37 Abstract The so-called decentralization of public pro- curement in EU Member States is accepted as the most suitable design of the public procure- ment system, often justifi ed by greater economic effi ciency and by the possibility of boosting the development of small and medium-sized enter- prises, which act on the public procurement mar- ket as providers of goods, services and works. Despite the existence of highly decentralized public procurement systems which refl ect the decentralization of administrative systems, es- pecially after the recession, there is a stronger tendency for centralization of public procurement in the EU. The so-called aggregation of demand by contracting authorities can be done in order to achieve economies of scale, including lower pric- es and transaction costs as well as to improve and professionalize the management of procure- ment procedures (as highlighted in the Directive 2014/24/EU by the European Parliament and the EU Council). However, even in the context of public procurement centralization, local contract- ing authorities (i.e., public administration authori- ties and organizations) in Member States should be provided with a suffi ciently wide range of pos- sible (centralized) organizational structures and contractual (vertical and horizontal) public-public partnerships which will allow them to select the most suitable and most economically effective organizational structure for the execution of pub- lic procurement. Keywords: centralization, public procure- ment, local self-government, fi scal decentraliza- tion, EU. (DE)CENTRALIZATION OF PUBLIC PROCUREMENT AT THE LOCAL LEVEL IN THE EU*1 Boštjan BREZOVNIK Žan Jan OPLOTNIK Borut VOJINOVIĆ Boštjan BREZOVNIK Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Maribor, Maribor, Slovenia, E-mail: bostjan.brezovnik@um.si Žan Jan OPLOTNIK Professor, Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Maribor, Maribor, Slovenia E-mail: zan.oplotnik@um.si Borut VOJINOVIĆ Assistant Professor, Faculty of Tourism, University of Maribor, Maribor, Slovenia E-mail: borut.vojinovic@um.si * This paper is excerpt of a broader research project titled ‘Advancing Accountability Mechanisms in Public Finances’, founded by UNDP Serbia and Government of Sweden. Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences, No. 46 E/2015, pp. 37-52 38 1. Introduction When talking about centralization and decentralization of public procurement, there are several possible approaches; however, in real life, there are no ‘pure’ models that can be summarized in theoretical statements, trying to construct individual types or models of centralization and decentralization of public procurement. To practical- ly organize public administration (including the fi eld of public procurement) actually means to fi nd the right combination between the idea of centralization and decentral- ization. Nowadays, the establishment of a reasonable balance between local and cen- tral has become one of the most important issues in the functioning and organization of any country, including the fi eld of public procurement. In general, it can be concluded that in certain areas of the functioning of a modern state centralism is a necessity (e.g. uninterrupted life and integration of all the parts of a society also conditions the existence of a high degree of uniformity and consistency in the organization of all forms of activities of modern society; each system, hence also the state, requires a specifi c focus, coherence and coordination of public tasks to ensure its existence). On the other hand, a smooth and normal execution of tasks may, in some areas, be possible only in the context of decentralized administrative sys- tems. In the broadest sense, decentralization means any weakening of the direct im- pact of the particular center of an organized system on the parts of the system. Thus, in territorial decentralization, a territorial unit to which tasks have been transferred is in a certain sense and scope subject to the infl uence resulting from the unit, which is therefore diff erent from the central state administration. We can say that decentral- ization exists whenever a non-central (provincial) authority has the right to adopt in- dividual decisions independently within the framework of the Constitution and laws. Decentralization has, in the sense described above, mainly a political connotation or it reveals itself as a problem of political nature (Grafenauer and Brezovnik, 2006, p. 98). Starting from the administrative branch of government and the implementation of public administration tasks, it can be said that by centralism (public procurement) we understand the focus on performing tasks in central authorities and fully depen- dent on the center’s direct ‘directives’ and under the control of the central govern- ment (the highest level administration authorities). We could speak of administrative centralization (or the so-called rigorous centralism) in the purest and strictest form only if one single national offi ce would exist for the whole country, where all pub- lic administration (thus also the implementation of public procurement) would be concentrated. This is not possible in practice, therefore in every modern country the idea of decentralization appears to a greater or lesser extent. However, decentraliza- tion in the framework of public administration is possible