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Kent Roach. Canadian Justice, Indigenous Injustice: The Gerald Stanley and Colten 
Boushie Case. McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2019. 307 pp. ISBN: 9780773556386. 
https://www.mqup.ca/canadian-justice--indigenous-injustice-products-9780228000730.php 

It is more than three years since Colten Boushie, a young man of the Red Pheasant Cree 
Nation, was murdered on the Stanley family farm in rural Saskatchewan. Gerald Stanley, the 
defendant whose case was constructed upon a sequence of tragic and remarkably unlikely 
coincidences operating in concert, was acquitted on February 9, 2018. The murder, trial, and 
eventual acquittal were each seismic reaffirmations of the intrinsically violent cornerstones of 
a settler colonial legal doctrine that serves to dispossess Indigenous peoples in Canada. In 
Stanley’s trial, as Ken Williams (Cree from the George Gordon First Nation) commented, 
“the system did not fail the colonisers” and Kent Roach seeks to show his readership how and 
why this case is emblematic, not aberrative, of the Canadian criminal justice system (Media 
Indigena). In Canadian Justice, Indigenous Injustice, Roach unpacks the negligent 
policework, sub-par prosecution, and judicial irregularities that yielded a not-guilty verdict. 
In doing so, he illustrates that these very inexplicabilities are deeply embedded within the 
settler colonial imaginary of a lawful Canada.  

Canadian Justice, Indigenous Injustice traces a significant instance of the “gap between law 
and justice” in the Colten Boushie murder trial, wherein a more fundamental legal argument 
unfurled by proxy (179). A shift occurred, incrementally but steadily, whereby the defence of 
one’s property mutated from being the source of Gerald Stanley’s exculpation from blame, to 
being his tacit justification for the murder. The transformational undercurrents at play 
resemble the dynamics of what Unangax scholar Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang term “settler 
moves to innocence… those strategies or positionings that attempt to relieve the settler of 
feelings of guilt or responsibility without giving up land or power or privilege, without 
having to change much at all” (10). Roach’s account follows a path that is acutely attuned to 
this fraught context, and his analytical methodology draws on histories that exist within and 
without the Canadian legal canon to underscore “the impossibility of reconciliation unless 
there is a full accounting of the truth, and specifically, the multi-faceted and multi-
generational harms of colonialism on Indigenous people” (12).  

Of course, many would curtail that quoted sentiment at reconciliation. Numerous scholars, 
including Billy-Ray Belcourt (Driftpile Cree Nation), have argued compellingly that 
reconciliation represents “an affective mess… stubbornly ambivalent in its potentiality” with 
a tremendously disproportionate pressure on Indigenous peoples to accede to the state’s 
levelling terms. That Roach’s contribution so effectively demonstrates the fundamental 
absurdity of what Yellowknives Dene scholar Glen Coulthard calls “the optics of recognition 
and reconciliation” which “produce neocolonial subjectivities” in the legal sphere is, 
however, ironically inconsistent with his reluctance to question reconciliation as a vehicle for 
the Indigenous justice he champions (156). I raise this tension here to give a lens for my 
review; Roach does timely and impressive work in Canadian Justice, Indigenous Injustice, 
but it is work that is sometimes flecked with strange foci and odd critical omissions. If it is 
the case that truth “may be a barrier to reconciliation,” then a more rigorous examination of 
the criteria that coalesce to constitute reconciliation is required (12).           

Roach explains at the outset that his project uses “a criminal process approach” to undertake 
a holistic study of the justice process from policework through to sentencing, across legal 
representation and media representation. This slant is deployed to “place the Stanley/Boushie 
case in its larger historical, political, social, and legal context,” and thus exposes a slew of 
deeply lodged, interwoven deficiencies of the Canadian judicial system that contravene the 



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superficial equality and plurality of sovereignties that the nation espouses (11). Roach 
identifies the most egregious aspects of the trial to be ones that sit well within the bounds of 
Canadian judicial protocol, encapsulating the structural inequities that exacerbate these 
issues. It is an impressive take-down of the fallacious paradigm of neutrality that buttresses 
Canadian (and more generally settler colonial) law writ large; a framework that “enables 
actors of the settler state [to] continue their predictable looped playback of regret, apologies 
and promises for a better tomorrow” (Nunn, 1331), as evinced by Prime Minister Justin 
Trudeau’s controversial “we must do better” afterword contribution to the proceedings.  

