are no exception. it sounds simplistic to suggest that different religions have different conceptions of death and thereafter. joăo josé reis (2003:68) strongly supports the view that african eschatology varied from one ethnic group to another. this view was adumbrated by several indigenous expressions of eschatology as expounded in ezeoba’s discussion of igbo eschatology (azeoba 2018), mbiti’s concept of time to explain akamba eschatology, although the latter disputed the presence of eschatology in african religion (bako 2009:42), claiming in african thought; there is no history moving ‘forward’ towards a future climax or towards an end of the world (mayemba 2009:4). this article takes a stand to decolonise debates in eschatology, in order to claim the voice of africa in indigenous religions, and liberate the same from colonial hermeneutics, and the capture by hegemonic discourses that wish away the independence of african epistemic thought, as well as clear cosmological explications. this can best be achieved with a clear project of delinking the colonial matric from african thought. as early as 1996, ngugi popularised the axiom that there were many centres in the world, and each culture happens to have a centre from which reality should be gleaned. bringing this debate home to eschatology, it should be clear that every culture produces its eschatology, making it a complex task to claim a homogeneous interpretation of the concept. for this reason, this article recognises the existence of eschatology in all cultures. in addition, it is worthwhile to challenge the essentialisation of africanness as if all africans are homogeneous, and have everything in common. it is for this reason that any debate of african eschatology should find expression in the myths of the people, however small the groups may be. my choice of sepedi eschatology is part of this liberating exercise to avoid what fanon describes as ‘self-mutilation, self-repudiation and self-betrayal’ (lovesey 2015:107) when an intellectual chooses to reach compromise with the coloniser, choosing to interpret reality from the perspective of the slave master. the choice of sepedi as a fulcrum to explain indigenous eschatology does not, however, deny the shared consciousness and mythologies prevalent amongst africans. in this discussion, eschatology should be framed within african discourse, using bapedi narrative as a locus of defining the problem of eschatology and interpretation. this interpretation will help us understand indigenous constructions of eschatology, and how bapedi world view relates or differs from others in the body of african religion; i am worried to use the term african traditional religion because of the derogatory nature of the term traditional which suggests primitivity, underdeveloped and pre-modern. i note that it is an established and standardised concept in african theology, despite its connotations which are not immune from western framing of africa as a dark continent. kgolomodumo: the story summarised this is a story of a colossal monster ever to ravage the community. it swallowed people and animals. kgolomodumo, as the name suggests, produced a life-threatening thunderous sound that pushed people into frenzy. shepherds and cattle minders were swallowed together with their dogs. everyone who dared to attack the monster was swallowed as well, this happened to the regiment of men who wanted to save their children too. everyone was swallowed. only an old woman survived the onslaught. this woman developed a putrid boil or abscess on her thigh, from which twins were born, mašilo and mašape. the two boys were warned of the danger of a roaming monster, kgolomodumo. in their hunting expeditions, they remained cautious of their mother’s warning about the menacing monster. one day mašape headed east whilst mašilo headed west on their hunting expedition. whilst hunting, mašilo met a strange creature which introduced itself as mpepentshohlole (carry me on your back, offload me). as the name suggests, the creature asked mašilo to carry it, and offload it from his back. this caused frantic panic on him because it was not easy to do the two opposite actions at the same time. after several trials, he had to seek his brother’s intervention. he called mašape to bring his dogs. mašape came with mašilo’s dogs. the creature killed all of mašilo’s dogs and only one slim and scabby dog remained. mašape tried to hit the creature with branches, pierced it with a spear and arrow, but the creature swallowed them. it grew larger and larger, as it shouted ‘kgolomodumo’, its size grew incredibly. at the end, the scabby dog managed to kill the monster. from the belly of the monster, thousands of people and animals were saved. all accompanied mašilo and mašape to the village. mašilo and mašape were declared dikgoši (kings), and their mother’s fear was turned into joy finally. the monster ‘kgolomodumo’ and eschatology the word kgolomodumo is a compound noun derived from the adjectival, -kgolo (big, huge); and the nominal, modumo (sound). the charactonym suggests a being with a large sound, an increasing loud deafening sound. kgolomodumo was a colossal, man-eating, shape-shifting monster to be represented in sepedi folklore. it is described as the largest animal ever to live in their world. this swallowing monster captured and swallowed all livestock and human beings. it had an incredible capacity to swallow almost the whole village, including everything that presaged danger or malleable catastrophe. unlike other monsters, it is purely an animal of a mammoth expanse. it was constructed to negotiate the boundaries of human life and animal life. the monster as narrated in this tale had qualities of an animal, and human properties like speech or body structure. the sight of kgolomodumo evokes emotions of horror and frantic fear. this is the fear that society wishes to oppress or suppress, yet allow it to dominate fantasy stories. in the world of fantasy, human beings create a platform on which everything is possible. when disability is not acceptable as a social norm, fantasy enables it to be legitimised. this kind of animal, imagined, real or constructed, instils fear and anxiety in the world. it is produced, and reproduced in the folktale life world where everything is possible. characters like the kgolomodumo are set in a world radically different from our life (bascom 1965). the bapedi story of kgolomodumo is part of a large body of african myths of swallowing monsters and ‘demons’. a similar story is told amongst the basotho in which tale, a little boy, referred in various versions as ditaolane or moshanyana or moshanyana sankatana. in the tale and its variants amongst various cognate groups, the monster is killed by the insignificant character in the community, a little boy or a scabby dog. in the sepedi version, it is mašilo’s dog that finally succumbs the monster into death. mašilo takes the credit as the owner of the dog. the hero is eventually crowned as the king of the people. whilst mašilo is crowned as a king, his twin-brother was equally crowned to be a king as well. in sepedi, twins represent oddness, strange phenomena that are avoided as far as possible. it is for this reason that the weaker twin was always eliminated. in cases where elimination has not happened, one of the greatest challenges is to determine who is the eldest or youngest because that is important to determine succession. the last twin is considered the eldest, assuming seniority; with a simple explanation that in sepedi protocol, the senior follows the lowest commoner who leads the way. should anything happen to the commoner ahead, the leader following from behind is likely to survive the impending danger. in addition, the commoner(s) ahead of the kgoši are destined to die with him in the event of his death; one becoming letolo (one on who the knees of the kgoši would kneel in the grave) and mosamelo (a pillow on which the chief would lay his head). in principle, the kgoši is never leading from the front, but a few places behind several commoners who most probably are outsiders on which the kgoši depends for particular skills and craftsmanship such as curative medicine, defensive medicine or basically trickery of the night. another important matter to consider about twins is the belief that they share a common soul occupying different bodies. because of this, in the event of one twin dying, the other twin has to enter the grave first before the dead twin gets into the grave. the practice begins from leaving the house, and the dead twin leaves the house, as the surviving returns into the house. this is going to be repeated when the corpse has to be interred into the grave. what this ritual explains is to ensure that both souls do not go into the grave together, and die. in this way, the surviving twin recovers the ‘half-soul’ that has deserted the deceased. what does all this have to do with the analogy of the twin in the story? the storyteller chooses to end the story with each twin getting a share of the throne, as two bodies sharing a single soul. this imaginative technique resolves a potential conflict over the bogoši (royalty). another important aspect of the tale is the mysterious birth of the mythical hero who kills the monster. in most narratives, the only surviving mother delivers the messianic figure who saves the nation. in the basotho tale, the mother had just given birth to a baby boy who mysteriously grows faster than usual to go and fight the monster. in the version under discussion, ‘kgolomodumo’ (serudu 1990), the twins are born from a putrid abscess from their mother’s thigh. twins occupy a popular motif in sepedi lore, demonstrating how the people have grappled with the challenge of twinship in their community. twins are a puzzle because they complicate people’s understanding and interpretation of their ranking order in respect of class rank, political rank and rules on succession. they pose rivalry between the two, and extreme jealousy because they are vying for the same goods and services, including position in the lineage. unlike in real life situation where the other twin is often eliminated, the story provides for an alternative solution of a shared kingdom as a reward for killing the kgolomodumo. how this will pan out in real life would be interesting, especially on dividing the crown. the kgolomodumo narrative follows a particular structure across cultures in southern africa: a colossal monster swallows up the whole village or country those attempting to kill the monster are swallowed too a single woman survives the woman gives birth to a single son or twin one of the twins manages to kill the monster, and saves the population the young man is crowned the king of the people. i want to laboriously begin with the kgolomodumo narrative with the quote which says: mathomongthomong go kile gwa ba gona phoofolo ye e bitšwago kgolomodumo. bjale e be e re gebašemanyanabaile go diša dikgomo kua madišong, phoofolo ye e tsogela dikgomo tša bona, e di je ka moka e di metše. bašemane ba ile ba leka go hlabana le yona gomme le bona ya ba ja. ge bašemane ba feditšwe ke phoofolo ye, batho ba ile ba hlaba mokgoši wa thušang! banna ba ile ba tšwa ba eya go hlabanela ba bona. le bona ba ile ba fihla go yona ya ba metša ya ba ya metša le basadi ba bona. go ile gwa šala fela mokgekolwana o tee (serudu 1990:77) [my emphasis]. [in the beginning, there was an animal called kgolomodumo. when small boys had gone to herd cattle in the veld, so this animal would attack their cattle, swallow them and eat them. the boys tried to attack it with spears, they too were swallowed. when all the boys were completely swallowed by this monster, the community shouted for help. men came in drives to go and fight for their children. on arrival, the animal swallowed them, and in addition, swallowed their wives. finally, there was only one old lady who survived]. the story begins with the expression ‘mathomongthomong’ (in the beginning), situating the story to the beginning of times, when the creator conceived of the world. this extraordinary beginning gives the story a sense of authenticity and authority. the monstrous and grotesque creature is located in the first scenes of creation with human beings who it later swallowed together with other animals in the biosphere. i want to categorise this narrative as a myth accounting for the existence of a pre-existing world. in the introduction of approaches to greek myths edmunds (2014:1) explains [greek] myths as retold stories about gods and heroes, and sometimes about monsters with which they have to contend with. these stories have ‘special meaningfulness’, edmunds (2014:1) argues, a value, which later societies would want to draw inspiration from. not only are myths handed down from the past, but they are the very tissue on which history is made; as a result, myth and history are, sometimes, interwoven to represent the past of a community. these narratives construct, hand down, mediate and negotiate particular social behaviour and modelling. this can best be seen on how the monster swallows all people, but are saved by a scabby dog. the dog metaphor is used to explain unwelcomed behaviour. dogs are usually associated with filth, gluttony and inhumane behaviour. the image of a dog with scabies compounds the problem further to explain how society would avoid. beyond expectation, it is such a dog that saves the world from extinction. the story awakens us to the value of the downtrodden, the poor and the commoners that they are as important as everyone in society. it is for this reason that the nation is not saved by usual heroes and heroines, but by the least expected; someone of a very low status; at best a sickly dog when strong and healthy dogs were swallowed together with the nation. in the kgolomodumo narrative is a mythography constructing a world other than our own. the audience is thrown into the primordial past in the world of myth where the story is authority, its content the ‘truth’ to be accepted without questioning. it is a story set like a creation story. by their nature, monster narratives are largely mythological. the monster’s capacity to swallow the whole village or country describes the people’s contemplation with the metaphysical, speculating a total destruction of the world they live in, and rebirth of a new world. the monster’s capacity to swallow everything has theological relevance. it is an allegory for the near end of the world, projecting some possible destruction of the world to mark the end of the world. in addition, the power of the monster is symbolic gesticulations into the creator’s omnipresence and omniscience. it contemplates the power of the creator and the other spirits connected with their lives, and the extent to which they can mould and remould the world. the kgolomodumo narrative, therefore, is an allegorical explanation of the apocalypse. it points to both the destruction of the world, and contemplation of a rebirth, a reawakening to a new revelation to the wrath of ancestors and the creator. this can best be explained using carrasco’s (1995:430) interpretation of myth saying: the creation of the world is constantly joined to the destruction of the world in the mythic narratives. these myths of creation are also myths of destruction, a form of coincidentia oppositorium, a juxtaposition of breaking and making. similar archetypes of the same narratives can be found in the swallowing motifs when the whale swallows jonah, and the armageddon’s story in revelations 16:6, contemplating the great battle on the mountain. the armageddon narrative has several versions and archetypes found across cultures and religions. the mountain in this semiology is symbolic of the great battles fought there, representing the climax of these battles between the sinful and the good and vice and virtue. the armageddon symbolisms draws from the mountain as a boundary between heaven and earth, the sky and the ground; thus epitomising the climax of conflict between two worlds, the old destroyed, and the new; emerging. this symbolic representation is presumably what the kgolomodumo myth accounts for. in this sense, the narrative is eschatological, explaining the beginning of the end, the end of the old order and the world, and a new beginning. this is deeply explained by the beginning of a new life after the destruction of the monster. firstly, the population that was swallowed is given a new lease of life, thus getting a second chance to live. they are first part of the old, and then reborn to be part of the saved world. this narrative, therefore, seems to contemplate a story of salvation, and life after death. the destruction of the monster (kgolomodumo) ushers in a golden age, a new age of ‘prosperity’, an age without the menace of swallowing monsters. secondly, the narrative constructs a new world order growing miraculously out of a blister on the thigh (groin). the thigh and its associations have metonymical and euphemistic sexual references to the ‘groin’, putatively referring to fertility rites, and conception (both literal, and metaphorical). these associations find expressions in mokgoatšana’s publications on sepedi myth(ologie)s as found in the phallic snake: a sepedi creation narrative (mokgoatšana 1999), (re)visioning myth and ritual: towards a (re)clamation of sepedi traditional religious conceptions (mokgoatšana 1997b) and dead and yet alive: the untold story of northern sotho mythology (mokgoatšana 1997a). this rapture from the blister on the thigh has similar connotations with the original human beings ‘erupting from the mud or the reeds’ characteristic of southern african cosmologies. at one level, the ‘monster’ represents an indestructible force, an eternal force that has power to control and shape destinies of animals and plants. mašilo tried against all odds to save his brother from the monster by piercing it with a spear, the monster would nevertheless incredibly continue to grow further and further: morago ga moo sa thoma go lla ka lentšu sa re: ‘kgolomodumo dumo-dumo’ sa gola sa ya pele le pele. ge a se hlaba ka lerumo goba mesebe, sa gola gape le gape sa re: ‘kgolomodumo dumo-dumo!’ (serudu 1990:78) (after that it (the monster) began yelling: ‘kgolomodumo dumo-dumo’ [it swelled further and further. when he pierced it with his spear or arrow; it grew further and further and bellowed: ‘kgolomodumo dumo-dumo’] the incessant growth of the monster is not only described in words as in the lexemes; ‘sa gola’ (it grew); but by use of such expressions as ‘pele le pele’ (further and further) which in a literal sense creates an impression of the monster growing in a forward direction, suggesting not only expansion, but elongation too. this perpetual expansion of the monster increases the risk it poses in the environment in which it operates. at another level, the incredible rebirth, and vegetative growth of the monster as they attack it demonstrates perpetual presence, omnipresence. at the beginning, it demonstrates immortality, but this is lost at the end of the original world. the monster becomes a pliable instrument to separate two worlds, the old order and the new order. it stands between ‘the now’ and the ‘not-yet now’. the death of the monster is necessary to give birth to the new order. salvation without sacrifice is apparently a difficult task as evidenced by the manner in which the colossal, frightening monster has to sacrifice its life in the hands of a weakling in society. other than the kinesthetic image created by the narrator, the teller uses onomatopoeia to represent the colossal figure as (re)imagined by the echo of the idiophone ‘dumo – dumo’. interestingly, the duplication of the idiophone well expresses the towering sound; ‘dumo’ – a stem referring to modumo (sound). the reverberating sound of the monster destabilises the environment, weakens the victim and marks an impending end of the victim’s life. this uproar instils fear and tension to the audience, and similarly to the whole community. these strategies are cleverly constructed to increase the size and threat of the monster. this power engulfs, modifies and transgresses all laws of nature. on the other end, the same force represents the evil that should be conquered and replaced with the righteous. eschatological claims are used to explain the existence of prehistoric animals, and what the world has become today without strange animals that populated prehistoric world. although sepedi folklore does not fully explain the existence of dinosaurs and other strange animals that would account as monsters if they were to appear into our lives today, it conceives of very strange animals and other species of reptilia populating such a world. it is in the beginning where the creator who lived happily with the people wished to bestow immortality to all human beings until the message was delayed by mamotatamadi (a lizard with red and bluish colours on its head and neck), with a variant as kgetwane (a scaly lizard) which ran very quickly to deliver the unintended message of a lost paradise. the paradise/paradise lost binary well articulates the bapedi notions of the afterlife, and how it is expressed in mythological narratives. there is a temptation to deny eschatology in african religions. in the preface and foreword in contextualising eschatology in african cultural and religious beliefs, aderibigbe (2020) notes this propensity when he declares, … when it comes to indigenous religious traditions, the dynamics is viewed differently. particularly, in the case of african traditional religions, the popular trend is either to deny it of any such concept or magnanimously trace its current existence to either christian or islamic influences on the religions. (unpaginated) in the same vein, aderibigbe (2020) continues to condemn such scholars of traditional religions as mbiti who, whilst recognising the presence of eschatology in african religions, restricts it to time and space, whilst others completely deny its presence, or if present considered to be vague and making contradictory claims. to deny the presence of eschatology in sepedi is to dispute the people’s myths about beginning, death and the role of ancestors in the lives of the living, and the latter’s place in the council with their creator. ancestors in african cultures belong to a world outside the world of the living. this is where everyone wishes to go when afflicted with tribulations (mokgoatšana 1996:110) wishing lefase pharoga ke tsene (may the world cleave for me to gain entry). an important figuration lies overshadowed in the vignette of a surviving mother who begets a child who saves the world from the belly of the monster. this representation is overlooked in the interpretation of the tale, focussing on the boy who saves the nation. women in sepedi cosmology are located in the beginning of life. using the water analogy, women are part of the first beings to be created; as a consequence, they are associated with the primeval waters. it is no surprise that in the allegory of salvation, they form an integral part by first begetting a child who saves the world, but also that she is never swallowed by the monster. this analogy needs further investigation. problem of interpreting religions of the colonised people is how they are read and interpreted using schemata and frames of colonial masters. they are dismissed as inferior to the body of knowledge of theology and then relegated to mythology. in some instances, diffusionist theories are invoked to explain similarities with other world religions, claiming that over time with migrations, the stories migrated to the colonised. the stories of the colonised are seen as versions of world religions spreading through centuries of migrations. these anomalous interpretations also apply to eschatology and other interpretations of teleology. what has to be understood is that religions use similar semiology and iconographies to explain religious belief and rituals. all use water, fire represented by actual fire or candles, smoke and the burning of incense. the above expression of a cleaving world suggests a gaping world that is ready to engulf those who wish to enter into the underworld. unlike in anglo-saxon mythology where the motif of an open mouth suggests that the mouth of hell is propounded in christian demonology, and the mouth of the kgolomodumo’s iconography explains the transition from the old order to the new world. kgolomodumo did not occupy the world alone, but in company with other animals, which are not the subject of this discussion, will be published separately elsewhere. when the young man’s dog finally kills the monster, a new era is ushered in, the beginning of times, the end of times. can we say that the messianic figure who saves the population from the consuming monster opens a way for africa to speak of its soteriology? i want to argue that this messianic eschatology is linked with the story of salvation dependent on a messiah, often of a lesser status than it could be expected. this motif of the youngest achieving higher status is common in sepedi narratives with mokgatšana saving her community from famine when mokgadi, her elder sister had failed. the same feat is achieved by mashilwane in mashilo and mashilwane. similarly, in matsepe’s kgorong ya mošate, it is boditsi, son of a commoner, tshetlo; a commoner, who saves his community from ceaseless attacks by alien soldiers. this is consonant with levi strauss’s theory of binary opposites; and olrik’s law of final position where significance falls on the youngest child, who is anointed or blessed to become a leader or saviour. in this manner, the lower schema assumes high position, whilst the high is downgraded. this schematic representation introduces a messianic leader who saves his or her community from the jaws of the monster. in this manner, people use narratives like this one to contemplate salvation and return. this return is best explained by the ancestors’ ability to transit the world of the living – dead, and enter the world of the living, traversing the terrestrial and the chthonic as one, conjoined sphere. the living are able to do this in dreams, escaping from the world of the living to commune with the dead through visions. conclusion this article discussed the story of a monster constructed to explain the story of the destruction of the first world to be created, and a genesis of a new order. the monster, unlike other monsters that are used to explain what people fear, or do not want to identify with, is used to contemplate finding answer to what the world was at the beginning, how human creatures evolved and finally how they explain the end of things, especially life and death. by contemplating an indigenous eschatology, the article opens a new debate on whether indigenous eschatology is independent of the foreign powers who may or may not have influenced the content of the tale, its transmission and (oral) archiving. unlike others who relegate the narrative into fantasy, the study locates it within myths created by the bapedi to explain complex issues of teleology, soteriology and finality. it is interesting how the kgolomodumo narrative shows similarities with christian concepts of eschatology. can the devouring monster be an adaptation of the biblical story of hell, or is it a story merely constructed by the people to reflect their own understanding and interrelation of the cosmos? because sepedi cosmology has no place for hell, it is possible that the gaping and devouring grave is represented by the swallowing monster which serves as a vehicle to transform and transfigure humanity to immortality. this immortality of course was lost when the message of the creator was delayed and delivered late by the chameleon. the kgolomodumo narrative creates a prehistoric world where strange animals lived. it is here where the dinosaurs inhabited the world. the chameleon and other reptiles like crocodiles are probably relics of that strange prehistoric world to survive into our new world order. finally, it would be worthwhile for future research to probe into the complex vignette of a woman begetting a saviour and how that features in sepedi, and african cosmology and knowledge formation in general. the parallels of eschatology not only between african religion and christianity, but across several religions would reveal how connected religions are, and the extent to which the search for meaning about living and hope for a future is contemplated in the myths constructed. acknowledgements competing interests the author declares that no competing interest exists. author’s contributions i declare that i am the sole author of this work. ethical consideration this article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects. funding information this research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. data availability statement data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. disclaimer the views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author. references aderibigbe, i.s., 2020, contextualizing eschatology in african cultural and religious beliefs, routledge taylor and francis group, new york, ny. azeoba, a.n., 2018, african eschatology: igbo perspective, createspace publishing, s.l. bako, n., 2009, eschatology in african folk religion, doctor of theology, unisa, pretoria. bascom, w., 1965, ‘the forms of folklore: prose 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african museums: challenges in descriptions and catalogues’, thesis in partial fulfilment for phd (art history), university of kwazulu – natal, pietermaritzburg. reis, j.j., 2003, death is a festival: funeral rites and rebellion in nineteenth-century brazil, the university of north carolina press, chapel hill and london. schneider, s., 1999, ‘monsters as (uncanny) metaphors: freud, lakoff, and the representation of monstrosity in cinematic horror’, other voices: the e-journal of cultural criticism 1(3). serudu, s.m., 1990, dipheko tša bagologolo: dingwalotšhaba tša sesotho sa lebowa, kagiso publishers, cape town. ùjvárá, e., 2018, ‘the iconographic image of the hell-mouth, the man-eating beast and giger’s alien figure’, in a. kérchy (ed.), posthumanism in fantastic fiction, pp. 173–192, americana ebooks (237 pp.), szeged. van wyk, j.h., 2001, ‘john calvin and the kingdom of god and eschatology’, in die skriflig/in luce verbi 35(2), 191–206. https://doi.org/10.4102/ids.v35i2.555 weinstock., n.d., invisible monsters: vision, horror, and contemporary culture, ashgate research companion, routledge. 1 koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: a remarkable instance of intercultural engagement m s tshehla university of south africa abstract african postcolonial theological reflections presuppose and regularly demonstrate the ethnocentric naiveté and arrogance which pervaded the thought and conduct of otherwise well-intentioned euro-american christian missionaries of especially the 19th century. but in their commendable struggle to affirm and empower the once marginalized, such historical reviews generally proceed on the basis of subversive rereading’s of literatures produced by those ‘culprits’; this keeps the latter at the centre of the discourse whilst simultaneously perpetuating the lamentable historical state of the side-lined. but what happens if yesteryear’s intercultural interactions are explored on the basis of writings composed by voices from the margins? specifically, how are binaries like ‘centre’ and ‘margins’ affected in such instances? this paper argues that where mutually critical engagement obtains, benefits accrue to all concerned; it takes its lead from a piece written to launch leselinyana la lesotho by one pioneer mid-nineteenth century mosotho writer. keywords: 19th century basotho, intercultural engagement, leselinyana la lesotho, missionary instruction, filemon rapetloane theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 2 introduction generalizations follow after and/or presuppose exposure to and interaction with an other about whom such sweeping submissions can then tolerably be made. by seeking to order and simplify perceived reality, generalizations prove to be an indirect admission that reality is in fact far more complex than the oversimplifications imply. in other words, a generalization’s utmost significance lies in its role as an invitation to look deeper, an encouragement to peel off layers upon layers of the other’s (as well as layers of the self’s) “culturally bound and culturally defined common sense” (lebaron 2003:n.p.). by presupposing some interaction between entities, generalizations also serve as guideposts meant to make future engagements more predictable, more manageable or, at the very least, less awkward. so, sweeping observations are crutches first, and may serve only secondarily as weapons of mass denigration. that is to say, one who believes that s/he has grasped another’s defining qualities tends also, in subsequent engagements, to seek to use “that understanding to one’s own advantage” (rogoveanu 2010:14). to answer the question why an advantage should so desperately be sought during intercultural exchanges as well as among students of cultures, we turn to another generalization: “most of the ways of studying culture, communication and negotiation are derived largely from western concepts” and/or western “cultural assumptions” (lebaron 2003). that culture’s intellectual assumptions prominently include the overwhelming desire to explain, predict and control the other; this is its common sense. it is a common sense inspired by a koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 3 strong sense of self as distinct from (and thus superior to) the other, if we may linger on in the world of generalities: before an object, the european distinguishes the object from himself, keeps it at a distance. he dissects, and somehow kills the object. this is in order to make use of it; to make a means of the object… the african on the other hand does not form distance, he does not analyse the object. rather, with his inner being he discovers the other. he is more faithful to the stimulus of the object. he is at one with its rhythm. (oguejiofor 2005:87-88, paraphrasing leopold senghor) the foregoing bold claims serve only to indicate general tenors pertaining to the interlocutors here under investigation and thus do not warrant extensive critique. furthermore, ongoing engagements with one another have enabled a continuous give and take which benefits all concerned. on the one hand, the african has come to appreciate her innate analytical capacity, while on the other the european has been empowered to recover an appreciation of the sacredness of nature and its rhythms (see e.g. sanneh 1995). consequently, it is now fairly self-evident among observers that one’s common sense cannot automatically be an-other’s. common sense is neither universal nor common, thanks to local exigencies and cultural tastes. as catherine belsey (1980:3) illuminates, “common sense itself is ideologically and discursively constructed, rooted in a specific historical situation and operating in conjunction with a particular social formation”; which is to say “that the ‘obvious’ and the ‘natural’ are not given but produced in a specific society by the ways in which that society talks and thinks about itself and