in two ways: (a) adminis- trative decentralization (devolution) and (b) decentralization through (or by means of) self-government or local self-governing units. Decentralization has two diff erent aspects: the administrative-technical and interest-related approach. The aim of the former is to achieve the maximum possible rationality and effi ciency of management, 39 while the aim of the second aspect is to increase the opportunities of promoting the interests of their respective (interest) holders. The result of the fi rst approach is the devolved implementation of tasks, and local self-government for the second one. If the administrative decentralization is just a technical and organizational question of delegating tasks, which are otherwise centralized, to regional organizational units or to lower state authorities falling outside the state center, then decentralization by lo- cal self-government communities is also (or especially) a political question since it concerns a specifi c division of administrative functions between the central adminis- tration and ‘local (self-)governments’, which can operate as independent administra- tive centers. Therefore, only local self-government and the implementation of aff airs in the fi eld of public administration in local self-governing communities represents true (real) decentralization. Decentralization and devolution have a common element: there is a delegation of tasks from the central authorities to other more narrowly defi ned ‘powers’, whereby we can say that devolution represents an intermediate stage and, on the one hand, means a deviation from centralization, while, on the other hand, it is a move towards decentralization. However, for devolution, which no doubt applies to decentraliza- tion in self-governing units, a certain distancing from the central core and ‘bringing public administration closer to the people’ is typical. As such, devolution often rep- resents a transitional stage and a good preparatory stage for decentralization because it is much easier to transfer aff airs from local government authorities to self-govern- ing authorities than directly from the central government authorities. Therefore, we can conclude that there are no pure models of centralization and decentralization (including in the fi eld of public procurement), but we can rather talk about diff erent degrees of stricter and looser forms of centralization or decentraliza- tion. It is a process and a dynamic phenomenon which depends on various elements and conditions. With decentralization, it is thus possible to talk of diff erent series of stages – from a maximum stage of independence and autonomy to a minimum inde- pendence in the distribution of tasks. To put it simply, we can say that the following diff erences exist between individual types (degrees, models) of centralization and de- centralization: – whether a narrowly defi ned community (unit) has a status of legal entity or not and what is its specifi c context; – what is the extent of local issues and tasks that are exercised by the local commu- nities (units) and how and to what extent they are provided with fi nancial and other assets; – what are the controlling and supervisory authorizations of central (government) authorities in relation to decentralized (local) authorities; and – whether the local population alone decides on the selection (by way of election, appointment) or composition of the authorities in local communities (units) and what is the impact of central authorities thereof, etc. 40 Tasks in the implementation of ‘public’ (general social) aff airs (including pub- lic procurement) are in each country executed by authorities, which may be central (core) or provincial (local). For non-central authorities there is a diff erence between those which are, in their creation and operation, directly dependent on the central government authorities, and those in whose formation and operation the local pop- ulation has a decisive infl uence. The former are established by the central govern- ment authority in the local unit, so that we speak of local government authority (we can also term them centralized regional authorities). The latt er, however, are local self-governing authorities. Local government authorities mainly perform functions related to the direct ex- ecution of state regulations, functions that are ‘bureaucratic’ in character and have also been ‘bureaucratically’ designed. In contrast, the local self-governing commu- nities also have authorities that are ‘representative’ in character (municipal councils, etc.) and are elected by the residents, as well as municipal ‘bureaucratic’ authorities which are responsible for the direct implementation and operationalization of deci- sion-making (Grafenauer and Brezovnik, 2006, pp. 98-99). 