The first chapters establish the lattice of historical, socio-economic, and political contexts that 
precipitate the current legal relationship between the settler province of Saskatchewan and its 
Indigenous peoples. Roach is firm that “[c]riminal trials” such as Gerald Stanley’s “should 
not be a contest of historical grievances. But if they become one, there should be equality of 
arms” and any such parity must begin with a sustained inquiry into Canada’s grievous 
colonial history (169). The bulk is subsequently dedicated to examining the trial with this 
social history foregrounded, taken in tandem with a number of criminal cases that share 
parallels with Boushie’s murder. Roach then turns to the legislative and social legacies of the 
case for Indigenous and non-Indigenous folks. He gestures toward proposals for judicial 
reform that stress the remedial potential of Canada’s Numbered Treaties and the inclusion of 
Indigenous legal frameworks, congruent with Shiri Pasternak’s claim that “simultaneous 
operations of law may take place in a single area, across distinctive epistemological and 
ontological frameworks” (148). 

The cloaked prejudices that feed into demographic jury selection, the controversial use of 
peremptory challenges, and the racialised denigration of Indigenous witnesses in the Boushie 
murder to preclude Indigenous presence in the trial all receive a wealth of scrutiny. These are 
patently unsurprising—yet unexpectedly complex—phenomena that Roach guides his reader 
through adroitly. Indeed, the author excels at expressing dense legal traditions in a near-
narrative manner that is simultaneously comprehensible for the non-expert reader and 
compelling to the specialist. Legal argot is accompanied not just by explication, but by direct 
application to verbatim, human excerpts from the trial transcript, then extrapolated to 
comment on the structural fabric of the Canadian justice system. Stanley’s defence 
peremptorily dismissed five “visibly Indigenous jurors” from an already underrepresented 
pool of eligible candidates and, in a move entirely compliant with the Canadian legal 
mechanisms, was not obliged to provide a reason (95). Roach conceptualises the notoriety of 
these challenges not just in terms of the lightning rod that they represented to the case, but 
also the myriad concealed prejudices and clusters of structurally racist policies that such 
tactics reinforced. Implicit bias is one such factor that Roach grapples with throughout, with 
particular reference to the inadequacy of combatting it via the specious notion of randomness 
in the judicial process.   

“Eliminating” bias, in fact, simply transfers it to a faux point of neutrality within an 
inherently discriminatory legal architecture. This is not to say that the elimination of bias is 
not a worthwhile pursuit, but that this purported panacea is often yet another settler move to 
innocence. Roach observes that the court and, by extension, the settler-Canadian social 
imaginary have “elevated random selection that treated everyone the same over substantive 
equality that [is] attentive to disproportionate impact” (101); random selection unfailingly 
privileges the majority at the expense of minorities. This is the type of ersatz parity that 
comes under steady fire throughout as a covert tool of Indigenous suppression, and Roach 



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emphasises that it is incumbent upon members of a just society to “question public exercises 
of power even by twelve anonymous fellow citizens who are conscripted to do a difficult job” 
(13).  

Roach concomitantly forwards a persuasive take on just how entrenched property has become 
to the notion of just cause. This is not necessarily new ground, but Roach does give an 
especially cogent interpretation. A self-defence gambit was never employed by Stanley, yet 
Roach calls out the inferred omnipresence of defence of property throughout the trial to 
reveal that “the boundaries between defence of property and self-defence are fluid” in this 
and other murders of Indigenous people (204). I hear Roach’s argument as echoing the type 
of critical charge levied against the similarly “neutral” anatomy of the sciences by Ojibwe 
pedagogist Megan Bang and Douglas Medin; Roach ceaselessly foregrounds the notion that 
the hard questions and answers that arise from Colten Boushie’s murder “depend on who’s 
asking” (Medin and Bang 10). Roach even goes so far as to suggest that a jury comprising 
both Indigenous and non-Indigenous representatives could be parsed as a right conferred by 
the peacekeeping clause of Treaty 6. It is in such moments of bold acuity that Canadian 
Justice, Indigenous Injustice excels.  