its experience.” and nowhere does a society’s self-perception come sharply into focus than when it encounters an-other who does not palpably share its common sense. it is at such encounters theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 4 where the quest for some advantage manifests almost as a kneejerk reaction. such a situation developed when the pems (paris evangelical mission society) missionaries came to work among the basotho from 1833 onward. their possession of literacy alongside several other portentous contraptions afforded them serious advantage over their basotho counterparts; after all, it was for access to such implements that the basotho had actively sought out their own missionaries. while these powerful implements were presented as incompatible with what had priorly obtained among the basotho, the basotho insisted nevertheless that the overriding framework wherein these artefacts are appropriated must be that of sesotho worldview and institutions. it is because of such sustained engagements – and the article read at length below is a great example of such – that sesotho christianity evolved in ways that neither party could have fully anticipated. expatriate missionaries’ ways were dubbed thuto (‘instruction’), while the basotho’s age-old cultural fortress of koma (‘initiation’) became the cultural framework within which thuto had come to operate. our present interest concerns how these two competing perspectives conceptualized the notion of ‘truth’. our exploration is guided by the leading article of the sesotho newspaper which came into being some thirty years into the sustained encounter. leselinyana la lesotho (the little light of lesotho) is the name given to this pioneer newspaper which continues to be published to this day. (for detailed background to, inter alia, thuto, koma and leselinyana see tshehla 2009.) the discussion retains relevance for african life and thought partly because of christianity’s ongoing influence in this broad geographical context and partly also because both religio-cultural worlds continue to shape basotho’s christian self-underkoma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 5 standing. a brief background about nineteenth-century basotho and the dynamics shaping their world will be followed by a close reading of filemone rapetloane’s article which was written and published in leselinyana’s launch issue. moshoeshoe’s basotho come into literate self-expression “the basotho as a people coalesced after 1824 from at least thirty different groups of refugees, bushmen, and hitherto independent chiefdoms” (epprecht 2000:15); add asians and caucasians to africans from near and far, you will then get the distinctive landlocked kingdom of lesotho. because king moshoeshoe took advantage of displacements of peoples due to wars, “identification with moshoeshoe’s polity was built not around language or culture, but through recognition of allegiance to him” (manson, mbenga and peires 2007:133). the greatest challenge the basotho faced came from the voortrekkers; unending conflict with these led to moshoeshoe ‘opting’ for or succumbing to colonialism.1 but this happened after the basotho king had explored a different route whereby to secure his nascent nation. he perceived the baruti (european missionaries) as perfect brokers between his people and the hostile encroachers from the south. thanks to moshoeshoe’s foresight and initiative, the so-called great trek of the mid-1830s was anticipated by the 1833 arrival of the pems missionaries among the basotho. 1 the eventual “acceptance of colonialism by the sotho represented a compromise: british protection in return for a limited territorial integrity. it was a more desirable option than incorporation into the orange free state. that the kingdom survived in the face of white expansion, taxation, labour demands, and internal stress caused by tension between chiefs and commoners is an extraordinary achievement.” (manson, mbenga and peires 2007:154) theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 6 and the founding basotho king so sagaciously managed relations that “notwithstanding this nakedly utilitarian objective, and in spite of moshoeshoe’s resolute refusal to convert, the pems soon came to regard moshoeshoe as a leader and the basotho as a people for whom they were willing to take considerable diplomatic risks” (epprecht 2000:30). one of the many reasons why the baruti could not resist the basotho concerns the latter’s generosity of spirit, especially with regard to who can be regarded a mosotho, a designation that remains traversable from the nation’s inception to date.2 thus embraced by a people who were faithful to the pems stimulus and rhythm, these expatriates proceeded to set up christian instruction which had literacy as its distinguishing non-negotiable component. it is thanks to that emphasis on literacy that we can have writings from indigenous basotho hands during the period prior to full-blown colonialism. even if missionary supervision hovers over such writings (kunene 1977), there is a sense in which “africans were in control” (west 2008:42) especially in relation to mastery of the local tongue. it follows then that engaging mother tongue self-expressions should shed light into how the natives perceived and negotiated the developments of their day far better than relying on second-hand representations of these interlocutors which fill missionary and colonial ledgers. mediated indigenous “control” (west 2008:45) derived from second or third-hand ac 2 like their founding paramount, the basotho are so generous of spirit that, in the interest of botho (ubuntu) they regularly confer bosotho (sothoness) on others. as professor setiloane’s dated phraseology has it (1976:21): “the words ‘mosotho’ and ‘motho’ [human being] may be used inter-changeably, implying that ... and without any suggestion of superiority to other men, ‘mosotho’ is humankind.” koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 7 counts (e.g. west 2003; magomba 2004) tends to get restricted to chiefs’ decisions whether or not children or women may be instructed, whether and where the missionary may reside among the people, which of the topics that the missionary broaches will be afforded an audience, which artefacts will be exchanged with the explorer, trader or missionary, and so forth.3 direct access, on the other hand, is much more revealing of the intricate nuances with which people’s thinking and convictions are expressed, nuances which reported speech often cannot successfully convey. having been produced on the basis of concepts loaded with sesotho world’s meanings, the bible could not but be brought to bear on questions pertaining to cultural matters, in particular those matters which the expatriate instructors found unpalatable. possessing an ‘open’ bible in the precolonial period, therefore, in addition to enjoying the space to express their thoughts around life’s issues via the medium of their mother tongue in such places as leselinyana, became important features which conferred on literate basotho some meaningful hermeneutical ‘control’ (west 2008). thus armed with the sesotho text of the bible as well as with sesotho literacy, moshoeshoe’s basotho enjoyed a significant measure of hermeneutical independence from their missionary instructors as we see anon. it was still a qualified freedom because, inter alia, leselinyana’s editor regularly asserted his power to reject pieces 3 here the overriding perspective is that of the expatriate missionary. here the expatriate reporter offers the bible as the solution to basotho problems, but the people are inexplicably drawn more to his gun and other more pertinent implements. the concession then becomes inescapable that local african communities had no significant power over a “closed, un-translated, bible”; and, actually, that “it was only with the advent of the bible in local vernaculars that the bible passed from the hands of the missionaries into the hands of the local african communities.” (west 2008:43) theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 8 whose content was either incorrigible or illegible, to edit those which were salvageable, and to ‘trim’ lengthy pieces as well as ‘elucidate’ opaque submissions. the editor’s control extended even to how authors were acknowledged; the earliest authors generally go unstated and in places some inscrutable initials or symbols are used to designate authorship. this practice meant that we shall remain uncertain about especially the local african authorship of some pieces. but students of early literatures are not untrained in how to deal with anonymity, pseudonymity and such other authorial larks. given the above challenges as well as the abundance of secondary representations of nineteenth century basotho, the writings we are certain have come from basotho hands thus become precious gems. prioritizing such writings seeks neither to undermine the value of oral history nor to imply that these few neoliterates enjoyed a comprehensive grasp of, and were therefore the most qualified to represent, their generations’ views on the subjects of our interest. rather, it is fundamentally only a concession that individual members of each cultural group have the right to express their thoughts either as individually held or as supposedly typical of their group. there is something about the might of the pen which confers on various ‘graphers’ the passion for persuasion as well as for representation. however, the eagerness to speak or write on behalf of the collective is a double-edged sword,4 even one that in postcolonial contexts may not be so easily jettisoned.5 accordingly, we may graciously accept, albeit always with a pinch of salt, individual projections as windows to 4 “in pretending to speak for africans in general, ethnophilosophers indeed speak for themselves. it is [a] clear instance of presenting one’s own interpretation of one’s cultural symbols as a collective interpretation” (oguejiofor 2005:83). and what is true of ethnophilosophy applies to other fields of inquiry wherein africans expend their energies, including the present exercise. 5 “the history of the people of africa leaves in its wake, both a psychological koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 9 the collective mood. that is the sober awareness we bring to our exploration of leselinyana’s leading piece which was penned by ntate filemone rapetloane with the chief goal of introducing and commending the newspaper to southern africa’s natives. ntate rapetloane at the time of writing the piece discussed below, rapetloane worked as adolphe mabille’s right hand man at morija. in this capacity he had already assisted with the translation into sesotho of both the old testament and the pilgrim’s progress among various thuto tools. he had earlier been considerably more hands-on with various mission activities, but while helping to place the new roof on the church he had fallen and been hurt rather seriously. since he was incapacitated for other work, mabille took him into the school. so infirm that sometimes he had to lie upon his back while teaching, and quite untrained though he was, filemone was zealous and faithful and for many years rendered good service. mr. and mrs. mabille gave him lessons out of school hours and in return he helped mr. mabille in his literary work. (smith 1939:125) that in a nutshell is what has survived about rapetloane; we owe smith a good deal of debt for this detail even though the image he conveys is of one to be pitied more than celebrated – an incapacitated, untrained man who was taken in by a kind-hearted couple that paid him through lessons for his assistantship in their important work. though explicable from burden of inferiority complex and the physical burden of underdevelopment on the africans. the burden, reinforced and exacerbated by colonialism and missionary evangelism of all sorts, was accompanied by a real doubt of the humanity of the africans…” (oguejiofor 2005:83-84). hopefully things have changed and africans now understand themselves as human beings with own thoughts and culturally determined common sense, at liberty to describe the world and their experience of it as they see fit. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 10 the perspective of the power relations of the time, it is nonetheless still cause for concern that we should lack so much else that we take for granted vis-à-vis his contemporaries (e.g. birthdate, birthplace, name of life companion, etc.) in connection with this important mosotho evangelist.6 however, we know indubitably that rapetloane was mabille’s more than competent assistant who, though crippled, continued to prove his worth as a school teacher, printing assistant, as well as translation consultant. what we lack in biographical detail about rapetloane gets made up for in the skill with which he presented his 03 november 1863 piece on the front page of leselinyana’s launch edition. this article competently instructs us in the social and religious issues with which his generation were occupied. furthermore, it displays his exceptional abilities as a teacher, consultant, writer and thinker of note. he belonged to that earliest generation of literate basotho writer, which also was predominantly male (concerted efforts to instruct basotho girls took off principally in the 1870s, epprecht 2000:35). how things have changed, with the face of literacy in present-day lesotho being female; literacy rates among the latter edge those observable among the males 95% to 75% respectively. we do well to keep in mind the reality that it is thanks to contributions such as rapetloane’s that leselinyana could subsequently stake the claim of being “one of africa’s most venerable weekly newspapers” (epprecht 2000:32). his commendable blend of sesotho’s oral and literary qualities set the 6 it is now common cause that, “as a rule, the most striking achievement of nineteenth-century missionaries was not the conversion of individual africans but the introduction of agricultural techniques such as irrigation and ploughing, the inculcation of literacy, and the dispensing of rudimentary western medicines. the most successful evangelists were african christians themselves.” (giliomee 2007:100) koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 11 tone on which subsequent debaters could build. as shall soon become self-evident, he persuasively engages several interest groups in this fairly brief article. the employment of direct and reported speech, the sympathetic oscillation between thuto’s and koma’s rhetoric, the self-identification with as well as the critical distance from fellow-basotho and their customs, all these manoeuvres render his piece a well of insight into how nineteenth century basotho understood and negotiated the gospel as presented through predominantly western lenses. he both conceptualized and wrote in his mother tongue, this enabled him to speak persuasively as an authentic mosotho. working from a strong local linguistic base, filipino scholars dub pantayo the discourse directed at promoting self-understanding among members of a group; and the discourse directed at helping outsiders develop a better understanding of the group they style pangkami (curaming 2016:68). having practically no colonial baggage to contend with, unlike say pantayong pananaw, rapetloane is able to blend both the ‘from-us for-us’ and the ‘from-us for-you’ modes. he is then able to commend christian faith along with its attendant artefacts to the basotho while also elucidating the pertinence of established basotho customs to christian faith. his piece both illustrates and challenges his fellow-basotho on the one hand, and expatriate missionaries on the other, to engage each other “based on how well they have made use of their respective sets of practices/institutions that are attuned to their own environment or values” (curaming 2016:69) instead, that is, of blindly imposing their own cultural standards on the other. perhaps it is best at this juncture to defer to rapetloane’s own turn of phrase; my english rendition of it being counterbalanced by the original sesotho text for the benefit of those who can work from the latter. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 12 koma, thuto, nnete: an intriguing interaction basotho ba ma’nete a koma, boholoholo mona re leng teng, ho bo ho thoe ke holehole, phetla; ho no ho tsotoe mohlomi ha a fihla teng. lea tseba hore ha tjhaka, le bopeli, le mabutsoanyaneng, le tlokweng, le kholokoe, le basieng, le khalahali, ebe eka ke pheletsong ya lefatše. ya tsoang tjhabeng tseo ebe e le sebabatso, e le setsoto, ho thoe, “o tswa koo-koo.” true and dependable basotho! long, long ago, this place where we now reside, used to be called ‘far, far away, over at quthing’. it was such a marvel when mohlomi travelled this far. as you know, shaka’s land, bopedi, mabutswanyaneng, botlokwa, kgolokwe, basieng, kalahari — all those places seemed like the ends of the earth. whoever came from those regions was a spectacle, a marvel admiringly referred to as ‘one from over yonder’. in these opening lines, rapetloane adroitly orients us to the dynamics which were at play in the interface. the opening phrase, basotho ba ma’nete a koma, here rendered true and dependable basotho, addresses leselinyana readers as only an authentic mosotho could. some postures are ingrained from childhood through both active and passive enculturation. knowing full well that only a small fraction of basotho can read and write, rapetloane nevertheless directs his words towards the entire nation, towards all who can be regarded true and dependable basotho. in other words, he takes it for granted that those basotho who are armed with literacy do indeed take pride in mediating written messages to their unlettered relatives and fellow natives. in a word, literacy does not, for him, quality or disqualify anyone from being culturally koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 13 authentic, so to speak. by framing his address along these lines he thus renders leselinyana an insider, a fellow-mosotho, a fellow-pursuer of truthful being. rapetloane addresses the hearers of leselinyana contents just as a cultured mosotho man would address any august pitso. pitso’s were gatherings regularly convened to discuss developments of public interest to the polity. the pitso tradition had ensured that no mosotho could happily be disinterested in the goings on of his/her day, and that whoever had access news should share it with fellows. wherever a naïve neoliterate might have entertained inward-looking ideas of private literacy, the community’s ardent demands for the public use of his/her literacy skills eventually made such a dream unrealizable. on the other hand, those who used their literacy to keep fellow basotho informed show themselves to be true and dependable basotho. but rapetloane is not merely buying the face of those he naturally hopes will buy and enthusiastically engage this pioneer sesotho newspaper. the koma through which he qualifies genuine basotho represents the age-old sesotho institution by the possession of which men are distinguished from boys, women from girls. at the traditional initiation school (lebollo) basotho youth are taught likoma (sacred lyrics) whose function is to preserve and communicate age-old truths reserved only for the initiated. before the advent of christian missions, mastery of likoma functioned as the ultimate qualifier of a true and dependable mosotho. furthermore, as a cultural institution, koma bound generations of basotho to both their rulers (as loyal regiments) and their ancestors (as grateful heirs and custodians of tradition and custom). armed with likoma, initiates could be presumed schooled in the best of basotho folklore/history, customs/ways and values/ethics. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 14 among such “circumcision songs”, elucidates mabafokeng makara (2002:38), we find for instance “those that narrate the origins of the basotho.” a true mosotho is one who knows from where s/he has come; s/he is de facto a dependable ambassador of sesotho heritage. for the basotho a person cannot speak truthfully if s/he does not draw on likoma. the latter comprise the framework within which truth finds ultimate expression. this is perhaps the reason why likoma are terribly inscrutable to the uninitiated, in a manner that is surely reminiscent of jesus’ instruction to not give dogs what is sacred; do not throw your pearls to pigs. if you do, they may trample them under their feet, and then turn and tear you to pieces. whether this impenetrability is the reason behind the institution’s survival is not so farfetched a supposition. basotho sacred songs known as likoma or lifela (hymns) are a good example of african cultural elements which have managed to retain their purity amidst many missionaries’ attempts to either trivialize or mock them. although these are, as we have said, the best sources in as far as tracing genuine african religious thought is concerned, a serious problem is encountered when one has to find and analyze those which are shrouded in secrecy such as those associated with initiation in the case of basotho. (rakotsoane 2001:n.p.) francis rakotsoane’s reference to expatriate missionaries’ hostility towards the ‘mountain school’ is on point. whereas lebollo and its likoma had always sufficed as a veritable guarantee of a mosotho’s authenticity, thuto was presented as a fervent rival seeking to oust likoma. the white teachers regarded likoma as one of the bastions of heathenism and backwardness among the basotho,7 this being a reaction un 7 emille rolland, who, having been born in lesotho, was fluent in most things sesotho, regarded lebollo as “the starting point and mainstay of heathenism” koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 15 derstandably informed in good measure by likoma’s impenetrability. battle lines were drawn in leselinyana’s second issue (march 01, 1864) where the editor tells of a massively successful function held to celebrate the four morija schools’ performances during the previous academic year. the community happily donated livestock and various other food items for the fete. schoolchildren from neighbouring towns were also invited, and they observed morija school-children being quizzed by their confident instructors in front of all who were in attendance. then, ...batho ba nna ba makala, ha ba utloa kamoo bana ba hlalefisitsoeng ka evangeli le ka ntho tse ngata. ba abeloa libuka, le matlapa, le mesebetsana e meng, e mong le mong kamoo a sebelitseng; e le teboho ya hore ba tsoele pele, ba tle ba finyelle moo moputso wa bona o bolokiloeng teng; moputso oo ke jeso. ha jeoa le lijo, ha khora bana, ha ba ha khora le ba baholo; e seng majakane feela, le bahetene ba ne ba le bangata. ba tloha ba maketse ha ba utloa tsa lebollo le sa patoeng; joalekaha la bona molao o moholo …and the people were amazed at how the gospel had enlightened their children. prizes distributed included books, slates, and other useful works. this was done in order to encourage them to strive even more to attain the true reward hidden in those works; that reward is jesus. everyone had their fill of the food provided, not just the converts, but the heathens too who had come in their numbers. as the people left they displayed amazement at this secret-free initiation school. theirs, as you know, its number one as well as “the school of satan”. to him it was “the grand corrupting and seductive influence in the country.” (machobane 2001:44-50) theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 16 oa lona e leng “le seke la li bolela hae, e tla ba le ngalohile”.... hoja le ka baka ho ’na le isa bana ba lona sekolong sa bohata, se molao oa sona o moholo o reng, le seke la di beha hae, na ho patoa life? ha le tsebe le lona hore hloho ya lebollo la banna le basadi e se e tsejoa le ke ngoana oa letsoele? ...sekolo ke lebollo la nnete.... rule is: “not to be repeated at home! otherwise you’d be regarded a deserter!”.... oh basotho, if only you would stop sending your children to that false school, the one whose principal virtue is secrets! don’t you realize that even a suckling infant knows what is taught at your mountain school? ...the mission school, now that is the true initiation school…. basotho parents were supposed to choose whether to send their children to the mission school or the mountain school, to parochial knowledge hidden in sacred songs from uncountable generations (koma) or to universal knowledge hidden in books accessed through initiation to literacy (thuto). as far as thuto’s proponents were concerned, it could never be both; it had to be either/or. in reality though, and to the instructors’ ire, basotho parents generally chose both. with their actions, they deliberately treated the pseudo-antagonism presented to them as a non-starter. needless to say, many ultimatums went unheeded, and many representations to the chiefs for cooperation against likoma proved fruitless. it was difficult for the basotho to see what the fuss was about. as a result, the koma discourse continued to pervade even literate sesotho expressions. for rapetloane, as for many other basotho, the antagonism was misguided and uncalled for. so he makes a point to elicit koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 17 the culturally loaded ’nete ea koma (koma truth) on the front page of the launch issue of a mission newspaper whose supreme purpose was to spread thuto’s ’nete ea evangeli (gospel truth). in this regard, rapetloane’s conscious self-identification with sesotho heritage unapologetically designates him a true and dependable mosotho. both ‘truths’, as it were, forged a harmonious coexistence in the world of nineteenth century basotho whose voice rapetloane bravely radiates. that their descendants continue to struggle with such issues is an unfortunate disclosure of their own ignorance as heirs of a proud and culturally sound christian heritage. in thus making leselinyana to speak in authentic sesotho idiom, rapetloane achieved for this newspaper an unprecedented coup among black southern africans. here was space for one and all to express themselves in their own authentic native dialect! the ‘basotho’ being addressed needed no other form of selfidentification than competence in native cultural custom and parlance, regardless of specific mother tongue. two more items from rapetloane’s opening lines deserve fleeting comment before turning to the rest of his article; they are ‘mohlomi’ and ‘the ends of the earth’. unblushing mention of chief mohlomi achieves a few more spectacular effects for rapetloane. mohlomi was the young moshoeshoe’s inimitable mentor, secured at the request and foresight of the young royal’s father, chief mokhachane. in mentioning this legendary mentor, therefore, rapetloane is both recognizing and saluting the basotho paramountcy. aside from mentoring the most famous mosotho ever, mohlomi was also a renowned diviner, traveller (explorer) and collector of wisdoms from near and far; all these exploits earned him pride of place even in missions history as a “religious and political reformer” (walls 1998:475). through moulding the young moshoeshoe, theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 18 mohlomi’s influence on the evolution of sesotho culture and self-understanding was thus cemented. for instance, inter alia, whereas basotho long practiced cousin marriage, mohlomi is credited with making a systematic case for the practice of marrying outside one’s immediate clan (gill 1993:59–61). according to thoahlane (1978:5) in relation to morena mokheseng, also known as ratladi, the practice of marrying beyond one’s immediate relatives was not unknown among the basotho. but it was chief mohlomi who weaved some significantly elaborate and systematic reasoning around its benefits. if you add polygyny into the mix, as rapetloane does shortly, then you find a model which the basotho applied even to spiritual matters: take one from closer home, another from over there, a couple more from further still—having meaningful alliances from as a wide a range of ‘places’ as possible is sure to come in handy during times of upheaval. it is not hard to imagine how frustrating this turned out to be for the baruti who needed their converts to choose one way or the other. informed in part by this logic, moshoeshoe’s refusal to convert on missionary terms remains to this very day a thorn in the flesh of both protestant and catholic missions to lesotho (see e.g. gill 1993:93; ellenberger 1933:21). lastly, the phrase ‘the ends of the earth’ is also pregnant. through it rapetloane intimates to his fellow-natives that the world of true and dependable basotho is now much larger than it once was. it used to be a marvel to encounter fellownatives who spoke different languages and exhibited unfamiliar customs. but it has now become evident that there are other races too on this earth outside of the brown one.8 towards all these the basotho should adopt an attitude akin to 8 the noun sotho denotes the shade ‘brown’; the tag ‘basotho’ used to be koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 19 mohlomi’s, namely, open-mindedness. and, inevitably, from basotho these other peoples too can also learn as intercultural exchanges unfold. it is leselinyana’s incalculable privilege, then, to aid rapetloane’s contemporaries with the transition into this unbound world. and although space constraints here prohibit the unpacking of every allusion and reference, making available the entire piece in both sesotho and english should at least enable interested others to continue decoding its loaded nuances. enter god’s word joale ha hlaha faqane, ea qhalanya batho, merabe ea teana, le borena ba eba bong ba lesotho lohle. joale ha hlaha sethunya, ke hore bakhothu; ba ’na ba nepa batho joaleka liphoofolo. ha ntoo fihla baruti kamorao, ba tlisa thuto, eaka ba tla e le setlhare; athe ho joalo, setlhare ke lentsoe la molimo. ntoa tsa ka tsa re nya; ha khutloa le makhooeng, ha boa le bokone ke basotho. makhooeng ba tla le khomo le puli le nku le pere le then calamity arose. it scattered people. nations intermingled. lesotho’s rulership got consolidated. then the gun appeared, i.e., the koranna. they took people down as though they were shooting animals. next came baruti, bringing thuto, coming as though they were a medicine. and yes it is so; the medicine is god’s word. then wars ceased. basotho even returned from makgoweng as well as from bokone. from makgoweng they brought with them cattle, goats, sheep, horses and applied generically to all people with ‘brown skin’. it only acquired its narrower scope following the work of ethnographers and colonial agents decades after rapetloane. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 20 sethunya, motho a bile a na le mosali le bana. ra re, “jae! le tsoa jaka ho joang le tlang le sheshekile mehlape?” ba re “tjhee! ke khotso ea teng, ho lefshoa motho ka khomo, a thotsoe. ebile ra reka lipere le lithunya ka masela.” ’me nka bala ka reng? basotho, a re nkeng ka thabo leselinyana la lesotho! sethoto: le thusang? bohlale: o rata koro le peipe, o hana litaba! sethoto: ke tsa eng, tsa pasa? bohlale: bothotho efela e le lefu. leselinyana la lesotho la ba fetola la re: le tsekang, sethoto le bohlale? nna ke tla amoheloa khotla, ha ramohato, eena ea buang ka lengolo, guns. some even had wives and children. we said, ‘wow, on what manner of sojourn have you been, returning now as you do driving flocks?’ they replied, ‘well, that’s the kind of peace which exists over there; where people are remunerated in cattle. we even bought horses and guns and all manner of cloth.’ what more should i recount? dear basotho, let us gladly receive leselinyana la lesotho. ignoramus: what does it help? wisdom: pshaw, you love wheat, and the pipe, but you refuse news! ignoramus: news about pass documents? wisdom: folly sure is death. then leselinyana la lesotho answered them and said: ‘what are you two quarrelling about? i shall be welcomed at koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 21 ea ruiloeng ke mofumahali oa makhooa, eo ba buisanang le yena ka marife. ke tla ba sephatho khotla ha letsie, le serethe ha molapo, le tlhakoana ha masopha; mopeli eena a tibe ka tlhako joaleka pitsi, ha a mpona. sekhonyana a re: “ke be ke sa rialo.” ke re ho mabeoana a boqadi, a ha tsholo ho ka hlokoa koranta, ho se ho teoa le mosili; ke thabeloe le ke borametse le metsana bohle, ke bonese ka leseiinyana la ka ha mokoteli. ho balumeli ebe monyaka. hape le re ke fihla ka life? tjhee! ke na le tabanyana tsa mafatshe a mang; hape ke ho le hopotsa tsa ’mopi oa lona, wa makhooa, le oa litjhabatjhaba. lumelang! ke nna, leselinyana la lesotho. tabana ea ka ke ena. the palace, at ramohato’s place, the very one who communicates through letters. he enjoys the protection of the queen of the whites, with whom he converses through letters. i shall be to letsie like his sephatho, to molapo a serethe as well; just as to masopha too i shall be a tlhakwana. mopeli will skip like a horse when he sees me. sekgonyana in turn will say, “that’s what i’m talking about.” to qadi’s mabeoana, tsholo, i will say, “how can people who now grind gunpowder lack a newspaper?” all the headmen and elders will welcome me; i will enlighten mokoteli’s domain with my little light. great joy will come to believers. you ask what i come bearing. well, i have news pertaining to various nations. i have come to remind you about your creator, who is also the creator of the whites, and of all other nations. greetings! i am leselinyana la lesotho. and that is what i am about.’ theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 22 leselinyana will disseminate information among the basotho, but it will not shy away from the tougher issues of life. the basotho it envisages have as much to give as to receive. editorial touch-ups notwithstanding, rapetloane can most certainly not be accused of either shirking controversial questions or capitulating to expatriate instructors’ tastes. so much more than a mere bricoleur, he is a genuine creator and pioneer within sesotho literature. sesotho writings in existence at that point in time were sesotho books of the bible, a sesotho translation of the pilgrim’s progress, a sesotho hymnbook; the remainder were non-sesotho texts. his article’s peerless quality is thus accentuated by the fact that it had hardly any sesotho precedent after which to be modelled. and it is neither timid submission nor deceptive conformism, rapetloane was not given to “warily avoiding unpleasant questions both within and without the black world.” (du bois 1903:13) rapetloane’s second paragraph deals with a number of recent historical developments about which subsequent history books are replete. these include the lifacane (or difaqane), the advent of the gun (so much more effective than the spear), and moshoeshoe’s consolidation of several petty chiefdoms around the navel of south africa into a formidable force consequently known as the basotho. in a move that is definitely not loud flattery, rapetloane recognizes the arrival of molimo’s word as the pinnacle development of those days. he concedes baruti’s role as its agents, as bearers of the medicine they had wrapped with thuto. the effective medicine is god’s word, which for him is distinguishable from both baruti and thuto. thuto represents the gospel as interpreted and propagated by the baruti. but god’s word is the ultimate medicine that the basotho required and to which they ultimately koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 23 enjoy independent access. what is to stop god’s word engaging likoma after the same manner that the gospel’s engagement with european cultural realities resulted in the thuto the baruti are propagating? rapetloane insists that credit for the cessation of wars and the welcome return of migrant labourers should go to the effectiveness of molimo’s word. he does not define it; but given the evangelical background of his teachers, it is not unreasonable to surmise that he means the bible. this distinction between molimo’s word and its culture-bound carriers obviously applies to all missionaries, both black and white, both local and foreign. but in rapetloane’s day it cut more deeply into the white missionary’s ego, for the latter was persuaded that ‘civilization’ as ‘he’ conceived it was supposed to be the norm for all peoples. true and dependable basotho are of course free to assimilate what they find desirable from thuto. in the final analysis however, it is not thuto but god’s word (independently accessible in the pages of the sesotho bible) which ought to be their authority and vital remedy! migrant labourers are able to return home because peace now prevails in lesotho. not even king moshoeshoe, who is famed for considering peace to be his sister (thoahlane 1978:33; gill 1993:82-84; ellenberger 1933:5-8; khaketla (1947) 1954; couzens 2003:89; ambrose and brutsch 1991:9), can claim sole agency for this prevailing stability. peace prevails, rapetloane underlines, because of the agency of god’s word. thanks to this peace, lesotho will benefit from the diverse worldly goods and skills and implements which the returnees are bringing along with themselves. one of the things they picked up in makhoweng (industrializing towns typified by white settlements) is the reality of newspapers; they have come to appreciate the value of being kept regularly abreast of developments both near and far. these theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 24 erstwhile migrants are thus expected by rapetloane to be among the first people to embrace leselinyana la lesotho. leselinyana has come about in order to make it unnecessary for people to travel far in order to learn about world happenings. the respect which was accorded persons such as chief mohlomi before leselinyana’s advent can now belong to all basotho, provided that they let leselinyana take them near and far without the treacherous hassle of physical travel. for these reasons, leselinyana is confident that it will be as welcome in the king’s courts as in the junior chiefs’ homes. after all, king moshoeshoe already enjoys the honor of being the first mosotho ‘author’ (willet and ambrose 1980:xxiii) and a regular writer of letters to the british queen. indeed, even beyond the royal households, leselinyana will be welcomed among the various influential basotho families, not least among whom are the believers themselves. for that specific reason, leselinyana will not apologize for its religious content; after all there is only one creator of all. several words in rapetloane’s piece defy translation. case in point, leselinyana presents itself to the heir-apparent, prince letsie, as a sephatho. moshoeshoe was 79 years old when leselinyana was launched, and so letsie was increasingly the person through whom to influence the nations’ direction. a sephatho is the chief’s favorite person; the one to whom the royal is always likely to give an ear; an advisor, if you will. such a person is clearly very influential and is often used by others to soften or harden the leader’s heart around particular issues. rapetloane presents leselinyana as having been created to play this enviable role in the life of the king-in-waiting. that is the bold challenge put up to the basotho royalty; a challenge which nevertheless affirms existing sesotho cultural institutions as adequate tools for decoding evangeli. koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 25 also, the junior princes molapo and masopha will gladly receive leselinyana as their serethe and tlhakoana respectively. having affirmed koma at the beginning of his piece, rapetloane now concludes his article with approving references to polygyny. serethe and tlhakoana are tags used for junior wives within polygamous families. in true likoma style, serethe (a heel) and tlhakoana (a small hoof) are simultaneously both doting and euphemistic. you can tell by the anatomical position of the body parts denoted that the female referents and their offspring will enjoy a lower status in regard to the family’s affairs. yet their value in propping up the family is undeniable. it seemed better for basotho that consorts be known and formalized9 than that immense energy should be expended in entertaining them clandestinely. rapetloane unapologetically offers leselinyana—a christian missionary newspaper of firm evangelical persuasion—in the capacity of a junior wife. the allusions are metaphorical of course, but they are affirming of the institutions being approvingly made mention of. these approving mentions are made within a very charged mission context where polygyny was so frowned upon that even morena moshoeshoe himself had to succumb to his believing wives’ demands for divorce on grounds that christianity is incompatible with polygamy. as against koma, mabille was just as vociferous against sethepu (polygyny). so pas 9 once cattle have been exchanged, there can be no such thing as even a paternity dispute: “once a woman has been legally married it is impossible to speak of her children as illegitimate even where it is clear that they were not fathered by her legal husband.” (bereng 1987:66; cf. epprecht 2000:16–26) theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 26 sionate was he that the entire may 1872 number of leselinyana’s short-lived english sister newspaper, the little light of basutoland, was made up of his one piece entitled “cattle marriage, i”; the treatise was continued in the subsequent two numbers. the crux of his cattle marriage series was that ‘bride-price’ encourages polygamy: “a polygamist who has sold a daughter to advantage” he concluded, “will always be able to purchase an additional wife with the proceeds, and parents attracted by the price offered, will always find ways and means of coercing the will of their daughters if necessary.” it was in the face of constant and consistent expatriate missionaries’ sermons and teachings against the cultural institutions like likoma and sethepu that rapetloane penned the telling piece we have just glanced. what a confident assertion of independent thought and honesty to self! what an example for posterity! the confidence he exhibits permeates even the last lines. “mopeli will skip like a horse when he sees me. sekhonyana in turn will say, ‘that’s what i’m talking about!’…” and on he goes through the various prominent basotho households and what they stand to gain by associating with leselinyana. concluding thoughts in the foregoing review, we have witnessed a native writer stand toe-to-toe with his teachers and affirming his own cultural background as a legitimate ingredient of the melting pot that is christianity. his writing style and content unabashedly confirm the following summation of nineteenth century basotho appropriations of literacy: “from the very early missionary inspired fiction, the sotho writers came up with the ‘not so acceptable’ ways of writing, since these were not according to western tradition.” (moloi 1973:7) koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 27 thuto, if it is to have lasting local import, requires authentic local self-expression (authentic sesotho in the present case) as much as it inexorably incorporates incoming customs. the wisdom of having a mosotho pen leselinyana’s leading piece has been vindicated. and the risks as well as opportunities involved in bringing sesotho on board have been boldly illustrated in leselinyana’s leading article. if this newspaper is to be about us and for us, says the mosotho writer, then it will have to speak in tones and terms that are close to basotho hearts. and koma resides at the heart of sesotho identity as a guardian of (culturally informed) truth; it represents the people’s accumulated collective wisdom and thought without which they would find it impossible to recognize themselves. leselinyana, insists rapetloane, is about truth, and truth is no respecter of persons even if it be discoverable only through culturally coloured eyes. koma’s truth is not contrary to the truth of molimo’s word, even if it may in places run counter to thuto’s truth. one seasoned missionary put it eloquently thus: “for we cannot do anything against the truth, but only for the truth” (2 cor. 13:8, rsv). after all, he adds, the creator of the basotho is also the creator of the whites and of everyone else. it would seem from the foregoing reading of a single, nonreactionary and paradigmatic piece that nineteenth century basotho had quietly and confidently grasped the truth of christian faith as opposed to the intolerant ethnocentric version of cultural imperialism that often gets masqueraded as christian faith. in the basotho’s understanding, the god’s word works with and through, rather than by seeking to overhaul, the cultural common sense of its target audiences. in this way god’s word can never be accused of ethnocentrism, only thuto is liable to that allegation. thuto involves interpretation and application—the hermeneutical processes which theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 28 are vulnerable to ambitious cultural forces. this insight resonates even within postcolonial biblical hermeneutics (e.g. sugirtharajah 2001:280) the author’s authentic articulation of truth amid an hostile context surely renders his truth more persuasive than a later reader’s anachronistic appropriation thereof. some attention has been drawn to factors that would have had a bearing on rapetloane as he composed his piece. it emerged quite vividly that his own cultural background was the source par excellence of his conceptions and expressions. he could not have spoken in any other manner. he is a mosotho christian who is at once familiar with likoma; he is a mosotho who receives, reads and grasps god’s word through the cultural worldview of his upbringing. he is, most importantly, not seeking to impose but only to embrace and celebrate molimo’s word within the confines of his own cultural common sense. and what a refreshing and exemplary reception and application thereof. the common sense of rapetloane’s world comes through even more persuasively because he did not need to compose his piece in french or english. reading, writing and reflecting in one’s mother tongue simply undercuts much of the cultural baggage that accrues to texts, whether hegemonic or otherwise, which are produced in an-other’s tongue. without sesotho contributions such as rapetloane’s for example, the pems missionaries might have continued to labour under the misguided notion that thuto is synonymous with evangeli. in his sesotho composition, what is obvious and natural to rapetloane takes prominence over against thuto’s common sense. koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 29 by only scratching the surface of nineteenth century lesotho discursive modes, i have here only sought to show that descendants of the erstwhile colonized have access to ample examples of their forebears’ bold and creative manoeuvres in the face of powerful edifices. rapetloane’s piece is not apologetic and antagonistic or accusatory in any sense. it is creative in the best unencumbered sense of the term. far from preaching ‘a return to innocence’ (some presumed state of perfect existence marred by the arrival of thuto), rapetloane’s piece encourages the postcolonial reader to pursue ‘an embrace of authentic self’ (with which molimo’s word is happy to engage). clearly, and in spite of the expatriate missionaries’ critical gaze, basotho ancestors have left behind impressive ways of thinking and articulating vis-à-vis life’s various aspects. the obscure but significant nineteenth century mosotho writer read herein is only one of many competent representatives of earliest generations of basotho literates whose exertions can save present generations the toil of reinventing the wheel and of perpetuating misguided or dead-end rivalries. it is not simply a matter of ‘we too have wise ancestors whose stories are worth rehearsing and learning from!’ it is a necessary and ongoing quest for truth pursued through authentic lenses. bibliography ambrose, d & brutsch, a 1991. introduction to missionary excursion into the blue mountains: being an account of king moshoeshoe’s expedition from thaba-bosiu to the sources of malibamatšo river in the year 1840, 9–45. lesotho: morija archives. bereng, p 1987. i am a mosotho. morija: morija printing works. couzens, t. 2003. murder at morija. johannesburg: random house. curaming, ra 2016. postcolonial studies and pantayong pananaw in philippine historiography: a critical engagement. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 30 kritika kultura, 27:63–91. du bois, web 1903. the souls of black folk: essays and sketches. chicago: mcclurg. ellenberger, v 1933. landmarks in the story of the french protestant church in basutoland during the first hundred years of its existence, 1833-1933. morija: sesuto book depot. epprecht, m 2000. this matter of women is getting very serious: gender, development and politics in colonial lesotho. pietermaritzburg: university of natal press. giliomee, h & mbenga, b (eds) 2007. new history of south africa. cape town: tafelberg giliomee, h 2007. a proper british colony, in giliomee, h & mbenga, b (eds), 83–119. gill, sj 1993. a short history of lesotho. morija museum & archives. khaketla, mb (1947) 1954. moshoeshoe le baruti. morija. kunene 1977 lebaron, m 2003. culture-based negotiation styles. in bergess, g & burgess, h (eds), beyond intractability, no page numbers, university of colorado, boulder: conflict information consortium, http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/culture-negotiation, [accessed 14 june 2016]. mabille, a. 1864. mokete oa bana ba likolo tse nne tsa morija. leselinyana la lesotho: 1 march. machobane, lbbj 2001. basotho religious beliefs and western thought, in machobane, lbbj & manyeli, tl (eds), essays on religion and culture among basotho (1800-1900), 7–63. lesotho: mazenod. magomba, mp 2004. early engagements with the bible among the gogo people of tanzania: historical and hermeneutical study of ‘ordinary readers’’ transactions with the bible. unpublished m.th. dissertation, university of kwazulu-natal. makara, m 2002. management of indigenous knowledge in lesotho: prospects and challenges for information professionals. pretoria: scecsal conference proceedings. manson, a; mbenga, b & peires, j 2007. consolidation and expansion of the colonial presence in giliomee, h & mbenga, b http://www.beyondintractability.org/ koma, thuto and 19th century basotho’s refusal to choose between the two: remarkable instance of intercultural engagement. 31 (eds), 139–164. moloi, rakotsoane, fl 2001. the southern sotho’s ultimate object of worship: sky-divinity or water-divinity? unpublished ph.d. dissertation, university of cape town. rogoveanu, r-n 2010. intercultural negotiations: a cultural approach. professional communication and translation studies, 3(1-2):9–14. sanneh, l 1995. global christianity and the re-education of the west. the christian century, july:715–718 setiloane, g 1976. the image of god among the sotho-tswana. rotterdam: balkema. smith, ew 1939. mabilles of basutoland. 1996 fax reprint. morija printing works. sugirtharajah, rs 2001. the bible and the third world: precolonial, colonial and postcolonial encounters. cambridge university press. thoahlane, ab 1978. makumane a histori ea lesotho. morija: morija sesuto book depot. tshehla, ms 2009. walls, af 1998. moshoeshoe (also moshesh, and various other spellings), in anderson, gh (ed), biographical dictionary of christian missions (bdcm), 475. grand rapids: eerdmans. west, go 2003. from the bible as bola to biblical interpretation as marabi: tlhaping transactions with the bible, in draper, ja (ed), orality, literacy, and colonialism in southern africa, 41– 55. atlanta: sbl. west, go 2008. interrogating the comparative paradigm in african biblical scholarship, in de wit, h & west, go (eds), african and european readers of the bible in dialogue: in quest of a shared meaning, 37–64. leiden: brill. willet, sm & ambrose, dp 1980. lesotho: a comprehensive bibliography. oxford: clio press. 