2. Decentralization of public procurement The so-called decentralization of public procurement in EU Member States is most often accepted as the most suitable design of the public procurement system, which justify with greater economic effi ciency and consequently with the possibility of boosting the development of small and medium-sized enterprises that act on the public procurement market (Vojinović et al., 2010, p. 317). The following are most often specifi ed as one of the key arguments in support of decentralization of public procurement: reduced incentives for corruption; reduced chances for mistakes aff ect- ing large volumes; less bureaucracy because of shorter time frames and fewer forms for both purchasers and suppliers; greater possibilities for small and medium-sized enterprises to compete for contracts; lower prices for local goods; and more scope for employees to take responsibility. The decentralization of public procurement is closely linked to the territorial, administrative as well as fi scal decentralization of in- dividual EU Member States. The number of contracting authorities, which can range in individual states from a few hundred up to several thousand depends on the de- gree of territorial and administrative decentralization. However, the extent of public fi nancial funds held by contracting authorities and which are available for the pro- curement of goods, services and works depends mainly on the degree of fi scal decen- tralization (OECD, 2000, p. 5). At this point, it should be noted that, in spite of globalization trends and European integration the local self-government has been developing in a uniform direction in EU Member States, which is actually a result of the ratifi cation of the ‘European Charter of Local Self-Government’ (1985). This is refl ected in the increasing harmonization of local self-government systems (Šmidovnik, 1995, p. 35). Reforms of public administra- tion and especially local self-government systems thus include the fundamental prin- ciples of democracy, denationalization, devolution, decentralization, subsidiarity, etc. 41 In spite of this, signifi cant diff erences exist between local self-government sys- tems in EU Member States both in the number of decentralized units, levels of lo- cal self-government and consequently also between the diff erently distributed com- petencies between state authorities and local community authorities (Tournemire, 2014), which is also refl ected in the manner and extent of funding thereof (Brezovnik and Oplotnik, 2003) and, of course, consequently in public procurement. As can be seen from Table 1, considerable diff erences appear in the number of levels of local self-government between EU Member States, which is partly the result of diff erences in historical, geographical and cultural backgrounds (Oplotnik et al., 2013). Table 1: Number of lower levels of government (local self-government – LSG) in EU-27 (for 2010) No. of residents (in 000) Area (in km2) First level of LSG Second level of LSG Third level of LSG Countries with one level of LSG Bulgaria BOL 1.747 111.002 264 - - Cyprus CYP 804 5.695 378 - - Estonia EST 1.34 45.227 226 - - Ireland IRL 4.476 69.797 114 - - Latvia LAT 2.239 64.589 119 - - Lithuania LIT 3.287 65.3 60 - - Luxemburg LUX 507 2.586 105 - - Malta MAL 414 316 68 - - Slovenia SLO 2.042 20.273 210 - - Countries with two level of LSG Austria AUS 8..37 83.871 2.357 9 - Finland FIN 5.363 338.145 342 2 - Portugal POR 10.636 92.152 308 2 - Czech R. CZR 10.538 78.868 6.250 14 - Denmark DEN 5.546 43.098 98 5 - Greece GRE 11.305 131.957 325 13 - Hungary HUN 10 93.029 3.177 19 - Netherland NET 16.611 41.528 430 12 - Romania ROM 21.431 2.385.391 3180 41 - Slovakia SL 5.43 49.034 2.928 8 - Sweden SWE 9.378 449.964 290 20 - Countries with three level of LSG Belgium BEL 10.883 30.528 589 10 6 France FRA 64.812 632.834 36.682 100 26 Germany GER 81.744 357.027 12.104 301 16 Italy ITA 60.468 301.336 8.094 110 20 Poland POL 38.191 312.685 2.479 379 16 Spain SPA 46.073 505.997 8.116 52 17 Great Britain GBR 62.195 243.82 406 28 3 Total EU-27 501.636 4.409.047 89.699 1,125 104 Source: Brezovnik et al. (2014); Oplotnik and Finžgar (2013) Table 1 shows that seven EU Member States have all three lower levels of gover- nance, whereby the latt er are usually called ‘regions’ or ‘provinces’. The degree of au- tonomy is quite diff erent between them. The most autonomous are regions in Great 42 Britain (Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland), but the German ‘Länder’ also have considerable autonomy. However, eleven EU Member States have two lower levels of governance, while nine have only one level, which is most commonly known as ‘mu- nicipality’. There is a total of nearly 90,000 municipalities in the EU Member States. The size of municipalities diff ers considerably across countries, with countries such as the Czech Republic, Slovakia and France reporting the lowest number of inhabitants per municipality (less than 2000) and countries such as Denmark, Greece, the Neth- erlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom reporting the highest number according to the total average (more than 20,000). The extreme value with the observed category was achieved by the United Kingdom that recorded more than 152,000 inhabitants per municipality in 2010 (Brezovnik et al., 2014; Oplotnik and Finžgar, 2013). Table 2 shows the analysis of local revenues or local fi nancial resources mainly through the indicator of the share of local fi nances in total public fi nances and GDP, serving as the basis for the analysis of the share of decentralization in EU Member States. Table 2: Share of Local Finance in the Public Finance and GDP Share of Local Finance in Total Public Finance (%) Share of Local Finance in GDP (%) 1995 2007 2010 Change % 95-07 Change % 07-10 1995 2007 2010 Change % 95-07 Change % 07-10 Belgium BEL 34.9 37.9 38,5 3.0 0.6 16.6 18.2 18.8 1.6 0.6 Bulgaria BOL 22.4 16.1 19,8 -6.3 3.6 8.4 6.6 