Unfortunately, these elements are occasionally lost in a barrage of procedural information. It 
is creditable that Roach endeavours to write for a lay-audience, but one gets the sense that he 
does not always trust them enough to grasp the salient points informing his perspective. 
Passages in the text where Roach lingers on details of the trial that he has already covered 
comprehensively could be sacrificed to more fully explore Indigenous legal alternatives, as 
he does with the appeal to the Treaty 6’s peacekeeping clause and the Numbered Treaties 
more generally. Essential yet ultimately swollen sections on Stanley’s hang fire defence and 
the peremptory challenges that were evoked in the trial could be condensed to good effect. In 
return for this trade-off, Roach could devote sufficient space to begin to follow up the 
question posed by the final chapter “Can We Do Better?” with “How Can We Do Better?”   

Gerald Stanley’s acquittal generated international ripples within Canada and without. Bill 
C-75, passed into law in June 2019, amended the Criminal Code to abolish peremptory 
challenges, in order to nullify discriminatory deployment. Writing prior to the bill’s Royal 
Assent, Roach argues that C-75 is a necessary step, yet still insufficient on the greater scale. 
Alongside other band-aid measures, there “may be improvements” that arise from such 
piecemeal reforms, “but they do not even begin to address the legacy of colonial and 
systematic discrimination” that they purport to solve (207). Abolishing peremptory 
challenges amounts to papering over the problem of Indigenous exclusion within the judicial 
system without confronting the lack of active Indigenous inclusion, two issues which Roach 
locates as intimately related, but not diametric. Consequently, Roach proposes a remedial 
tactic that foregrounds Indigenous treaties in the redress of the Crown’s racist justice system. 

His line of reasoning here is promising but unavoidably inchoate, in line with Mi’kmaq 
scholar Bonita Lawrence’s contention that the settler colonial formation “produces a way of 
thinking—a grammar—which embeds itself in every attempt to change it” (25). As 
Anishinaabe legal theorist John Borrows explains in his foreword, “treaties between 
Indigenous Peoples and the Crown are foundational agreements. They formed our country on 
the Prairies and beyond. They are also our highest law because they are constitutionally 
recognized and affirmed” (viii). This is a reconciliatory sentiment that Roach carries forward, 
and indeed one part of an important discussion that goes otherwise untouched. Though 
sophisticated and astute, Roach’s critique fails to adequately interrogate the dicey 
presupposition that the Numbered Treaties are themselves appropriate rubrics for harmony 



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between an inherently possessive settler colonial state and Indigenous peoples. Borrows 
attests that “[c]olonization has broken both the Treaty and Aboriginal law and cultural 
teachings” (xii). Yet we must also remember that colonization brokered the terms of Treaty 6. 
Not unilaterally, of course—I do not mean to diminish the roles that Indigenous Peoples had 
in the design and negotiation of treaties—yet the very presence of The Crown as a party to 
this negotiation is proof positive of colonialism’s embeddedness as an actant in the 
diplomatic process, not just the cause of its failure. Indeed, Scott Richard Lyons 
(Ojibwe/Dakota) has argued forcefully against the reductive and racist narrative of 
Indigenous gullibility that clings to the idea of informed assent via the use of “X-marks” in 
early treaty-making with colonising forces.  

By and large, Roach follows in just this spirit. He refuses to rest on a deleterious dichotomy 
of Indigenous absence and presence, and this complexity underpins most of his thesis. Yet 
where Lyons’ complication of the internal agonistics of such “coerced signs of consent made 
under conditions not of our own making but with hopes of a better future” executes a difficult 
balancing act (40), Canadian Justice, Indigenous Injustice leans at times a little too far 
towards a reading that implies a jarring colonial ambivalence. Roach acknowledges that 
Treaty 6 was finally fully signed in the December of 1882 when many of the Indigenous 
peoples it was to apply to faced starvation, and “the physical hunger of Indigenous people 
and colonial government’s fears about possible conflict with them were factors in the 
negotiation of Treaty 6” (17). Despite this awareness, he hesitates to trouble the matrices of 
power that inhere in that embryonic political context. For all of the excellent work that Roach 
performs to foreground Indigenous legal understandings in Canadian Justice, Indigenous 
Injustice, he consistently couches this work in a tenor of mutual aid which invariably 
conjures an attendant implication of mutual responsibility. I do not doubt Roach’s intentions, 
but as the breadth of his investigation should suggest, enriching the state of Canada “by 
greater awareness of, and respect for, Indigenous law” (232) is unequivocally not a 
responsibility of Indigenous communities; it is a hitherto enforced legacy.    