32 the african joseph and his contribution to africa and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45)1 d t adamo research fellow, unisa abstract the contentious africanness of ancient egypt/egyptians is discussed at a great length since most eurocentric biblical scholars erroneously believe that ancient egypt/egyptians belong to either europe or asia, despite the ancient egyptian claim in their monuments (inscription of hasheptsut) that they belong to africa, precisely punt. a close examination of genesis 41:41-45 shows that the purpose of the elaborate ceremony/ritual is not only for joseph’s promotion to the position of a vizier, but also mainly to make joseph a full citizen of egypt/africa in order that he may be able to perform his duty as an egyptian deputy governor. unfortunately biblical scholars miss this fact. i have also emphasized that joseph’s contribution to ancient israel and egypt/africa is of great importance, despite the underestimation of these achievements of an african joseph. this article aims to emphasize the fact that joseph was made an african citizen and that he made great contribution to ancient israel and africa which is seldom recognized by many biblical scholars. key words: africa, egypt, joseph, genesis, ceremony 1 this paper was originally presented at the society of biblical literature (sbl) meeting 21-24 nov, 2015 in atlanta, usa. the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 33 introduction many great scholars have written commentaries and articles on many passages in the book of genesis (rad von 1972; bandstra 2008; brueggemann 1982; charles 2013). however, much attention has not been paid to this important passage (gen 41:41-45) where joseph was coronated with elaborate ritual of power and citizenship. many of these commentators have missed the fact that the elaborate ceremony is not only to promote him but also to make joseph a full citizen of egypt/africa. it appears to me that to exercise such immense authority, he needed to be made a full fledge citizen of egypt. in the bible there are many josephs. they include joseph of arimathea, joseph, the husband of mary and joseph called barsabas. i am interested in discussing the joseph who belongs to egypt/africa and made great contribution to africa and ancient israel. that is, joseph the son of jacob and rachael, who was elaborately made to be a citizen of ancient egypt so that he could be very effective in his duty as vizier of egypt. the author of genesis particularly paid great attention to this event, probably because of the importance of the elaborate ceremony. this article examines the africanness of ancient egyptians, the date and setting of joseph’s career, the literary analysis of genesis 41, the elaborate ceremony of joseph’s citizenship and his promotion to the position of a grand vizier of egypt, as well as his contribution to egypt/africa and ancient israel. however, it is important to note that this paper represents my personal opinion on ancient egypt and egyptians in light of the testimonies of ancient writers such as diodorus scicilus, herodotus and eminent egyptologists such as wallis budge, maspero, george rawlinson, david o’connor and some theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 34 modern scholars such as knut holter, gleen usry, and craige keener. inscriptions of hatshepsut clearly maintain that the ancient egyptians came from kush and somali land. the africanness of ancient egypt/ egyptians since the title of this article is “the african joseph (gen 41:40-45)” it is important to discuss the africanness and blackness of ancient egypt and egyptians since many modern biblical scholars are still in doubt as to whether egypt/egyptians are africa/africans or europe/europeans. the question of africanness of ancient egypt and egyptians has been in contention since the days when euro-americans discovered massive monuments during their archaeological discovery in egypt. napoleon’s invasion of egypt in 1798 opened up egypt for archaeological discovery. around this time the new hamite hypothesis based on the theories about race which placed the negro at the very bottom could not allow the possibility that negroes had developed such a massive civilization discovered in the nile valley (copher 1974:716). the euro-american egyptologists had to formulate the theory that egyptians were not africans or negroes because they believed that it is impossible for negroes to bring about such civilization (junker 1921:121-132; baldwin n.d:345; blumenbach 1865; j. d baldwin 1969:309). it was propounded that, since africans were so exceptional people, they cannot be classified into any distinct race because those who originally inhabited what we called africa today were people of the ‘red-skinned race’ who later became so degenerated in body and mind, thus changing their types so that in the course of generations their fine forms became ‘ugly, their long curly black hair’ became short, crisp and woolly, their fine, olive-coloured complexion turned to a coal black’ (adamo 1986:13). the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 35 this idea was formulated at the very time when justification for the enslavement of the negro was feverishly sought. for example, hermann junker believed that both egyptians and the ethiopians which he called nehesi, are not africans and, of course, not black people (junker 1921:121-132). the term nehesi is an egyptian term which means “black” and at times used as a name of a kushite from kush. this term nehesi, was probably used to distinguish the southern negro/black in order to distinguish the southern nehesi from themselves since they themselves were black (budge 1978:386; 1976:505). in 1810 blumenbach, a pioneer in racial classification was in egypt studying human remains in order to prove that the ancient egyptians-cushites were not negroes (blumenbach 1865). unfortunately, many other egyptologists accepted junker’s and blumenbach’s views uncritically (varcoutter 1976:33-34). hegel, in his lectures on the philosophy of history, held that ‘africa is no historical part of the world: it has no movement or development to exhibit’ (wilks 1970:7). professor trevor-roper who held the chair of history in oxford university advanced the view that african past is “only the unrewarding gyrations of barbarous tribes in pictureques but irrelevant corners of the globe” (cited by wilks 1970:7). a.p newton also advanced the view that africa had no history before her colonization by the europeans (fage 1970:1). it is unfortunate that even up till today many euro-american biblical scholars believe in such theory that egypt is not part of africa. thus, in scholarly essays, they frown at any claim that egypt or ancient egyptians are black people.2 lepsius 2kuntz discussed egypt under the title, “the ancient near east during the patriarchal period” (kunzt 1974:60-63). ninian smart discussed egyptian religion under the title “the ancient near east,” alongside israelite religions rather than under african religions (smart 1992:vi). theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 36 says that the kushites of the southern wawat came from asia between the time of pepi i (1200 b.c e) and amenemhat i (1700 bce) and drove back the africans who occupied the place (maspero 1968:488 cited lepsius). j. d baldwin also maintained that the kushites originated from arabia and built settlements throughout africa, down to the eastern coast, nearly to the cape of good hope (baldwin n.d:345). lepsius’ and baldwin’s theory of the origin of kushites is very unlikely, if it has been generally accepted that africa, south of egypt, is the origin of human race. many ancient and modern scholars maintain that egypt is part of africa geographically and ethnically. punt and nehesi countries in ancient africa were their places of origin and that the present location of egypt was originally part of an ocean but kushites inhabited the land (adamo 1986:66). ancient egyptians themselves claimed that their place of origin is punt. diodorus sicilus, the greek-born writer (59-30 b.c.e) who set out to write the general history of humankind says that the ethiopians were the first of all people and the pioneer in worshipping the gods (scicilus 2005 reprint 3.8.5, 3.15.2, 3.9.2). they are the sources of many of the customs of the egyptians. they also sent the egyptians out as colonists (scicilus 2005 reprint 3.11, 3.2-3.11; adamo 1986:67). e a budge, george rawlinson, and maspero were emphatic that the original home of the egyptian ancestors was punt which is to be sought in the african side of the gulf where the present side of somaliland is located (budge 1976 512-513; rawlinson n.d:72; maspero 1968:488). budge says, it is interesting to note that egyptians themselves always appear to have had some idea that they were connected with the people of the land of punt which they considered it is important to note that the hyksos were foreigners who came to rule egyptians but they were later forced out of egypt. the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 37 to be peopled by “nehesh,” or “blacks,” and some modern authorities have no hesitation in saying that the ancient egyptians and the inhabitants of punt belong to the same race. now punt is clearly the name of a portion of africa which lay far to the south of egypt, and at no great distance from the western coast of the red sea, and, as many egyptians appear to have looked upon this country as their original home, it follows that, in the early period of dynastic history, at least, the relation between the black tribes of the south and the egyptians in the north were of friendly character (budge 1976:512-513). budge continues, many facts go to show the persistence of the negro influence on the beliefs, and manners, and customs of the dynastic egyptians, and the most important thing of all in connection with this is the tradition which makes them to come from the land of punt….we may accept without misgiving the opinion of professor maspero and of professor naville, both of whom believe that it was situated in africa, at a considerable distance to the south-east, and south of egypt….. all things considered, it is tolerably certain that the men of punt, who influenced the manners, customs, and beliefs of the people of the nile valley were of african origin (budge 1976:415-416). according to david o’connor, typically, the men [punt] have dark reddish skins and fine features; characteristic negroid types…and the egyptians have always visited punt from the time immemorial... the relationship has been of trade rather than political or subordination (o’connor 1982:917-918). the celebrated father of history, herodotus, who spent about two years in egypt doing his research, regarded the egyptians and the colchians as black people. he says, theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 38 there can be no doubt that colchians are egyptian race. before i heard any mention of the fact from others, i had remarked it myself. my own conjectures were founded first on the fact that they are black skinned and have woolly hair……. (herodotus vii, 70). the fact is that ancient egypt and ancient egyptians are africans and black as attested to by mokhtar, the egyptians used only one word to describe themselves: kmt the strongest term existing in the language of the pharaohs to indicate blackness. this hieroglyphics was written with a piece of charcoal. the word kmt gave rise to the term hamite which has been much used subsequently. it is also found in the bible in the form of ham (moktar 1981:12). many other scholars such as glenn usry and craig keener have argued for the africanness and blackness of ancient egypt and egyptians. according to them “most egyptians were black by any one’s definition (usry and craig 1996:61). the egyptians themselves considered africa as their origin and not asia. the inscription of queen hatshepsut attested to the fact that they originated from punt to which they made several expeditions (adamo 1986:32). knut holter is right in his observation when he says, in recent years, however, one has become increasingly aware of its african heritage. on the one hand, the geographical source for the peopling of the egyptian nile valley seems to have been predominantly african, rather than european or near east. on the other hand the civilization from here was to an extent, that is usually not recognized, fundamentally african; evidence of both language and culture point in this direction (holter 2008:80-81). the concept of egypt as part of africa is not a new one. however, it appears that people forget that egypt is part of the the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 39 continent of africa and only think of the modern state as part of the middle-east. this is because arabic is presently the main language and the country is predominantly islamic, following the settlement there in ad 642 of people of islamic culture. from the above testimonies of the ancient egyptians themselves, the greek writer, diodorus sicilus, eminent scholars such as budge, maspero, rawlinson, mokhtar, usry, kenner, holter and others, one can say comfortably that ancient egyptians and egypt are africans and belong to africa even ethnically. therefore, if we accept egypt as an african country and that ancient egyptians are africans, then the assumption that joseph is an egyptian and an african is correct. the recognition of egypt and joseph as africa and africans shows that africa and africans participated in the drama of redemption, not as slaves as some euro-american scholars have alleged in their biased biblical exegesis (mckane 1963:267; philbeck 1970:123; ullendorf 1968:8; smith 1910:359). the story of joseph and his wife is part of the drama of redemption. it shows that the bible is not a foreign book in africa and to africans as some political agitators or anti colonialists in africa have claimed. if the bible is not foreign to africa and africans, it means that christianity is not a foreign religion as stated above. the fact is that the history of ancient africa is as unthinkable without egypt as the history of egypt is without africa (davidson 1964:43). theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 40 the possible date and setting of joseph’s story there have been different opinions as to the date and setting of the story of joseph. two positions exist regarding the date of joseph among eminent scholars of the joseph story. while some scholars date joseph to the second intermediate period of egyptian history (1786-1570bce), that is, the period when the hyksos ruled the delta in egypt (kitchen 1962; stigers 1976; coogan 2009), others date it to the 19th century bce during the 12th dynasty of the middle kingdom. the dating of joseph to the hyksos period (1786-1570) was based on two assumptions: that the late date of exodus, during ramses ii (13th century), is acceptable; and that the rise to power of the asiatic people should be the period when the hyksos ruled egypt. if the date of the exodus is 13th century bce and the sojourn in egypt lasted for approximately 400 years (430 in exodus 12:40), joseph would have been in egypt in the 17th century bce. however, if the date of exodus is 15th century bce, joseph must have been in egypt in the 19th century bce during the 12 dynasty of the middle kingdom. if the biblical numbers are taken literally and at face value the probable kings during the career of joseph and the period of the enslavement would have been sesostris ii (1897-1878 bce) and sesostris iii (1878-1843 bce). this argument depends on how one interprets i kings 6:1 which dates the exodus 480 years before the fourth year of king solomon (966 bce). as said above if one accepts the verse literally the date of exodus will be 15th century, but if one totally disregards the verse’s historical value, the exodus can be dated to any time. however, if one accepts the verse to be less than a literal 480 years, then exodus will be dated to the 13th century bce. the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 41 however, this writer holds to the late date of exodus (15th century bce) and joseph career dated back to the 19th century bce during the 12th dynasty of the middle kingdom for the following reasons. in view of the rivalries and inter-tribal wars in canaan, it is unlikely that syro-palestinians would favour a hebrew. the 12th dynasty date for joseph agrees with the biblical chronology of the exodus and sojourn because i kings 6:1 is probably dating the exodus to 1446 bce and exodus 12:40 appears to place jacob’s entrance into egypt during the reign of sesostris ii. in genesis 39:1 potiphar is an egyptian and a commander of the royal bodyguard of pharaoh. it is therefore unlikely that the hyksos would choose a native egyptian as a bodyguard. since the hyksos ruled only the northern part of egypt and not the entire egypt, and the 12th dynasty ruled the entire egypt, it will likely not be correct to date joseph career to the time of the hyksos who did not control the entire egypt. joseph controlled the entire egypt (gen. 41, 42 and 45). it is likely that by the time joseph arrived in egypt he met a united kingdom around 1898 bce with the twelve dynasty (19371759) in power (burton 2007:75). joseph shaving and putting on new clothes when he was to meet pharaoh in genesis 41:14 would reflect actual native egyptian customs and traditions and not the syro-palestinians’. a papyrus in the brooklyn museum published by hayes mentioned asiatic slaves in egypt during the middle kingdom ( a few generation after joseph) with their duties as household servants like that of joseph (hayes 1955:103). theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 42 although the majority of modern scholars holds to the period of the hyksos, in the light of the evidence above i hold to the 12th dynasty early date for joseph in egypt. literary analysis of genesis 41 a close examination of joseph’s story shows that the story is unfolded through a veritable roller coaster of plot twists (collins 2004:101-102). the artistic characteristic of the story of joseph in genesis has been described with effective insight. this entire story builds its plot with careful attention for symmetry which employs among other techniques, an interaction of extremes” (coats 1976: 7). this story as it is written reveals “a broad range of literary devices such as “irony, simile, metaphor, double