6.9 -1.8 0.3 Czech R. CZR 30.3 27.5 29,0 -2.8 1.5 12.2 11.1 11.4 -1.1 0.3 Denmark DEN 57.8 57.2 66,3 -0.6 9.1 32.6 31.8 36.8 -0.8 5.0 Germany GER 36.8 39.1 38,8 2.3 -0.4 16.7 17.1 16.9 0.4 -0.2 Estonia EST 24.8 24.7 25,2 0.0 0.5 10.5 9.0 10.3 -1.5 1.3 Ireland IRL 33.2 19.1 19,2 -14.1 0.1 12.9 7.0 6.8 -5.9 -0.2 Greece GRE 5.2 6.1 6,6 1.0 0.5 1.9 2.5 2.6 0.6 0.1 Spain SPA 37.6 46.5 49,0 8.8 2.6 14.0 19.1 17.8 5.1 -1.3 France FRA 18.8 21.0 23,2 2.2 2.2 9.2 10.5 11.5 1.3 1.0 Italy ITA 28.3 32.2 32,5 3.8 0.4 12.7 14.8 14.9 2.1 0.1 Cyprus CYP 3.7 4.2 5,4 0.5 1.1 1.2 1.9 2.2 0.7 0.3 Latvia LAT 19.7 29.2 31,3 9.5 2.1 7.3 10.4 11.3 3.1 0.9 Lithuania LIT 24.3 23.8 33,7 -0.5 9.9 8.0 8.0 11.4 0.0 3.4 Luxemburg LUX 13.5 11.8 11,8 -1.8 0.1 5.7 4.7 4.9 -1.0 0.2 Hungary HUN 28.2 25.7 25,9 -2.6 0.2 13.3 11.7 11.7 -1.6 0.0 Malta MAL 1.7 1.5 1,8 -0.2 0.3 0.6 0.6 0.7 0.0 0.1 Netherland NET 48.3 33.5 35,3 -14.8 1.8 22.8 15.2 16.3 -7.6 1.1 Austria AUS 34.1 31,5 31,6 -2.6 0.1 17.2 15.0 15.2 -2.2 0.2 Poland POL 23.1 33.0 36,3 9.9 3.3 10.0 13.3 13.6 3.3 0.3 Portugal POR 13.4 15.6 15,1 2.1 -0.4 4.9 6.4 6.3 1.5 -0.1 Romania ROM 13.1 26.9 28,5 13.8 1.6 4.2 9.5 9.7 5.3 0.2 Slovenia SLO 17.7 19.6 22,1 1.8 2.5 7.8 8.3 9.8 0.5 1.5 Slovakia SL 6.9 18.5 17,0 11.7 -1.5 3.1 6.0 5.5 2.9 -0.5 Finland FIN 36.1 35.3 41,7 -0.8 6.4 20.0 18.6 21.9 -1.4 3.3 Sweden SWE 42.2 43.9 48.0 1.7 4.2 24.3 23.9 25.3 -0.4 1.4 Great Britain GBR 28.9 30.2 34.2 1.2 4.1 11.0 12.4 13.8 1.4 1.4 Total EU 27 26.4 28.4 11.6 12.4 Source: Brezovnik et al. (2014); Oplotnik and Finžgar (2013) 43 For the implementation of tasks (determined by the Constitution, laws and reg- ulations) the state as well as the lower level requires adequate fi nancial resources. In the practice of countries, the sheer volume of fi nancial resources allocated for the purposes of carrying out the tasks varies considerably both in terms of scope and structure, which consequently means a considerable diversity of systems of fi scal de- centralization. The share of fi nancial resources of the total public revenues and with regard to GDP that were earmarked for fi nancing the implementation of tasks at low- er levels and the change in both indicators are shown in Table 2 and Figure 1. Table 2 shows that the share of local fi nances in public fi nances between 1995 and 2010 increased in 20 countries. Below you can see a comparison of the number of levels of local self-government and share of the local fi nances in the total public fi nances (Figure 1), where the vertical axis shows the shares of local fi nances in the total public fi nances, while the horizontal axis shows the number of lower levels by individual countries in the group of EU Member States. Figure 1: Local fi nance in public fi nance (%) and the number of lower levels for EU-27 Source: Brezovnik et al. (2014); Oplotnik and Finžgar (2013) The countries are divided into three groups, namely countries that are (according to the criteria of volume of local fi nances in public fi nances) heavily decentralized, which means that the central level allocates more than a third of revenues to the low- er levels of governance; these are followed by countries with a medium degree of de- centralization, where countries with the vertical axis indicator value ranging between 20% and 30% are placed, while the countries with the indicator value below 20% have been defi ned as those with low level of decentralization (as compared with the group 44 and the average of the analyzed countries). Most funds for local self-government are allocated in countries such as Denmark (66% of public fi nances or 37% of GDP), Spain (49% of public fi nances or 18% of GDP), and Sweden (48% of public fi nances or 25% of GDP). These are followed by countries such as Germany, Belgium, Poland, the Netherlands, etc. On the other hand, the least decentralized of all the countries, e.g. Malta, Cyprus and Greece allocated less than 10% of all public revenues to lower lev- els of governance. The group of countries with a low degree of decentralization also includes countries such as Bulgaria, Ireland, Slovakia and Portugal. The rest of the countries belong in the group with a medium degree of decentralization. In Figure 1, the upper right quadrant mostly contains countries with multiple levels of gover- nance; all these countries belong in the group of highly decentralized countries. How- ever, we cannot be completely sure that only the existence of three levels of govern- ment conditions high decentralization in terms of the share of public fi nances. Coun- tries such as Denmark, Sweden, Finland, the Netherlands and Austria have only two levels of government but nevertheless belong to highly decentralized countries. On the other hand, we can say that most countries (with the exception of Lithuania and Latvia), which have only one lower level of decentralization do not exceed the av- erage share of local fi nances in public fi nances (approx. 