Roach asserts regularly that the Treaties held between the Crown and First Nations hold the 
potential to provide informative guides for the future of justice as “a foundation to reclaim 
common ground on the basis of mutual consent and assistance” but without the specificity 
one would hope to see (37). Roach seems to expend a lot of energy on the premise that the 
Treaties can work and perhaps not enough on looking at the manifold material and social 
conditions that have fed into their historical inefficacy in buttressing the rights of Indigenous 
peoples in Canada. Scholarship on the subject of the politics of reconciliation by Indigenous 
theorists is rich and somewhat conspicuous by its absence from Roach’s argument. 
Nonetheless, his approach reminds us that observance of treaties is not optional, and that 
adherence is not somehow gracious on the part of the settler state. Despite the 
aforementioned paucity of Indigenous critics, Roach never descends into prescription—there 
is no pretension to fully understand nor judge Indigenous laws, only a demand for the space 
for Indigenous communities to define and apply these laws (229).  

During his analysis of the Indigenous witnesses at Stanley’s trial, Roach relays the important 
ways in which the Canadian court was complicit in the infringement of Cree law. Eric 
Meechance and Belinda Jackson were both friends of Colten Boushie’s and witnesses to his 
murder. Quite aside from disparaging their trustworthiness with barely veiled racial 
prejudice, Stanley’s lawyer Scott Spencer “confronted Jackson with a photo of the deceased 
as he had already done the day before with Meechance… a violation of Cree law with respect 
to a deceased’s journey after death” (156). On neither occasion did anyone outside of the 
court’s gallery pay mind to this significance. Key here is the way in which Roach situates this 



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instance of injustice within a frame that is not constrained to a discussion of mere cultural 
difference, which, in the hierarchical settler purview, is a category that occupies a position 
below that of the law. Roach is talking about Cree laws, not Cree beliefs, and this is where 
his work exhibits a generative deviation from the settler colonial historical norm which 
presumes Indigenous alternatives to be “a soft form of law” (228). Liberal Canada pays 
ample lip-service to ambiguous notions of Indigenous self-determination yet tends to hold 
fast to its juridical singularity without any substantive concession. The nation is consistently 
recalcitrant towards accepting that the “normative lifeways and resurgent practices” 
expressed by Indigenous peoples might nourish “alternative structures of law and sovereign 
authority” that are “grounded on a critical refashioning of the best of Indigenous legal and 
political traditions” (Coulthard 179). By illuminating the pervasiveness of this national 
systemic attitude against Indigenous legal self-determination, Roach makes the intrinsic 
violence that attends to it abundantly clear. Perhaps even to a fault.       

Roach made the decision not to involve Colten Boushie’s family during the book’s 
production, a decision which I think bears some coverage here. As a methodological choice, 
Roach conscientiously elects not to interview anybody personally involved in the case to 
“avoid increasing the trauma they already have experienced” (11). However, according to a 
report by Ntawnis Piapot (Piapot Cree Nation), aspects of Roach’s rehashing of the story 
have performed this traumatising work regardless. Colten’s cousin Jade Tootoosis was 
critical of the fact that the Boushie/Baptiste family were neither asked for their consent nor 
forewarned of the book’s production and release, which fell near the one-year anniversary of 
Stanley’s acquittal (Piapot). Tootoosis also objected to the book’s original cover: a vertically 
split panel, half black, half red, with Gerald Stanley’s face set in dotwork style alongside one 
of the photos of Colten Boushie most used by the media. It is an admittedly coarse image that 
has since been changed by the publisher at Roach’s request.  