entendre, hyperbole” and deals with “subtle emotions, like guilt, dear, despair.” (coats 1976:7). coats also described the story as “leading the action to a point of crisis, then leaves that plot dangling while a new line of action develops, and then with deft strokes picks up the dangling ends. it controls the pace of action by retarding development of the plot, by recapitulations, by embellishment”(1976:7). joseph’s story is different in kind from other stories in genesis because it has “a certain amount of local color (collins 2004:103). joseph’s story has been considered a novella, a superb example of early prose fiction. and is traditionally attributed to j and e. (collins 2004:101; coats 1976:7). chapters 39-41 is the third structure in the story of joseph and shows “a very remarkable symmetry and artistic skill in conception” with three major scenes which constitutes a subplot and a digression from the movement of the major plot that has been established in chapter 37. each one of the scene is intricately related to one another. the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 43 according to coats, this unit seems to have had a life of its own before it was incorporated into the body of the joseph story and he also considered it “a political legend” (coats 1976:32). yet no part of the scene can be separated from the joseph’s story as an independent unconnected or unrelated story (coats 1976:48). the joseph’s story shows a remarkable internal unity. chapter 41 concludes what appears to be the great interlude in the life of joseph as described in chapters 39-41. chapter 41 contains the third scene in this episode (the first in chapter 39 and the second in 40). this third episode closes with an anticipation of what is to be unfolded in the following, that is, joseph sharing food to the hungry masses. chapter 41 can be divided as follows (wenham 2000:389). scene 1: pharaoh’s dreams reported (1-7) scene 2: interpreters fail to explain dreams (813) scene 3: joseph’s audience with pharaoh (14-46) scene: 4: joseph’s work in seven years of plenty (4757) scene 5: joseph’s work in famine (53-57). the first scene which recounts pharaoh’s dreams is told in the third person and later it was described in the first person by pharaoh. the second scene is verses 8-13 which recorded the failure of the royal dream interpreters. the third scene 14-46 constitutes the climax of the chapter, when joseph was transformed from nobody to somebody, that is, number two man in the whole of egypt. the finite verbs “rushed,” “summoned” expressed the urgency of pharaoh’s feeling and the “rapidity of joseph’s metamorphosis from slave to courtier.” in verse 16, joseph made use of oblique theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 44 rhetorical question to draw away attention from himself to god, “who can announce pharaoh’s welfare.” verses 25 -35 appears to be “the first longish speech” in the joseph’s story. it is divided into two parts, verses 25-32 and 33-36 (wenham 200:393). this chapter coheres well with the rest of joseph’s story. source critics have generally believe that verses 1-32 are from a single source (e) as it continues with the account of chapter 40. it was believed by some scholars that the rest also come from e even though without unity (wenham 2000:390). according to wenham, gunkel, skinner, von rad and schmidt believe that verses 33-57 is a mixture of j and e material because there is amount of contradiction and redundancy especially in the description of joseph’s promotion (wenham 2000: 390). redford believes that those discrepancies were read into the text. (redford 19:166) biblical story of joseph. wenham thinks that there is substantial literary unity in the whole chapter despite the discrepancies (wenham 2000:390). verse 26 used allegorical language when joseph interpreted the dream. the cows and ears of grain symbolize the harvest of the land.3 verses 29-31 used a prophetic language (“behold seven years are coming,” that is the prediction of famine. it is noticeable that the years of plenty was described in one sentence while five clauses described the famine (30-31). 3 siheil text in southern egypt dating from the second century bce mentions a seven year famine and then followed by the years of plenty during the time of djoser (2600 bce). this shows that there is a memory of a seven-year long famine and plenty was known in ancient egypt and other parts of ancient near east (wenham 2000:393). the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 45 verses 36-46 is found pharaoh’s expression of appreciation of joseph’s advice, thus his promotion as a vizier (prime minister), and also the honour of citizenship to make his authority properly acceptable by the egyptian people. in verses 39-40 the nature of joseph office is not really clear. what is certain is that the description of his responsibility means he is second in command. “only as regards to the throne will i be more important than you,” and in verse 41 “i have set you over all the land of egypt.” his responsibility resembles that of the egyptian vizier described as the great supervisor over all egypt who is in control of all governmental activities (breasted 1906:7). verse 41 seems to be a duplication of verse 40 as some source critics sometimes alleged. however, it is not, because of the “imperative see!’ and the perfect ‘i have placed’ in verse 41 necessitate the presence of verse 40 before, and show that 41 is a dependent, though certainly repetitive statement (wenham 2000:396). coats’s conclusion about literary unit of the story of joseph is this: thus it seems to me to be clear that the joseph story must be understood essentially as a unit, and artistic masterpiece. but the masterpiece do not appear to me to be a product of redactor who expressed his art by weaving together two originally distinct sources. nor does the masterpiece appear to me to have been compromised by a later, clumsy hand. the masterpiece remains masterpiece as it now stands, each piece in its place. rhythm, symmetry, harmony, heightened on occasion by contrasts, contributes to the flow of this ancient literary symphony (1976:75). according to coats, hannelis schulte believes that the story of joseph in genesis must have gone through four oral theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 46 stages and two written stages before it gets to the final present stage (coats 1976: 74). coats disagrees with this theory because when one looks at the structure and genre the story belong to the production of the artist’s hand at a literary level rather than the production of the folk at an oral level (976:7679). von rad believes that joseph story is related to the teachings of wisdom and can be dated to the solomonic or post-solomonic period (von rad 1972:435; coats 1976:78). according to coogan, it is difficult to set a precise date because there is no mention of joseph so far in any of the egyptian documents as one expects (2009:69). however, many scholars have tried to find a kernel of history in the story of joseph by dating it to the time when the hyksos ruled egypt (1750-1550 bce). others date the story to the post exilic period (coats 1992 :976-981) and also to the 12th dynasty of egypt during the reign of sesostris ii (1897-1878 bce) and sesostris iii (1878-1843 bce). in the above discussion, i believe that there is a kernel of historical information which has been originally passed around orally before it was finally committed into writing from memory by an expert artist using all kinds of literary genres to achieve the purpose of his writing. in this process there were some expansion and addition which does not make the story loose the event that lies behind the story once upon a time. ritual of promotion and citizenship of joseph chapter 41:41-45 which deals with the ritual of promotion and citizenship is very important to this article according to the title. therefore, verses 41-45 will be the focus of this section with some elaborate treatment of egyptian/african context. verses 41-45 are the installation ceremony of joseph as a vizier of egypt. this is the events that can be visualized in the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 47 detail according to egyptian/african custom and representations. the narrator was careful enough to have described in detail the egyptian usual ritual of acceptance and upliftment. among the rituals (taking of ring of authority, wearing of fine linen, gold chain on the neck, riding on chariot, and crying and bowing before joseph, and giving of a new name 41:42-43, 45) the giving of asenath to joseph as a wife seems to be of utmost importance. change of clothing was necessary to suit joseph’s status as a wise counselor (stigers 1976:288). one of the major reasons for these detailed rituals is to make joseph socially acceptable. that of giving an african wife (egyptian) and a new name appears to be the most important. perhaps, it was not only to make joseph socially acceptable but also to egyptianize him.3f4 examples of the promotion of semites rising to the positions of great authority in egypt are many right from the middle kingdom, hyksos and new kingdom period (wenham 2000:395). what can be considered as a striking parallels from the period of akhenaten is tutu who was appointed the highest mouth” in the whole country which means that he had the total authority in the special task that he was assigned and he was responsible only to pharaoh (wenham 2000:395). it is likely that it is one of the titles that were given to joseph. at tell el-amarna, the painting on the wall shows pharaoh appointing tutu and putting the golden necklace of office around his neck. it was also shown leaving the palace. this is an important and excellent illustration of what might have taken place when joseph was crowned as the chancellor of egypt and made a citizen of egypt (gen. 41:41-43). what is particularly important is that 4 i discussed in detail who were the african-israelites in egypt in my previous article, “a mixed multitude: an african reading of exodus 12:38,” exodusdeuteronomy, fortress press, 2012. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 48 the person being honoured with egyptian/african citizenship is a semite (r. de vaux, 1978:1-299). the giving an egyptian wife, asenath to joseph the name, “asenath” appears three times in the book of genesis 41:45, 50 and 46:20. the name “asenath” is an egyptian name which means “belonging to or the servant of neith goddess (buttrick 1982:247-248). according to jones it means “who belongs to neith” or “she who is of neith” (jones 1990:41). he also reported jablonski as saying that the name is a “compound from coptic neith, the titular goddess of sais, the athena of the greeks; and on the whole means a worshipper of neith” (jones 1990:41). she was the minerva of the egyptians and the goddess of wisdom ”(jones 1990:41). lockyer also says that the name is an egyptian name which means “one who belongs to neith, the heathen goddess of wisdom of sais (lockyer n.d:32). asenath means “she belongs to the goddess neit or “she belong to her father” or “she belong to you” (wenham 2000:397). such name is well attested in the middle kingdom and the hyksos period (kitchen 1962:1012; wenham 2000:397). genesis 41:42 exposed more than any other passage, the original egyptian/african culture. the giving of asenath to joseph, the giving of signet ring, the giving of white linen and the riding on a royal horse and the bowing down and kneeling down for joseph is a sign of respect and political authority. all represent the nature of respect, authority and protection that are given to the royal person in egypt as it has been in the other african countries. the culture of giving a wife to the royal person is indeed the height of the mark of citizenship in egypt. even though joseph had become number two in the nation, perhaps, he had not completely identified himself with the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 49 african/egyptian life until his marriage with asenath was consummated. the marriage that pharaoh arranged for joseph reveals his determination to completely identify joseph with the royal family and egyptian/african life and citizenship. she has an egyptian name and was also given to joseph not only as sign of promotion but also to make him egyptian (schneider 2008:162). the giving of a wife is not just a mark of honour bestowed on joseph as a citizen but also a mark of protection and authority as the second in command. evidence of giving a wife to the royal person as a mark of honour in egypt as it is in other african countries abounds. in ancient egypt it appears that everyone belonged to the king. he could do whatever he liked with them. he could give their daughters to anyone he liked. the given of a wife, asenath, from one of the egyptian top families actually set a seal on joseph promotion and citizenship. pharaoh’s signet ring giving to joseph in ancient egypt as it is in most african countries, men and women are great lovers of jewelry such as amulets, pendants, bracelets, necklaces, head jewelry, rings, anklets, collars, diadems insignia and others. gold was the most common material used in egyptian/african jewelry since it was easily available from nubia. egyptian jewelry was not made only for decorative purpose, for it contains symbols that make the wearers, dead or alive, feels the expectation of protection, good luck, and prosperity. these materials are for protection against evil forces both natural and supernatural. egyptian rings can be made with some seals impressed on them such as images of gods, magical signs, hieroglyphs and animals. the ancient egyptians were not satisfied to adorn themselves theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 50 with jewelry when they are alive; they loaded the important dead people with jewelry. they loaded the arms, the fingers, the neck, the ears, the brow, and the ankles of the dead person with costly jewelry. the rings that were won by important official men in ancient egypt were not mere decoration but an actual necessity. this may not be only true of egypt but also other ancient african countries. official documents were not signed but sealed and the seal was good in law and every egyptian person seemed to have a seal kept as a personal belonging ready for use whenever it was required. such was the royal ring in ancient egypt and the one given to joseph to wear as a mark of honour, authority and as of true citizen of egypt. the use of ring in the israelitic culture is similar to that of africa/egypt. the word ring in the bible is ַטַבָעת which means “to impress with a seal”(alexander 1980:342).5 it denotes an official seal-ring of the pharaoh or king which makes decrees official by its imprint as in genesis 41:42, esther 3:10; 12; 8:2, 8,10 and appears twenty-eight times in the old testament (alexander 1980:342). ring is also considered an indispensable article of a hebrew’s attire in as much as it contains the wearer’s signet. thus the transferring of pharaoh’s ring from his own finger to joseph’s finger is a sign of investing joseph with royal authority and respect, protection and success as is the culture of ancient egyptians. it means that pharaoh’s power was vested on joseph because pharaoh’s name was probably impressed on the ring (http://www.bible-history.com/eastons/s/signe).5f6 in this way pharaoh gave him the 5 alexander, ralph, “tabba’at. ring or signet ring” theological wordbook of the old testament, r.laird harris, gleason archer, jr, bruce k walke ed, (chicago: moody press, 1980). 