30%). Thus, the bott om left quadrant contains 5 to 9 countries that have only one lower level of governance and are classifi ed in the group of countries with a low degree of decentralization. A larger number of levels of lower degrees of governance in principle also implies a higher share of local fi nancial resources in the overall public fi nances, while conversely it cannot be confi rmed that a country with only one lower level of governance usual- ly also shows a low degree of decentralization (Brezovnik et al., 2014; Oplotnik and Finžgar, 2013). Since countries such as Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Slovenia devi- ate from this rule, as they have a lower level of government but are on the other hand classifi ed in the group of medium or highly decentralized countries. Interestingly, in countries with a high degree of (fi scal) decentralization such as Lithuania, United Kingdom, Germany, Italy, France, Denmark and Finland we can notice a trend of cen- tralization of public procurement (Šerpytis et al., 2011, p. 104). 3. Legal framework for the centralization of public procurement in the EU Despite the highly decentralized public procurement systems in EU Member States which refl ect the decentralization of administrative systems, especially after the recession, on the public procurement markets in the EU, there is a stronger ten- dency for aggregation of demand by contracting authorities to achieve economies of scale, including the lower prices and transaction costs as well as improvement and professionalization of the management of procurement procedures which have been particularly highlighted in the Directive 2014/24/EU by the European Parliament and the EU Council. Otherwise, the so-called centralization of public procurement can be achieved by aggregation of public contracts of the involved contracting authorities or by aggregation of contracts in terms of volume and value over the longer period. However, by the opinion of the European Parliament and the EU Council this type of 45 aggregation and centralization of public contracts should be carefully monitored to prevent excessive concentration of purchasing power and collusion, and to maintain transparency, competition and opportunities of market access for small and medi- um-sized enterprises. The increased use of centralized purchasing methods can be traced in the practice of the majority of EU Member States. The main purchasing authorities are responsible for the acquisition, management of dynamic purchasing systems or awarding public contracts/concluding framework agreements for other contracting authorities. Due to the large volume of public procurement these techniques may contribute to greater competition and should help professionalize public procurement. Central purchasing authorities may operate in two diff erent ways; in the fi rst case they should be able to act as wholesalers with purchasing, storing and reselling abilities, and in the second case they should be able to act as intermediaries rewarding public procurement, man- agement of dynamic purchasing systems or concluding framework agreements used by contracting authorities. In some cases such an intermediary role can be performed through independent execution of relevant procedures of submission, without de- tailed instructions of the said contracting authorities. However, in other cases, it is done with the execution of relevant procedures of public procurement in accordance with the instructions of the said contracting authorities, on their behalf and their own account. By this the European Parliament and EU Council warn that it is necessary to lay down rules on the allocation of responsibilities between central purchasing au- thority and contracting authorities procuring from the central purchasing authority or through it. If the central purchasing authority is solely responsible for the conduct of public procurement procedures, it should also be exclusively and directly respon- sible for the legitimacy of conducted public procurement procedures. Contracting au- thorities should be able to submit public contract services for the provision of central- ized purchasing activities to the central purchasing authority without the procedures laid down in Directive 2014/24/EU. Enhancing provisions concerning central purchasing authorities should in no way prevent the current practice of occasional joint public procurement, i.e. less institu- tionalized and systematic joint procurement or established practice of usage of ser- vice providers that prepare and conduct procurement procedures on behalf and for the account of the contracting authority and in accordance with its instructions. Con- versely, some of the characteristics of joint public procurement should be clarifi ed, since the latt er might play an important role in relation to innovative projects. Joint public procurement can take diff erent forms, ranging from coordinated pub- lic procurement by preparation of common technical specifi cations for works, goods or services that will be procured by several contracting authorities, each of which executes a separate procurement process, to situations where the said public procur- ers jointly carry out a procurement process with the participation or by authorizing a contracting authority for the conduct of the public procurement process on behalf of all contracting authorities (Directive 2014/24 / EU). 