That being said, with its timeliness and potential for wide-ranging appeal, Roach’s 
contribution to this conversation could have a wide influence on reading lists in the field of 
Canadian law and settler colonial jurisdiction more broadly. This book provides crucial 
insight into the areas where the law and justice enjoy scant nodes of commonality, avowing 
that Indigenous laws must not be blithely binarised as adversarial to Canadian law but instead 
as concurrent and coherent alternatives. Roach offers a narrative of inequity that, despite its 
maddening injustices, starts to desanctify the monotheorism of settler law and instead travels 
toward an understanding of “the many-tentacled system by which indigenous law and federal 
Canadian law can relate” in ways that are not de facto antagonistic (Garcia 268). This work 
delineates a vital move. But instead of being a move towards settler innocence, the kind of 
mutually integrative relationships between Indigenous and settler laws that Roach marks out 
a nascent trajectory for start to move away from settler innocence or, at the least, rigid settler 
definitions of innocence. One would hope for further scholarship to continue along this 
trajectory and to readily understand, as Roach does here, that “Indigenous laws” are just that 
and not a euphemism for something else. This kind of scholarship is already emerging apace. 
Spearheaded by John Borrows and Val Napoleon (Saulteau First Nation), The University of 
Victoria in Canada launched the “world’s first Indigenous law program” in 2018 from which 
students will “graduate with professional degrees in both Canadian Common Law (Juris 
Doctor or JD) and Indigenous Legal Orders (Juris Indigenarum Doctor or JID)” (“World's 
First Indigenous Law Program”). Though interactions between Indigenous peoples’ laws and 
settler laws will doubtless be characterised by “[c]ontingency and incommensurability,” 
endeavours like this engage in the “complex process of affective labor” (Rowe and Tuck 8) 
needed for any wider imbrication of legal frameworks to occur. And it is within the reading 



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lists of such projects, subject to approbation and problematisation, that Roach’s work could 
be of assistance. 

With his incisive interrogation of the various settler moves to innocence made during the 
Stanley trial, the incendiary media coverage, and what the legislative aftermath represents, 
Roach’s contribution reminds us that declaring “‘[n]ot this’ makes a difference even if it does 
not immediately produce a propositional otherwise” (Povinelli 192). The recognition and 
integration of Indigenous legal and cosmological understandings that Roach advocates will 
help to orient discourses of Indigenous law and serve as an augmentative perspective to the 
decolonisation of Canada’s legal system.  

Jake Barrett-Mills, University of East Anglia 

  

Works Cited 

Belcourt, Billy-Ray. “Political Depression in a Time of Reconciliation.” Active History. 15 
Jan. 2016, www.activehistory.ca/2016/01/political-depression-in-a-time-of-reconciliation/.  

Coulthard, Glen Sean. Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition. 
Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2014. 

Garcia, Edgar. “Pictography, Law, and Earth: Gerald Vizenor, John Borrows, and Louise 
Erdrich.” PMLA.134:2 (2019): 260-279. 

Harp, Rick, host, and Brock Pitawanakwat and Ken Williams, guests. “Injustice for Colten 
Boushie.” Media Indigena. Episode 102, Media Indigena, 15 Feb. 2018, 
www.mediaindigena.libsyn.com/ep-102-injustice-for-colten-boushie. 

Lawrence, Bonita. “Real” Indians and Others: Mixed-Blood Urban Native Peoples and 
Indigenous Nationhood. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2004. 

Lyons, Scott Richard. X-Marks: Native Signatures of Assent. Minneapolis, MN: University of 
Minnesota Press, 2010. 

Medin, Douglas L. and Megan Bang. Who’s Asking?: Native Science, Western Science, and 
Science Education. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2014. 

Nunn, Neil. “Toxic Encounters, Settler Logics of Elimination, and the Future of a Continent.” 
Antipode. 50:5 (2018): 1330-1348. 

Pasternak, Shiri. “Jurisdiction and Settler Colonialism: Where Do Laws Meet?” Canadian 
Journal of Law and Society. 29:2 (2014): 145-161. 

Piapot, Ntawnis. “Book About Gerald Stanley Case Upsets Colten Boushie's Family due to 
Lack of Consultation.” CBC News, 21 Feb. 2019, 
https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatchewan/boushie-family-triggered-by-roach-book-
1.5026486. 

Povinelli, Elizabeth A. Economies of Abandonment: Social Belonging and Endurance in Late 
Liberalism. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011. 

Rowe, Aimee Carrillo and Eve Tuck. “Settler Colonialism and Cultural Studies: Ongoing 
Settlement, Cultural Production, and Resistance.” Cultural Studies ↔ Critical 
Methodologies. 17:1 (2017): 3-13.   



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Tuck, Eve and K. Wayne Yang. “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor.” Decolonization: 
Indigeneity, Education & Society. 1:1 (2012): 1-40.  

UVic News. “World’s First Indigenous Law Degree Launches with Historic and Emotional 
Ceremony.” University of Victoria, 22 Oct. 2018, https://www.uvic.ca/news/topics/2018+jid-
program-launch+news.