6 there is a discovery of a signet ring on fine clay in the ruin of nineveh which bears the name and the title of an egyptian king, cheop http://www.bible-history.com/eastons/s/signe http://www.bible-history.com/eastons/s/signe the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 51 delegated power of the sovereign and constituted him as his prime minister or “grand vizier.” joseph’s ring was both a token of highest dignity , and an instrument of greatest power by which he had all authority to make and sign what decrees he thought fit in the king’s name (gen. 41:40-42; esther 3:10, 8:2). necklaces one of the items given to joseph was necklace. the ancient egyptians loved to wear a variety of necklaces and collars made from different kinds of materials. only the rich could afford the ones made with gold, silver or precious stones but the poor ones made use of the ones made from shells, wood, and bones. the gods, kings, priests or the upper class would generally wear a significant quantity of jewelry (ancient egypt online, 1-3 accessed 11/13/2015). it is a badge of rank and it was used to identify the degree of rank and dignity. this was a badge of office worn in egypt by the judge and the prime ministers. it has a similar use in persia and babylon as recorded in daniel 5:7. this is part of the symbol of authority. the necklace on joseph’s neck was a symbol of authority and royal respect. joseph’s riding on a royal chariot it is generally believed that chariots were introduced by the hyksos (watterson 1998:133). however, the discovery of horses is dated to the thirteenth dynasty, that is, during the second intermediate period. one can say that by the new kingdom chariot was very much a part of ancient egyptian society. pharaohs such as thuthmosis ii had more than a thousand charioteers in his army (watterson 1998:133). it was believed that the ancient egyptian chariot was lighter and and horus (http://www.bible-history.com/eastons/s/signe wide t/1. http://www.bible-history.com/eastons/s/signe theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 52 faster than the standard form used in the ancient world (http://www.reshafim.org.il/ad/egypt/timelines/topics/chariot.htm). it was used to carry the feared egyptian archers into the battle. the king’s horse was specially decorated elaborately. pharaoh made joseph rode on a royal horse as part of the ritual of kingship, reward and respect and a sign of a royal citizenship. this is also a symbol of authority for joseph. bowing down and kneeling for joseph the use of the hebrew verb נׁשק means to kiss, therefore the author of genesis is using the correct equivalent of egyptian vizier (wenham 2000:395). several suggestions were offered. it was suggested that it may mean kissing the earth (redford 1970: 166) and may come from the root ׁשוק which means “other themselves,” oֹr literally means “seal the mouth,” hence “kiss” or as it is here “be silent,” “submit to” (wenham 2000:395). most western scholars, unlike many african scholars, will not be able to understand fully the above actions. for example, among the yoruba people of nigeria it is a sign of absolute respect. it was also a common tradition and a serious sign of respect and adoration among the ancient egyptians, particularly for the gods and the royal people. this is mostly for the gods and the royal family. this is in form of obeisance. according to the yoruba people of nigeria paying obeisance is a common action. when a child wakes up in the morning he/she is expected to pay obeisance to his mother and father. boys will prostrate while girls would kneel down every morning as a mark of honour and respect. apart from this, whenever, any male/female child meets an elderly person in the locality who may not even be related biologically, he/she is expected to bow down by lying flat on the ground (prostrate) as a sign of respect. whenever the king of a village passes the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 53 on a street, the entire people on that road are expected to bow by lying down flat and say “kabiesi” even on the road, not caring whether any vehicle is coming or not. this is what we call royal respect. yoruba culture can here be used to understand genesis 41. the bowing down and kneeling for joseph was a sign of royal honour and respect for joseph which i think also belonged to pharaoh. this honour and respect fits the character of joseph having been the only figure who could interpret pharaoh’s dream. because of this action of wisdom to interpret pharaoh’s dream, joseph was looked upon as a god and that makes him worth all these royal respect usually given to pharaohs who claim to emanate from the gods of egypt. in fact, this is african culture of respect and honour demonstrated to joseph not only because of his wisdom, but the fact that he has been appointed as pharaoh’s vizier. joseph receiving white linen the word used in this verse is egyptian loan word and in hebrew ׁשׁש which signifies a kind of flax from which linen of great fineness and whiteness is made. ancient egypt held the most respected place in the production of linen. the egyptian linens were composed of different qualities and fabrics all of which had a worldwide celebrity and the more civilized the people the more highly were they appreciated. the city of thebes was celebrated early for its linens. this fine white linen was the special dress of the king and priest in egypt. it takes the first place after the bible linen. ancient egyptian celebrated very early, the superiority of their linens more than four thousand years ago. the quantity of linen manufactured in ancient egypt was very great (history of lenin http://www.reshafim.org.il/ad/egypt/timelines/topics/chariot.htm). independent of what was made up into articles of theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 54 dress, the numerous wrappers required for enveloping the mummies, both of men and animals, show how large a supply must have been kept ready for the constant home demand. in addition to this, a very large quantity was regularly exported to foreign markets where it was in great demand and eagerly purchased by all who could afford to do so. not only was the linen and broidered work highly appreciated by other nations, linen yam was also bought by them. it was in fact, mentioned in the bible that king solomon brought linen yam out of egypt, and there is no doubt he was not the only foreign buyer of this much prized and really valuable product. when the israelites left egypt it is known that they were intimately acquainted with the art, not only of making fine linen, but also of embroidery. they actually put their knowledge in practice by using linen to make hanging for the tabernacle and robes for the priests. a change of fine linen for joseph means favour and an induction into the priestly class, therefore, joseph was given the daughter of a priest of on. the priests were the highest and most privileged rank in egypt, hence intermarriage with such caste bestowed upon joseph such privilege. as mentioned above, joseph who become the second in command, that is, the vizier of egypt, of priestly caste by marriage and divine because of his performance of knowing the mysteries of the dream actually worth that honour and respect of wearing the best linen that was bestowed on him. the israelites probably inherited this tradition from egypt and much of the dresses of the levitical priests were made of this flax called byssus in the bible. in fact, the word “linen” appears more than 80 times in the old testament. the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 55 change of name for joseph the change of name was common with promotion like that of joseph and citizenship. joseph’s name was changed to zaphnath-paaneah the meaning of which is uncertain. however, it was suggested that it means “the revealer of secrets” or “the god speaks and he lives” (rad 1972:378). with this pharaoh designated joseph as the preserver of life. some even translate this new name as “the saviour of the world.” while it was suggested that it means “hiding discoverer,” others suggested “the god has said ‘he will live.” or “the man he knows,” (wenham 2000:397). name is a universal concept all over the world. this name is a symbol of complete egyptian/african citizenship so that joseph would be well accepted and performs his duty effectively as an egyptian citizenship. example of name change in egypt/africa is many. it is usually done not only for religious purposes, but also as a symbol of power, expectations, commitment or devotion to state affairs. in order to demonstrate his close link with the new supreme deity, amenhotep iv changed his name to akhenaten. nefertiti married the boy-king tutankhamen and changed her name to ankhesenamen. king tut’s original name was tutankhaten which means ‘the living image of aten”. after the death of his unpopular father, he changed his name to tutankhamun which means ‘the living image of amun” (watterson 1998: 113). the habit of changing names in ancient israel is also common. as it is in egypt, names are changed for religious purposes and as a declaration or evidence of decent from the gods. examples of name-changed by god of israel or by human are: abram (high father) was renamed abraham (father of multitude) by god to indicate expectation of blesstheologia viatorum 40-2-2016 56 ing. so also sarai (my princes) became sarah (mother of nations). jacob (supplanter) was changed by god to israel (the one who has the power of god). as the change of name means power in africa so also it is in ancient israel. as the change of name in egypt may mean real citizenship so also it can mean such in the bible. examples is jacob which means (supplanter) whose name was changed to israel which means the power of god. in daniel 1:7 the name of daniel was changed to belteshazzar, hananiah was changed to shadrach, mishael was changed to meshach and azariah was changed to abednego the court of nebuchadnezzar. eliakim was changed to jehoiakim by pharaoh necho. hadassah (myrtle) was also changed to esther (star) to indicate a persian citizenship. there are so many others (about 16) in the old testament whose names were changed. it seems to me that the case of renaming joseph (zaphenathpaneah) by the egyptian pharaoh as a mark of citizenship, power and blessing was wide spread in ancient israel. contributions joseph’s contributions to egypt/africa are enormous. one can imagine if joseph had not gotten the divine wisdom to interpret the dream, egypt would have been starved to death and possibly the whole of ancient world of that time. probably there would have been no family called “ancient israel.” eventually, egypt/africa became the arena of salvation where the world was taught that yahweh is a god of salvation. the principal goals of the story of joseph are not only to describe reconciliation in a broken family and the depiction of joseph as an ideal administrator but also to provide a bridge between the patriarchal narrative and the exodus (coats the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 57 1976:55, 89-92). it includes the fact that promotion to the position of power is as a result of god’s presence and that god is in control of history and human destiny. joseph also became the epitome of wisdom and theology both in ancient israel and egypt/africa. that patience is essential and that god can bring good out of evil is an enduring lesson for the whole world. it teaches that no matter what obstacle is placed on one’s journey; god will surely accomplish his will. joseph’s marriage into the family of a priestly caste is one of the ways pharaoh bestowed honour on him. this also was a diplomatic one and it sealed the agreement in love between israel and africans. asenath’s marriage to joseph “brings royalty and world of creation to the family. so the marriage became a full joining both literally and figuratively, of egypt and israel at multiple levels” (meyer 2000:54). it also shows that marriage to a foreigner can produce politically valuable alliances (meyer 2000:54). the two sons, manasseh and ephraim, whom asenath bore for joseph, are very significant. manasseh means “for,” he said, “god has made me forget all my trouble with my father’s household.” ephraim means “for god has caused me to be fruitful in the land of my affliction (41:50-52). the bitterness was gone. joseph was able, even now, to see that while his brothers were wrong in their actions, god had meant it for good (cf. 50:20). with this attitude joseph could exercise sufficient self-control to keep him from revealing his identity too quickly, and thus bring his brothers to genuine repentance by a careful programme of instruction unimpeded by feelings of anger and vengeance. joseph life with his brother shows that everyone needs the practice of the spirit of reconciliation. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 58 in the biblical tradition, manasseh and ephraim, became great and became two of the twelve tribes of israel. from the tribe of ephraim, elishama was to stand with moses and joshua, the son of nun (num. 1:10). under the leadership of joshua, ephraim along with other tribes received its inheritance which is described in joshua 16. it includes what we call samaria as distinguished from judea and galilee. the tribe of ephraim was commended for being among the first to respond to the summons to arms (judg. 5:14). during the early monarchy the tribe of ephraim manifested a domineering, haughty and discontented spirit. when the tribe of ephraim was merged with the northern kingdom it remained a dominant factor, so much so, that her name became the name of the ten tribes. by african and israelite traditions, the entire family is an african family. could this not mean that the latter tribes of ephraim and manasseh are of african blood and were legitimately africans-israelites? the main implication is that african blood runs throughout ancient israelites. looking at the significance and strength of the tribe of ephraim, the men of valour such as joshua who became leader of israel after the death of moses, one can safely conclude that ephraim contributed to the life of ancient israel. one important fact is that ephraim was an african born in africa and was the descendant of joseph and asenath who were all truly africans by birth and nationalization through elaborate rituals as is in genesis 41:41-45. manasseh, the son of joseph and asenath, became the name of one of the tribes of ancient israel. according to the census taken at sinai (num. 1:10, 35, 2:20), manasseh became another dominant tribe. forty years afterwards its number had increased and she became the most distinguished of all the tribes (num. 26:34, 37). among the renown men of the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 59 valour and heroes were gideon and japheth from the tribe of manasseh. conclusion i have discussed in this article the reason why i consider ancient egyptians as purely africans, the possible date of joseph’s story, the literary analysis of genesis 41, the elaborate ritual of royal power for the purpose of conferring on joseph egyptian/african citizenship and success in his enormous task ahead of him. furthermore, joseph contribution to ancient africa and israel is also discussed according to the biblical narrative.7 the marriage was what joseph needed to complete his citizenship. this indicates the respect and the importance of women in african/egyptian culture unlike some societies where women are not respected as essential but just as property. the marriage between asenath and joseph and the production of two children, manasseh and ephraim, who became the most dominant tribes in ancient israel, have some important implications. they do not only show that african blood 7 i am aware that certain scholars called “minimalist,” that is, those who believe that external document such as archaeology, should be of paramount importance in determining whether the story of joseph is historical or not. since there is no straightforward archaeological document discovered so far that mention joseph’s story, it is dismissed as unhistorical. however, the maximalist, that is, scholars who believe that the biblical record should be the main evidence for the historicity of joseph narrative and therefore, the narrative has some kernels of historical information. from the above discussion, it is evident that there is an elements of historical fact mixed with some embellishment in the style of novella as a narrative style of writing. theologia viatorum 40-2-2016 60 have run in ancient israel peaple, but also show the destruction of the myth of pure race. most of the multitudes that left egypt were africans. in fact, the entire nation of ancient israel by the time they left egypt were africans/israelites if one takes the bible narrative seriously. the elaborate ritual in genesis 41:40-45 and the use of these items throughout ancient israel also show the extent to which african/egyptian culture has influenced ancient israel. perhaps, that may be the reason why ancient israel’s culture and tradition are very similar. that may also be the reason why africa and africans are mentioned in the bible (old and new testaments) more than any other nation and people, except ancient israel (adamo 1986;, 2001, 2006). bibliography adamo, d.t., 2006, africa and the africans in the new testament. university press of america, lanham. _______, 2001, africa and the africans in the old testament, wipf and stock publishers, eugene, or. _______, 1986, ‘africa and africans in the old testament and its environment,’ phd dissertation, baylor university, waco, tx. ________, 2012, ‘a mixed multitude: an african reading of exodus 12:38,’ in a brenner and g.a yee (eds) exodus-deuteronomy, pp. 67-78 fortress press, minneapolis. akpoduado, o. w., 2006, ‘african wife of joseph: asenath’, a ba project, delta state university, faculty of arts, abraka, nigeria. ancient egypt online http://www.ancientegyptonline.co.uk/jewellerycollar.html assessed 23/3/2016. baldwin, j.d., n.d. pre-historic nations or inquires concerning some o the great peoples and civilizations of antiquity and their probable relation to still older civilization of ethiopians or cushites of arabia, harper and bros, publishers, new york. bandstra, b., 2008, genesis 1-11 waco: baylor university press. berg, l., 2008, ‘the importance of names and naming in religion, literature, and librarianship’, lynn berg, atla proceedings, pp. 194-208. http://www.ancientegyptonline.co.uk/jewellerycollar.html http://www.ancientegyptonline.co.uk/jewellerycollar.html the african joseph and his contribution and ancient israel (gen. 41:41-45) 61 blumenbach, j .f., 1865 anthropological treaties. translated by t bendyche, anthropological society, london. breasted j.h., 1906, ancient records of egypt, chicago: chicago press, chicago. brueggemann, w., 1982, interpretation: genesis, westminster john knox press, louisville. budge, w., 1978. an egyptian hieroglyphic dictionary, dover publications reprinted new york. ________ 1976, egyptian sudan. vol.1. arno press, new york. _________ 1967. the egyptian book of the dead , the papyrus ani dover publications, inc., new york. burton, k .a., 2007. the blessing of africa. ivp academic press. downers. buttrick, g. a et al., 1986. the interpreter’s dictionary of the bible. vol. 1. nashville: abingdon press. chariot http://www.reshafim.org.il/ad/egypt/timelines/topics/chariot.htm. assessed 1/4/2016. charles, j.d., 2013. ed. reading genesis 1-2 an evangelical conversation, hendrickson publishers. peabody. coats, g. w., 1973. ‘the joseph story and ancient wisdom: a reapraisal’ catholic biblical quarterly 35, pp. 285-297. coats, george w., 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