46 4. Centralization of public procurement at the local level Since there is often lack of expert knowledge, resources and abilities to perform effi cient procedures of public procurement, many countries developed various in- stitutions at higher level to pool the purchasing arrangements of groups of govern- ment offi ces, public bodies of various kinds or local authorities at the regional level. In certain cases, several local authorities have also decided to form consortia or joint ventures in order to purchase the most common services such as water, waste dispos- al and school meals and to make those procurement processes more effi cient. They may also decide to purchase directly from other municipality or regional authority, or from the private market since prices can often be negotiated and lowered. Such centralized procurement groups often do not have separate legal personality but join together ad hoc and use framework contracts under which the specifi cations of goods and services and prices are agreed for a certain period of time (also noted in OECD, 2000, p. 9). Such cooperation between the authorities, not only local communities but also other authorities and organizations of public administration are termed pub- lic-public partnerships. Despite the unequal defi nition the public-public partnerships can classifi ed according to the following: diff erent types of partners that are involved in the partnership; and the goals of the partnership (Brezovnik, 2008). According to the defi nition of the public-public partnership, which is most com- monly used in the EU, the public-public partnership refers to cooperation between two or more authorities or public legal entities governed by public law within the country (Lobin and Hale, 2006, p. 7). Thus it can be established horizontally on the same level of governance (e.g. between local communities, for example, inter-munic- ipal cooperation) or vertically between diff erent levels of governance (e.g. between the state and the local community). Public-public partnership is not limited to public authority (territorial) entities (state, regions, provinces, municipalities), but can also be established between public legal authority entities and other public legal entities (specialized public legal entities such as public companies, public funds, public insti- tutions, etc.) or only between other public legal entities (Škof and Bradaschia, 2010, pp. 329-342). Partnerships between two or more public legal authority entities within the coun- try are very common and normal. Two or more of public legal authority entities can cooperate with each other in public procurement. Such forms of public-public part- nerships can be traced in almost all EU Member States. The reasons for such cooper- ation are either in rationalizing the organization of the implementation of the public procurement or in achieving favorable conditions for the procurement of goods, ser- vices and works. At this point it should be noted that the Directive 2014/24/EU lays the foundation for the enhancement of the specifi ed form of horizontal and vertical cooperation in public procurement, in particular between local and regional author- ities. Comparatively, several forms of cooperation between regional and local authori- ties in the organization and implementation of public procurement can be traced in 47 the Member States. On the one hand, the main diff erences are based on the partners involved (horizontal cooperation, where partners operate on the same level, vertical cooperation, where they operate at diff erent levels, and joint cooperation where there is a combination of horizontal and vertical cooperation), on the other hand, there are also procedures for the exercise of cooperation that are considered, but have been implemented diff erently in countries and have become part of the institutional struc- ture. In the case of horizontal cooperation in the fi eld of public procurement it handles a form of cooperation (partnership) developed by the regional or local authorities, which operate on the same level and have the same powers (and usually with com- parable means) and include partners at the same level. The development of forms of horizontal cooperation is an alternative to the introduction of new levels of gov- ernment (Levrat, 1994, pp. 86-96). For this reason the diff erent levels, whose forms of cooperation are part of an institutional system, vary depending on the continuity of supply of public goods. However, extreme cases lead to the emergence of a new level of governance. Such (horizontal) partnerships are refl ected in the following: har- monization of policies of diff erent authorities without the establishment of a legal entity or the establishment of (independent), specialized legal entity (public law) (e.g. specialized agencies). At this point we have to distinguish between voluntary partic- ipation in the establishment of specialized entities (public law) and those required by law. Examples of specifi c forms of compulsory participation can be observed in the practice of the EU Member States: Spain (interest associations of municipalities); France (some urban communities); Greece (development partnerships that shall be established by ministerial decision); the Netherlands (since 1994, the law requires mandatory participation of local or regional authorities in joint projects, government municipalities may issue a mandatory participation instruction); in the Great Britain (the law requires such cooperation in any fi eld). The decision for voluntary participa- tion is usually taken by authorities which in particular seek to streamline their busi- ness operations (Vandamme, 2004). In the framework of the forms of horizontal cooperation in public procurement we have to particularly note the various forms of inter-municipal cooperation. These forms of horizontal co-operation which at the level of basic local government units perform their common task, have in the local government systems of European coun- tries been known for over a hundred years. For example, inter-municipal cooperation is dealt with in all laws, with which individual countries regulate local government on a fundamental level. Several countries, including in particular France, have for example arranged inter-municipal cooperation by special laws. The municipal asso- ciations in Germany and Austria have the constitutional position of a local self-gov- ernment institution. In this the law does not normally interfere with the functional competence subjec- tivity of local self-government on a fundamental level. The promotion of inter-munic- ipal cooperation has in the normative fi eld been performed in two ways. The fi rst as- 48 pect (used at the federal level in Austria and in Italy) is legal standardization of form- ing alliances for specifi c tasks. The second one (Belgium, Germany - Bavaria, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Finland) has gone in the direction of promoting voluntary asso- ciation of municipalities for specifi c tasks. A specifi c example is the French inter-mu- nicipal cooperation, which has grown on single-purpose associations (the fi rst law of 1890), which have with multi-purpose associations, districts and associations of mu- nicipalities (Fr. communautés de communes) outgrown all similar movements by type and number of interest institutional inter-municipal cooperation. Therefore, in 1998 France adopted a special law on inter-municipal cooperation, which establishes three types of institutions of this cooperation – municipality associations, associations of sett lements and urban associations, imposes requirements regarding the number of the population, closed areas and tasks that the association must ‘select’ to gain access to the funds earmarked by the state to promote the activities of local government. The French way of promoting inter-municipal cooperation is a unique and eff ective way to change the territorial organization of administration and, consequently, the public procurement system. Inter-municipal cooperation in all these countries is institutionalized and rep- resents an independent legal entity, which carries out the municipal aff airs. In terms of organization all forms have a representative body (usually on a parity basis and indirectly) and administrative system - the organization. It should be noted that in the case of institutions of inter-municipal cooperation, as defi ned in the laws of the EU Member States, it does not handle of the creation of government systems of new ‘major’ local communities, but for the same type of local self-government (Gotovac, 2003, pp. 74-76). However, in the case of vertical cooperation it is a form of cooperation operating at diff erent levels (EU, state and local communities). Vertical cooperation also includes partners which work on diff erent levels. The joint co-operation may include a num- ber of partners operating on the same level, and at least one partner that works on a diff erent level. In practice, this kind of cooperation is refl ected in the following: estab- lishment of a common entity (legal entities) (e.g. a central purchasing body) cooper- ation based on the transfer of funds, and contractual cooperation (Vandamme, 2004, pp. 139-140). The so-called contractual vertical cooperation is also referred to in the Directive 2014/24/EU, since Article 37 provides that Member States may determine that the public procurer may procure goods and/or services with a central purchasing body that provides centralized purchasing activities. Member States may also pro- vide that contracting authorities may procure works, goods and services on the basis of public contracts awarded by central purchasing authority on the basis of dynamic purchasing systems, managed by a central purchasing authority, or on the basis of a framework agreement concluded by a central purchasing authority that provides centralized purchasing activities. According to the specifi ed the Member States may provide that certain public procurement are carried out with the help of central pur- chasing authorities, or one or more specifi c central purchasing authorities. 49 6. Central purchasing authorities at the national and local level Public procurement activities represent one of the vital activities, thus the devel- opment of a sound and effi cient system is often high on a political priority list. EU Member states generally establish some kind of organizational structures to carry out tasks related to the public procurement. To make the public procurement system work at all levels, a set of functions needs to be performed at the central (or regional) level as legislation preparation, advising authorities/entities and economic operators on the application of legislation, provision of public procurement training, publica- tion of contract notices, etc. These important functions are in place in all Member States to support contracting entities as well as economic operators in their respective tasks so as to enable them to act effi ciently and in compliance with national legis- lation, principles of the EC Treaty, and good practices. The advisory functions are normally the responsibility of the central bodies, but some of these functions are also shared by a number of players within the public procurement community. As stated in one of OECD analysis (OECD, 2007, pp. 14-15), the advisory and operations sup- port functions, commonly associated with, are the following: organization of a help- desk function to provide legal and professional support to purchasers and economic operators on a daily basis; development of guidance systems and operational tools for managing all phases of the procurement process, interpretative communications, etc. According to the specifi ed practice in EU Member States it is important for cen- tralization of public procurement at the local level that public procurers (i.e., public administration bodies and organizations) in the Member States are provided with a suffi ciently wide range of possible organizational structures in the framework of the status and contractual (vertical and horizontal) public-public partnership allowing them a choice of selecting the most suitable and economically most eff ective orga- nizational structure for execution of public procurement. Certainly the inter-munic- ipal cooperation (both status e.g. by creating joint (inter-municipal) administrative authorities or establishment of specialized agencies, as well as contract (interest) co- operation) and the centralization of procurement at the level of each local commu- nity must be promoted at the local level, especially in highly administratively and functionally decentralized EU Member States, which have a larger number of public procurers. At this point we have to note that local authorities in EU Member States are co-founders of a large number of pseudo-state organizations (e.g. public compa- nies, public institutions, public funds, etc.), i.e. indirect budget users, for which they could conclude vertical (mostly contractual) public-public partnerships to implement the procedures of public procurement and thus achieve greater economic effi ciency of public spending. Works, supplies and services covered by framework agreements awarded by the central purchasing bodies should generally be of common interest to, and frequently purchased across, the public administration. The range of items normally covered by the central purchasing bodies operations includes the following supplies and services (works contracts are more rarely awarded by central purchas- 50 ing bodies): ICT products and services (computers, photocopiers, printers, servers, software); telecommunications (TCL) products (networks, mobile phones, landline phones, telephone exchanges); offi ce furniture; travel services; offi ce equipment and supplies; vehicle and transport services; fuel (for heating and transport) and electrici- ty; food (foodstuff s, meal tickets); organizational and human resources development services (SIGMA, 2011, p. 7). 7. Conclusion In practice of the EU Member States and elsewhere in the world we have mainly due to the crisis of the public sector witnessed a moving away of countries from de- centralized public procurement systems towards the new centralized system, which are mainly the result of institutional and contractual cooperation within the public sector in the framework of horizontal and vertical public-public partnerships. With regard to the above mentioned, the introduction of new forms of centralized public procurement involves the following two things: fi rstly, the institutional integration of organizations within the public sector, and secondly, the creation of appropriate or- ganizational structures within the administrative services of the state and local com- munities and outside of this framework, or even outside the public sector with the aim of eff ective implementation of public procurement. With the introduction and development of new (innovative) forms of centralization of public procurement the national, regional and local authorities are provided with suffi ciently wide range of organizational structures of implementation of public procurement, whose primary objective is to improve the quality of public procurement and thereby satisfy the re- quirements for quality and more aff ordable goods, services and works. However, with a wide range of organizational structures the national, regional and local authorities are actually allowed to independently, in the framework of their powers, decide on the most appropriate (organizational) structure for the implemen- tation of public procurement. The last reform of public procurement at EU level will defi nitely accelerate the trend of centralization of procurement at the local level, as it will be needed in the EU Member States, since with the reduced infl ow of public funds it will be necessary to design appropriate (economically) effi cient public procurement systems both at the supranational, national and local level. In this context we have to note that EU Mem- ber States should provide adequate structural solutions in their national legislation. It is necessary to set out the appropriately revised and updated national legislation and, of course, as far as possible, to achieve harmonization of regulations in the fi eld of public procurement, which is a prerequisite for an eff ective reorganization of pub- lic procurement systems. This reorganization is not only normative, but must also be eff ective. 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